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1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations
1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations
1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations
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1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations

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The 1956 Suez Crisis is the first example of a pre-emptive strike after World War II. The episode provides lessons about the lengths to which nations will go to secure their interests and the limits of the United Nation’s influence. How the UN uses its power is the point of contention. In 1956, Great Britain, France, and Israel believed the organization would protect their security interests through the unbiased maintenance of international law. Yet, as common in the Cold War, UN action was hampered. A war began and ended with a cease-fire in fifty-five hours. Three militarily superior armies won their tactical fights but were strategically defeated. Most notably, the influence of global authority shifted to the superpowers. Through all this, the UN changed its mission and purpose. The primary question therefore is did the UN resolve the 1956 Suez Crisis? Resolution had to include a status quo ante bellum, the return to the existing system before the war, or the recognition of a new international Regime. The UN’s ability to resolve such crises directly affects its legitimacy in the international community.
LanguageEnglish
Release dateAug 15, 2014
ISBN9781782896081
1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations

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    Book preview

    1956 Suez Crisis And The United Nations - Major Jean-Marc Pierre

     This edition is published by PICKLE PARTNERS PUBLISHING—www.picklepartnerspublishing.com

    To join our mailing list for new titles or for issues with our books – picklepublishing@gmail.com

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    Text originally published in 2004 under the same title.

    © Pickle Partners Publishing 2014, all rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means, electrical, mechanical or otherwise without the written permission of the copyright holder.

    Publisher’s Note

    Although in most cases we have retained the Author’s original spelling and grammar to authentically reproduce the work of the Author and the original intent of such material, some additional notes and clarifications have been added for the modern reader’s benefit.

    We have also made every effort to include all maps and illustrations of the original edition the limitations of formatting do not allow of including larger maps, we will upload as many of these maps as possible.

    THE 1956 SUEZ CRISIS AND THE UNITED NATIONS

    BY

    MAJ JEAN-MARC PIERRE

    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    Contents

    TABLE OF CONTENTS 4

    ABSTRACT 5

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 6

    ILLUSTRATIONS 7

    TABLES 7

    CHAPTER 1 — INTRODUCTION 9

    General Introduction 9

    Background 10

    Historic Overview 11

    The Research Question 14

    Scope 14

    Assumptions 14

    Limitations 16

    Delimitations 16

    Significance of the Study 16

    Summary 18

    CHAPTER 2 — LITERATURE REVIEW 19

    Introduction 19

    Primary Legal Sources of 1956 Regime 19

    1888 Convention of Constantinople 19

    The United Nations Charter 19

    Related UN Resolutions 20

    Other Primary Sources 21

    Autobiographies 21

    Secondary Sources 22

    Histories of the Crisis 22

    Literature on the UN 23

    Summary of Literature 24

    CHAPTER 3 — Methodology 25

    Introduction to the Research Methodology 25

    The Regime 25

    The State 28

    Construction of the Methodology 29

    The Integrated Elasticity Model 29

    The D1 Curve 30

    The D2 Curve 30

    The D3 Curve 31

    The D4 Curve 31

    The D5 Curve 31

    The Complex Elasticity Model 32

    Conclusion 32

    CHAPTER 4 — HISTORICAL SETTING 34

    Strategic Value and Interests 34

    British Strategic Interests 36

    French Strategic Interests 37

    Israeli Strategic Interests 39

    Soviet Strategic Interests 41

    American Strategic Interests 42

    The United Nations Strategic Interest 43

    Events Leading To the Crisis 43

    Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser 43

    Soviet Arms for the Arabs 44

    Suez Canal Nationalization 45

    Conclusion 47

    CHAPTER 5 — STRATEGIC ANALYSIS 48

    Introduction 48

    Analysis of the Events 48

    The Coalition 48

    Negotiations 50

    The Hammarskjold Compromise 51

    The Collusion 54

    The Invasion 55

    The Fallout 58

    The United Nations Enforcement Force (UNEF) 61

    Conclusion 62

    CHAPTER 6 — CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 63

    Introduction 63

    Importance of the International Regime 63

    Reaction to the Suez Crisis 65

    Resolution of the Suez Crisis 66

    Recommendations 66

    1. Resolve Disputes Before a Catalyst to War Emerges 66

    2. Restructure the UN for Future Wars 66

    3. Enforce UN Resolutions 67

    4. Nations Must Develop Both Hard And Soft Power 68

    Summary 68

    REQUEST FROM THE PUBLISHER 69

    ACRONYMS 70

    REFERENCES 71

    ABSTRACT

    THE 1956 SUEZ CRISIS AND THE UNITED NATIONS, by MAJ Jean-Marc Pierre.

    The 1956 Suez Crisis is the first example of a preemptive strike after World War II. The episode provides lessons about the lengths to which nations will go to secure their interests and the limits of the United Nation’s influence. How the UN uses its power is the point of contention. In 1956, Great Britain, France, and Israel believed the organization would protect their security interests through the unbiased maintenance of international law. Yet, as common in the Cold War, UN action was hampered. A war began and ended with a cease-fire in fifty-five hours. Three militarily superior armies won their tactical fights but were strategically defeated. Most notably, the influence of global authority shifted to the superpowers. Through all this, the UN changed its mission and purpose. The primary question therefore is did the UN resolve the 1956 Suez Crisis? Resolution had to include a status quo ante bellum, the return to the existing system before the war, or the recognition of a new international Regime. The UN’s ability to resolve such crises directly affects its legitimacy in the international community.

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

    This thesis is dedicated to my wife, Jean Gwendolyn, and to all those who serve to keep the United States of America a free, safe, and prosperous nation.

    ILLUSTRATIONS

    Figure 1. Egypt, 1956

    Figure 2. Venn Diagram

    Figure 3. Time-Series Graph

    Figure 4. The Integrated Elasticity Model

    Figure 5. The Complex Elasticity Model

    Figure 6. The Interoceanic Routes Used by the British and the French to Travel from Their Homeports to Their Colonies or Interests When Using the Cape of Good Hope and the Suez Canal

    Figure 7. 1955 World Oil Production

    Figure 8. Middle East Oil Shipments West of Suez

    Figure 9. 1955 European Oil Imports from the Middle East

    Figure 10. 1955 Oil Imports Using the Suez Canal

    Figure 11. Elasticity during the 1956 Suez Nationalization

    Figure 12. Analysis of the UN Actions during the 1956 Crisis

    Figure 13. American and Soviet Reaction to Operation Musketeer

    TABLES

    Table 1. 1955 Oil Production

    Table 2. 1955 Oil Shipments to West

    Table 3. 1955 European Oil Imports from the Middle East

    CHAPTER 1 — INTRODUCTION

    General Introduction

    For centuries, international law recognized that nations need not suffer an attack before they can lawfully take action to defend themselves against forces that present an imminent danger of attack. Legal scholars and international jurists often conditioned the legitimacy of preemption on the existence of an imminent threat -most often a visible mobilization of armies, navies, and air forces preparing to attack. (Bush 2002, 15)

    In an interview at the end of 2003, United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Kofi Annan reflected on the challenges facing the UN following Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). The United States (US)-led war to overthrow Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein ended over twelve years of diplomacy since the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Kofi Annan assumed that the circumstances by which the OIF coalition went to war, the American doctrine of preemptive war, put the UN at its most significant crossroad since 1945.

    By 2003, Iraq had violated seventeen UN resolutions, had expelled UN weapons inspectors, and had funded suicide bombings in Israel. The administration of President George W. Bush, fresh from its victory in Afghanistan and armed with the 2002 National Security Strategy, was determined to enforce the UN resolutions. The UN’s response to the looming war, mused Annan, crippled its effectiveness in dealing with other longstanding disputes and possibly its credibility as an organization that worked by consensus: Those who are opposed to war could not understand that we could not stop the war and those who were for the war were upset that we did not support it. He further demurred that preemptive war was never mentioned in the [UN] Charter and [was] something the organization had never dealt with before (Annan interviewed by Shawn, December 2003).

    Contrary to Mr. Annan’s assertions, the UN had precedents of unsanctioned preemptive strikes from which to refer. For example, preemption was the casus belli (reason for war) in the Arab-Israeli War (1967), Bosnia (1995), and Kosovo (1999). The first preemptive strike in the postmodern era, however, was in the Suez Crisis in 1956 when a British, French, and Israeli coalition launched an attack into Egypt to depose Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser. Nasser, like Saddam Hussein of Iraq, was an authoritarian dictator who seized power through a coup d’état. Both men sponsored cross border terrorism against Israel. Both men routinely violated UN resolutions. Both faced strikes when opposing parties no longer found utility in diplomacy. The 1956 war and OIF are reminders that political disputes can digress into open conflict. As Carl Von Clausewitz famously said in his treatise, On War, War is nothing but the continuation of policy with other means (Clausewitz 1976, 69).

    It will be event in this study that when the Tripartite Coalition (just like the OIF Coalition) could not achieve their political ends through the diplomatic channels, open warfare became their only recourse. Unlike the failed Operation Musketeer,

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