The Annotated Luther: Pastoral Writings

THE ANNOTATED LUTHER

Volume 4

Pastoral Writings

VOLUME EDITOR

Mary Jane Haemig

GENERAL EDITORS

Hans J. Hillerbrand

Kirsi I. Stjerna

Timothy J. Wengert

Fortress Press

Minneapolis

THE ANNOTATED LUTHER, Volume 4

Pastoral Writings

Copyright © 2016 Fortress Press. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical articles and reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publisher. Visit http://www.augsburgfortress.org/copyrights/contact.asp or write to Permissions, Augsburg Fortress, Box 1209, Minneapolis, MN 55440.

Unless otherwise noted, Scripture quotations are from New Revised Standard Version Bible, copyright © 1989 by the Division of Education of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States of America.

Fortress Press Publication Staff: Scott Tunseth, Project Editor; Alicia Ehlers, Production Manager; Laurie Ingram, Cover Design; Michael Moore, Permissions.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available.

ISBN: 978-1-4514-6272-2

eISBN: 978-1-4514-6510-5

Contents

Series Introduction

Abbreviations

Maps

Introduction to Volume 4

MARY JANE HAEMIG

SERMON AND SONG

The Invocavit Sermons, 1522

MARTIN J. LOHRMANN

Selected Sermons

MARY JANE HAEMIG

Selected Hymns

DOROTHEA WENDEBOURG

TEACHING AND PRAYER

A Sermon on Prayer and Procession during Rogation Days, 1519

MARY JANE HAEMIG

Little Prayer Book, 1522

MARY JANE HAEMIG

The Small Catechism, 1529

TIMOTHY J. WENGERT

A Simple Way to Pray, 1535

ERIC LUND

PASTORAL CARE AND CONSOLATION

A Sermon on Preparing to Die, 1519

ANNA MARIE JOHNSON

The Magnificat, 1521

BETH KREITZER

Whether One May Flee from a Deadly Plague, 1527

ANNA MARIE JOHNSON

That Christians Should Bear Their Cross with Patience, 1530

KEN SUNDET JONES AND MARK C. MATTES

Consolation for Women Whose Pregnancies Have Not Gone Well, 1542

KRISTEN E. KVAM

Selected Letters of Pastoral and Spiritual Counsel

JOHN A. MAXFIELD

REFLECTIONS ON REFORM

Preface to the Wittenberg Edition of Luther’s German Writings, 1539

ERIK H. HERRMANN

Preface to Luther’s Latin Works, 1545

ROBERT KOLB

Image Credits

Index of Scriptural References

Index of Names

Index of Works by Martin Luther and Others

Index of Subjects

Series Introduction

Engaging the Essential Luther

Even after five hundred years Martin Luther continues to engage and challenge each new generation of scholars and believers alike. With 2017 marking the five-hundredth anniversary of Luther’s 95 Theses, Luther’s theology and legacy are being explored around the world with new questions and methods and by diverse voices. His thought invites ongoing examination, his writings are a staple in classrooms and pulpits, and he speaks to an expanding assortment of conversation partners who use different languages and hale from different geographical and social contexts.

The six volumes of The Annotated Luther edition offer a flexible tool for the global reader of Luther, making many of his most important writings available in the lingua franca of our times as one way of facilitating interest in the Wittenberg reformer. They feature new introductions, annotations, revised translations, and textual notes, as well as visual enhancements (illustrations, art, photos, maps, and timelines). The Annotated Luther edition embodies Luther’s own cherished principles of communication. Theological writing, like preaching, needs to reflect human beings’ lived experience, benefits from up-to-date scholarship, and should be easily accessible to all. These volumes are designed to help teachers and students, pastors and laypersons, and other professionals in ministry understand the context in which the documents were written, recognize how the documents have shaped Protestant and Lutheran thinking, and interpret the meaning of these documents for faith and life today.

The Rationale for This Edition

For any reader of Luther, the sheer number of his works presents a challenge. Well over one hundred volumes comprise the scholarly edition of Luther’s works, the so-called Weimar Ausgabe (WA), a publishing enterprise begun in 1883 and only completed in the twenty-first century. From 1955 to 1986, fifty-five volumes came to make up Luther’s Works (American Edition) (LW), to which Concordia Publishing House, St. Louis, is adding still more. This English-language contribution to Luther studies, matched by similar translation projects for Erasmus of Rotterdam and John Calvin, provides a theological and historical gold mine for those interested in studying Luther’s thought. But even these volumes are not always easy to use and are hardly portable. Electronic forms have increased availability, but preserving Luther in book form and providing readers with manageable selections are also important goals.

Moreover, since the publication of the WA and the first fifty-five volumes of the LW, research on the Reformation in general and on Martin Luther in particular has broken new ground and evolved, as has knowledge regarding the languages in which Luther wrote. Up-to-date information from a variety of sources is brought together in The Annotated Luther, building on the work done by previous generations of scholars. The language and phrasing of the translations have also been updated to reflect modern English usage. While the WA and, in a derivative way, LW remain the central source for Luther scholarship, the present critical and annotated English translation facilitates research internationally and invites a new generation of readers for whom Latin and German might prove an unsurpassable obstacle to accessing Luther. The WA provides the basic Luther texts (with some exceptions); the LW provides the basis for almost all translations.

Defining the Essential Luther

Deciding which works to include in this collection was not easy. Criteria included giving attention to Luther’s initial key works; considering which publications had the most impact in his day and later; and taking account of Luther’s own favorites, texts addressing specific issues of continued importance for today, and Luther’s exegetical works. Taken as a whole, these works present the many sides of Luther, as reformer, pastor, biblical interpreter, and theologian. To serve today’s readers and by using categories similar to those found in volumes 31–47 of Luther’s works (published by Fortress Press), the volumes offer in the main a thematic rather than strictly chronological approach to Luther’s writings. The volumes in the series include:

Volume 1: The Roots of Reform (Timothy J. Wengert, editor)

Volume 2: Word and Faith (Kirsi I. Stjerna, editor)

Volume 3: Church and Sacraments (Paul W. Robinson, editor)

Volume 4: Pastoral Writings (Mary Jane Haemig, editor)

Volume 5: Christian Life in the World (Hans J. Hillerbrand, editor)

Volume 6: The Interpretation of Scripture (Euan K. Cameron, editor)

The History of the Project

In 2011 Fortress Press convened an advisory board to explore the promise and parameters of a new English edition of Luther’s essential works. Board members Denis Janz, Robert Kolb, Peter Matheson, Christine Helmer, and Kirsi Stjerna deliberated with Fortress Press publisher Will Bergkamp to develop a concept and identify contributors. After a review with scholars in the field, college and seminary professors, and pastors, it was concluded that a single-language edition was more desirable than dual-language volumes.

In August 2012, Hans Hillerbrand, Kirsi Stjerna, and Timothy Wengert were appointed as general editors of the series with Scott Tunseth from Fortress Press as the project editor. The general editors were tasked with determining the contents of the volumes and developing the working principles of the series. They also helped with the identification and recruitment of additional volume editors, who in turn worked with the general editors to identify volume contributors. Mastery of the languages and unique knowledge of the subject matter were key factors in identifying contributors. Most contributors are North American scholars and native English speakers, but The Annotated Luther includes among its contributors a circle of international scholars. Likewise, the series is offered for a global network of teachers and students in seminary, university, and college classes, as well as pastors, lay teachers, and adult students in congregations seeking background and depth in Lutheran theology, biblical interpretation, and Reformation history.

Editorial Principles

The volume editors and contributors have, with few exceptions, used the translations of LW as the basis of their work, retranslating from the WA for the sake of clarity and contemporary usage. Where the LW translations have been substantively altered, explanatory notes have often been provided. More importantly, contributors have provided marginal notes to help readers understand theological and historical references. Introductions have been expanded and sharpened to reflect the very latest historical and theological research. In citing the Bible, care has been taken to reflect the German and Latin texts commonly used in the sixteenth century rather than modern editions, which often employ textual sources that were unavailable to Luther and his contemporaries.

Finally, all pieces in The Annotated Luther have been revised in the light of modern principles of inclusive language. This is not always an easy task with a historical author, but an intentional effort has been made to revise language throughout, with creativity and editorial liberties, to allow Luther’s theology to speak free from unnecessary and unintended gender-exclusive language. This important principle provides an opportunity to translate accurately certain gender-neutral German and Latin expressions that Luther employed—for example, the Latin word homo and the German Mensch mean human being, not simply males. Using the words man and men to translate such terms would create an ambiguity not present in the original texts. The focus is on linguistic accuracy and Luther’s intent. Regarding creedal formulations and trinitarian language, Luther’s own expressions have been preserved, without entering the complex and important contemporary debates over language for God and the Trinity.

The 2017 anniversary of the publication of the 95 Theses is providing an opportunity to assess the substance of Luther’s role and influence in the Protestant Reformation. Revisiting Luther’s essential writings not only allows reassessment of Luther’s rationale and goals but also provides a new look at what Martin Luther was about and why new generations would still wish to engage him. We hope these six volumes offer a compelling invitation.

Hans J. Hillerbrand

Kirsi I. Stjerna

Timothy J. Wengert

General Editors

Abbreviations

Introduction to Volume 4

MARY JANE HAEMIG

The reader may well ask why the writings included in this volume—and not other writings—are subsumed under the heading Pastoral Writings. In some sense, all of Luther’s works were pastoral, driven by a deep concern not for correct theology but to provide consolation and hope to people suffering in body, mind, and spirit. Certainly his early questions about indulgences derived as much from a deep pastoral concern for people as from a theoretical questioning of the entire indulgence system.

Luther the pastor is often overlooked.a Succeeding generations have thought of him as the great prophet, steadfast reforming figure, mover and shaker of his time, best-selling writer, brilliant theologian—even the national or denominational hero. But Luther was also a pastor who explained the basics of the Christian faith, taught people how to pray, visited and comforted the sick and dying, encouraged the doubtful, advised the prominent and the obscure, counseled the faithful, doubting, and suffering, and offered concrete help in a number of situations. Luther’s actual pastoral work was broad ranging. It is estimated that he preached approximately four thousand sermons in his lifetime.¹ His skills as a poet still inform the ordinary Christian through his radiant hymnody. He shaped new Evangelical worship, catechetical, and prayer practices. He never considered himself above the usual activities of a pastor. Luther never wrote a manual for pastors, a genre used by medieval priests and later by Lutheran pastors.b Nevertheless, his works provided guidance as to how his pastoral work was done.

A quick glance at the other volumes in The Annotated Luther series assures one that any number of other pieces could also have been considered pastoral and included in this volume. See for example, the Sermon on Indulgences and Grace (1518) in volume 1, which provides an explanation of the theological problems of indulgences at the lay level, or Whether Soldiers too Can Be Saved (1526) in volume 5. Surely Luther’s reform of worship, including the German Mass (1526) in volume 3, could also be considered pastoral. Any number of pastoral works are not included in The Annotated Luther series at all; see for example, Fourteen Consolations (1520)c or his numerous letters.

The pieces in this volume are arranged thematically rather than chronologically. It was the editors’ opinion that this would aid the reader in considering Luther’s thought on particular issues of pastoral ministry. Of course, no piece fits solely into one category.

The volume begins with the theme Sermon and Song. Luther was an incredibly active and productive preacher. While some works published under the title of sermons were probably never preached, the Invocavit Sermons (1522), also known as Eight Sermons at Wittenberg, illustrate Luther preaching into a particular situation of crisis. Returning from the Wartburg in 1522, Luther had to take in hand a reforming movement that, in his view, had gotten out of hand by claiming to carry reform to its logical ends yet returning to a legalism that Luther’s reform opposed.

The Selected Sermons illustrate Luther’s preaching on a number of topics and texts. Although Luther wrote down few of his actual sermons, the notes taken by listeners allow us to appreciate his forthright, energetic, and clear manner of expressing key Reformation insights in ways that all would understand. A sermon from one of his postils is also included. In the sixteenth century, a pastor’s library typically included several postils, collections of sermons on Gospel and/or Epistle lectionary texts arranged according to the church year. Luther sought through his postils to provide preaching aids to other pastors and thus influenced the course of evangelical preaching. They provide a glimpse of how Luther wanted his insights preached and taught. Only recently have scholars started recognizing the importance of postils in the spread of Reformation preaching and teaching.d

A 1548 printing of Luther’s Hausspostil, with a historiated border that depicts images of God’s instructions to Adam and Eve, the Fall and expulsion from Eden, Adam and Eve working the ground, John the Baptist pointing the way, the crucifixion, infant baptism, and the Eucharist.

Luther was well aware of the power of hymnody to preach and teach the faith as well as provide opportunity for the laity to confess the faith. The first Evangelical hymnals were published in 1524, five years before Luther’s catechisms. Luther continued to compose hymns throughout his life; some of these are sung to this day by Christians around the world. The hymns provided in this volume give insight into Luther’s poetic genius for conveying the gospel in this form.

Teaching and Prayer contains several pieces specifically intended to teach prayer: A Sermon on Prayer and Procession during Rogation Days (1519), the Little Prayer Book (1522), Luther’s Small Catechism (1529), and A Simple Way to Pray (1535). Often ignored, Luther’s reformation of prayer theology and practice has gained more attention in recent decades. The works here illustrate how Luther used different genres—sermon, prayer book, letter, and catechism—to teach prayer. The Little Prayer Book is sometimes seen as a forerunner to The Small Catechism, as it contains many catechetical elements. Like the Little Prayer Book, The Small Catechism went beyond teaching prayer and illustrates Luther’s efforts to concentrate his theology in an easily understandable (and learnable) form focused on the most important elements of the Christian faith. The Small Catechism is probably the most influential of all his works, shaping generations of Lutherans across several continents, who memorized and reflected upon its contents.

The pieces in Pastoral Care and Consolation show Luther dealing with a diverse set of pastoral challenges. In A Sermon on Preparing to Die (1519) he consciously moved away from the advice given in the medieval Ars Moriendi literature while retaining some of the form of that literature. Departing from medieval Roman Catholic beliefs and practices surrounding death, Luther stressed that the dying could be certain of God’s forgiveness because God had promised to forgive. Luther’s instructions for dying removed the threat that one’s disposition on the deathbed might put one’s salvation in peril. Rather than focusing on death, sin, and hell, the Christian is to be consoled by God’s sure promise.

Luther knew well that high regard for and devotion to the Virgin Mary were prominent in medieval piety and key to how laity understood and practiced their faith. While Luther firmly rejected any notion that Mary was a mediator between God and humans, he did not eliminate all mention of her but, rather, sought to teach a proper understanding and appreciation of Mary. He began his commentary on Mary’s song in Luke 1 (The Magnificat) before he left for the Diet of Worms in 1521² but he did not complete it until he was at the Wartburg. Luther saw Mary’s humility not as a virtue but, rather, as a description of her status as a lowly, poor, and even despised person. Rather than ascribing virtue to Mary, Luther praised her for her great faith and willingness to be the mother of God. Written for those who, like Mary, were humble and simple, this piece served also as a gift for the young prince John Frederick. Castigating many of the vices and failures that plague leaders, including their pride and presumption, it taught what a good and pious prince should be careful to avoid. A right understanding of Mary’s song, with its teaching about God and how God regards the proud and the humble, can teach rulers how to conduct themselves.

The plague known as Black Death is depicted in this image called Dance of Death, published in the German printed edition of Hartman Schedel’s Chronicle of the World (Nuremberg, 1493). The artist is thought to be Michael Wolgemut (1434–1519).

Whether One May Flee from a Deadly Plague (1527) responded to a concrete challenge and offers opportunity to reflect on what Christian vocation means in the midst of threat and death. Plague—with its attendant threat of sudden death—was a regular event in Luther’s era. While much of today’s Western world may have lost the sense that one could be swept away quickly by epidemic disease, this threat was common up into the modern era and still exists in many parts of the world today.

That Christians Should Bear Their Cross with Patience (1530) illustrates Luther’s use and extension of his theology of the cross. These were probably notes for his sermon to the Wittenberg entourage headed for the Diet of Augsburg (1530).³ Facing a potentially negative outcome of the Diet, and the resulting suffering and pain, Luther sought to give comfort and confidence to his fellow reformers. Readers may want to read these notes in connection with the sermon included under Selected Sermons.

Consolation for Women Whose Pregnancies Have Not Gone Well (1542) addressed an all-too-common issue. It demonstrates not only Luther’s pastoral care for women but also his response to the concern of all parents for the salvation of unbaptized children.

Luther carried on an extensive correspondence with a very diverse set of individuals, including rulers, church leaders, former students, relatives, friends, and strangers. The sampling of letters in this volume show Luther using this genre to extend pastoral care to those far away from him.

The volume concludes with Reflections on Reform, containing Luther’s Preface to the German Works (1539)and Preface to the Latin Works (1545). Luther was reluctant to let his works be assembled and published but realized that this would probably happen regardless of his wishes. He knew that a significant part of the audience for these would be pastors. He chose to use the prefaces to those editions to reflect on what was most important to him—namely his approach to Scripture and his Reformation breakthrough.

Luther’s Reformation breakthrough—the realization that God considers humans righteous for the sake of Christ, not on the basis of any human merit or worthiness, and that faith (trust) in this promise, a faith itself given by the Holy Spirit, is all that is needed for salvation—shaped his pastoral work and that of his followers in ways very different from their medieval predecessors. Both pastoral practice and lay piety changed significantly as a result of Luther’s insights into the heart of the Christian faith.

The Invocavit Sermons

1522a

MARTIN J. LOHRMANN

INTRODUCTION

Following an almost year-long exile at Wartburg Castle, Martin Luther returned to Wittenberg in early March 1522 and resumed his ministry there by preaching these eight sermons over eight days. He preached the first of them on Invocavit Sunday, the first Sunday in Lent. Although delivered for a unique set of local circumstances, these sermons provide excellent witness to Luther’s knowledge and use of Scripture, his ability to share the gospel message of justification by faith, and his skill in applying that saving faith to the challenges of daily life.

This 1522 illustration by Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553) depicts Luther as Junker Jörg.

Historical Background

Luther came back to Wittenberg at a critical time.b In the months since Luther had been summoned to the Diet of Worms in April 1521, reforms in Wittenberg continued under the leadership of colleagues such as Justus Jonas (1493–1555), Nicholas von Amsdorf (1483–1565), Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt (1486–1541), and Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560); Gabriel Zwilling (1487–1558) led reform efforts at the town’s Augustinian monastery. Outside the school and churches, Luther’s teachings also inspired townspeople to embrace the need for religious and social reforms—for instance, how to care for the poor and improve church oversight on the local level.

An etching of Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, sixteenth century. Karlstadt received his doctorate in Wittenberg in 1510 and also studied canon law and civil law in Erfurt, Cologne, and Rome. Highly interested in social and church reform, he held many official positions at the university and its church, including theology department chair, archdeacon, and dean.

While away from Wittenberg, Luther corresponded with Melanchthon, Amsdorf, and the court advisor Georg Spalatin (1484–1545) and stayed informed of Wittenberg events. In those months, some priests had begun to marry, in opposition to centuries of mandatory clerical celibacy.¹ In September, Melanchthon led a small group in privately receiving both the wine and the bread of Holy Communion.² At the Augustinian monastery and at the All Saints Church (the Castle Church) priests refused to hold the customary private Masses. Luther supported these reforms, though a tract against rioting written in December 1521 after a discreet visit to Wittenberg suggests that he knew greater social upheaval was possible.c

That Christmas, Karlstadt took reforms a step further, as he presided at communion without wearing his vestments, used a modified liturgy, and served communion in both kinds, even to people who had not made confession.d The following day he announced that he, too, was going to marry. These events did not provoke any criticism from Luther. That relative harmony began to change in January 1522 with the appearance of a new Wittenberg Ordinance to reform city and church practices, put forth by Karlstadt and the city council with the approval of the university.e Interpretations of these events favorable to Karlstadt view this as a bold step forward to reform church and society; in that light, Luther’s later critique of this ordinance signifies his inability to accept his own conclusions and reveals his subservience to the nobility. On the other hand, interpretations more sympathic to Luther’s view identify the Wittenberg Ordinance as the moment when Karlstadt reached too far and revealed himself to be a radical reformer.³ Careful engagement with primary documents continues to leave many questions unanswered, so that a variety of interpretations are possible. The dramatic events of these months have led some to describe this period as the Wittenberg Unrest.

This is a title page to a 1522 publication of Karlstadt’s sermon on the reception of Holy Communion. Karlstadt was himself a prolific writer and an important voice in launching church reforms. The illustration refers to Abraham’s near sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22).

One complicating factor is that an imperial law forbidding religious changes had just been enacted on January 20, making it politically untenable for Saxon elector Frederick the Wise (1463–1525) to support or even consider local reform efforts like the January 22 Wittenberg Ordinance.⁴ Though the Wittenberg Ordinance required the gradual removal of church images and altars, the situation deteriorated when impatient mobs started to destroy many religious images on their own. This made it appear as if reformers such as Karlstadt and Zwilling, who most favored removing the images, had incited an uproar despite their own concern for order.f

It is hard to know how much support the ordinance enjoyed. Although town mayor Christian Beyer (1482–1535) wrote the following day to the elector’s representative that the ordinance had the support of the university and the council, he also said that he had spoken in favor of keeping crucifixes but that others overruled him by citing the biblical prohibitions against images (Exod. 20:4; Deut. 5:8; and Baruch 6). The fact that court painter Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553) was a member of the city council beginning in 1519 also raises a question about how much agreement there could have been regarding the removal of images and altars.g Finally, within days of its passage, Melanchthon wrote a set of theses against the ordinance’s conclusions about images and communion.⁵ The Wittenberg Ordinance had quickly become a main point of contention in the town’s religious, social, and political life.

Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt and the destruction of images. This copper engraving from the seventeenth century shows that even though he had not advocated rash iconoclasm, Karlstadt has often been linked with the actions of an unruly mob ever since.

The Invocavit Sermons: Content and Effects

Having decided, against the elector’s wishes, that it was time to leave Wartburg Castle, Luther arrived back in Wittenberg on March 6, 1522.⁶ He shaved off Junker Jörg’s beard and received again a monk’s tonsure.⁷ On March 9, the first Sunday in Lent, he re-entered his pulpit in the City Church and spoke these gripping words: The summons of death comes to us all, and no one can die for another.

One firsthand report says that Luther preached on the appointed text from Matthew for the day and then left the text to discuss the issues at hand.h While that may be so, Luther’s message in these sermons matched the appointed Bible readings very well. For instance, the first Sunday in Lent was long known as Invocavit Sunday, because the opening Introit for the day’s worship began with Ps. 91:15, a fitting introduction for the sermons that followed: Invocabit me et exaudiam eum (When they call to me, I will answer them). The appointed epistle was 2 Cor. 6:1–10, which begins, As we work together with him [Christ], we urge you not to accept the grace of God in vain. Repeatedly in the Invocavit Sermons, Luther accused his fellow Wittenbergers as having used their evangelical faith and freedom in vain.⁸ The Gospel for Invocavit Sunday was Matt. 4:1–11, the temptation of Jesus by the devil. Indeed, Luther’s primary opponent in the pulpit that week in Wittenberg was not flesh and blood but the clever arguments and damning accusations of the devil. However intentionally Luther followed the appointed biblical texts, these sermons are powerful and contextual reflections on the Lenten call to contend against evil, repent, pray, practice self-discipline, and serve others through works of love.

Painting of Luther preaching on the altarpiece at the City Church (St. Mary’s Church) in Wittenberg. By Lucas Cranach the Younger, 1547.

Luther’s sermons were met immediately with positive acclaim and effect.i Many in the congregation wrote glowing accounts of what they had heard. Before the week was even finished, Zwilling admitted to having acted immoderately.j By the end of the month, Melanchthon viewed the sermons as having helped bring calm to Wittenberg, saying, Everything here has been well restored by Doctor Martinus.k

Scenes of Satan tempting Jesus in the wilderness from Luther’s Interpretation of the Epistles and Gospels from Advent to Easter, 1540 printing.

What about Karlstadt? It seems that a little room had been left open for a constructive relationship between Luther and Karlstadt, though this would have involved at least a little loss of face and status for Karlstadt.⁹ Indeed, Karlstadt soon showed his continuing sympathy with more radical elements of the Reformation. If events surrounding the Invocavit Sermons are viewed as a battle of wills or methods, then Luther’s vision for reform carried the day and set a lasting tone for the Wittenberg Reformation.¹⁰

The Invocavit Sermons remain rich sources for learning from and about Martin Luther. They demonstrate his ability to reason scripturally and to share the gospel through effective preaching.l These sermons also stand as a fitting companion to and case study for The Freedom of a Christian,m which had been published before Luther left for the Diet of Worms.n As in that work, the Invocavit Sermons emphasize the primacy of faith alone in Christ alone, the power of God’s Word to change the world, and the new opportunity that liberated believers have in Christ and the Holy Spirit to love and serve their neighbors. Historically, these sermons also provide a powerful conclusion to the Wittenberg Unrest. Karlstadt’s influence had peaked, and an important Lutheran precedent for responding to religious and social change had appeared: Christians look first to Christ, who frees them and in turn sends them back to care for others.

About This Edition

Though the text presented here is not an entirely new translation of the Invocavit Sermons, it is a significant revision of Eight Sermons at Wittenberg, 1522 included in volume 51 of Luther’s Works, American Edition. That version, edited by Dr. John Doberstein and published in 1959, was a revision of the translation by Rev. Augustus Steimle included in the 1915 Philadelphia Edition of Luther’s Works, volume 2.¹¹

Three reasons for the significant revisions commend themselves. First, the English language has changed enough since Steimle’s translation that new word choices and revised sentence structures are warranted. Second, in relatively few cases, significant alterations have been made to better represent the original German text. Third, The Annotated Luther series has aimed to use gender-inclusive language where possible. Since Luther often addressed himself explicitly to brothers and sisters, friends, and neighbors in these sermons, the more expansive language of this edition fits Luther’s original meaning. In all cases, faithfulness to the letter and spirit of the sermons has remained central. The original sources consulted in this translation were Martin Luther: Studienaussgabe 2:530–58 and Luthers Werke, Weimar Ausgabe 10/3:1–64.

THE INVOCAVIT SERMONS¹²

The First Sermon, 9 March 1522, Invocavit Sunday

The summons of death comes to us all, and no one can die for another. All must fight their own battle with death by themselves, alone. We can shout into one another’s ears but everyone must individually be prepared for the time of death, for I will not be with you then nor you with me. Therefore each person must personally know and be armed with the chief things that concern a Christian. And these are what you, my beloved, heard from me many times in the past.

The title page from a 1523 printing of the Eight Sermons (Acht Sermon D. M. Luthers)

In the first place, we must know that we are the children of wrath and all our works, intentions, and thoughts are nothing at all. Here we need a clear, strong text to bear out this point. Such is the saying of St. Paul in Eph. 2[:3]. Note this well; and though there are many such in the Bible, I do not wish to overwhelm you with many texts. We are all the children of wrath. And please do not start to say: I have built an altar, given a foundation for Masses, etc.

Second, God has sent us the only-begotten Son that we may believe in him so that whoever trusts in him shall be free from sin and a child of God, as John declares in his first chapter, To all who believed in his name, he gave power to become children of God [John 1:12]. Here we should all be well versed in the Bible and ready to confront the devil with many passages.¹³ With respect to these two points I do not feel that there has been anything wrong or lacking. They have been rightly preached to you, and I should be sorry if it were otherwise. Indeed, I am well aware and dare say that you are more learned than I, and that there are not only one, two, three, or four, but perhaps ten or more who have this awareness.

Third, we must also have love and through love we must do to one another as God has done to us through faith. For without love faith is nothing, as St. Paul says (1 Cor. 2[13:1]): If I had the tongues of angels and could speak of the highest things in faith, and have not love, I am nothing. And here, dear friends, have you not grievously failed? I see no signs of love among you and I observe very well that you have not been grateful to God for his rich gifts and treasures.¹⁴

Here let us beware lest Wittenberg become Capernaum [cf. Matt. 11:23].¹⁵ I notice that you have a great deal to say of the doctrine of faith and love which is preached to you, and this is no wonder; an ass can almost intone the lessons, and why should you not be able to repeat the doctrines and formulas? Dear friends, the kingdom of God—and we are that kingdom—does not consist in talk or words but in activity, in deeds, in works and exercises [1 Cor. 4:20; 1 John 3:18]. God does not want hearers and repeaters of words but followers and doers, and this occurs in faith through love [Jas. 1:22; Gal. 5:2]. For a faith without love is not enough—rather it is not faith at all, but a counterfeit of faith, just as a face seen in a mirror is not a real face, but merely the reflection of a face [1 Cor. 13:12].¹⁶

This title page image is from a section of Lutheran hymnist Joseph Clauder’s (1586–1653) hymn collection that is dedicated to the themes of the believer’s crucifixion with Jesus and the suffering of persecution. This woodcut print features a man giving praise to God, having laid down his harp and crown to do so, a gesture of exultation in renunciation for the sake of the Kingdom of God.

Fourth, we also need patience. For whoever has faith trusts in God and shows love to their neighbor, practicing it day by day, will undoubtedly suffer persecution. For the devil never sleeps, but constantly gives believers plenty of trouble. But patience works and produces hope [Rom. 5:4], which freely yields itself to God and realizes itself in God. Thus faith, by much affliction and persecution, ever increases, and is strengthened day by day. A heart thus blessed with virtues can never rest or restrain itself, but rather pours itself out again for the benefit and service of the brethren, just as God has done to it.

And here, dear friends, believers must not insist upon their own rights, but must see what may be useful and helpful to their brothers and sisters, as Paul says, Omnia mihi licent, sed non omnia expediunt,  ‘All things are lawful for me,’ but not all things are helpful [1 Cor. 6:12]. For we are not all equally strong in faith and some of you have even stronger faith than I. Therefore we must not look upon ourselves, or our strength, or our prestige, but upon our neighbor, for God has said through Moses: I have borne and reared you, as a mother does her child [Deut. 1:31].

What does a mother do to her child? First she gives it milk, then gruel, then eggs and soft food, whereas if she turned about and gave it solid food, the child would never thrive [cf. 1 Cor. 3:2; Heb. 5:12–13]. So we should also deal with our brothers and sisters, have patience with them for a time, have patience with their weakness and help them bear it [Gal. 6:2]; we should also give them milk-food, too [1 Pet. 2:2; cf. Rom. 14:1–3], as was done with us, until they, too, grow strong. In this way, we do not travel heavenward alone but bring those brothers and sisters who are not yet our friends with us. If all mothers were to abandon their children, where would we have been? Dear friend, if you have suckled long enough, do not at once cut off the breast, but let your neighbor be suckled as you were. If I had been here, I would not have gone so far as you have. The cause is good but there has been too much haste. For there are still brothers and sisters on the other side who belong to us and must still be won.

Let me illustrate. The sun has two properties, light and heat.¹⁷ No king has power enough to bend or guide the light of the sun; it remains fixed in its place. But the heat may be turned and guided, even as it always still comes from the sun. Thus faith must always remain pure and immovable in our hearts, never wavering; but love bends and turns so that our neighbor may grasp and follow it. There are some who can run, others must walk, still others can hardly creep [cf. 1 Cor. 8:7–13]. Therefore we must not look upon our own abilities, but upon our neighbor’s powers, so that those who are weak in faith and attempt to follow the strong may not be snatched up by the devil. Therefore, dear friends, follow me; I have never been a destroyer. I was also the first whom God set to this task. I cannot run away but will remain as long as God allows. I was also the first one to whom God revealed that his word should be preached to you. I am also sure that you have the clear word of God.¹⁸

Let us, therefore, act with fear and humility, casting ourselves at one another’s feet, reaching out our hands to one another, and helping each other. I will do my part, which is no more than my duty, to love you even as I love my own soul.¹⁹ For here we battle not against popes, bishops, or anyone else, but against the devil, and do you imagine he is asleep [cf. Eph. 6:12; 1 Pet. 5:8]? He sleeps not, but sees the true light rising, and to keep it from shining into his eyes he would like to make a flank attack—and he will succeed, if we are not on our guard. I know him well, and I hope, too, that with the help of God, I am his master.²⁰ But if we yield him but an inch, we must soon look to it how we may be rid of him. Therefore all those have erred who have helped and consented to abolish the Mass; not that it was not a good thing, but that it was not done in an orderly way. You say it was right according to the Scriptures. I agree, but what becomes of order? For it was done in wantonness, with no regard for proper order and with offense to your neighbor.²¹ If, beforehand, you had called upon God in earnest prayer and had obtained the aid of the authorities, one could be certain that it had come from God. I, too, would have taken steps toward the same end if it had been a good thing to do; and if the Mass were not so evil a thing, I would introduce it again. For I cannot defend your action, as I have just said. To the papists and blockheads I could defend it, for I could say: How do you know whether it was done with good or bad intention, since the work in itself was really a good work? But I would not know what to assert before the devil.²² For if on their deathbeds the devil reminds those who began this affair of texts like these, Every plant which my Father has not planted will be rooted up [Matt. 15:13], or I have not sent them, yet they ran [Jer. 23:21], how will they be able to withstand? He will cast them into hell. But I shall poke the one spear into his face, so that even the world will become too small for him, for I know that in spite of my reluctance I was called by the council to preach.²³ Therefore I was willing to accept you as you were willing to accept me, and, besides, you could have consulted me about the matter.

An evangelical pastor visits a dying man who has turned his back on the devil.

I was not so far away that you could not reach me with a letter, whereas not the slightest communication was sent to me.²⁴ If you were going to begin something and make me responsible for it, that would have been too much for me. I will not do it [i.e., assume the responsibility]. Here one can see that you do not have the Spirit, even though you do have a deep knowledge of the Scriptures. Take note of these two things, must and free.²⁵ The must is that which necessity requires, and which must ever be unyielding; as, for instance, the faith, which I shall never permit anyone to take away from me, but must always keep in my heart and freely confess before everyone. But free is that in which I have choice, and may use or not, yet in such a way that it profit my neighbor and not me. Now do not make a must out of what is free, as you have done, so that you may not be called to account for those who were led astray by your loveless exercise of liberty. For if you entice people to eat meat on Fridays and they become troubled by it on their deathbed, thinking, Woe is me, for I have eaten meat and I am lost! until they can no longer stand it, then God will call you to account for that soul. I, too, would like to begin many things, in which but few would follow me, but what is the use? For I know that when the conflicts come those who have begun such things would not be able to persevere and would be the first to retreat. How would it be, if I brought the crowds to the point of attack and then if I—who had been the first to exhort others—would then flee death rather than steadfastly face it? How the poor people would be deceived!²⁶

Let us, therefore, feed others also with the milk which we received, until they too become strong in faith. For there are many who are otherwise in accord with us and who would also gladly accept this thing, but they do not yet fully understand it—these we drive away. Therefore, let us show love to our neighbors; if we do not do this, our work will not endure. We must have patience with them for a long time yet and not cast out those who are still weak in faith; how much to do or not to do depends on what love requires and what does no harm to our faith. If we do not earnestly pray to God and act rightly in this matter, it looks to me as if all the complaints that we have heaped upon the papists will fall upon us. Therefore I could no longer remain away, but was compelled to come and say these things to you.

This is enough about the Mass; tomorrow we shall speak about images.²⁷

The Second Sermon, 10 March 1522, Monday after Invocavit

Dear friends, you heard yesterday the chief characteristics of Christians, that their whole lives and beings are grounded in faith and love. Faith is directed toward God, while love is directed toward people and consists in sharing with neighbors the love and service that we have received from God without our having worked for it or deserved it. Thus, there are two things: the one, which is the most needful and must happen before all else; the other, which is free and not of necessity, which may be kept or not without endangering faith or incurring hell. In both, love must deal with our neighbor in the same manner as God has dealt with us; it must walk the straight road, straying neither to the left nor to the right [cf. Matt. 7:13–14]. In the things that are musts and are matters of necessity, such as believing in Christ, love still never uses force or undue pressure. Thus the Mass is an evil thing, and God is displeased with it, because it is performed as if it were a sacrifice and work of merit. Therefore it must be abolished. Here, there can be no question or doubt, any more than you should ask whether you should worship God. Here we are entirely agreed: the private Masses must be abolished.²⁸ As I have said in my writings,²⁹ I wish they would be abolished everywhere and only the common evangelical Mass be retained. Nevertheless, Christian love should not employ harshness here nor force the matter. However, it should be preached and taught with tongue and pen that to hold Mass in such a manner is sinful, even though no one should be dragged away from it by the hair; for it should be left to God, whose word should be allowed to work alone, without our work or interference. Why? Because it is not in my power or hand to mold human hearts as the potter molds the clay and fashion them at my pleasure [Ecclus. 33:13]. I can get no further than their ears; their hearts I cannot reach. And since I cannot pour faith into their hearts, I cannot, nor should I, force anyone to have faith. That is God’s work alone, who causes faith to live in the heart. Therefore we should give free course to the word and not add our works to it. We have the jus verbi [right to speak] but not the executio [power to accomplish]. We should preach the word but the results must be left solely to God’s good pleasure.

Now if I should rush in and abolish it by force, there are many who would be compelled to consent to it without knowing where they stand, whether it is right or wrong, saying, I do not know if it is right or wrong, I do not know where I stand, I was compelled by force to submit to the majority.³⁰ And this forcing and commanding results in a mere mockery, an external show, a fool’s play, human ordinances, sham-saints, and hypocrites. For where the heart is not good, I care nothing at all for the work. We must first win the hearts of the people. But that is done when I teach only the word of God, preach the gospel, and say: Dear lords or pastors, abandon the Mass. It is not right and you are sinning when you do it; I cannot refrain from telling you this. But I would not make it an ordinance for them, nor urge a general law.³¹ Whoever would want to follow me could do so and whoever did not want to would remain outside. In the latter case the word would sink into the heart and do its work, so that such people would become convinced, acknowledge the error, and fall away from the Mass; tomorrow another would do the same. Thus God would accomplish more with the word than if you and I were to pile all our power into one heap. So when you have won the heart, you have won the person such that the thing itself must finally fall of its own weight and come to an end. And if the hearts and minds of all are agreed and united, abolish it. But if all are not heart and soul for its abolition, then leave it in God’s hands, I beseech you, or else the result will not be good. Not that I would again set up the Mass; I let it lie in God’s name. Faith must not be chained and imprisoned, nor bound by an ordinance to any work. This is the principle by which you must be governed. For I am sure you will not be able to carry out your plans. And if you should carry them out with such general laws, then I will recant everything that I have written and preached and I will not support you.³² This I am telling you now. What harm can it do you? You still have your faith in God, pure and strong so that this thing cannot hurt you.

Love, therefore, demands that you have compassion on the weak, as all the apostles had. Once, when Paul came to the mighty city of Athens (Acts 17[:16–32]) he found in the temple many ancient altars, and he went from one to the other and looked at them all, but he did not kick down a single one of them with his foot. Rather he stood up in the middle of the marketplace and said they were nothing but idolatrous things and begged the people to forsake them; yet he did not destroy one of them by force. When the word took hold of their hearts, the people forsook them of their own accord and thus the thing fell of itself. Likewise, if I had seen people holding Mass, I would have preached to them and admonished them. Had they heeded my admonition, I would have won them; if not, I would nevertheless not have torn them from it by the hair or by using any force but would have let the word act and kept praying for them. For the Word created heaven and earth and all things [Ps. 33:6], so that the Word must do this thing and not we poor sinners.

In short, I will preach it, tell it, write it, but I will constrain no one by force, for faith must come freely without compulsion. Take an example from me.³³ I opposed indulgences and all the papists, but never with force.³⁴ I taught, preached, and wrote God’s word alone; otherwise I did nothing. And while I slept [cf. Mark 4:26–29], or drank Wittenberg beer with my friends Philip and Amsdorf,³⁵ the word did so much that the papacy weakened in such a way that no prince or emperor ever inflicted such damage upon it. I did nothing; the word did everything.³⁶ Had I desired to proceed with violence, I could have brought great bloodshed upon Germany; indeed, even at Worms³⁷ I could have started such trouble that even the emperor would not have been safe. But what would it have been? Mere fool’s play. I did nothing; I let the Word do its work. What do you suppose the devil thinks when one tries to establish something by making a big noise? He sits back in hell and thinks, Oh, what a fine game the fools are up to now! But it does him harm when we spread the word alone and let it alone do the work, for it is almighty and captures hearts. And when hearts are captured the work will fall of itself. Here’s a simple example: In former times there were sects, too, of Jewish and Gentile Christians, differing on the law of Moses with respect to circumcision. The former wanted to keep it; the latter did not. Then Paul came preaching that it might be kept or not, for there was no power in it. He also said that they should not make a must of it but leave it as a matter of freedom; there was no danger in either keeping it or not [1 Cor. 7:18–24; Gal. 5:1]. So it was up to the time of Jerome, who came and wanted to make a must out of it, desiring to make an ordinance and a law that it be prohibited. Then came St. Augustine and he was of the same opinion as St. Paul that it might be kept or not, as one wished. St. Jerome was a hundred miles away from St. Paul’s opinion. The two doctors bumped heads rather hard, but when St. Augustine died, St. Jerome was successful in having it prohibited.³⁸ After that came the popes, who also wanted to add something and they, too, made laws, such that from one law grew a thousand laws, until they have completely buried us under laws. And so it would happen here, too: one law will soon become two, two become three, and so forth.

Acts 17:16–32. Paul preaches on Mars Hill about Jesus beginning with the statue to the unknown god depicted in the background. Illustration by Pierre Eskrich (c. 1550–c. 1590).

Let this be enough at this time concerning the things that are necessary,³⁹ and let us beware lest we lead astray those of weak conscience [1 Cor. 8:12].

The Third Sermon, 11 March 1522, Tuesday after Invocavit

We have heard the things that are musts, which are necessary and must be done, things which must be so and not otherwise: the private Masses must be abolished. For all works and things that are either commanded or forbidden by God and thus have been ordered by the supreme Majesty are musts. Nevertheless, no one should be dragged to them or away from them by the hair, for—to say it plain enough—I cannot push anyone into heaven nor beat them into it with a club.⁴⁰ I believe you have understood what I said.

Now come the things which are not necessary but have been left open by God and which we may keep or not, such as whether a person should marry or not, or whether monks and nuns should leave the cloisters. These things are matters of freedom and must not be forbidden by anyone. If they are forbidden, the forbidding is wrong, since it is contrary to God’s ordinance.⁴¹ In the things that are free, such as marrying or not marrying, you should take this attitude: if you can keep to it without burden, then keep it; it must not be made a general law, rather everyone must be free. So if there is a priest, monk, or nun who cannot abstain, let him take a wife and she a husband,o in order that your conscience may be relieved; and see to it that you can stand before God and the world when you are assailed, especially when the devil attacks you in the hour of death.⁴² It is not enough to say: this man or that man did it, I followed the crowd, according to the preaching of the dean, Dr. Karlstadt, or Gabriel, or Michael.⁴³ Not so [neyn]; all must stand on their own feet and be prepared to give battle to the devil. You must rest upon a strong and clear text of Scripture if you want to remain standing. If you do not have that, you will never be able to stand, for the devil will pluck you like a parched leaf. Therefore the priests who have taken wives and the nuns who have taken husbands in order to save their consciences must stand squarely upon a clear text of Scripture,⁴⁴ such as this one by St. Paul, although there are many more: In later times some will depart from the faith by giving heed to deceitful spirits and doctrines of the devil (I think St. Paul is plain enough here!) and will forbid marriage and the foods which God created [1 Tim. 4:1–3]. With this text, the devil will not be able to overthrow or devour you; it will overthrow and devour him instead. Therefore any monks or nuns who find themselves too weak to remain abstinent should conscientiously examine themselves; if their hearts and consciences are thus strengthened, let him take a wife and she a husband. Would to God all monks and nuns could hear this sermon and properly understand this matter and would all forsake the cloisters, and thus all the cloisters in the world would cease to exist; this is what I would wish. But now they have no understanding of the matter, for no one preaches it to them. They hear about others who are leaving the cloisters in other places, who, however, are well prepared for such a step, and then they want to follow their example, but have not yet fortified their consciences and do not know that it is a matter of freedom. This is bad, and yet it is better that the evil should be outside rather than inside. Therefore I say, what God has made free shall remain free. If anybody forbids it to you (as the pope, the Antichrist,⁴⁵ has done), you should not obey. Whoever can do so without harm and for love of his neighbor may wear a cowl or a tonsure,⁴⁶ since it will not injure your faith. The cowl will