Gods, Heroes and their Story Tellers: Intangible cultural heritage of South India

book.

Urumulavaru - Drummer bards

of Sri Akkammagaru

Urumula Naganna narrating Sri Akkammagaru Kaviya at

Sri Akkammagaru Gudikattu in Bodiganidoddi village

Location of Anantapur district in undivided Andhra Pradesh (prior to bifurcation in 2014). (Courtesy: www.wikipedia.com)

Anantapur district map. (Courtesy: www.mapsofindia.com)

The tradition of Urumulavaru in Anantapur district, Andhra Pradesh was known to National Folklore Support Centre (NFSC) through the extensive fieldwork done by Prof. Peter J Claus, Professor Emeritus, Department of Anthropology and Asian Studies, California State University, US; on Karna Golla community in the district. In 1996, Peter Claus was conducting fieldwork among the Golla communities in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. He was interested in the Karna Golla community of Andhra Pradesh (in Anantapur district) and Kadu Golla community of Karnataka (in Bellary district). It was during this time that he came across the oral epics narrated by a group of tradition bearers known as Urumulavaru. This discovery brought on Urumula Naganna and Prof. R.Sesha Sastry, Department of Telugu, Sri Krishnadevaraya University, Anantapur, Andhra Pradesh; in to Peter Claus’s research.

Eventually, Peter Claus wanted to document and study the oral narratives rendered by the Urumulavaru. Urumulavaru have the hereditary right to narrate folk ballads at Gudikattu belonging to various clans of Karna Golla community. In 1996, Urumula Naganna, under the guidance of Sesha Sastry, had collected a number of oral narratives from other Urumulavaru tradition bearers in the district along with his own repertoire of narratives. This was an audio documentation done to transcribe it to text form. In 2004, Peter Claus wanted to expand the study of Urumulavaru tradition and suggested Sesha Sastry to seek NFSC’s help who were conducting a pan-Indian study of ‘Epic Length Oral Narratives’.

I heard about Urumulavaru tradition in August 2004 when Sesha Sastry visited NFSC, Chennai for a discussion before initiating the project. During this interaction, Sesha Sastry gave us a little insight on the tradition of Urumulavaru and about Urumula Naganna, the main focus of our study in this tradition. We also had the opportunity to hear some documented audio recordings by Sesha Sastry on behalf of Peter Claus. By the end of this interaction we decided to document this tradition using Hungarian folklorist Linda Degh’s ‘Performer Centered Approach’. The documentation would include Urumula Naganna’s version of Sri Akkammagaru Kaviya (Epic) narration as the main focal point. We made a tentative fieldwork schedule which was initially to:

• Document Urumula Naganna’s Sri Akkammagaru Kaviya narration at his hereditary Gudikattu every Somavaram (Monday)

• Document historical and geographical spread of Sri Akkammagaru Kaviya of the particular Gudikattu.

Due to budget constraints we could not extend our documentation to other Urumulavaru tradition bearers in Anantapur district and as the project progressed we expanded the scope of the research.

During our interaction with Sesha Sastry, I found him to be a light hearted, jovial person with an addiction to chewing betel leaf and areca nut.

Between October 2004 and January 2005, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork thrice in Anantapur district. During the fieldwork Venkata Ramana assisted us with the local dialect. He was a research assistant and a PhD scholar under Sesha Sastry.

This was my first fieldwork in the professional sense of term. On October 15 2004, I boarded the bus to Anantapur town from Koyembedu, Chennai at the Metropolitan Bus Terminus at evening.

The bus I boarded belonged to the Andhra Pradesh State Transport Corporation (APSTC) which was new and had the comfort of cushioned-push back seat with ample leg space, a rarity among the anytime-would-fall-apart APSTC buses which ply between Tirupati and other parts of Southern Andhra Pradesh from Chennai. As the crowd began to board I noticed two groups of Bhaktas, one group was heading to Puttaparty, home of Satya Sai Baba (not to be confused with Sri Sai Baba of Shiradi in Maharashtra, the reincarnation of Sri Dattatreya) and the other group was the newly converted and trained missionaries returning home from Jesus Calls, a missionary organization in Chennai.

The bus moved slowly out of the Koymbedu bus terminus and crawled through the chaotic traffic of Chennai’s periphery area filled with numerous trucks. It slowly picked up speed when it touched the National Highway 4 (NH 4). Later the bus traversed on NH 205 passing through Chittoor, Madanapalle and Kadri with brief stops for refreshment at bus terminuses. After traveling

413 kms from Chennai the bus reached Anantapur Town bus stand at 4.00 am sharp.

History of Anantapur district

Anantapur town is located at south western corner of the state of Andhra Pradesh in South India. This town is the headquarters for Anantapur district with Kurnool, Cuddapah and Chittoor districts of Andhra Pradesh bordering the Northern and Western parts; Bellary, Chitradurga and Tumkur districts of Karnataka state in the Eastern and Southern parts of the district.

Anantapur district is part of the Rayalaseema cultural geography of Andhra Pradesh. Megalithic dolmens and Paleolithic settlements dot the small hills in the district. Earliest inscriptions found in the district are by local chieftains who were a branch of the Pallava dynasty (550-912 CE) later inscriptions suggest that this region was the original home of Kalyani Chalukyas (Eastern Chalukyas) (973-1200 CE).

The present cultural geography of Anantapur district was established during the Vijayanagara Empire, which had its capital in present-day Hampi, 165 km west from Anantapur town. Anantapur town was established in 1364 CE by Chikkappa Udaiyar, Minister for the King of Vijayanagara, naming it after his wife Ananta. After the Battle of Talikota in 1565 CE and the eventual defeat of Vijayanagara kingdom by the combined onslaught of the Deccan Sultans, the last king of Vijayanagara Empire, Sadasiva with a small retinue and huge treasure fled to the hill fortress in Penukonda in Anantapur district. This place, for some years, became the home for the last scions of Vijayanagara Empire.

After the fall of Vijayanagara kingdom vast regions of South India, which was under their administration came to be ruled by regional Poligars. The Hande family of Hanumappa Nayudu received a land grant from the Vijayanagara rulers in 16th century. They held sway in Anantapur district until the conquest of the Maratha king Morari Rao in 1757 CE only to be bought back after paying a ransom of ` 50, 000. The region came under successive Muslim rulers after the conquest of Haider Ali in 1775 CE. In 1800s, it became a part of the ceded districts handed over by the Nizam to the British East India Company. During the Vijayanagara period, the present-day Anantapur district and neigbouring Kurnool district were famed for numerous diamond mines. Among them Vajra Karur mine located a distance from Gooty fort in Anantapur district was known for diamonds as big as a hen’s egg.

Penukonda, which is about 70 kms from Anantapur town was the summer capital of Vijaynagara King Krishnadeva Raya (1509 CE-1529 CE). It had one of the finest summer deciduous forests in Deccan region. Fruits like pomegranate and Sitaphal (Annona squamosa, Sugar Apple in English) in this district were much sought after in the Mughal courts of Delhi. Despite scant rainfall in Anantapur district farmers here had good knowledge of traditional water management systems which comprised of small and large inter-linked water catchment bodies. At present rice and groundnuts have become the main crops cultivated in the district due to flawed agrarian policies of the Government of India. In the past farmers here had cultivated drought resistant crops using their traditional cropping pattern which retained soil fertility. According to these reports Teak and Yepi (Hardwikia Binata) tree were abundant in the district. These were exported from Anantapur district for laying the railway track between Gudur in Andhra Pradesh and Chennai in Tamil Nadu.

Today the scene has changed. Anantapur district is second only to Jaisalmer district of Rajasthan in drought and desertification. The Imperial Gazetteer of India 1908-31 notes that ‘average rainfall for the whole district for thirty four years from 1870 to 1903 was 23 inches, one of the lowest in the Presidency (Madras Presidency).’ This document also mentions that the district is one of the barest regions in South India with least natural vegetation. Anantapur district has been famine prone. There are records of famine in this region from 1702-3, 1803, 1824, 1832-33, 1838 and 1854. The Great South Indian Famine of

1876-78 caused due to commodification of grain by colonialists, especially rice and wheat along with forced cultivation of cotton and indigo in the Deccan region. The famine covered 6, 70,000 sq kms of South and Central regions of India, affecting a population of 58,500,000 and took away the lives of an estimated 5.5 million people. Adding more injury to the wounded nation Robert Bulmer Lytton, the Viceroy of India between 1876-80, exported 6.4. million tons of wheat to England.

After the Great South Indian Famine of 1876-78 it took 25 years for the district to recover its lost population during this famine only to be affected again. The Indian Famine of 1896-97 which originated in Central India spread through South India. This time again Anantapur was severely affected. Again the unthinkable was carried out by the colonial administration, they exported 34,371 and 414 tons of food grains mainly rice from ports in Ganjam and Vizagapatam in Andhra Pradesh, respectively. These exported grains were sourced from the most famine affected districts.

On reaching Anantapur town bus stand I headed to Hotel Amaravati which was located near the bus stand. At 4.oo am I had to bang the door of this hotel only to be confronted by a half asleep night manager cursing me in low voice. Rubbing his eyes he went across the reception, took out a long fat ledger-type guest book and asked me to fill it and enquired if I wanted a single or double room. I was happy with a single room and wondered what made him ask me if I wanted a double room as I was the only person there. The night manager shouted at the bell boy, who was tucked under a blanket, to wake up and take me to my room on the 2nd floor. For a hotel near the bus stand in a small town in India the room, mattress and toilet were clean.

I hit the bed as soon as I reached the room only to be woken up by the door bell at 8.00 am. Opening the door I was questioned "Hari Sar?" (It is a pan-Indian custom to add ‘Sir’ to everyone wearing western attire and coming from an urban background) by a short-statured man in his early 50s wearing white dothi and shirt with a brightly coloured bath towel over his left shoulder. This was Urumula Naganna, whom I was meeting for the first time and would be in contact for years to come. I replied in Telugu "Avnu"’ (Yes), Nuvu Naganna"’ (Are you Naganna?). My mother tongue is Tamil, but my capability to understand and converse a little in Telugu came from my interaction with my neighbours in Chennai during my school and college days. With a smile of satisfaction which said that he had met the correct person, he entered my room at my gesture.

I called the room boy to offer him coffee or tea, to which Urumula Naganna quietly declined. Urumula Naganna enquired about my journey to Anantapur and asked me if I was ready to meet Sesha Sastry at his home. Requesting Urumula Naganna to wait for a couple of minutes I took a quick shower. All this conversation was in Telugu and English; Urumula Naganna made his enquires and gave his replies in Telugu whereas I was doing the same in English. Later I came to know from Sesha Sastry that Urumula Naganna had a good understanding of the English language through his interactions with Peter Claus.

After getting ready for the day Urumula Naganna and I headed to Prof. Sesha Sastry’s house at the other end of the town. Urumula Naganna suggested that we have breakfast at the restaurant in the basement of the hotel where I was staying. I asked Urumula Naganna to order for me too and he ordered Pongal and Vada for both of us.

Pongal is a rice based delicacy which is of two varieties one sweet and the other spicy, both versions of Pongal are prepared with mixing a little Mung Dal (Vigna radiata), known as Pesarlu in Telugu; both types of Pongal are prepared with copious amounts of Ghee poured on them. It is a common breakfast delicacy in Tamil Nadu and Rayalaseema region of Andhra Pradesh. I have had a variety of spicy type of Pongal across India, even in Guwahati, Assam in north eastern India. Each of them vary in flavour, but all of them have a generous addition of Ghee. For the first time, it was here in Anantapur town that I came across a porridge-type of Pongal filled with sliced green chilies. I am generally used to Pongal with copious amounts of black pepper. However, here it was replaced with hot green chilies of Andhra Pradesh. The traditional cuisine of Andhra Pradesh is the hottest among all regional cuisines in India, in terms of using red chilli powder and green chillies. I had to patiently take away the minutely sliced green chilli flakes to eat my pongal. I finished my portion of breakfast with a fired up tongue and profuse sweating. I realized that this was the longest time I had taken to consume a meal, 45 minutes.

Urumula Naganna felt guilty for the fiery Pongal and kept saying "Sorry Sar" a couple of times. It is the lumpen colonial legacy to ‘Sir’ every individual in India who could be either a stranger or a familiar person. I personally refrain from calling anyone ‘Sir’ except for senior citizens and for a few who deserve the title. Here though Urumula Naganna is much older to me, he calling me ‘Sir’ was embarrassing and I felt ashamed that a tradition bearer like him used this honorific term to a younger person from the shameless Indian middle class just because I have passed through an English medium school and college. After a couple of ‘Sorry Sar’ I felt embarrassed and informed him not to be guilty about the food which was not prepared by him and moreover this was the regional cuisine for which he should be proud of.

We got an auto-rickshaw and headed to Sesha Sastry’s house. The auto-rickshaw we hired belonged to Moinudeen, who lived near Urumula Naganna’s home. When Urumula Naganna introduced me to Moinudeen and explained the purpose of my visit he was excited and eagerly conversed with me in Hindi with a heavy Urdu accent laced with Telugu words. Moinudeen told me that though Urumula Naganna is from a different religious background, he still called him Mama or Uncle as Urumula Naganna was a moral support for him.

On reaching Sesha Sastry’s home we were welcomed by his elderly and lively mother-in-law followed by Sesha Sastry himself. After so many days of telephone conversations you have finally come to Anantapur. said Sesha Sastry while he gestured us to sit down. As I sat on the chair in his study Urumula Naganna quietly sat on the floor. Seeing this I quickly got up from the chair and was about to sit down, Urumula Naganna briskly got up, held my arms and urged me to sit on the chair, which I could not refuse. As I sat on the chair Sesha Sastry said, This is Naganna, Hari.

Sesha Sastry said that it was due to the Jati identity (i.e.) Urumula Naganna was a Mala and Sesha Sastry was a Brahmin that Urumula Naganna sat on the floor. Moreover, Urumula Naganna preferred to sit on the floor. Urumula Naganna jovially added that sitting on the floor was more comfortable than sitting on the chair, though both were flat, hard surfaces. Despite all these explanations, I could not fail to notice the body language of both Urumula Naganna and Sesha Sastry, the former was submissive and timid and the latter was authoritative; this was a subconscious outcome of two Jati conscious minds.

In India, the chair carries the symbolism of authority and superiority. A cultural insider like me would immediately understand when a person is asked to sit and he takes the choice of a chair or floor. Jati distinctions become known by the simple act of seating at home or in public. Harboring the prejudice incorporated by the plastic chair in this room on which I was forced to be seated I got down to work.

I passed on the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) drafted by NFSC for this project to Sesha Sastry for his signature. To my surprise he did not care about this document and quietly put it in his drawer which contained a disorganized pile of loose sheets, saying, I am not a folklorist. I am taking up this project due to the suggestion of Peter Claus, and only for the reason that the Urumulavaru tradition has to be documented and there would be a long term benefit for Naganna. I shall read the MoU later, sign it and send it by courier to NFSC.

Just then a lean, tall young man entered the study. He was welcomed by both Urumula Naganna and Sesha Sastry. After the three of them exchanged pleasantries in Telugu Sesha Sastry said, Hari, this is Venkata Ramana. He would be my research assistant for this project and he will help you in translation during your fieldwork.

Applying lime on a couple of betel leaves, placing a few finely sliced areca nuts and neatly folding the betel leaves Sesha Sastry put them in his mouth. With an expression of satisfaction and relishing the taste, Sesha Sastry began to sweat profusely. Seeing him sweat suddenly I panicked as I thought that he was having a cardiac arrest. Seeing my agitated face, Sesha Sastry understood my thoughts. He said, Hari, this is the effect of the betel leaf and areca nut added with copious amount lime in them. It is an addictive habit of mine. I do not drink or smoke. This is my only addiction. I realized that the reason for his addiction, like many Indian men and women, was the slightly acerbic and sweet taste when one chews betel leaves with areca nut and lime. All I could feel is a jealousy towards him for he did not have a smoking habit like mine, which I have been trying to quit for years now. Across India chewing betel leaf applied with a little lime, added with a little areca nut is consumed after a heavy meal as this is supposed to aid digestion.

Relishing his betel leaves with areca nuts, Sesha Sastry explained about his foray into Urumulavaru tradition. The research interest in Urumulavaru tradition began in 1996 when Peter Claus was conducting fieldwork for his study of ethno-history of Golla communities in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. While doing his fieldwork in Anantapur district among the Karna Golla community, Peter Claus collected oral narratives pertaining to the community. Having collected the material, he wanted to cross-check them with the oral narratives rendered by Urumulavaru. It was during this time he began to work with Urumula Naganna.

During his interaction with Urumula Naganna he realized that each of the narratives of ancestral heroes and clan deities of Karna Golla community were connected to a Sri Akkammagaru Gudikattu. Details such as how the Goddess came to the particular place and how the particular clan within Karna Golla community began to attach themselves to the Gudikattu. Realizing the connection between oral narratives of ancestral heroes of Karna Golla community and Sri Akkammagaru Gudikattu, Urumula Naganna was roped into the research project. With Sesha Shastry’s guidance Urumula Naganna began to record the oral narratives of Sri Akkammagaru and transcribing them into a text format. It was some time during 2003 that Peter Claus suggested to Prof. Sesha Sastry to seek funding from NFSC to compile Urumula Naganna’s repertoire of oral narratives into a book in Telugu, thereby paving scope for regional scholars to engage in further study of Urumulavaru tradition.

More than the academic interest of Peter Claus, for Sesha Sastry and Urumula Naganna it was their enthusiasm to preserve oral narratives of Urumulavaru tradition. Sesha Sastry informed me that Urumulavaru tradition is prevalent only in Anantapur district and not even a faint resemblance of the tradition is found in neighbouring districts of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. He asked me to address Naganna, as ‘Urumula’ Naganna. All Urumulavaru tradition bearers carry this honorific title Urumula.

My question to Sesha Sastry was, why document only Urumula Naganna when there were other Urumulavaru tradition bearers in the district. It was Naganna’s enthusiasm to pass on Urumulavaru tradition to the next generation said Sesha Sastry. He said, "I shall tell you an incident which happened during a fieldwork. Peter Claus, Naganna and I hired a car and were heading to a Akkammagaru Gudikattu in the district. There was a sudden road block created by agitating farmers seeking drought relief from State and Central governments. The driver, Peter Claus and I panicked at the sight of the agitating crowd who could turn violent anytime. Naganna remained calm and asked us to stay inside the car while he alighted with his Urumu and walked up to the crowd."

Sesha Sastry continued, "The crowd comprised of upper caste Kapu community of farmers. In a loud voice he commanded ‘I am Urumulavaru. See the two gentlemen in that car. They are with me. They are here to study about Akkammagaru Kaviya and Urumulavaru tradition in this district. Is this the hospitality you people show to guests who visit our region?’ Immediately the crowd fell silent. Naganna played the Paraku (Invocation song to Sri Akkammagaru) for the Goddess to bless the farmers so that their requests to the administration get positive results. When he finished playing the Paraku Naganna took leave of the crowd and returned to the car. Some elders from the agitating crowd followed Naganna to the car, came to my side of the car and apologized. They informed us that their agitation was towards the government and not against people who come to their region to study their cultural heritage. As we settled back into the car, I asked Naganna if he knew anybody in the crowd when he boldly confronted them, much to my surprise he said, No Sar I was surprised. Naganna said, This is the respect people of this region have towards Urumulavaru.

I enquired Sesha Sastry about his interest in Urumulavaru tradition. For

which he replied, "I am not a folklorist or even an anthropologist. I am a historian. My interest as a historian is on inscriptions in numerous hero stones Viragallu, found in Karnataka, in Tamil Nadu this is known as Nadukal. And, I am not a native of Andhra Pradesh. My native is Karnataka. Saying this he turned around flipped some loose sheets on his table and took out a book and gave it to me. While I was going through the book he said, This is my PhD thesis on hero stones in Karnataka titled ‘Karnatakada Viragallu’. This voluminous book was written in Kannada. Despite having a similar interest in hero stones in Tamil Nadu I was not able to go through Sesha Sastry’s work as it was in Kannada language.

We continued our discussion till evening after our lunch at Sesha Sastry’s home. Urumula Naganna did not have lunch with us in Sesha Sastry’s home. When I asked Urumula Naganna about why he was skipping lunch he said, According to our tradition we have to be offered the first serving of food prepared at our homes and the homes we visit. Hence, I cannot have lunch here. Do not mistake me, I have to follow my tradition and please continue with your lunch. Since Urumula Naganna had breakfast with me earlier in the day I suspected the jati purity underplay here too.

Although Sesha Sastry, a Brahmin did not agree with jati-based segregation Urumula Naganna kept a distance. Later, while returning to the hotel room I asked Urumula Naganna why he did not have lunch in Sesha Sastry’s home when he had breakfast with me in the hotel. Urumula Naganna smiled and did not answer. This caste-based illusion among Indians is misplaced with symbolic undercurrent, despite jati-based concern of purity arising from segregation related to traditional and hereditary occupation. However, this misplaced hierarchy does not hold ground in front of Gods and Goddesses in Sanatana Dharma.

Later in the evening I bid good bye to Sesha Sastry and Venkata Ramana, and informed the latter about our tentative schedule for our fieldwork during the next couple of days. Urumula Naganna and I returned to the hotel where he took leave and headed back to his home.

In the room my thoughts were with Urumula Naganna. Though it was only that day I had met him for the first time, he had a profound impact on me.

Next day, Urumula Naganna came to my room and he took me to his home. I spent the whole day in his home interviewing him with the help of Venkata Ramana as the translator. When Urumula Naganna began to tell his story of becoming a Urumulavaru it was an emotional moment for me. Similar life stories of despair and poverty was echoed among many tradition bearers across India with varying ups and downs in their life.

The Urumu drum used by Urumula Naganna in his puja room

‘We Urumulavaru’ - Urumula Naganna’s

I was born in 1953, in a Urumulavaru family. My father was a well known Urumulavaru in the district who was a mentor to other Urumulavaru. When I was 10- years-old my father died. My father was the sole bread winner for the family and after his death our family went through severe hardships. There were days when my mother used to sleep without a single meal as she fed me and my siblings with a handful of grains she borrowed from neighbours. Sometimes, even this was insufficient. Those days hunger was our dear friend who refused to leave us. Gradually, I had to drop out of school and become the sole earning member of my family.

"I tried to get jobs as an agricultural labourer, but I was too young to be given a regular job and could only do small agriculture-related jobs like scaring away birds and tending the cattle and sheep. The income from this was not sufficient to feed my family. Realizing the severe financial constraints of our family, my mother gave me my father’s Urumu drum and told me, ‘Being a woman I cannot be a Urumulavaru. Your are the son of a Urumulavaru and a Bhakta of Akkammagaru (the prefix garu is added to the name of a deity, elderly and influential individuals in Telugu language). It is your sacred duty to carry on our family tradition.

Go to your father’s Gudikattu every Monday evening with his Urumu, the devotees there will offer you food grains, and you bring that offering home, for our food.’ Hearing her I was dumbfounded for I did not know how to beat the Urumu nor to recite Akkammagaru Kaviya."

"Realizing my predicament, my mother gave me confidence as she had unflinching Bhakti on Akkammagaru, ‘Akkammagaru will take care of us’. This statement had a profound impact on me and from that very moment it became a motivational statement for me to carry on my father’s tradition not just for the income but to serve Akkammagaru, which I felt was my sacred duty and the very purpose of my birth."

"Since I had to look after my mother, elder sister and younger brother after my father’s death, I decided that I too will become a Urumulavaru like my father, who had a great reputation. In the beginning I was reluctant as my chances for a job were next to none except as a seasonal agricultural labourer. This again in our district was limited due to repeated spells of drought. Heeding to the words of my mother I decided to learn Urumu drumming and Akkammagaru Kaviya from my uncle."

"When I requested my uncle to teach me Urumu drumming and Akkammagaru Kaviya he responded, ‘We are blessed by Akkammagaru and hence we are Urumulavaru. You need Akkammagaru’s blessing and intelligence to learn to play the Urumu and narrate her stories.’ Hearing these words, tears rolled down my eyes. Then, I prayed to Ammavaru (literally Mother, a term used in affection to address Goddess in Telugu), "Oh my mother, it is your duty to bless me with the intelligence to learn the art of Urumu drumming and singing your Kaviya, and make me earn fame like my father who served you with utmost Bhakti."

"During Akkammagaru Parsa (Festival), held on the occasion of Maha Sivarathri, when all Urumulavaru tradition bearers in the district gather, I was not invited as I was only a boy of 10 years. I saw this occasion as an opportunity to learn from other Urumulavaru and attended the festival despite being uninvited. I was ridiculed by the elder Urumulavaru tradition bearers as I was the only boy who carried an Urumu and did not know how to play it. But I did not take their words to heart."

"During the festival, with my thoughts focused on Akkammagaru, I started to learn the art of Urumu drumming and memorize portions of Akkammagaru Kaviya by imitating senior Urumulavaru tradition bearers who were performing there.

Despite constant discouragement by senior Urumulavaru I kept on with my learning by pestering some of them."

"By imitating senior Urumulavaru during their performances at their respective Gudikattu, after about 12 years I became proficient with the art of Urumu drumming and narrating Akkammagaru Kaviya. Only after this did the senior Urumulavaru tradition bearers accept me as an accomplished Urumulavaru."

In Anantapur district there are 200 to 250 Urumulavaru families (2001 Government of India Census reports a total of 1,969 Urumulavaru members including their family members). From the days of our ancestors these families are hereditary Urumulavaru tradition bearers. Since we have the sacred duty to serve Akkammagaru we follow strict protocols such as eating food prepared only in our homes and sleeping on the floor without a mattress. We abstain from consuming meat, alcohol, having illicit relationship with women and avoid wearing footwear.

Slowly these protocols are changing nowadays where few Urumulavaru have begun consuming alcohol, visiting prostitutes and even wearing slippers. We believe that serving Akkammagaru is our sole mode of sustenance; all our difficulties are taken care of by her. She provides for us and takes care of our families in times of crisis.

Other than serving Akkammagaru, we Urumulavaru have never given preference for anything else in our lives.

"Each Urumulavaru has his own rights of performance in designated Sri Akkammagaru Gudikattu."

"From my father I have inherited rights of performance in certain Gudikattu. My main Gudikattu is in Bodiganidoddi village. Apart from this I also have rights in Rekalakunta, Reddypalli, Ammavarapeta and 6 other villages in Anantapur district."

"In these 10 villages, after harvest season I go to the Gudikattu members’ houses play the Urumu, sing Paraku and narrate their family genealogy. For this service these Gudikattu Bhaktas offer me food grains and a sheep a year. "

Since we have dedicated our lives to serve Akkammagaru, we did not have a formal education. Although we were not schooled and did not receive formal education like you, we are not complete illiterates; many of us can read and write Telugu.

As we were interviewing Urumula Naganna two middle-aged men entered, one of them had a loud boisterous voice. He said something to Urumula Naganna in Telugu. Urumula Naganna immediately got up gesturing me to stop the tape recorder. He welcomed the men and informed me that the man with the boisterous voice was known to him and that both the men were from the district collector’s office. They had come to invite and book Urumula Naganna for a performance at an event organized by the State Government in Anantapur town. One of them was writing down the number of Urumulavaru performers, their duration and honorarium, while the other was going over a file handed to him by Urumula Naganna, which contained Telugu newspaper clippings about his past public performances.

After finalizing the date of the event and the honorarium for the performance the two bureaucrats left. As these men left Urumula Naganna told me, Sar it is time for lunch. I wish you have lunch at my home. If you have a problem we can go to a hotel. The reason why Urumula Naganna, instead of serving lunch, asked this question was because he did not know whether I belonging to another Jati would have a meal in his home as he is a Dalit. I informed him that I want to have lunch at his home and not outside. The answer cleared his doubt only to be replaced with a childlike smile. He gestured to his wife to serve us lunch. After a series of restaurant meals, I had my first chance to taste home cooked regional cuisine of Rayalaseema. Urumula Naganna’s wife served us Ragi Mudda also known as Ragi Sangati with thick groundnut chutney and a liquid curry made from sour tamarind Pulusu (similar to the Rasam in the cuisine of Tamil Nadu). The Ragi Mudda reminded me of my mother’s preparation of this meal at home.

Urumula Naganna showed me how to eat this meal; first, he placed the large ball of Ragi Mudda in the middle of the plate and made a hollow at the center. In this space the spicy and sour Pulusu was poured. He then took a handful of the Ragi Mudda from this hollow with a little groundnut chutney and ate it without chewing. I was instructed to slowly gulp it down. The reason for this is because the Ragi Mudda is more like a thickened paste, when this is chewed it will go on and on inside the mouth and one would not be able to finish the meal. Long before the South Indians made rice their staple diet, it was small grains such as millets and pulses which were a part of the main course.

Rice and rice-based dishes like Idlly, Dosa or Appam, were served occasionally, which was perhaps once or twice in a week and during festivals and household celebrations of life cycle rituals. A meal of Ragi Mudda, Ragi Roti or Ragi porridge is meant for agrarian folks who engage in hectic physical activity throughout the year; for urbanites who are couch potatoes this meal would have given them severe constipation when consumed on a regular basis.

By evening Urumula Naganna gestured that it was time for us to leave for Bodiganidoddi village. He quickly went out washed his arms, legs and face. He filled a mug of water and watered the Tulsi plant in front of his home and came back inside. He lit the oil and wick lamp in his puja room inside his home. This space comprised of framed pictures of various deities of the Santana Dharma pantheon, this space was commonly known as the ‘Puja Room’ in Indian parlance. Next he lit a pair of incense sticks and waved it in front of his Urumu thrice in clockwise manner and towards the framed images of the deities placed in the Puja room. Next he placed the bunch of incense sticks on a stand, closed his eyes, held his palms together in a gesture of prayer and murmured his prayers. Having completed his prayers he touched his Urumu drum with both his hands and placed his forehead on it with reverence and murmured prayers. Next he began to tie his turban and simultaneously asked his wife to look out on the street for a good omen so that she could signal him to start his journey.

In India, it is a time immemorial practice to look for Shagun (Omen) in Hindi and Sakunam, Tamil meaning omen when one is leaving home, for an important meeting, or when beginning any kind of agricultural or commercial activity, or generally while beginning an auspicious event. The sight of certain birds and animals have numerous meanings. Similarly the sight of certain individuals is considered as good and bad omen. For example, when one leaves their house seeing a group of Brahmins in even numbers is auspicious, whereas seeing a single Brahmin or a group of Brahmins in odd numbers is considered inauspicious. This does not refer only to Brahmins performing priestly duties but even to Brahmins who do not directly engage in priestly duties. The reason for this is rituals for dead ancestors are performed by a single Brahmin and on the other hand a group of Brahmins perform auspicious rituals and general rituals at homes and temples.

Similarly seeing a sex-worker, a virgin, a Sumangali (married women) are considered auspicious. Now the question is why is it auspicious to see a sex-worker, who is given a lower status in society in India as well as outside; this is because a sex-worker practices Karma Yoga better than others. She does not differentiate men in terms of jati, colour or age. She does her work without any partiality, fulfills her duty as a sex-worker and satisfies her customer for the money she receives.

Despite jati-based prejudice arising from pollution by seeing lower jati members, like a washer man carrying a bundle of unwashed clothes, a butcher carrying raw meat, a barber carrying his box containing his tools, etc are considered as good Shagun. Similarly, all jati members consider Urumula Naganna carrying his Urumu as a good Shagun.

Urumla Naganna’s wife informed him that he could start as a young girl carrying a vessel of water was coming towards his home. As he came out he had a wide smile on his face, turned around and informed me that it was a very good sight to see an unmarried young girl carrying a pot of water and heading towards us. Climbing in to Moinudeen’s auto-rickshaw we headed to Bodiganidoddi village Gudikattu.

Gudikattu - Binding the Kapu and Karna Golla Jatis

The term Gudikattu, according to Sesha Sastry was Akkamma temple. According to Urumula Naganna, "Gudikattu simply means, a clan based binding of higher caste Kapu Bhaktas who have a sworn allegiance to a particular Akkammagaru temple in a village. He further added, Kapu is a generic term comprising of Reddy, Kamma, Boya, Balija and Karna Golla Jatis". Kapus are the main agricultural land-holding community in Andhra Pradesh. The etymology of Kapu means ‘guardian’ interpreted as ‘guardian of food grains and food donor’.

Kapus were originally guardians or protectors of agricultural land of respective villages who formed part of village defense body. They were also responsible for day to day legal and administrative affairs of their respective villages. During the Vijayanagara Empire (1336-1646 CE) and probably earlier they served as soldiers, administrators and regional governors who were responsible for protection of villages, farmlands and tax collection. For this service to the crown they were given large tracts of land for their own cultivation.

The term Kapu is also familiar in Tamil Nadu which denotes ‘to protect’ and ‘to bind.’ During festivals for Grama Devata (village guardian deities), who are mainly Goddesses, the people of the village have to go through the Kapu Katutal (tying of Kapu) ritual which is meant as both binding with the village space and the Goddess thereby protecting the self from malevolent spirits lurking around the village. This Kapu Katutal ritual is also performed during life cycle rituals such as ear piercing and marriage. It is performed for the first circle of relatives of an individual for whom the life cycle ritual is performed. The material used as Kapu in Tamil Nadu is mostly a thick cotton thread soaked in turmeric water to make it yellow. In Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka a thick yellow thread is tied with a single or a pair of rolled betel leaf with areca nut in the center.

Syed Siraj Ul Hassan in his Castes and Tribes of H.E.H The Nizam’s Dominions (1920) lists 10 sub jatis within the Kapus. They are:

Pancha Reddy, meaning 5 Reddy endogamous groups comprising of :

• Motati

• Gudati or Godadi

• Paknati

• Ghittapi

• Gone

• Yaya

• Kamma

• Patti

• Padkanti

• Sakhamari

• Vokkliga (Lingayat)

• Reddy

• Penta

• Velma

The Reddys, the Balijas and the Kamma Jatis are prominent mercantile sub-Jatis of Kapus who have established their business as far as Chennai, Tamil Nadu during British colonial rule. They still hold sway across South India as shrewd entrepreneurs and as businessmen. The Balija and Kamma community members of Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu have the title of Naidu and Naiyakar, respectively. Both the words are a corruption of the Telugu word Nayakadu meaning chieftain; originating from titles granted by Vijayanagara Dynasty.

In the case of Urumulavaru tradition and Urumula Naganna’s repertoire in particular we have to look into his connection with the Karna Golla community who are also part of the Kapus.

The Golla community are found in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka states. Etymologically the term Golla is derived from the corruption of Telugu words ‘Godlawaru’ (Grazer of Cows), ‘Gouawaru’ (Cow Herd) or ‘Gurlawaru’ (Shepherd). There are 18 sub-jatis within the Golla community. Golla community in general are pastoralists. It was in the last century that most of them transformed into settled agriculturalists. Today only about 10 to 20 percent of Golla families actually depend on animal husbandry. Despite practicing settled agriculture the Gollas still perform certain rituals and have a lifestyle which retains their identity as