The Memoirs Of Duke Of Rovigo Vol. IV

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Text originally published in 1911 under the same title.

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Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo

(M. Savary)

Written by Himself:

Illustrative of the

History of the Emperor Napoleon

Volume IV – Parts I and II.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS 4

PART I. 5

CHAPTER I. 5

The Empress quits Paris—The King of Rome refuses to leave the Tuileries--Council of defence—Prince Joseph—Arrival of General Dejean—The Duke de Dalberg again—The author receives orders to follow the Empress—M. de Talleyrand—His solicitations for an authority to remain in Paris—It is clear from this that he was not quite sure of the success of his intrigues, or that he felt a strong repugnance for the Bourbons. 5

CHAPTER II. 15

The author quits Paris—M. Pasquier and M. de Chabrol remain in charge of the duty of watching over the safety of the capital—The author is strongly inclined to retrace his steps—M. de Talleyrand still—The Emperor’s opinion that the previous features in that person’s conduct were pledges against his ever joining the Bourbons —Sketch of the proceedings of diplomatic men against the various branches of that house. 15

CHAPTER III. 22

Sequel of the preceding chapter—Petty speculation of M. de Talleyrand, and of the Prince of the Peace—Congratulations addressed to the author by the former diplomatist—His perseverance in invariably hunting down the Bourbons might well justify the opinion that any understanding between them was wholly impossible. 22

CHAPTER IV. 28

M. de Talleyrand was privately in favour of a regency—The author is on the point of repairing to the presence of the Emperor—Considerations which prevent his adopting that, course—The Emperor’s arrival at the Cour de France—He sends Caulaincourt to Paris—Probable motives which influenced the refusal of the author’s services—M. Tourton; his protestations contrasted with his conduct—Talleyrand’s artifices—Bourienne and the Duke of Ragusa. 28

CHAPTER V. 36

Caulaincourt’s mistake—He imagines that all is over—Alexander avoids an explanation—He sends Nesselrode to sound the feelings of the leading men in Paris—Madame Aimée de Coigny—Talleyrand’s request—Alexander alights at his hotel. 36

CHAPTER VI. 43

Composition of the provisional government—M. de Pradt— The Duke of Vicenza is ordered to withdraw—Marmont; means adopted for seducing him—M. de Bourienne—The Duke of Ragusa will listen to no advice—Artifices resorted to by Alexander—M. de Talleyrand still—He dispatches emissaries to Fontainebleau and to Essonne—Marshal Oudinot—Montessuis—Marmont allows himself to be seduced from his duty—Council of general officers. 43

CHAPTER VII. 51

The Emperor of Russia hesitates—Alarm of the conspirators—The provisional government is on the point of being dissolved—Council held—General Dessoles; his uneasiness with respect to Mademoiselle de Dampierre— M. de Pradt—The Emperor makes his arrangements for marching to Paris—His reasons for not doing so—Abdication—Marmont again—Guilty project—The species of guarantees required by the allies—Astonishment of M. de Nesselrode—There would have been much less hesitation in Russia. 51

CHAPTER VIII. 58

Alexander admits the marshals to his presence—Marshal Macdonald—The Autocrat insists upon the required guarantee—An end is put to the negotiation by the intelligence brought of the defection of the sixth corps—MM. Sostbène and Archambeau mount their horses—Talleyrand—By whom his speech is drawn up—His agitation—He would have uttered any other speech he might have happened to find in his pocket—The senate. 58

CHAPTER IX. 63

Means resorted to for the purpose of accomplishing the defection of the sixth corps—The Emperor’s enemies were more particularly intent on sowing the seeds of seduction amongst his confidential officers—Course which might have been adopted in this emergency—Digression on the subject of legitimacy—The Empress regent—What ought to have been done. 63

CHAPTER X. 70

Address to the army—The Emperor abdicates—His reservations—Corsica is offered to him—Considerations which induce him to prefer the island of Elba —The Empress at Blois—She wishes to join the Emperor—Russian escort—Arrival at Orléans—M. Dudon—In what manner he acquits himself of his mission—The Empress takes leave of the members of the government—Deplorable condition of that princess. 70

CHAPTER XI. 82

State of destitution into which the Empress is thrown—A desire is expressed that the Emperor should put an end to his existence—Anecdote on this subject—Mesdames de Montebello and de Montesquiou—The Empress regrets not having become a canoness—Painful uncertainty in which she is placed—Future prospects which open to her view. 82

CHAPTER XII. 86

Declaration of the 19th of March—Reproaches directed against the Emperor—The armistice—Counter-project—Who. are we to blame? the Duke of Vicenza or the Emperor? 86

CHAPTER XIII. 94

Arrival of the Count d’Artois in Paris—There is only one more Frenchman—Arrival of the Emperor of Austria—Religious ceremony—Servile conduct of some of the marshals—The Emperor is urged to depart—He penetrates the motive of those entreaties—Measures which he adopts—The author is unable to take leave of him—Augereau—The proclamation was not issued by him. 94

CHAPTER XIV. 108

Fresh attempts against the Emperor’s life—This prince is on the point of being assassinated—Occurrences at Orgon—The work of seduction is unsparing of the very servants of his household—Talleyrand’s object—Alexander approves of the plot—His visit to Rambouillet—The Empress obstinately refuses to receive him—She is at no loss to penetrate his intentions. 108

CHAPTER XV. 113

M. de Talleyrand again—Incredible transaction; motives of it—The farmer of the games of Saint-Brice—Arrival of the King at Compiègne—Unbecoming harangue of Berthier—Saint-Ouen; constitution of the senate—Entry of Louis XVIII. into Paris—Severe judgment of the crowd—Unpleasant occurrences— The author writes to the Emperor Alexander—Why he is unable to take leave of the Emperor Napoleon. 113

CHAPTER XVII. 120

Fouché’s arrival in Paris—His regret at the existence of a conspiracy without his having been instrumental to it—Adulations lavished upon the Emperor Alexander—We never beheld the like in Vienna or Berlin—Queen Hortense—Alexander denies his having been the cause of the Emperor’s downfall—Division of our spoils — France is treated like the ass in the fable —Political considerations. 120

CHAPTER XVII. 127

Continuation of the preceding chapter—What has Russia done—What Austria should have done—Different conduct of the two cabinets—What can the French object—Recapitulation of the conduct of the sovereigns towards France—Project of Pitt and of Alexander—Was it intended to crush France, or the Emperor Napoleon? 127

CHAPTER XVIII. 135

State of public opinion—Composition of the ministry of Louis XVIII.—Intriguers again place their irons in the fire—M. Fouché—Strange confidential communication of the Duke Dalberg—Designs meditated against the person of the Emperor—The King rejects them—M. de Talleyrand—His measures previously to his departure for Vienna—Projects of general massacre—What happens to the author. 135

CHAPTER XX. 145

The project of carrying off the Emperor is determined upon—To what use M. Dalberg was applied—Metternich places himself in communication with Fouché —Questions laid before this diplomatist.—Intrigues of Fouché--He is compelled to associate colleagues to his views—They deceive him—Awkward conduct of the court—Various anecdotes—The author sends an emissary to the island of Elba—M. d’André—The author’s conversation with that minister. 145

CHAPTER XXI. 156

Motives which induce the Emperor to attempt recovering possession of the throne —Accidents of his navigation—The Prince of Monaco—The Emperor presents himself alone in front of the troops—Dialogue with a chief of battalion—Entrance into Grenoble—Capture of Lyons—Marshal Ney—He is the only one of whom the Emperor stands in dread—Notification which he causes to be made to him—M. de Bourmont. 156

CHAPTER XXII. 162

The Emperor gathers all the troops which he meets on his way—Marshal Oudinot —His prudent foresight—Fouché is at a loss what to augur of the Emperor’s return—Course which he adopts—Astonishment of the troops—Interview between Fouché and the Count d’Artois—Departure of the King—Arrival of the Emperor—It might have been supposed that he had merely returned from a journey. 162

CHAPTER XXIII. 169

Composition of the ministry—M. Fouché placed in charge of the police—What are the considerations which induce his friends to recommend him to the Emperor—What was the object of his ambition—The King does not consider himself safe at Lille. 169

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 174

HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 174

SITTING OF THE 7th OF FEBRUARY, 1814. 177

SITTING OF THE 10th OF MARCH, 1814. 180

SITTING OF THE 13th OF MARCH, 1814. 186

CONTINUATION OF THE SITTING 188

SITTING OF THE 15th OF MARCH, 1814. 189

PROTOCOL OF THE SITTING OF THE 18th OF MARCH, 1814, AND OF THE CONTINUATION OF THAT SITTING ON THE 19th OF MARCH. 193

DECLARATION OF THE COALESCED POWERS. 196

PROCLAMATION OF SCHWARTZENBERG. 199

CAPITULATION OF PARIS. 200

PART II. 201

CHAPTER I. 201

The Emperor wishes again to derive his authority from the nation—Champ-de-Mai—Nullity of his abdication—Considerations on the Declaration of the Congress—The Duchess d’Angoulême, at Bordeaux—The Duke d’Angoulême made prisoner—Telegraphic dispatch—Situation of the Emperor. 201

CHAPTER II. 213

Metternich sends an embassy to Fouché—The Emperor obtains possession of the tokens of recognition, and intercepts the communications of the two ministers—What he learns—For a moment he is inclined to arrest Fouché—Talleyrand for the highest offer and last bidder—Murat declares himself unseasonably—General Belliard—Mysterious conduct of Fouché. 213

CHAPTER III. 221

Champ-de-Mai—The Emperor again proclaimed chief of the state—The additional Act—The Genevese publicists—Madame de Staël’s opinion—Reports circulated by the police—Fouché opens a correspondence with the Duke of Wellington—He prepares himself for every contingency. 221

CHAPTER IV. 228

The Emperor’s departure for the army—Distribution of our force—Lord Castlereagh’s boasting—His confidence assumed—Anecdote from Smyrna—What the Emperor might have done, had fortune favoured him—What did not the perfidy of Fouché deserve! 228

CHAPTER V. 234

The army passes the Sambre—The Emperor’s operations founded on the character of the enemy’s generals—Battle of Fleurus—Movements of the first corps—Its consequences—Inaction of Marshal Ney—The Emperor marches against the English—The Prussians are not vigorously pursued—Grouchy’s despatches —Observations on the letter of which he availed himself—M. de Bourmont—Details on the Emperor’s manner of fighting a battle. 234

CHAPTER VI. 243

The Emperor utters no complaint—General Gourgaud and Colonel Grouchy—Discussion—Allegations of Marshal Grouchy. 243

CHAPTER VII. 258

The Emperor’s return to Paris—Feelings of the Chamber of Deputies—Fouché adopts measures with the view of inducing it to rise against the Emperor—M. de Lafayette—The Chamber declares its sittings to be permanent—The author returns to the Emperor—Observations which he submits to him—They are backed by M. Benjamin Constant—Deputation from the Chamber of Deputies—The Emperor’s reply. 258

CHAPTER VIII. 267

M. Tourton again—One of the legions of the national guard proceeds to the ,palace of the Legislative Body—The author hastens to apprise the Emperor of the fact—Abdication of this prince—Formation of the commission of government—Napoleon II. is proclaimed—The Emperor withdraws to Malmaison—He names the author to accompany him—Fouché eludes a reply on the subject of the frigates—Difficulties respecting the passports. 267

CHAPTER IX. 276

M. Archambaud de Périgord—Protestations of Fouché — Madame….. advises the author to mount his corps of gendarmerie, and to rid France of that swarm of wretches who are intent upon its ruin—Arrival of General Becker—The author’s apprehensions—His proposal to the Emperor—Fouché’s combination—He consents at last to the Emperor’s departure—That prince quits the palace of Malmaison. 276

CHAPTER X. 286

Departure and composition of the convoy—The post-mistress of Chatesudan—Tours; the Emperor sends fur the prefect—Saint-Maixent—Occurrence at Saintes—Joseph is arrested—Emissaries sent to follow the steps of the Emperor—Baron Richard—Correspondence of those gentlemen—The Emperor might have reached the open sea, had not Fouché’s treachery prevented him—Various solicitations—The Emperor goes on board the Saale. 286

CHAPTER XI. 296

General Donnadieu—Singular mission confided to him—The Duke de Feltre—Probable motives of his visit to England—His anxiety of mind, and his projects--Mission on board the Bellerophon—Ignorance still prevailing amongst the English respecting the recent occurrences—Questions put to Captain Maitland—His answers—He is of opinion that the Emperor should take up his residence in England, and offers to receive him on board his ship. 296

CHAPTER XII. 303

The Emperor determines to repair on board the English cruiser—His letter to the Prince Regent—General Gourgaud—Captain Sartorius—The Emperor is on the point of being arrested at Rochefort—He embarks—Reception given to him—Captain Maitland—Admiral Hotham—He might have effected his escape --Perfect security of the Emperor—Admiral Keith. 303

CHAPTER XIII. 311

Arrival of Sir Henry Banbury Notification made to the Emperor—Protest of this prince—The midshipmen—The author writes to Admiral Keith—It is proposed that the Emperor should be deprived of his sword—Admiral Keith resists the proposal—The Emperor is transferred on board the Northumberland—Message which he transmits by the author to Captain Maitland—Departure for St. Helena. 311

CHAPTER XIV. 316

Observations respecting the conduct of the English government—It yields to the demands of the allied sovereigns—Who is the real author of the Emperor’s captivity—Napoleon on board the Northumberland—Confidential communication at Trianon—Public opinion will yet do justice to the Emperor’s merit. 316

CHAPTER XV. 322

Details respecting the officers who were not allowed to follow the Emperor—The author succeeds in procuring the transmission of a letter to Sir Samuel Romilly—Admiral Keith’s displeasure—Declaration of Captain Maitland—We are conveyed to Malta—Rigorous precautions adopted in respect to us—Probable motives for that severity. 322

CHAPTER XVI. 326

Departure from Malta—Smyrna—Intrigues which brought about the peace of Bucharest—The author learns from the journals that he is condemned to death —he is obliged to depart—His arrival at Trieste—His residence at Gratz—Destitute condition to which he is reduced—M. de Metternich—Unpleasant occurrence at Smyrna—He proceeds to England—Adventure at sea—His return to France. 326

CHAPTER XVII. 333

Individuals composing the court-martial—Documents for the prosecution—Examination—Inspection of hand-writing—M. Dupin’s speech—Sentence. 333

ADDITIONAL CHAPTER. 349

General Kellermann claims for himself exclusively the honour of the victory of Marengo—His letter—Anonymous pamphlet—My observations—The 9th light regiment—General Desaix—The Austrian staff assigns to each individual his proper share of glory. 349

HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS 372

TREATY OF THE 25th OF MARCH. 372

DECLARATION OF ENGLAND WITH RESPECT TO THE TREATY OF THE 25th OF MARCH. 374

ADHESION OF AUSTRIA TO THE DECLARATION OF ENGLAND. 374

EXTRACT FROM THE RECORDS OF THE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 374

DECLARATION. 375

LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR TO GENERAL GROUCHY. 378

ADDRESS OF THE CHAMP-DE-MAI. 378

THE EMPEROR’S REPLY. 381

INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY THE MINISTER OF MARINE TO CAPTAINS PHILIBERT, COMMANDING THE SAALE, AND PONCE, COMMANDING THE MEDUSE. 382

SECOND SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 385

M. de Villoutrey—His complaint—My reply. 385

MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE OF ROVIGO.

PART I.

CHAPTER I.

The Empress quits Paris—The King of Rome refuses to leave the Tuileries--Council of defence—Prince Joseph—Arrival of General Dejean—The Duke de Dalberg again—The author receives orders to follow the Empress—M. de Talleyrand—His solicitations for an authority to remain in Paris—It is clear from this that he was not quite sure of the success of his intrigues, or that he felt a strong repugnance for the Bourbons.

My preparations for departure were completed by seven o’clock the next morning. The report of the approaching departure of the Empress soon got into circulation. The people hurried in crowds to the palace; and the Place du Carousel was soon filled with a multitude of men and women anxious to cut the traces from the carriage, to send away the horses, and to behold the regent generously running with them the last chances of fortune. So great, however, was the respect still borne to her person and her wishes, that notwithstanding the immense crowd of people who were all desirous of-preventing her departure, not the slightest manifestation was given of such an intention. The least effort on our part would, nevertheless, have saved our cause, as the Empress was far from approving the resolution adopted. Prince Joseph and the arch-chancellor equally disapproved of it, and had given it the support of their votes merely in consequence of the Emperor’s positive orders. But neither the one nor the other was mistaken as to the infallible effect of that resolution.

Such was also the impression upon Maria Louisa’s mind. All saw what ought to be done; but none dared to issue the requisite orders. Joseph proposed to the Empress that she should take the lead. The Empress referred to the council of regency, saying that the Emperor had appointed it as the guide of her actions; that it behoved its members to trace out the conduct she should pursue; and that on no account could she presume to oppose the Emperor’s will. Joseph then observed, that previously to quitting the capital it was proper at least to ascertain the numerical amount of the forces which threatened it; and he accordingly started at break of day to satisfy himself on the subject. The Empress was desirous to wait his return, as agreed upon between them, previously to adopting any determination. But, the most alarming intelligence, the most contradictory reports succeeded each other at every moment. She yielded to the urgent entreaties of the minister of war, and at the hour of eleven in the morning she stepped into her carriage.

The Empress was attended by those whom she had specially named to accompany her, and took her departure under her usual escort of guards. The assembled crowd testified every mark of interest in her fate at this painful moment; but if anyone had been bold: enough to cut the traces from the horses, there would have been an end of all farther responsibility; all hesitation would: have disappeared, and the capital would have been saved. It was a remarkable fact that, the King of Rome evinced the utmost resistance at the moment of his being taken to his mother. The child cried out that his papa was betrayed, and he was determined not to go. He grasped at the curtains of the apartment, saying that he was in his own house, and would not quit it. Nothing but the ascendancy of Madame de Montesquiou could calm him; and she only succeeded in persuading him that he should allow-himself to be taken to his mother, by faithfully promising to bring him back.

After the departure of the Empress the power fell into the hands of Prince Joseph, who quitted the Luxembourg, where he resided, and came to establish himself at the Tuileries: He endeavoured to protract the defence, and to take, advantage of the few resources remaining to us, only showing himself indifferent to what was not for the good of the Emperor’s service; for it must be acknowledged that a spirit of intrigue was at work about his person. Even previously to the breaking off of the armistice of Lusigny, some slight attempt had been made to persuade him that he should declare himself protector of the empire, and cause the senate to pronounce the Emperor’s forfeiture of the throne. The leaders in this plot were very nearly the same men who a fortnight afterwards exerted themselves to procure the recall of the house of Bourbon, with which they had either felt a repugnance to connect themselves, or had not as yet any settled intercourse. Prince Joseph not only repelled the insinuation, but he demonstrated to those who had thrown it out how great was the danger of an attempt, the least consequence of which would be to destroy the few resources still remaining to the Emperor, whose shadow still protected us. Such an attempt might even be the occasion of a civil war, and bring Frenchmen into open contact with each other; and at any rate, whatever might-be the chances of success; no mistake could be greater than that of supposing him capable of taking part with his brother’s enemies. He added, that he was willing to forget the proposal thus made to him, provided it was never mentioned again, nor followed up; otherwise he Would cause proceedings to be instituted against the authors of it.

The Prince of Benevento remained in Paris with the arch-treasurer and the ministers. The moment was drawing near when this lengthened state of agony was to terminate.

The departure of the Empress could not be kept a secret from the enemy, who were at the gates of the capital. It was also the signal for a countless number of private departures, which had been postponed until that occurrence; so that the road from Paris to Chartres presented an immense line of carriages of every description. None but the beholder of such a sight can form an adequate idea of it, Let the reader picture to himself the confusion attendant upon such a scene of distress, and he will then feel less difficulty in accounting to himself for the consequences which-followed in its train.

The southern part of Paris was completely deserted, and the whole population of the environs flocked towards the north-of the capital. Nevertheless, the enemy, who had on the preceding days. driven before it, on the road to Means, the small corps under the orders of General Compans, had just forced it back a second time to the immediate vicinity of the gate of Bondy, between the pond of La Villette and the heights of Ménilmontant. The allied sovereigns were in person on the spot.

On the other hand, the corps of Marshals Marmont and Mortier having been summoned to the relief of the capital had reached Saint-Mandé on the night previous to the attack. They immediately took up their positions in order of battle. Marmont had his right leaning upon the river. Marne, and: had spread Mortier’s troops on his left under the heights of

Montmartre. He had the command of both corps,{1} had caused Romainville to be reconnoitred, and, from the reports brought to him, was under the impression that the allies had not made their appearance. He accordingly marched upon the village, where, however, the Russians were strongly posted. The action began, and soon became warmly contested. The Duke of Padua, who led the right, could not maintain his ground. Having been compelled to quit the field, in consequence of a musket-shot received in the midst of the action, he was replaced by General Lucotte, who retreated to the burial ground of Père la Chaise, for the purpose of restoring order in his ranks. This retrograde movement completely uncovered the road from Belleville to Saint-Mandé. The Duke of Ragusa was compelled to abandon the attack of Romainville, and to hasten back to protect the former village. It was high time he should do so, for General Compans had retreated from the position which he occupied in the basin of La Villette. The Russians, who were no longer kept in check by our troops, had moved forward, and were already debouching upon his right, whilst the Duke of Ragusa was still in ignorance of the retreat of his subordinate officer. Nevertheless, he stood his ground, and succeeded in carrying his movement into effect.

Whilst these events were taking place, Paris was witness to a scene which redounds to the shame of those in whom it originated. The national guard had been for upwards of a month urging the necessity of its being provided with muskets, instead of those ridiculous pikes with which the greater part had been furnished for their only weapons: they had often repeated the demand without ever being attended to. I wrote to the Emperor on the subject, and he replied in these words: You make a foolish request; the arsenal is full of muskets; they must be made available.

I had exhibited this letter to Prince Joseph and to the minister of war. The reply of the latter was, that he had but very few muskets at command, and he preserved them for the army, which stood in constant need of them. I was therefore unable to obtain any. It was only at the moment of the attack made upon the troops posted under the walls of. Paris that the Duke of Feltre consented to deliver up to the national guard four thousand muskets, instead of twenty thousand, which they were in want of; and, to complete the mischief, these four thousand muskets were only distributed when the different legions were already assembled. The cars loaded with these arms were brought before them, and they were immediately distributed. It was only during the preceding night that the ordnance department had received directions to deliver up the muskets; but at that time the fate of Paris was no longer doubtful. The minister of war was foremost in declaring that he considered the capital as lost. Why then did he not open the arsenals to the populace at that moment, and give up their contents to it, since there existed no other means of preventing their falling into the enemy’s hands?

Prince Joseph had established himself at Montmartre at break of day, and had summoned the Members of the Council of defence to join him. I was one of the first to attend the gammons. The drums were beating in all directions about Paris; the citizens assembled; the suburbs displayed the most unbounded patriotism. I was much surprised, on reaching Montmartre, not to find the least preparation for a defence. Two or three field-pieces had been mounted on the heights, whilst there were upwards of two hundred disposable ones in the Champ de Mars, which might have been transported to any point of Paris by means of the carriage horses of that capital. The minister of war had only to say the word: but he remained silent. No preparations were made for a defence: the very platforms were not even drawn, nor any esplanade raised for the purpose of erecting a battery of cannon.

Montmartre was, moreover, destitute of troops, and the national guards were under the necessity of occupying it. At no time could their presence have been rendered so available as at the moment of their receiving the four thousand muskets which had with so much difficulty been wrung from the arsenals.

The enemy, whose plan of attack was already agreed upon, had developed all the resources at their command. They were rapidly gaining ground on the heights of Belleville and Ménilmontant, where it had been found impossible to oppose to them a fourth part of the troops which they had deployed in that direction.

. The members who were to compose the council of defence had not yet arrived. Prince Joseph prevailed upon me to ascertain in person what was going forward at the point where the contest appeared to be most severely carried on, and to bring back an account of my observations. I proceeded to the spot along the outside of the wall of enclosure. Our troops were already beginning to give way. Nevertheless they courageously fought every inch of ground; a courage the more praiseworthy as the contest could not be attended with any favourable result.

The occurrence of another accident greatly increased the danger of their position: the two marshals were under the necessity of repairing to the council of defence; and whilst on their way from the heights of Ménilmontant to the heights of Montmartre, the enemy, who were already in such overwhelming numbers, had the farther advantage of being no longer opposed to those who were personally entrusted with the command.

The council was composed of the minister of war, of the two marshals, of the commandant of Paris, and of a few other general officers. They received at every moment the most disastrous intelligence; and saw from their point of meeting the enemy’s troops covering the plain between Saint-Denis and the capital. Nevertheless the heads of the respective corps who had returned to their posts imparted to the defence a character of enthusiasm which had for some time the effect of overawing the allies. The latter, however, were constantly receiving fresh reinforcements, and the sun had not yet performed two-thirds of its course. A more protracted resistance was no longer deemed possible. Marmont communicated this painful state of affairs to Prince Joseph, who replied to him by a note couched in the following terms:

"Paris, the 30th March, 1814.

"If the Marshal Duke of Treviso and the Marshal Duke of Ragusa can no longer maintain their positions, they are authorised to open a conference with Prince Schwarzenberg, and with the Emperor of Russia, who are in front of them.

(Signed) "JOSEPH.

"Montmartre, a quarter past twelve at noon.

They will retreat towards the Loire.

Marmont immediately opened a communication with the enemy. His flags of truce were greeted with a volley of musketry on the road of Belleville, but obtained a more friendly reception in the direction of La Villette. They were admitted to a hearing, announced that the marshal was authorised to treat, and demanded a suspension of arms, which was immediately granted.

Daring the occurrence of these events at Belleville, General Dejean arrived in Paris with dispatches from the Emperor. This prince was in the environs of Arcis-sur-Aube when he learned the march of the allies upon the capital. He immediately foresaw the fatal consequences which were likely to result from this movement, and instructed Colonel Gourgaud to proceed in all haste and take possession of the bridges at Troyes, and dispatch from that town a courier to announce to the minister of war that the army was hastening to relieve the capital. Colonel Gourgaud had no sooner reached Troyes than he was overtaken by General Dejean, who was dispatched direct to Paris. The post-house had no relays of horses; Gourgaud gave up the one he had succeeded in obtaining, and Dejean proceeded on his way. He arrived at the moment when the action was most briskly contested, alighted at his father’s house, mounted another horse, and hurried off in all speed to Montmartre, Prince Joseph was just gone. He hastened after the prince, overtook him in the middle of the Bois de Boulogne, handed over the Emperor’s dispatches, and urged him to return to Paris. The prince refused, saying that it was too late, and that he had authorised the marshals to treat: he however prevailed upon the general to repair to the marshals and make known to them the order of which he was the bearer. Dejean accordingly overtook Marshal Mortier, who was fighting near the canal of La Villette, and communicated the instructions confided to him. Fresh overtures had been made: the allies, or Austria at least, appeared disposed to listen to them: both parties were on the point of coming to an agreement. It was of the utmost importance to obtain, at any price, the delay of a few hours, and save the capital from the evils of a hostile occupations The Duke of Treviso quickly adopted this idea: he called for a drum, and in the midst of the grape-shot which was decimating his squares, he wrote the following letter:

"Under the walls of Paris, the 30th of March, 1814.

"To his Serene Highness Prince Schwarzenberg, commander-in-chief of the combined armies.

"Prince,

"Negotiations have been again opened: the Duke of Vicenza has taken his departure with the intention of repairing to the presence of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria. Prince Metternich must be at this time with the Emperor Napoleon. In this state of things, and at a moment when matters may be amicably arranged, it behooves us, Prince, to spare the effusion of blood. I am sufficiently authorised to propose arrangements: they are such as to claim attention. Accordingly, Prince, I do myself the honour to propose a suspension of arms for twenty-four hours, during which we might treat of terms, in order to save from the horrors of a siege the city of Paris, in which we are determined to defend ourselves to the last extremity.

"I request your Serene Highness will accept the assurance of my distinguished consideration; and I avail myself of this opportunity to renew the expression of the sentiments of personal esteem I entertain towards you.

(Signed) THE MARSHAL DUKE OF TREVISO.

The Duke of Treviso had scarcely dispatched his letter when one of the Duke of Ragusa’s officers came to inform him of the convention entered into by this marshal. The step he was taking necessarily became superfluous from that moment. He justly foresaw that the intelligence transmitted by him to the generalissimo of the allies would be considered as a lure held out for the purpose of gaining time. Such indeed was the fact. Schwarzenberg was not satisfied with expressing a doubt of the overtures alluded to by Marshal Mortier; he even contested the possibility of an amicable understanding;{2} and yet the negotiations announced by the marshal were by no means imaginary.

Indignant at finding that his negotiation had failed. in the object of concluding any terms, the Emperor had adopted the determination of being his own diplomatist, and of opening a direct communication with the Emperor of Austria. In the eight of the 25th to the 26th of March, he had sent for Colonel Galbois, entrusted him with dispatches for that Prince, and after particularly enjoining that he should avoid the Russians, and parley with none but the troops of the sovereign to whose presence he was repairing, he had said to him: "Proceed in all haste; you are the bearer of peace." The colonel succeeded in escaping the cossacks, but was unable to penetrate as far as Dijon. Nevertheless he met with a most friendly reception, and obtained, on the morning of the 28th, the assurance that the proposals he had transmitted were accepted. An adjutant of the Emperor of Austria, who came to communicate to him the intentions of that Prince, stated that each of the three principal sovereigns was authorised to treat, and to affix his signature in the name of the other two: that peace was made not with Austria alone but with the whole coalition. The colonel pressed for a written answer; but the drawing up of a document of so ranch importance required time, and the smallest delay might again place everything at hazard. He took his departure upon the repeated assurance that the written document should to immediately dispatched. This was actually done; but a party of cossacks fell upon the flags of truce who were the bearers of it. Both Frenchmen and Austrians were carried off and the enterprise meditated against Paris was the more actively followed up after this occurrence.

It was, no doubt, unknown to Schwarzenberg; since; instead of admitting the overtures of the Duke of Treviso, he replied to him by transmitting an odious document, to which I shall presently have occasion to revert. Matters remained in the state in which they had been left. It never occurred either to Dejean or to Mortier to inform Marmont of the proximate arrival of the Emperor, in order that he might avail himself of the delay occasioned by a suspension of arms, and make another effort to maintain his ground until nightfall.

The two marshals quietly met at the gate of La Villette, where they agreed with M. de Nesselrode and Count Orloff upon the terms of capitulation, which were signed by Colonel Fabvier and Colonel Saint-Denys, the one an officer of the staff, the other the first aide-de-camp of the Duke of Ragusa.

Thus terminated that deplorable business; and the fate of France was thenceforward decided.

Nevertheless, the Emperor had only asked of Paris that it should defend itself for four or five days. He had announced, on quitting the capital, the possibility that, in consequence of the manoeuvres he was under the necessity of adopting, the enemy might come close up to the walls of that’ immense city; but he would lose no time in hastening to its rescue. A promise had been made to him that no alarm should be felt at the enemy’s approach; but this assurance was not borne out by the fact. Paris is no doubt free from reproach: all the citizens were ready to follow any leader; and if, instead of leaving in the arsenals and in the Champ de Mars the arms and artillery which were found there by the enemy, they had been given up to the population of Paris some few days sooner, they assuredly would have turned them to a better account. An error of so grave a nature ought only to be laid to the charge of those narrow-minded men who, thirsting for favours and for power, had, by dint of cringing and of protestations of fidelity, succeeded in securing to themselves the exclusive confidence of their chief. These were the men who sealed our fate by their want of courage in moments of peril.

Whilst Prince Joseph was prevailed upon to adopt the fatal resolution which I have just adverted to, the ministers, and all those who formed the active part of the government, were still in Paris. It was no doubt greatly regretted at this time that Paris was not in a state of insurrection; but there only remained a few hours for distributing arms, disposing of the numerous artillery in the Champ de Mars, raising up the street pavements, and in general for assuming the attitude of a city determined to defend itself. All this might have been effected a few days sooner; but when the citizens of Paris found that greater reliance was placed upon the enemy than upon themselves for preserving the capital, it was natural for them to entertain a poor opinion of those to whose care their fate had been committed. All met one another with a feeling of intense anxiety: all inquired what would be the end of such a state of things.

I was still upon the heights of Belleville when the council of defence which was held at Montmartre came to its final determination. I proceeded to the gate of Saint-Antoine, went over the suburb, which was prepared to obey any order, except that of surrender: all were clamorous for arms: an army might have been raised of those men who entertained such sentiments. As I was ascending the boulevard Saint-Antoine to repair a second time to the gate, I met a calash with the Duke Dalberg, who was returning from the interior of the suburb. I asked him from whence he came; and found him extremely agitated. I was greatly surprised at meeting him, and reflected for a moment on the circumstance, being still ignorant of the resolution just adopted at Montmartre. It was easy for me to have made him pay the forfeit of his intrigues; but the game was lost: a public execution would have answered no purpose; and I allowed him to proceed on his way.

From the gate of Saint-Antoine I returned to Montmartre. There was still a free passage along the outer boulevard; but the enemy were at no great distance from it. On arriving at the foot of the height, I learned that an aide-de-camp of the Emperor had arrived, and that Prince Joseph had just passed by with the Duke de Feltre, in whose company he had proceeded along the outer boulevard leading to the gates of Mousseaux and of the rue du Roule. I struck off by the inner boulevard in order to gain upon and overtake him at the gate of the Champ Elysées; but I was too late. The officers of the national guard informed me that he had taken the direction of the Bois de Boulogne. I was endeavouring in vain to account for his following that road, when I was over taken by a quarter-master of the Parisian guard, who had hastened after me from the suburb of Saint-Antoine. He brought me a letter from one of my private secretaries, who stated, that he had just received a pressing letter for me from the high judge, and that a circumstantial acknowledgment was, required of its having come to hand. I hurried home, and found an order for me to quit Paris: immediately and follow the road taken by the Empress.

I was informed that M. de Talleyrand had. called two hours before; that he had waited for me, and on going away, had expressed his intention to return, being desirous of having a conversation with me. On considering the hour at which the letter from the high judge was dated, I guessed the motive of M. de Talleyrand’s visit. As he had remained at home whilst I was proceeding to the different gates, he had received before me the dispatch which enjoined him to quit Paris, and was desirous of conversing with me upon the subject. I was correct in my conjectures. M. de Talleyrand returned almost at the very moment of my arrival at my hotel and spoke to me of the embarrassment into which he was thrown. He did not altogether refuse to quit Paris, though he was not very anxious to remove. He renewed his attacks against those whom he accused as the authors of all the misfortunes which were falling upon us, and sincerely pitied the Emperor for placing dependence upon those ignorant men who had ruined him. He added, however, that the ill-usage he had received from the Emperor had entirely destroyed the sentiments of affection which he formerly entertained towards him; nor could he forget his having been sacrificed to a few wretches. He was nevertheless desirous, for the advantage of all that the edifice should not crumble to, pieces, and Paris was the only place where it could be saved from destruction. He requested I would authorise him to remain, persuaded as he was, that by so doing, I should perform an essential service to the Emperor and the whole community.

I did not allow myself to be caught by this lure; and replied to the diplomatist, that I not only did not authorise his remaining, but enjoined him as far as it was in my power, to depart immediately and repair to the presence of the Empress. I even intimated to him, that from the present moment I should watch his departure, and adopt measures for compelling him to that course. I accordingly appointed agents to have an eye upon the actions of that personage. He pretended to yield assent to my injunction, but hastened to solicit from the prefect of police that authority which he had failed to obtain from myself. The prefect refused. M. de Talleyrand was compelled to proceed on his way, but took means for having himself stopped on the road and ordered back to Paris. This was certainly an act of prudence on his part, or his plans were not yet matured. What object, in fact, could have been answered by his so perseveringly soliciting an authority to remain in Paris? If his arrangements had been completed, it would have been sufficient for him to keep himself concealed for a few hours, at the end of which time he would have found himself in the midst of the Russians. But he was sure of nothing. He dreaded the future, and, happen what might, he wished to have an excuse in store for remaining in the capital. He impressed the allies with the conviction that he had it in his power to accomplish the Emperor’s ruin; and he persuaded his own dupes that the allies hesitated; but that he hoped to conquer their repugnance, and restore the Bourbons to the throne.

CHAPTER II.

The author quits Paris—M. Pasquier and M. de Chabrol remain in charge of the duty of watching over the safety of the capital—The author is strongly inclined to retrace his steps—M. de Talleyrand still—The Emperor’s opinion that the previous features in that person’s conduct were pledges against his ever joining the Bourbons —Sketch of the proceedings of diplomatic men against the various branches of that house.

M. DE TALLEYRAND had no sooner left me than. I made every preparation for my own departure. I sent for M. Pasquier, the prefect of police, and ‘ after acquainting him with the order given to me, I desired he would remain in Paris, and apprised him of the consequences which I foresaw would necessarily result from a determination I had vainly resisted. I did not conceal from him my apprehensions of the extent of the evil, and of the attempt that would be made to subvert the existing government; adding, that he would undoubtedly be applied to for his concurrence in such an attempt. I obtained his promise of acting with the utmost circumspection, and of his strictly discharging his public duty, from which a man of honour ought never to deviate. I told him that M. de Chabrol, the prefect of the Seine, in whom the Emperor had reposed so much confidence as to entrust him with the administration of Paris on the first approach of the storm, was receiving from the minister of the interior a mission of a nature in all respects analogous to that which I was committing to his own care: that by combining their efforts they might avert serious evils, and raise themselves to the highest pinnacle of honour. M. Pasquier was long aware of my private opinion respecting the eventual issue of the contest. I had often communicated to him the extent of my apprehensions, and upon many subjects I had held a very confidential intercourse with him. I congratulated myself in having it in my power to leave him in Paris under existing circumstances, as much out of regard for the consideration which his talents had secured to him, as on account of the reputation he had acquired by his upright character. He replied in such a manner as to confirm me in the exalted opinion I had formed of him. He told me that he entertained no doubt of the existence of many sinister projects; but, for his own part, he would never appear in any other character than that of a magistrate appointed to preside over the public tranquillity; so long as he might be left in authority, he would never wield it but for the attainment of that object. I have never altered my opinion of M. Pasquier, notwithstanding all that has since happened, and I have no doubt that he would have exerted every endeavour to check a popular commotion; but the impulse emanated from too high a source; and he was compelled to follow the stream. So unbounded was my confidence, that I committed to his care a portfolio containing all the letters which the Emperor had done me the honour to address to me during my administration, being unwilling to expose it to the risk of a plunder to which I might be more particularly subjected in the event of a revolution, which I felt to be near at hand. He, undertook the charge, on condition of his being allowed to consign it to the flames, if it should expose him to any personal danger. This apprehended danger having actually occurred, the valuable deposit was accordingly destroyed. I had caused my secret correspondence to be removed, and had burned all the papers that were calculated to compromise those individuals who were attached to my administration, feeling myself bound to relieve from every kind of uneasiness a crowd of persons who had rendered faithful services to me in my official capacity.

Ever since the beginning of February, there had remained in the offices of the ministry of police no document that could expose them to the consequences of private revenge or to any other danger. I left in Paris the chief secretary of that department, in order that he should retain the charge of the personnel of the administration, and I instructed M. Angles, who had the superintendence of the district beyond the Alps, to join me at Blois. M. Réal, who was at the head of another district, received a similar intimation. With respect to M. Pelet de la Lozère, who was appointed to the third district, he was performing a mission in the south of France, Every arrangement having been made, I took my departure at the hour of half-past four in the evening, and attempted to proceed by the gate of Sèvres; but it was so much obstructed by carriages, that I determined to pass through Orléans, conceiving that I should meet with no impediment along that road. I was right in my conjecture.

At no period of my life was my mind in such a state of agitation as at the moment of quitting Paris. I was even tempted at one time to retrace my steps, and was on the point of infringing the direct instructions of the Emperor that I should not remain in Paris if the Empress should be compelled to take her departure. Nevertheless, when I reflected upon the consequences which might have attended so inexcusable an act of disobedience, in the event of affairs taking a different turn from that which I flattered myself I might impart to them, I felt apprehensive of exposing my responsibility to such risks. I was not free from uneasiness respecting M. de Talleyrand; and if I neglected to procure his arrest, and force him away along with me, the omission is to be ascribed to the circumstance of my having no place at command where I could lodge him in safety. I could not be ignorant of the different parts he had acted by turns during the course of the revolution. I was aware of his having served every faction which had successively obtained possession of power, of his having invariably found himself moored in safe anchorage whenever a storm had burst over our heads, and of his having always sided with the stronger party. I also knew how greatly he must have been disaffected towards the Emperor, and how much he had to apprehend from the party which had placed him in so unfavourable a position towards the Prince. I could entertain no doubt, therefore, of his seizing upon the earliest opportunity of taking a signal revenge of his enemies, and of securing to himself a position so commanding as to place him beyond the reach of their animosity.

The Emperor was still more alive than I was to these various circumstances. He had, besides, near his person M. de Bassano, who was assuredly not friendly to M. de Talleyrand, and who was well acquainted with his character under every point of view. So far, however, from issuing any orders against him, he gave strict injunctions that he should not be molested, and allowed him to sit in the council of regency. It must be acknowledged, at the same time, that the sentiments which he manifested until the last moment, were far from justifying any measures of severity. Why did the Emperor retain him in his service notwithstanding the warnings he had received of M. de Talleyrand’s underhand manoeuvres? because he was acquainted with circumstances in his previous conduct which could not but be a check to the plans of revenge which he meditated, and because the recollection of his early services was not entirely obliterated. The Emperor was never known to forget the services rendered to him, and he never wholly deserted a man who had at any time given him satisfaction, were it even but on a solitary occasion. He often scolded, or gave severe reproofs; but almost instantly forgot what had passed. His moments of ill-humour generally proceeded from a report made to him, which had sometimes no connexion whatever with the ground of reprimand. I have frequently heard him assert that M. de Talleyrand had his fair side; that he had given more pledges than any other man against his taking part in any rising in favour of the house of Bourbon; and I have always been persuaded that this consideration had alone prevented the Emperor from dismissing him altogether from his councils, a course which was constantly recommended to him. The previous proceedings of that diplomatist appeared in fact to afford a sufficient pledge for his future conduct.

M. de Talleyrand was one of the members of the Constituent Assembly who had been most violent in attacking the court of Versailles. At a later period, he relied upon his public and avowed acts to win the confidence of the Directory, under whom he served in the capacity of minister for foreign affairs.

On the return from Egypt, he was one of those who contributed most powerfully to the overthrow of the Directory, and to the dispersion of the party who laboured to call the Duke of Orléans, or in default of the Duke, a Spanish prince to the throne of France.

On the occasion of the trial of Georges Cadoudal and his accomplices, in the year 1804, he was the person who pointed out the Duke d’Enghien as the only one answering the description of the individual alluded to by two of Cadoudal’s agents in their depositions. (See the particulars of that event in the second part of the first volume.) He fixed the determination adopted in regard to that prince, by remarking, that the individual pointed out could be no other than a prince of the house of Bourbon, because the Bourbons were alone interested in preventing the revolutionary party from taking advantage of the blow meditated by Cadoudal on his visit to France.

He drew attention to the circumstance, that of all the princes of the house of Bourbon, the Duke d’Enghien was the only one whose firmness of character and whose peculiar place of residence could give countenance to the suspicions created by the depositions of George’s companions. He supported his individual opinion by details which he had derived from the correspondence of certain agents of his own department, and caused that measure to be adopted which was eventually carried into effect. He was almost the only person in France who was in the secret, and who perhaps knew, or had at least the means of foretelling the issue of the measure. He wrote to the diplomatic envoys at the courts of the several princes on the right bank of the Rhine, for the purpose of justifying the violation of their territory. I admit that this formality was enjoined to him by the nature of his office; but it must also be admitted that he displayed a remarkable degree of reserve. on the occasion; since a single expression dropped in the saloon of the hotel de Luines, where he was on terms of constant intercourse at the time, would have been sufficient to defeat the object in view.

The First Consul, who was not even aware of the existence of a Duke d’Enghien, saw nothing more in M. de Talleyrand’s exertions on the occasion than an act of attachment to his person; since the only object of Cadoudal and his accomplices was to take away his life; and in the zeal which he displayed in prosecuting them, the minister could contemplate nothing else than delivering up to the sword of justice all those who had taken a part in the attempt. The Duke d’Enghien was not the heir to the crown. Under no circumstances could he have been called to it; and the Emperor could derive no personal advantage from putting him to death. He was even ignorant of his proximity to Strasburg. The polite was not better informed on the subject; for its system did not possess at that time the extensive ramifications which it acquired at a later period. Whatever took place beyond the frontiers was exclusively watched, reported, and followed up by the ministry of foreign affairs. The part taken by M. de Talleyrand in that business greatly contributed to protect him from the attacks of his enemies, who: were endeavouring to represent him as an agent of the house of Bourbon. The Emperor, who was much displeased at the incorrect information given to him on this occasion, never allowed the least expression of blame to escape him against any one. He was not unmindful of the intention manifested to serve him; but he also treasured up a recollection of the errors committed by those, who had been actuated by zeal for his service; and he did so for the purpose of avoiding similar mistakes on future occasions. Independently of this feature in M. de Talleyrand’s conduct, which might well be set down in the account, M. de Talleyrand afforded several other guarantees for his fidelity.

He had been the principal agent in the plan of dethroning the Neapolitan Bourbons in the year 1805: and lastly, he it was who proposed the dethroning of the Spanish branch of that family, a measure prepared long beforehand. His own partisans pretend that he was a perfect stranger to the latter plan. But nothing more is required than mere common sense to discover that a treaty by which such mighty interests were disposed of could never have been decided in a day and that previously to regulating the indemnities to be given to those whose political existence, must sink in consequence of the changes meditated in Spain, many negotiations must have been. carried on, especially as the question had never been discussed in written. communications, but had been treated between the Prince of the Peace and M. de Talleyrand, through the channel of Izquierdo, the confidential agent of the Spanish minister.

The document I have quoted in the second part of Volume II. is moreover a clear proof that the negotiation was followed up by M. de Talleyrand himself. He it was who demanded the cession of territory, and insisted upon a change in the order of succession. This, however, was not the only part he took in that business. He was not only the person who followed it up, but I have no hesitation in affirming that he gave the first idea of it.

After the battle of Friedland, the Emperor had entrusted me with the command of Königsberg, and of all Prussia Proper. Previously to that battle M. de Talleyrand had repaired to Dantzic, in order to await the issue of events, and the instructions of the Emperor, who wrote from Tilsit to desire he would take up his residence at Königsberg. He had scarcely reached the latter place when a courier brought him a letter from the Emperor. I had also received a dispatch by which the Prince ordered me to get in readiness a pontoon train, which was in the arsenal of the town, and to send it forward by the canal, so that it might reach Tilsit without loss of time. I communicated my orders to M. de Talleyrand, who showed me the letter he had received. The Emperor informed him that Alexander had solicited an armistice for a few days. He had granted it. Alexander had afterwards proposed an interview, which he was not over-anxious to accede to. He had not yet made up his mind, but would consider the proposal; and if peace was not immediately concluded, his determination was formed to cross the Niemen without farther delay. He was the more inclined to this course as the Russians had no longer any army, whilst two-thirds of his own forces had not been engaged on the field of battle of Friedland. He concluded by directing M. de Talleyrand to join him. The Emperor’s statement was correct; only three corps had been engaged at Friedland, with a single division of cuirassiers, independently of the dragoons and light cavalry. Having been charged with the management of the affairs of France at the court of Russia after the conclusion of peace, I travelled from Tilsit to St. Petersburg with the several corps of the Russian guard; and the officers I met and conversed with admitted that, independently of the