A Dangerous Delusion: Why the West is Wrong About Nuclear Iran
By Peter Oborne and David Morrison
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The definitive case against military action in Iran, passionately argued and meticulously researched
In 2013 it is possible that Israel, backed by the United States, will launch an attack on Iran. This would be a catastrophic event, risking war, bloodshed, and global economic collapse. In this passionate but rationally argued essay, the authors attempt to avert a potential global catastrophe by showing that the grounds for war do not exist, that there are no Iranian nuclear weapons, and that Iran would happily come to a table and strike a deal. They argue that the military threats aimed by the West against Iran contravene international law, and argue that Iran is a civilized country and legitimate power across the Middle East. For years Peter Oborne and David Morrison have, in their respective fields, examined the actions of our political classes and found them wanting. Now they have joined forces to make a powerful case against military action. In the wake of the Iraq war, will the politicians listen?
Peter Oborne
Peter Oborne is an award-winning writer, journalist and broadcaster who has worked for various newspapers, including the Spectator, the Daily Mail and the Daily Telegraph, where he was the chief political commentator until his resignation from the paper in 2015. He now writes for Middle East Eye. He is the author of numerous books, including The Rise of Political Lying (2005), Wounded Tiger (2014) and the Sunday Times bestseller The Assault on Truth (2021). He lives in Wiltshire.
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A Dangerous Delusion - Peter Oborne
A Dangerous Delusion
A Dangerous Delusion
WHY THE WEST IS WRONG ABOUT NUCLEAR IRAN
Peter Oborne & David Morrison
First published 2013 by Elliott and Thompson Limited
27 John Street, London WC1N 2BX
www.eandtbooks.com
ISBN: 978-1-908739-89-6
Text © Peter Oborne and David Morrison 2013
The Authors have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this Work.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the prior written permission of the publisher. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
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A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Printed and bound in the UK by CPI Mackays
Typeset by Marie Doherty
Every effort has been made to trace copyright holders for extracts used within this book. Where this has not been possible the publisher will be happy to credit them in future editions.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We have incurred many debts while writing this book. We have drawn heavily on Shashank Joshi’s superbly researched volume The Permanent Crisis: Iran’s Nuclear Trajectory, published in 2012. We are also indebted to Flynt and Hillary Mann Leverett’s hugely important and indeed masterly book Going to Tehran: Why the United States Must Come to Terms With the Islamic Republic of Iran, published just as we went to press. We have inserted a number of their insights and stolen the JF Kennedy quotation about noxious myths from their pages. David Patrikarakos’ very timely Nuclear Iran: The Birth of an Atomic State, also from 2012, has proved invaluable.
We would also like to thank a number of experts who have read these pages in advance and helped us form our judgments. Conflicts Forum in Beirut have been generous with their time, and we would like to thank Aisling Byrne and Alastair Crooke for reading the MS and making comments. We would also like to thank David Blair of The Daily Telegraph, Peter Jenkins, Ben Wallace MP and Shashank Joshi of RUSI, who have performed the same service. Our readers have vigorously disagreed with some of our judgments, but they have helped make this a much better book and saved us from error. All remaining errors are our own. We also thank Nicola Dawson for cheerful and efficient administrative assistance.
Authors’ note
One point of terminology: we wish we could have found a better collective term to describe Iran’s opponents than ‘the west’. The current so-called ‘P5 plus 1’ negotiating team actually contains China, Russia, Germany, France, Britain, the EU’s High Representative and the United States. But the alternative term ‘international community’ would be completely misleading, since the 120-nation Non-Aligned Movement takes a different view of the Iranian nuclear question from that of the US and its allies. It is also fair to state that nuclear policy towards Iran has been driven most of all by the United States and a handful of client states, of whom Britain and France are probably the most important.
‘For the great enemy of the truth is very often not the lie – deliberate, contrived, and dishonest – but the myth – persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic. Too often we hold fast to the clichés of our forebears. We subject all facts to a prefabricated set of interpretations. We enjoy the comfort of opinion without the discomfort of thought.’
President John F Kennedy, Yale University
Commencement Address, 11 June 1962
CHAPTER ONE
THE OFFER THE WEST TURNED DOWN
It was the early spring of 2005 and a team of British, French and German diplomats were arriving at the magnificent French foreign ministry at the Quai d’Orsay on the left bank of the Seine.
But the splendour of the Second Empire building did not match their mood. The negotiating team, which included high-flying John Sawers (now head of the British Secret Intelligence Service), had been fruitlessly searching for a solution to the Iranian nuclear stand-off for more than a year.
There seemed no solution. The European negotiators, under massive pressure from the United States, were adamant that Iran must give up its uranium-enrichment programme.
For the Iranians these demands seemed an intolerable humiliation for a sovereign state, and a classic manifestation of the western imperialism that had humiliated their ancient country for centuries.
The meeting had been under way for approximately 20 minutes, with no progress, when suddenly the face of the leader of the Iranian negotiating team, Javad Zarif, was wreathed in smiles.
‘We have a proposal to show you,’ he said. ‘It is an entirely unofficial idea. It has not been discussed or approved by our masters in Tehran. But perhaps it might be something we can talk about.’
After these preliminary words, the Iranians delivered a PowerPoint presentation which amazed the European negotiating team. It was the basis of a deal and one, moreover, that offered genuine benefits for both sides, though both sides would have to make compromises as well.
Briefly, in the gilded nineteenth-century Parisian salon, a resolution of the nuclear stand-off between Iran and the west felt entirely possible.
The Iranians explained that they were not prepared to abandon their plans to develop centrifuge enrichment technology on Iranian soil. But in return for carrying on with their enrichment programme they proposed unprecedented measures to provide guarantees that they would never divert peaceful nuclear technology for military use.
They offered a solemn pledge that Iran would remain bound by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) – which obliges member states to subject their nuclear facilities to external inspection – for as long as it existed.
They said that Iran’s religious leaders would repudiate nuclear weapons.
They put on the negotiating table a series of voluntary restrictions on the size and output of the enrichment programme.
And they offered inspectors from the International Atomic