Azania A Country in Search of a Genuine Reality

The Book

If this book were to help renew the national pride of our educators, that would be a flattering success for the author.

The book attempts to present an exciting but complex world for our younger generation.

The Renaissance of the 15th and 16th centuries in Europe represented the new flow of power from the few (the elite) to the many. It was knowledge-driven power that sought to address the people’s home country issues. Our youth need this power whose source has been brought to their doorstep by Biko, Mandela and Sobukwe. Cicero said of the indomitable Socrates: He has brought down philosophy from heaven to earth.

The book will make more sense if read in the sequential order of its chapters.

However, the reader is free to start reading from any section of the book, as it may appeal to them most, at any point in time. The reader may even read it in any order or skip around the various topics, as some may not be of immediate interest to a particular reader. That notwithstanding, the Introduction and Part A of the book would, in my view, if read first, enable the reader to get a better sense of the basic concepts which inform the content of the book.

For those with very limited time, the 26th chapter – In a Nutshell and Looking Ahead – could also be a useful starting point.

The topics in this book are diverse, in line with the diverse nature of the people, institutions and ecosystems of South Africa. It is the author’s impression of the biodiverse natural landscape; the non-linear and often unpredictable and asymmetrical social, economic and political milieu; and the demographic portrait of the country.

The American Sociological Association referencing system has been used in citations. The aim was to simplify the process for the readers who may wish to confirm the cited works. The approach was also useful to me as author, as it made it possible to dispense with additional notes, save in exceptional circumstances. I thought that ideas in this book should form a visible and traceable link with the works of those who have influenced my thoughts.

An index of concepts and names of people and places has been provided at the end of the book. This may help a reader who wishes to quickly trace something to which he or she may need to refer back.

Some words, which may not be familiar to the reader (and also do not appear in the conventional dictionaries), are supplied by way of a glossary at the end of the book.

Abbreviations

The Name Azania

Some black nationalist groups in South Africa,

including PAC and AZAPO (Azanian People’s Organisation),

use the name to refer to South Africa.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

The Collins dictionary renders

the meaning as follows:

another name for South Africa.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

The name was mentioned in the 1st century by Greeks,

such as Claudius Ptolemy, who lived in Alexandria, Egypt

– a province of the then Roman Empire.

He was mathematician, geographer astronomer and

poet and used the name to refer to a portion

of the Southeast African coast extending

from Kenya to perhaps as far south as Tanzania.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

In Hebrew it means ‘whom the Lord hears’

(Name appears in Judeo Christian Bible: Nehemiah10v9 – Jeshua, son of Azaniah )

Introduction

"A book informs when a reader with suitable background knowledge reads it."

- William A. Dembski, 2009

This book tells a well-known story of South Africa’s dramatic and magnificent journey to political freedom.

It is a freedom that holds lessons for South Africa, but are also of immense interest to global society – including lessons from the mistakes that the people of this country could have made until now.

It attempts to relate a popular story in ‘one’s own words’, as it were.

These are the ‘own words’ we have so often been bombarded with in classroom situations. They were a form of solicitation to encourage us to discover and express our thoughts, that is, the unique mental picture of an individual. But, on many occasions, many of us found it extremely difficult to take some idea and transform it into our ‘own’. We even tended to resist such promptings. We would often feel so inadequate, because the examples from which we were taught came from experts (from prescribed works, etc.) whose argumentation and language skills were highly developed. By the nature of things, individuals from poor and marginalised communities, in particular (myself included), often thought their ideas and uniqueness counted for very little, whereas uniqueness is one of the fundamental realities of life.

This phenomenon of uniqueness of individuals is often enigmatic in the sense that many may not realise the manifold and wonderful potentialities that it holds for them. It is about the development of ‘self’ or identity with its innumerable facets and levels – towards natural freedom of the individual to reach their full potential while adding value to their fellow people and the environment.

The idea of freedom is precisely to encourage individuals to believe in their own thoughts and opinions, together with the ability to connect or reconcile them with those of others, and also to recognise or discover one’s own talents in order to connect to others. Freedom seems to encourage individuals to bring their uniqueness out into the open, in order to add value to a collective effort, intimidating as that may be at times. ‘Adding value’ seems to become the operative term, implying that people’s uniqueness may not be useful if their combined efforts cannot be translated into synergistic outputs and outcomes.

The collective effort of individual freedoms is normally built into a system called democracy. While private individuals seem to be absorbed in their individual social and economic pursuits, they enjoy seeing connections and happily tie in their efforts to those of fellow citizens, knowing that more value is being generated or unlocked in the process. The political organisation of society or often more narrowly, the institutions of a government, form what is called a state.

Government comprises critical institutions of state, as it holds supreme powers that belong to the people as a collective. Government is divided into three arms, namely the executive (often called members of cabinet or executive government), parliament and the judiciary. The executive and parliament are populated by persons who have been elected to such office by the electorate, hence they are also known as public representatives. Then there are other institutions which are established to support democratic practices in relation to how the government executes its functions, and also how disputes that may not be necessarily referred to the courts of law, between private or legal persons, may be resolved. These include, as in South Africa’s case, Chapter 9 Institutions, which are six in all (see s181(1) of the Constitution). At the secondary level are non-statutory institutions, called voluntary organisations, whose founding principles or values are expected to be in line with the Constitution. These latter-mentioned institutions by no means fulfil insignificant roles in society and this point is elaborated upon in the book. Business interests are forms of private pursuits of individuals or organised entities, essentially for their own economic well-being.

The blue-print of a democracy is called a Constitution.

The Constitution describes critical values that must be observed by Government, as well as the constitutional institutions, and should guide all other civic institutions, and individuals. Such values confer rights to private and legal persons. If any person feels that his or her rights have been violated, he or she is free to voice such opinions, or take up the matter with the Constitutional Court (Concourt). Certain constitutional values are specifically required to be translated into laws (acts of parliament), in order to give effect to the rights of individuals as envisaged in the constitution. Once they have become law, such values can also be contested in the courts of law.

Let’s return to the main story of the book.

As stated earlier, the story includes South Africa’s dramatic transition to a democratic state, a description of her beauty and her diverse and priceless cultural/natural heritage. As a shining democracy, South Africa should be able to reflect clearly, or at best opaquely, many images of the objects and life experiences found within her environment.

A democratic environment helps us to connect with our past as we shape our future, employing rights such as freedom of expression, of opinion, of belief and of association. Unless we can look back reflectively, we may not live in the present or face the future truthfully. This part of the exercise seems to force one to peel off a lot of layers of the façade – a thick skin often required for self-defence, or even self-deception at times. Now a challenge has arisen - the painful or embarrassing past must be reconciled with today’s realities of freedom, and prospects of a successful future, based on the new dispensation, ought to be envisioned. Some call this a synthetic or proleptic moment, where the least conflict exists in the mind of an individual or society about the harmonious coexistence of these three periods. Some international bodies have developed a tool called Prosperity Index (source: 2015 Legatum Prosperity Index), which is supposed to gauge the level of happiness of a society (nation), measuring it against 8 indicators or sub-indices, namely, Governance (effective and accountable government; fair elections and political participation, and rule of law); Education (access to education, quality of education, and depth/level/richness of human capital); Health (health outcomes, health infrastructure, and preventive care); Economic Performance (sound macroeconomic policies, economic satisfaction and expectations, foundations for growth, and financial sector efficiency); Social Capital (social cohesion and engagement, community and family networks); Personal Freedom (the extent to which personal freedoms are guaranteed, and social tolerance are encouraged); Safety & Security (the country’s security; personal safety); and Entrepreneurship & Opportunity (the country’s entrepreneurial environment, its promotion of innovative activity, and evenness of opportunity). Democracy’s success must translate into the happiness and prosperity or good prospects of prosperity of its citizenry (South Africa’s position is halfway through this index – 75th position – while all 5 of the Scandinavian countries – whose cooperation among them has made them a unit in the eyes of the world – are within the top 12 positions).

The reflections about democracy should be liberating for many, as it was for me during the process of writing this book in particular, despite the emotional stresses and uncertainties associated with its occasional-erratic implementation and adaptation process. The reflections say to us that a true democracy matures when the people learn to be themselves and to become more and more ordinary and therefore more human. Biko, Mandela and Sobukwe have set an almost perfect example of this truism for us. They seemed to have had a foretaste of liberation long before 1994. The biographies of this trio have inspired much of this book.

The constitutional change process that South Africa experienced in the early 1990s has been so deep, complex and spectacular that it could well have been the defining and most rewarding five years (1990-94) of world peace effort for and by the United Nations (including the OAU, the Commonwealth, the Non-aligned Movement and other intergovernmental organisations and peace-loving individuals across the globe). Former President Mandela, in his address to the United Nations’ General Assembly on 24 September 1993, acknowledged these organisations and many individuals for their faithful support over the 3 decades of South Africa’s political struggle to bring about the demise of the apartheid system. It would arguably not be immodest to label the leadership character of negotiators of the South African political settlement as one of the most inspiring and courageous ever witnessed in this millennium.

The democracy theme in the book is broken down into several sub-themes, such as the advent of a new era of promoting understanding and dialogue; a recognition of the rich diversity of our ecosystems (country with a 3-ocean view); the birth of a new nation whose Constitution embodies this distinctive value described by means of a jaw-breaking phrase called universal adult suffrage- which simply means, each and every (that refers to the ‘universal’) adult, irrespective of gender, class, or any other form of discriminatory factor, now has ‘the right to vote’ (that refers to ‘suffrage’); and the new spirit of the nation as embodied in various disciplines such as culture, media, economics, politics, education and so on. A burning question in regard to the role that religion plays, or is supposed to play, in South Africa’s democracy has also been raised. (To illustrate the religious character of South Africa: A few years back I came upon a street in Pretoria – North East of the Central Business District, called Ben Swart, which has no less than 8 churches lined up over its 5km stretch). Some of the issues raised relate to the distinct role of the church vis-à-vis that of government in society, with particular reference to their parallel duty in the promotion of justice, and the arm’s length relationship they should maintain between them, as Dietrich Bonnhoeffer suggests.

Having been much encouraged by towering figures like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Es’kia Mphahlele and Mahatma Gandhi, I made a conscious decision to allow reasonable space of one chapter for inquiry into this subject of religion, that is, how many opportunities religion will utilise and how well it is placed to deliver its part of ‘justice’ into our democracy. The Kairos Document also did much to strengthen my resolve in this regard where it says: Ordinary Christians can participate in theological reflections and should be encouraged to do so. The pertinent questions about religion should be: Does prayer benefit our democracy? Is the impact of religion positive, neutral or negative for our democracy?

The book makes an attempt at identifying and analysing the richness of this golden thread of democratic quest for freedom, equality and human dignity, which appears to be quite evident from the experiences that the country has had, whether from oral or recorded evidence.

There are magical waves such as can be found in the multiplicity of a culture woven into strands of colours beautiful enough to have acquired the name of rainbow nation, as Archbishop Tutu thought fit to give this kind of name to a ‘new’ South Africa.

The media, one of the most exciting fields in South Africa, continue to excel. Journalists of this country are courageous and daring – just in need of vigilant editors to keep guiding them with fair and transparent rules. Young presenters of radio stations, including the (in)famous SABC (South African Broadcasting Corporation), laugh so beautifully and converse with authentic intelligence, while others facilitate productive discussions. It is a world that I have not even been able to begin to cover to any reasonable length.

Democracy must usher in a completely fresh perspective – an era of deep paradigm shifts, save for the ‘doctoring’ of historical facts; an era that unearths common sense buried for decades within us as people of African descent, to make room for honest criticism and engagements, and true freedom. An authentic democracy must be able to revive the spirit of a nation such that the people’s self-esteem, a new sense of genuine personal and collective responsibility, national pride and personal dignity can be restored. Democracy should not just be a matter of some lively debates in parliament, nor ground-breaking decisions made by the Constitutional Court (as welcome as these are), but must also be a transformative biographical experience of the ordinary people, at the grassroots level, in their humble surroundings. The man in the street or rural setting – even William Wordsworth’s ‘Solitary Reaper’, working in fields with a sickle (or modern combine for that matter) – must have a sense that her honest project is endorsed and fully protected by the occupants or officials of Mahlamba Ndlopfu (South Africa’s presidential residence), or the Union Building or Parliament, even without these leaders ever having visited such project. The man in the street must relate to the exhilarating feeling experienced by the ever-modest Nkosinathi Makate, a private citizen who won a landmark litigation through a Constitutional Court case against a giant corporate entity in May 2016. True democracy is one that drills deep enough, until it locates its citizens who may be at the bottom rung of society, and endeavours to give them not just handouts, but protection from unfair domination; inspiration or various developmental toolkits, including assurance of fair, principled and efficient service.

This is an experience that should begin to transform society from negative complexes. It is a democracy that should make people believe in themselves, and their Maker right inside of them, not in ‘mammon’ – the idol of money (and by implication, of power). It should empower intellectuals (especially the academia) and civic leadership to become advocates of freedom, human dignity and equality, for the benefit of the less privileged. They would have to consistently articulate issues of injustice that are negatively affecting individuals, communities or the nation as a whole, irrespective of the level at which these injustices are perpetrated. They ought to continue to guide and complement the genuine efforts of the younger generation in their endeavour to assert themselves (e.g. #FeesMustFall Campaign). At the same time, they should not shy away from insisting on accountable action from all, so as to ensure that no mayhem shall rule over law. They could also encourage organised labour to employ the most innovative and accountable strategies in their pursuit of better working conditions and living wages. Workers are possibly the vanguard of the project of job-preservation and job-creation in this fledgling and proud democracy of ours and their power to influence this process cannot be overemphasised. Workers need the nation’s best support, as they also go through intense emotional stresses of anger and healing during this painful process of transformation. They have a duty to make a serious contribution to the economy – they are the nation’s economic partner, just as much as the employers and government are. However, here too must irresponsible elements be appropriately censured.

Intellectuals and civic leadership would do well to express these sentiments, without regard for political expediency. They could, at the same time, try to break more ground in terms of deepening mutual trust and respect amongst the chief players in our economy, namely business, workers and government.

They could also draw from our rich historical experience to attest to the fact that South Africa has given new meaning to words like revolution, transforming its connotation from that which inspires violence to one associated with discipline, responsibility, selfless leadership, and deep transformative/genuine and sustainable peace. Now is the time for the South African society also to influence lexicographers, as Shakespeare, Spencer and others so ably did, to redefine, mainly by enriching core meanings of words.

It is time to demand of all leaders that they embody and exemplify the values of moral courage, as the country enters the second phase of its transformation – economic revolution.

This book makes some attempt at asserting the foregoing points.

Our democracy will not be robust, unless we work on it. We may feel a deep sense of frustration, because we do not see enough jobs being created, and/or we do not see corruption (real or perceived) being seriously addressed. Unless our political activities and projects are undertaken with honesty and humility by both political practitioners and the activist electorate, the titanic will be confronted by increasing (not decreasing) risks of sinking – with all of us on board – good and bad.

Whereas the ANC has acquitted itself so well during the struggle era and has attained one of the rarest titles of being one of the only two oldest political parties in the world still existing in its original form, it is one from which the greatest accountability must be demanded for a dynamic democracy.

The democratic mentality prevailing currently appears to be represented by some unstoppable force – one that inspires genuine revolutionary changes, as it transmutes other revolutions of violence and terror into sensible, postmodern (eclectic) and renaissance kind of education and genuine economic reforms. It is principally the mind-set that changes, because democracy should rely not on coercion but persuasion, not on physical subjugation but intellectual illumination, and neither should it rely on incarceration but on emancipation. Democracy emancipates both the captive and the captor, colour and culture, male and female.

Some had thought militarism to be the highest symbol of courage and heroism. But evidence shows us right here in the ‘backyards’ of our homes (not out there in the battlefields) that true courage is that which emanates from an authentic character. Women, who are not normally known for carrying weapons of destruction, are demonstrating what it means to speak truth with gentleness. A genuine democratic culture has ‘produced’ formidable women, the Brigalia Bams (former Chair of the South African Independent Electoral Commission), and the Thuli Madonselas (former South Africa’s Public Protector), who speak truth to power, without fear or favour. Add to that other women achievers of note such as Prof Tebello Nyokong, an A-rated (Leading International researcher) black woman in the fields of photophysics and electrochemistry, and many others in business and civil society.

We should learn to recognise and elect/appoint genuine leaders, who are well-placed to handle power. A great leader who goes out to win people over does not aim to overpower them, nor to abuse them. If the crown is too heavy for the king, the burden ends up on the nation’s shoulders. In a democracy, it would be deplorable to make excuses for leadership that fails wilfully.

Language is the new weapon of warfare in our democracy. Language is regaining its flair and flavour to assert the truth, which force or violence failed to achieve. Likewise, there are issues somewhere in this book that I have raised with candour, which in my view have become danger signals to our democracy. Our forebears have cleared the air for us, to the effect that such kind of frank speech should not evoke any rancour.

We must continue to affirm to our children that some great South African leaders have ushered a true democracy into this globe and that no amount of cynicism, or denial of its value, or abuse of privilege by those holding levers of power, will ever erase this memory or distort the experience.

Thus, the art of engagement is going to be a critical exercise for this nation. A certain professor of linguistics, who later ventured into writing books, once commented that he gave a friend his manuscript to peruse. The friend picked out a few words or expressions and remarked that such manner of address to one’s readers would be impolite. No doubt the language professor was taken aback, but learnt a valuable lesson concerning politeness. I personally marvel at new ways of expression in speech presentations such as I encourage us, instead of I encourage you. When we address others, or when we level criticism against their work or conduct, do they feel spoken to in or with a condescending language and tone? This may come forth as my own Achilles heel, too, in many parts of this book, for which I apologise in advance!

I take full responsibility for any factual inaccuracies that may be found in the pages of this book.

May you find the reading experience of the next few leaves worthwhile!

NOTES:

PART A

A NEW ERA

1

What is to Criticise?

"The task of a critic is to promote understanding and enjoyment of art."

- TS Eliot

The FET College Text Book

It was sometime in August 2012 when I came across one of the FET (Further Education and Training) College prescribed books for some Grade 8 or 9 learners.

After a few minutes of scanning the book, from content list page to body of book and to the end page, my eyes caught something that surprised me. It was a glossary page at the end, which included the meaning of this word:

Something inside of me objected immediately to this definition. It can’t just be simply that! There must be a basis to that ‘finding’ – a process and justification, etc., I thought to myself.

This prejudice in me was fuelled by a further observation of the rather monotonous way in which the content of the book was represented in the Contents page.

The book was first published in 2009 and was a text book on the subject of the English language. I had perused the first few pages to check what the opening or introductory paragraph was saying. I had expected it to gently lure me into the subject matter with some interesting message or chapter titles, but could not find anything like that. I then went back to the Table of Contents and became even more disturbed – each of the 6 chapters had 4 identical sub-titles, word for word! This book should interest the teacher and the learners, I thought to myself. As a parent it should try to impress me, but it does not seem to do so. The author does not even try to give me a synopsis of the book and the value of its content.

While this latter part of my ‘unhappy’ finding receded to the distant back of my mind, I found myself stubbornly wrestling with that one word in the glossary for several days. Finally, I consulted the great ‘arbiter’ (dictionary) on the meaning of the word ‘criticise’ and guess what surprise I got when the first website I visited presented the solution?

The Free Dictionary (www.thefreedictionary.com):

1) to find fault with; 2) point out real or perceived flaws

Collins dictionary (www.collinsdictionary.com):

1) to judge with disapproval; 2) to evaluate or analyse (something)

‘Your dictionary’ (www.yourdictionary.com):

1) to evaluate (something), and judge its merits and faults; 2) to find fault (with something)

I then consulted the Oxford dictionary, which was a highly recommended reference source during my school days. It offered what I considered to be just a little improvement to the prescribed-book meaning, as follows: 1) indicate faults of (someone or something) in a disapproving way; 2) form and express a judgement of (a literary or artistic work).

(Note: Critique, another word with the same root as criticise, means:

noun - a detailed analysis and assessment of something, especially a literary, philosophical, or political theory (e.g. a critique of Marxist historicism)

verb - evaluate (a theory or practice) in a detailed and analytical way)

Thus, I decided it fair to concede that, basically, the book had given a definition that met at least some dictionary standard, despite my initial scepticism. Notwithstanding, I mused over the huge opportunity lost by the author(s), which could have generated some interesting engagement on the meaning of this all-important word, especially in this young democracy of ours. I felt that the author(s) could have proposed a group discussion on the word. I considered the two dictionaries, namely, Collins and ‘Your dictionary’, to have given some appreciable and much deeper meaning to the word. The definitions provided by these two can be readily linked to the meaning of the word ‘critique’.

Example of the proposed classroom/group exercise:

Consult between 3 and 5 dictionaries and check how it defines the word criticise and discuss your findings as described below:

1) Write down the name of each dictionary consulted and the meaning(s) it provides for the word (if a dictionary has more than two meanings, supply maximum of three meanings that you like best);

2) Comment on the definitions in 1) above in words not less than 50, but not exceeding 100, in respect of each dictionary. Start with dictionaries that you found to have rendered the most useful or interesting definitions and support your view with some explanations;

3) Whether your group, or some individuals in your group, still have problems with how the word is applied, or understood in everyday usage.

I hold the firm view that this word, ‘criticise’, carries a significant value in a country such as ours, where the exercise of the right to freedom of expression, (section 16 of the Constitution), as well as others such as political and labour rights, have to take place within a delicate atmosphere characterised by the sensitive nature of South Africa’s race relations – a nation still learning to recover from deep racial wounds of the past, as well as the ever-assertive (at times aggressive) and frequently overzealous media. A discourse on the shades of this important concept would also help to interpret more accurately the reactions of political parties in response to criticism levelled against them. Politics should impact people in an immensely positive way, if a genuine democracy is to be realised. Democracy demands a high level of interaction between role players for it to become dynamic.

It is not just about the technical meaning of the word that is of importance here. It is on the strength of our genuine intentions that we should say, in a great democracy like ours, that this word could increase in value and stature and thereby benefit us. William Shakespeare used his literary influence to give some special meanings to a whole range of English words, so much so that lexicographers ‘followed him around’, adding new meanings to their dictionaries as he decided them. Just as the concept of ‘freedom of expression’ can gain or lose respectability depending on how responsibly or otherwise it is applied by influential individuals, interest groups or society, so can the word ‘criticise’.

School Book Review Experience

Here is one typical personal experience that has influenced my appreciation of the word:

During my final two years at high school (1972-3), our Sesotho teacher used to give us assignments to review or critique books. The books used to be selected from both set works (prescribed literature) and other books of our choice. It turned out to be an enormously useful exercise that taught us to refine and hone our skills to such a point that we would not just fall for the part we liked or disliked. If the work to be critiqued was already notorious for its weaknesses (or famous for its creativity), as per comments of other teachers or experts who are highly regarded in literature, we would make sure our ‘intellectual combs’ did not fail us as we competed for the best observations gleaned from the book, which might possibly not have been obvious to other classmates, or had not been raised by others already. The one notable consequence of the fruits of this skill was in regard to a popular topic that the teacher used to present to the Grades she taught, which was to write an essay under the topic of Summer and Winter. Our class (which could have been less than 20) managed to break the mould of the usual suspect dialogue between the two seasons engaging in a mundane tussle of endless disparaging remarks one about the other. The dialogues of some such essays were, as the teacher gave feedback, about each season motivating its contribution to the sustainability of the ecosystem and benefiting humankind, despite some of the accompanying weather elements not being the most convenient or favourable to human beings, who were supposed to be the primary beneficiaries of the impacts of these phenomena. There may be a lot more variable angles to be explored around this topic, especially in view of new knowledge acquired, or viewpoints developed since, such as the climate change, with its accompanying impacts and phenomena such as the El Nino, changes in ecosystems of the biomes (see Chapter 6 for further discussion of this point); water scarcity for the world; etc., etc.

One specific case regarding the book review we made at that time was in respect of a prescribed Sesotho book titled: Pere e Ntsho, Blackmore (The Black Horse called Blackmore). Blackmore was an ever-winning race horse, a ‘metaphor’ which apologised for the apartheid system, trying to show the benefits of separate development. What some in class had said, on a whole, was that whatever motives the author had, he did not succeed in making a strong enough case about the merits of his apology. In fact, the ‘plot’ of the book would have been richer without the apology. We were conscious of the importance of giving a clinical analysis of the author’s work, so as to assess all its merits and demerits.

(Note: I have read the book one more time recently and think that apart from the apology, the storyline is commendable)

I wish to think that these exercises gave my Form IV & V classmates and I a few more skills, such as how to listen first, without taking sides, and to learn the technique of engagement on the basis of the facts on the table before considering what we often call the ‘hidden agenda’. I hold the view that it is helpful when debates are – as much as possible – free from ‘conspiracy theories’, which often become a serious impediment to healthy debates. Often conspiracy theories blind people from ‘seeing’ all the relevant facts.

Criticising the Monarch

In a democracy, the lack of deep debates or engagement, and by implication the absence of a rich climate of free criticism, could rob a community of the opportunity to arrive at quality decisions, thereby precipitating the degeneration of a democratic climate, which may at times be abysmal. Singing praises all the time and never expressing even mild or grave concern regarding the conduct of some office-bearers over one or other wrongdoings or failures (such as to call for their removal from office or other forms of censure), has the potential to come out hollow and to be deprived of authenticity. It would bring dishonour to the legacies of Biko, Mandela and Sobukwe. If, even regent Jongintaba at Mqhekezweni (one of the places where Mandela grew up), who ruled the abaThembu people under a system of monarchy, was not immune from criticism, as Mandela has pointed out, we would have no justification to insulate elected public representatives from criticism and censure. How would they know they are representing us well?

At first, I was astonished by the vehemence – and candour – with which people criticised the regent. He was not above criticism – in fact, he was often the principal target of it. (Mandela 1995:25)

Oliver Tambo, former president of the ANC, actually encourages criticism:

Raise every problem, he [Tambo] exhorted Nkobi, make suggestions; put forward criticisms in every sphere of activity. This is not a privilege you are entitled to enjoy - it is a duty you are bound to carry out … (Callinicos, 2004:316)

It is therefore my considered opinion that the more we criticise the work of public representatives, the more we will acquire analytical skills and benefit the public representatives themselves in their work. A spade (criticism) is sharpened by nothing other than its usage.

The more freedom of speech is encouraged in our democracy, the more skills would be acquired for a deeper analysis and more constructive criticism, thereby eliminating room for violence and rampage.

We do not Major in Minors

After all, the CODESA (Convention for a Democratic South Africa) and multi-party negotiations of 1990 – 93 represent the most outstanding example of a peaceful resolution of complex political issues, through the skills of logic, analysis and engagement. The negotiations had moments when criticism played a crucial part.

We would do well to remember the direct, frank, bold and principled person of Mandela. Especially, we should never forget those adrenalin-pumping seconds when he, without prior notice, carrying the sternest expression on his face, stood up from his seat and made those most authoritative steps towards the podium at the World Trade Centre, Kempton Park, Gauteng, South Africa. That was the moment when he took the stage and severely criticised the leader of the National Party for what Mandela called abuse of privilege, arising from a special favour from the ANC to the NP (National Party) to speak last at a ceremony of the conclusion of CODESA 1 (Mandela, 1995:714-15).

However, Mandela, as all good leaders seem to do, did not major in minors (that is, make criticism his trademark), as our high school English teacher and principal, Zeph Senkhane, used to warn us against the temptation of majoring in minors. Mandela used criticism occasionally to break jam locks that impeded engagements from switching to a higher gear, or had resulted in stagnation. His hallmark was a philosophy bound in the spirit of optimism and readiness to recognise those who demonstrate courage, character and progress: -

He paid generous tribute -

- to senior comrade ZK Matthews – whom he described as a redoubtable person (1995:299-300);

- to Chris Hani: He was a soldier and patriot, for whom no task was too small. He was a great hero among the youth of South Africa . . . (1995:728);

- to a white woman, of Afrikaner origin, [who] risked her life so that we may know, and bring to justice, this assassin . . . [Janusz Walus] (1995:729);

- to Mr FW de Klerk: I used my speech in Norway . . . to pay tribute to my fellow laureate, Mr F.W. de Klerk (1995:734);

- to his compatriots: But the decades of oppression and brutality had another, unintended effect, and that was that it produced the Oliver Tambos, the Walter Sisulus, the Chief Luthulis, the Yusuf Dadoos, the Bram Fischers, the Robert Sobukwes of our time – men of such extraordinary courage, wisdom and generosity (1995:748);

- to his countrymen: My country is rich in minerals and gems that lie beneath its soil, but I have always known that its greatest wealth is its people, finer and truer than the purest diamond (1995:748).

Criticism must be employed for a genuine purpose of promoting good (adding value), without compromising other existing values and principles. In other words, criticism ought to be engaged constructively and genuinely. The Bapedi people of South Africa have preserved for us a crucial insight that they acquired a few ages ago. They originated an idiom known as Kgomo ya Moshate (Literally translated: A herd of cattle belonging to royalty) which, if I may simplify, signifies a situation where someone cannot win an argument, that is, constructive engagement is denied, because the other party is royalty or holds some position of power and may not lose face against a commoner or junior person. The idiom, in full, is rendered like this, Ke kgomo ya moshate: wa e lesa o molato wa e hapa o molato (It’s a royal herd of cattle. You return it to the palace, you are guilty; you capture it, you are still guilty.)

On the other hand, excessive or habitual criticism (sometimes to pointless obsession) may be likened to adding too much acid into a system – rendering it caustic, or worse still, toxic (poisonous). Only the right measure of acids will preserve foods from rotting. Interestingly, fluids in a healthy human body exist in a balanced state of acidity (at around pH7) except inside the tummy where the pH level is slightly lower (acidic) to make digestion possible. Yet, excessive stomach acid can cause discomfort, such as acid reflux (when contents of stomach travel backward through the oesophagus) and heartburn.

We criticise the few who err (exceptions), but dedicate more energy to compliment or laud the many who do well.

In Mohammed Hanief’s thesis, which examines the dynamics of the criticism of TS Eliot, he makes a very incisive statement:

Criticism is said to be the pursuit of true judgement.

(Hanief, 2000: 81)

If criticism can teach us good judgement, then, we would be wise to choose it in the place of militarism or other violence.

South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international disputes by negotiation - not war. (Freedom Charter, 1955.)

Analysing and Interpreting

Jessica Stillman shares a few interesting insights (www.inc.com/jessica-stillman/the-4-types-criticism accessed October 2016) on this topic. She mentions that criticism can serve or be seen as advice – good or bad (emphasis added). But to sort out the good from the bad ‘isn’t always that straightforward’, she says. Luckily, she located Ann Friedman’s ‘clever’ grouping of criticism into four quadrants, as follows:

- Critics: those taking a hard look at your work and not liking it (I would call these disinterested critics);

- Lovers: the people who have invested in you/your work and are also giving you negative but rational feedback, because they want you to improve (these I would call fraternal critics);

- Frenemies: perhaps the trickiest group. They know how to hurt you – their criticism is not about a productive conversation; and

- Haters: these want to tear down everything about you or your business. They care less about being rational (that is, reasonable or logical).

While not a textbook presentation, nor something that everybody would concur with 100%,