Divided We Fall: The Confederacy's Collapse From Within - A State-by-State Account
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“Calvin Goddard Zon has made a substantial contribution to Civil War history by relating the discontent and outright resistance in some cases by Southerners who dissented with the South’s decision to secede from the Union in 1861.
Winston Groom, author of Forrest Gump, Vicksburg 1863, Shiloh 1862, Shrouds of Glory: From Atlanta to Nashville
“Not all opposition to the Civil War or its continuance came from the Northern Copperheads and other opposition to President Lincoln and his war policy. War weariness permeated the South too. In this refreshing and original book, the author tells this provocative story state by Confederate state. This effort makes for an excellent read.”
Frank J. Williams, author of Judging Lincoln, founding chair of The Lincoln Forum and president of the Ulysses S. Grant Association
“In Divided We Fall: The Confederacy’s Collapse from Within, the author demonstrates that active and passive resistance to Confederate authority by white Southerners was widespread, from disgruntled soldiers and dirt farmers upset that wealthy slaveholders got special treatment to opponents of slavery and loyal Unionists. Some opponents organized guerilla bands that fought Confederate forces and provided crucial intelligence to Union authorities. The book provides many insights into the many-faceted resistance to Confederate authority and the role it played in its ultimate collapse. It would be a welcome addition to any Civil War library.”
Richard N. Griffin, author of Three Years a Soldier
“In this work, Calvin Goddard Zon has done the Civil War community a great service in pointing out the Unionist dissidents in the Confederate states.”
William Connery, author of Civil War Northern Virginia 1861 and Mosby’s Raids in Civil War Northern Virginia
The Southern war for independence was ultimately lost on the battlefield, but the collapse of the home front was equally decisive. Northern opposition to the war, from the peacenik Copperheads to the New York draft riot, is a familiar story. Much less is known about the widespread Southern opposition to the Confederacy which, this book argues in a state-by-state account, led to its downfall.
Dissent took many forms: the initial rejection of secession by four Southern states, secret peace organizations, Unionist guerilla bands, urban spy networks, resistance to the draft, a rising tide of desertions, food riots, and the states’ rights dogma that undermined strategic military cooperation with the government in Richmond.
Anti-Confederate activity was scattered across a surprising number of towns, cities, and counties in the 11 states of the Confederacy. Opposition to secession was especially strong in the mountainous, mostly non-slaveholding sections of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Some 100,000 white Southerners enlisted in the Union army, and a state-by-state breakdown is included.
Policies enacted by the Confederate Congress which favored wealthy slaveholders aggravated class disparities, and contributed to a growing disenchantment and active obstruction of the Southern cause.
Each of the 11 states is examined, in order of their secession, and accounts are given of activities and organizations of Southern Unionists and their leaders, who ranged from high-society spies and a turncoat Confederate general to dirt-farmer guerrillas, propagandists, and politicians. The book includes 20 illustrations of these individuals, as well as official monuments, plaques, and grave markers erected to honor martyred Southern Unionists and Southern soldiers who served in the Union army.
Calvin Goddard Zon
Calvin Goddard Zon’s first book—The Good Fight That Didn’t End: Henry P. Goddard’s Accounts of Civil War and Peace—was published by the University of South Carolina Press in 2008. The critically acclaimed book is based on the writings of his great-grandfather, a captain in the 14th Connecticut Infantry. Zon is a Washington, D.C.-based historian and journalist, having been a staff writer for the Washington Star daily, Press Associates, Inc., and the United Mine Workers of America Journal. He has written for the Civil War News, the Civil War Times, People, The Progressive, National Catholic Reporter, and In These Times. He earned a B.A. from Davidson College, where he majored in American history, and an M.A. from the American University. He has taught high school American history. He is past commander of Lincoln-Cushing Camp No. 2 of the Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War, and a companion of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. He served for six years in the U.S. Army Reserve. He is a member of the Lincoln Forum and a board member of the Lincoln at the Crossroads Alliance. He has presented his first book at Civil War Roundtables from Connecticut to South Carolina. One of his Virginia ancestors served on the staff of Stonewall Jackson.
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Divided We Fall - Calvin Goddard Zon
Divided We Fall
The Confederacy’s Collapse
From Within
A State-by-State Account
Calvin Goddard Zon
Copyright ©2014 by Calvin Goddard Zon
All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book review.
Printed in the United States of America
First Printing, 2014
ISBN: 978-0-692-27644-0
ZonBlaydes Publishing
ZonBlaydes@aol.com
Cover illustration by Roy Comiskey
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Special thanks and gratitude to my wife Laurel, without whose technical expertise and encouragement this project would have been impossible.
Special thanks to William Connery for his eagle-eyed proofreading.
Special thanks to Richard Griffin for his suggestions regarding the manuscript.
Special thanks to Jack Berkley for his suggestions regarding the manuscript’s introduction.
Special thanks to Ken Childs for sparking interest among Lincoln Forum authors.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
by state in order of secession
Introduction
South Carolina
Mississippi
Florida
Alabama
Georgia
Louisiana
Texas
Virginia
Arkansas
North Carolina
Tennessee
Postscript
About the Author
Bibliography
INTRODUCTION
Following the disastrous Union defeat at Fredericksburg in December 1862, 2nd Lt. Henry Perkins Goddard of the 14th Connecticut Infantry, my great-grandfather, wrote to his older brother, I have little hope that the South will ever be conquered. The reason is that they are united, and are fighting on their own soil. We are divided: half the army hates the Negro, the other half believes in abolition. Too many in the North are wearying of the war.
(The Good Fight That Didn’t End: Henry P. Goddard’s Accounts of Civil War and Peace, Calvin Goddard Zon, Editor, University of South Carolina Press, 2008).
Goddard was right about division and war weariness among Northerners, but he was dead wrong about a united South. The story of antiwar Northern Copperheads, the New York draft riot, and peace candidate George McClellan’s challenge to President Lincoln is well known. Contrary to popular lore, active and organized opposition to the war was considerably stronger in the South than in the North.
Opposition to secession was especially strong in the mountainous, mostly non-slaveholding sections of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Among the six states of the Lower South that were first to secede, only Texas and Louisiana put the question to voter referendum.
In the other four states, voters selected secession convention delegates mostly hand-picked by the slaveholding planter class, and to assure the outcome, threats and violence against Unionists were widespread. Voters in Arkansas and in the Upper South states of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee opposed secession prior to the Battle of Fort Sumter and Lincoln’s call for troops to put down the rebellion.
Early in the war, Southern Unionists formed secret peace societies, spy networks, and guerilla bands that resisted Confederate conscription, aided deserters and fugitive slaves, scouted for invading federal troops, and battled Confederate militia. Unionist bands of white Southerners controlled large areas of the Southern countryside by 1864, and Unionists in several states defeated pro-Confederates in local elections.
As the war began, only a small minority of Southern anti-secessionists were outright abolitionists; the same might be said of opinion in the North, where early abolitionists were disdained as radicals.
Lacking sufficient voluntary enlistments, the Confederate Congress in April 1862, a year before the federal draft, enacted a draft law which exempted men of wealth who hired a substitute or paid a fee, and also those who owned 20 or more slaves. This caused much resentment among the three-fourths of Southerners who didn’t own slaves and gave rise to the complaint, Rich man’s war, poor man’s fight.
(The same complaint was common in the North, where the 1863 draft law exempted those able to pay $300 or to hire a substitute.)
This class resentment was compounded by planters who devoted most of their land to the lucrative cash crops of cotton and tobacco while soldiers and their families grew increasingly hungry. In 1863, food riots in which gangs of women ransacked stores and warehouses occurred in several Southern cities, including the Confederate capital of Richmond. Hunger at home and in the army contributed to a desertion rate that hampered the war effort.
General Robert E. Lee said in the fall of 1862 that desertion and straggling were important reasons for his army’s failure to win victory at Antietam. In 1864, Confederate President Jefferson Davis admitted that one third of Confederate soldiers were absent, most of them without leave. Defeat at Gettysburg and Vicksburg in early July 1863 turned the stream of desertion into a torrent.
Plagued by desertion and draft evasion, the Confederacy had only one quarter as many soldiers in the field by the end of 1864 as did the Union.
Not only did the four million slaves identify with the Union cause, but large numbers of white Southerners came to believe that they had more to lose from a continuation of the war than from a Northern victory,
wrote historian Eric Foner in Civil War and Reconstruction.
Indeed, scholars today consider the erosion of the will to fight as important a cause of Confederate defeat as the South’s inferiority in manpower and industrial resources. Even as it waged a desperate struggle for independence, the Confederacy was increasingly divided against itself,
said Foner.
States rights, the basis on which the Confederacy was created in order to defend the institution of slavery, ironically became a major cause of its defeat. The Davis administration was sharply criticized by Southern state officials for trampling on states’ rights with the conscription law, suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and impressment of crops and livestock.
Some governors held back troops from the war effort, keeping them at home in defense of their own turf. A principal states’ rights critic of President Davis was actually the vice president of the Confederacy, Alexander Stephens of Georgia, who spent more than two years of the war back in his home state, absent from Richmond.
The book includes state-by-state accounts of the activities and organizations of Southern Unionists and their leaders, who ranged from high-society spies and a turncoat Confederate general to dirt-farmer guerillas, propagandists, and politicians. Anti-Confederate activity was scattered across a surprising number of towns, cities, and counties in the 11 states of the Confederacy.
In Texas, Tennessee, North Carolina, Alabama, and Georgia—official monuments, plaques, and grave markers