Pentecostalism and Christian Unity, Volume 2: Continuing and Building Relationships

Acknowledgments

An ecumenical collection like this cannot be written without ecumenical companionship. I am indebted to a number of friends and colleagues who encouraged this volume, who helped with the choice of texts, the information to be included, news and insights about ecumenical developments, the granting of copyright permissions, the reading of the manuscript, suggestions for other texts, and referrals to individuals and groups involved in ecumenical work among Pentecostals. I am particularly indebted to Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., for

sharing his knowledge, insights about current events, and many of his writings and presentations. I also received invaluable direction from Harold D. Hunter on current developments as well as many local and international conversations with Pentecostal participation. Among the many others who encouraged this volume in one way or another are Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, Jelle Creemers, Chris E. W. Green, David Bradnick, Timothy Lim Teck Ngern, Jeffrey Gros, and Ralph Del Colle. I am indebted to copyright permissions granted for the reproduction of the ecumenical documents contained in this collection, particularly Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., Frank Macchia, David K. Bernard, Harold Hunter, Theo Dieter, Jean-Daniel Plüss, Carlos Malavé, Huibert van Beek, Larry Miller, Amos Yong, Dale Coulter, David D. Daniels III, Christian Churches Together in the USA, the Global Christian Forum, the Pentecostal-Charismatic Theological Inquiry International, and Brill. My gratitude also goes to Pickwick Publications for publishing a second volume of texts dedicated to Pentecostal participation in the ecumenical world.

This volume is dedicated to Ralph Del Colle, who unexpectedly died during the research phase of the book. He was a major contributor to ecumenical fellowship with Pentecostals, not only in the Roman Catholic Church to which he belonged but also among Pentecostal from different doctrinal persuasions. Ralph was a member of the Catholic team in the international dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and Pentecostals. He was an observer in the Oneness-Trinitarian Pentecostal dialogue and a tireless commentator on Pentecostal theology. As past president of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Ralph shaped a large part of the ecumenical praxis among Pentecostals by his own example. He endorsed and reviewed the first volume on Pentecostalism and Christian Unity and would have liked to see more work done in this venue. I hope those who remember him will find this volume a pleasing gift to his ecumenical heritage.

Introduction

A Century of Pentecostal Participation in Christian Unity

Pentecostals have been involved in the ecumenical world for a little more than a century. The birth of modern-day Pentecostalism coincided with the beginnings of the ecumenical movement in the early twentieth century. Both movements have expanded to global proportions with a diversity of voices and conversations that have frequently brought them together at the same table. However, the story of these complex relationships has not yet been fully traced, and there are few

accounts that provide an overview of the various ecumenical bonds existing between Pentecostals and other Christian traditions.¹ This volume contains a number of diverse ecumenical accounts, narratives, statements, and official reports that document the rich history of Pentecostalism in pursuit of Christian unity. In order to situate these texts and to allow for a better understanding of the contexts, challenges, and difficulties, as well as the unique opportunities these conversations represent, this introduction traces the first century of Pentecostal participation in the ecumenical world. I start with a portrait of the beginnings of Pentecostal participation in Christian unity, chart the ecumenical

attitudes among Pentecostals during the twentieth century, and detail the chief events and conversations joined by Pentecostals. This characterization of ecumenical work among Pentecostals is followed by an overview of contemporary ecumenical conversations on the regional, national, and international level, including a look at established dialogues and newer forms of ecumenical initiatives. The introduction concludes with a view at the reception of ecumenical texts by the ecumenical world and an overview of the texts included in this collection.

The Beginnings of Pentecostal Participation in Christian Unity

Pentecostalism began as an ecumenical revival movement around the turn to the twentieth century in different parts of the world.² Many Pentecostal pioneers were not recent converts to Christianity but had left existing churches and fellowships, either deliberately or because they were forced to leave based on their new-found convictions and practices. The tensions that resulted encouraged an atmosphere of both scepticism and hope. While many historical assessments have concluded that Pentecostalism started in most places as an ecumenical renewal movement in the mainline churches,³ the ecumenical convictions among early Pentecostals went through only a brief period of optimism that eventually succumbed to widespread ecclesiastical confrontation and ecumenical confusion.⁴

The optimism that penetrated the Pentecostal movement at the beginning of the twentieth century resulted most forcefully from a widely shared experience of the Holy Spirit, an outpouring on all flesh (see Acts 2:17) that was interpreted in both ecclesiastical and global terms as an event announcing the culmination of Christ’s return. The new groups with the self-attached labels of Latter Rain, Apostolic Faith, and Pentecostal, emphasized both a restorationist mindset in continuity with Christian history as well as an eschatological transformation that would result in a universal ecumenical restoration of the body of Christ.⁵ The modern-day Pentecost was seen as a witness to the desire of God to preach the gospel to the world and to bring unity to the churches. Evangelization and ecumenism, mission and unity, were the hallmarks of the Pentecostal ministry at the beginning of the twentieth century.

A number of voices from classical Pentecostals in North America illustrate the optimistic attitude. Richard G. Spurling, pioneer of what later became the Church of God, one of the earliest Pentecostal organizations, named the group Christian Union in order to express the prophetic ambition to remain in fellowship with all Christians and to become an instrument for Christian unity.⁶ David Wesley Myland, leader of what later became the International Pentecostal Church of Christ, laid out the goal of Pentecost in his prominent writings on the Latter Rain motif as the reconciliation and unity of all Christians brought about by the Holy Spirit.⁷ William J. Seymour, influential pastor and leader of the Azusa Street Mission and revival (1906–9), explained in The Apostolic Faith, the chief publication organ of the young Pentecostal movement, that the revival stood not only for the restoration of the faith but also for Christian Unity everywhere.⁸ The testimony of Charles Fox Parham, leader of the Apostolic Faith movement in Topeka, Kansas, was based on the prophetic proclamation he had experienced that his destiny as a Pentecostal was synonymous with becoming an apostle of unity.⁹ Another important figure in the early years, evangelist Frank Bartleman, stated in equally explicit terms: There can be no divisions in a true Pentecost. To formulate a separate body is but to advertise our failure as a people of God.¹⁰

The broader Pentecostal leadership outside of North America echoed a similar sentiment, particularly in the ecumenical contexts of the widespread rivals experienced in Europe. Gerrit R. Polman, founder of the Dutch Pentecostal movement, declared that The purpose of the Pentecostal revival is not to build up a church, but to build up all churches.¹¹ Thomas B. Barratt, who brought the Pentecostal revivals to several Scandinavian countries, described Pentecostalism prominently as the "Very Revival Christ had in His mind when He prayed that all His disciples might be one.¹² Participation in Christian unity was encouraged by such well-known figures as the Anglican Pentecostal leader in Great Britain, Alexander A. Boddy, the French Reformed pastor, Louis Dallière, the Lutheran Pentecostal leader in Germany, Jonathan A. A. B. Paul, the Belgian protestant writer, Henri T. de Worm, and many other Pentecostal pioneers who were defined as much by the term Pentecostal as by the term ecumenist"—both of which had emerged only recently.¹³ Subsequent history has separated both terms for reasons that emerged only later during the twentieth century. For much of the first decades of the movement, however, being a Pentecostal included a dedication to the unity of Christians for the sake of the gospel. In Europe and North America, and later with particular force in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, ecumenical optimism was carried through the movement by an ecumenical leadership that had come together from international and interdenominational origins under a shared experience of the Holy Spirit. The resulting conglomeration of doctrinal positions, liturgical practices, ecclesiastical cultures, organizational structures, and spiritualities created a multifarious, international, and ecumenical Pentecostal movement.

The ecumenical optimism of early Pentecostals shows a resistance to ecclesial divisions and denominationalism.¹⁴ In fact, many Pentecostals hesitated to use the title church or denomination for their own groups or for the movement in general. Pentecostals condemned denominationalism, institutionalism, formalism, ritualism, and other expressions of ecclesiasticism among the existing churches.¹⁵ Those who joined the Pentecostal movement from other Christian traditions frequently lamented the reality of the many different religious organizations each enclosed by its own particular sectarian fence.¹⁶ For Pentecostals, the church was the bride of Christ ready and prepared for the wedding banquet. The church was not defined by doctrinal or ritual identities that often divided the body of Christ but by an eschatological expectation of the kingdom of God.¹⁷ Pentecostals understood themselves as a movement in the church and among the churches, not a new church; Pentecostalism was not a state of being church but the process of becoming church.¹⁸ The current state of denominationalism and ecumenical division was seen as the end of an eschatological drama in which the whole church was transformed and restored by the universal outpouring of the Holy Spirit.

Challenges to Ecumenical Participation among Pentecostals

The preceding account of ecumenical optimism among Pentecostals could be mistaken for a romanticized version of the ecumenical reality during the early twentieth century. However, this initial account is necessitated by the presence of false stereotypes that portray Pentecostalism as a radically anti-ecumenical movement and by the absence of a collective memory among Pentecostals that is strong enough to be noticed in the broader ecumenical community. Furthermore, the ecumenical origins of Pentecostals significantly contributed to widespread appeal, growth, and stability of the movement. A closer look, of course, reveals that, on the ground, Pentecostals were often ambivalent toward ecumenical participation, favoring the eschatological unity of the churches but questioning the means of participation in concrete ecumenical activities.¹⁹ A number of internal and external factors shaped this ecumenical ambivalence during the early phase of the movement.²⁰ A few of them carry particular significance for continued ecumenical participation.

The most immediate deterrent was the almost instantaneous

rejection and persecution of Pentecostals by other Christian traditions. Joining the Pentecostals typically meant becoming the target of ridicule, denunciation, and even violent attacks at the hands of the established churches. A perhaps somewhat overdrawn account of the history of persecution illustrates the frustrations encountered by Pentecostals.

Within a short time . . . the Pentecostal revival became the object of scurrilous attacks. It was denounced as anti-Christian, as sensual and devilish, and as the last vomit of Satan. Its adherents were taunted and derided from the pulpit as well as in the religious and secular press. Some leaders were actually subjected to violence. Those ministers and missionaries from the old-line denominations who embraced the doctrine of the Holy Spirit baptism were removed from their pulpits or dismissed by their mission boards.

²¹

Where Pentecostals hoped to engage in ecumenical conversations, they often encountered prejudices and stereotypes that accused them of foolishness, delusion, childishness, immorality, frivolity, insanity, and even demon-possession.²² The psychological assessment of the Pentecostal movement was clearly hostile to the movement.²³ The general public was quick to point out the often controversial physical manifestations that accompanied the Pentecostal revivals and gave Pentecostals the pejorative nickname holy rollers to indiscriminately label the unorthodox practices of jumping, jerking, falling, or rolling on the floor, all of which evidence of the Pentecostal commitment to the idea of Spirit baptism.²⁴ The chief object of concern was the practice of speaking in tongues.²⁵ Professional psychological assessments viewed the Pentecostal behavior as abnormal and pathological mental disorders that indicated schizophrenia, hysteria, neuroticism, regression, or emotional instability.²⁶ Although many studies were not substantiated by empirical data, they created lasting stereotypes.²⁷ Casting Pentecostalism under the dominance of abnormal psychology, the entire movement was dismissed as excessive and unwanted.²⁸ Only in the 1960s emerged a less hostile period of assessment, which virtually overturned the results of initial assessments.²⁹ By then, most of the damage done to Pentecostal ecumenical attitudes was irreparable. The ecumenical world during the first half of the twentieth century adhered to a dominant cessationist principle and rendered Pentecostalism obsolete in its emphasis on the continuing manifestation of spiritual gifts.³⁰ Pentecostals felt ostracized and withdrew to their own prejudices. The young Pentecostal movement entered a phase of ecumenical exclusivism.³¹

An underlying and more persistent obstacle to the realization of ecumenical optimism is the primitivist or restorationist impulse among Pentecostals. The Pentecostal dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs emerged hand in hand with a call to return to the practices of the New Testament and the apostolic community.³² While that bygone age was associated with spiritual freedom, empowerment, and sanctification, Pentecostals criticized the established traditions for stifling spiritual growth, deemphasizing the work of the Holy Spirit, and polluting the original forms of Christian fellowship. Simply put, Pentecostals identified the established churches as fundamentally non-ecumenical. A return to the apostolic faith and practices was seen as necessary for the restoration of the Christian fellowship. Therefore, while the established churches participated in the eschatological promise of God, Pentecostals began to distinguish themselves radically from any doctrine, practice, and community that seemed to promote spiritual ambiguity.³³ The eschatological ecclesiology of the early Pentecostal movement separated the church sharply from the world but had no problem identifying the spiritually dead or unresponsive churches as subject to the judgment of perdition. Pentecostal restorationism, fueled by a biblicist piety, an unbridled apocalypticism, unprecedented manifestations of spiritual experiences, and rampant persecution at the hands of the established churches, undermined the motivations of even the most zealous Pentecostals to participate in efforts for the full realization of Christian unity.

A third problem in realizing the optimistic ecumenical attitudes were the organizational and institutional demands posed to the Pentecostal movement through its unprecedented growth, diversity, and isolation from the established traditions. Ecumenical exclusivism did not help the formation and stability of the movement, and in response, Pentecostals entered the competitive landscape of denominationalism, adopted the labels church or assembly, and copied ecclesiastical patterns and organizational forms of the established Christian traditions.³⁴ In turn, Pentecostals changed the unwritten foundations of their own ecclesiality, the question what minimal conditions define the existence of the church, in order to allow for the existence of multiple churches. This step contradicted both the eschatological and ecumenical foundations of Pentecostal ecclesiology and has largely prevented Pentecostals from developing a comprehensive theology of the church consistent with the history and ethos of the movement.

The approval of ecclesiastical classifications that were once rejected soon nourished an ecclesiology of competition and inevitably led to conflict with others who adopted the same designations.³⁵ Pentecostalism—now made up of churches and constituted by explicit ecclesiastical patterns—encountered division and separation in its own ranks as well as with non-Pentecostals. The movement as a whole aligned more closely with denominations and organizations critical of the ecumenical movement, such as the National Association of Evangelicals, and by the middle of the twentieth century Pentecostals had all but forsaken the ecumenical conversations in which they had participated.³⁶ Pentecostalism reverted to a form of spiritual ecumenism which maintained the idea of Christian unity but without visible and concrete manifestations. The leaders of the new churches and denominations abstained from formal ecumenical conversations, pastors and missionaries withdrew from ecumenical ventures, and jettisoned the ecumenical optimism of the Pentecostal pioneers.

Last but not least, Pentecostal participation in Christian unity was overwhelmed by internal debates, fractures, and divisions. Pentecostal groups, churches, assemblies, and denominations frequently divided over differences on doctrine, church politics, personalities, and practices.³⁷ Significant ruptures were caused by William H. Durham’s teaching of the finished work of Calvary, the controversy between oneness and trinitarian Pentecostals, and racial issues that ultimately dividing the Azusa Street mission.³⁸ To the outside observer, Pentecostalism resembled more a composition of several branches of Pentecostal bodies than a coherent and unified religious movement.³⁹ The long-range effects of these divisions have made it necessary to speak no longer of a Pentecostal movement, in the singular, but of diverse movements that together represent the Pentecostal and charismatic world. Different emphases in thought and praxis, the formation of denominations and churches, the establishment of diverse organizational structures and institutions, and the consequent formation of isolated forms of Pentecostal leadership have made it almost impossible to gather a Pentecostal team that is representative of the varieties of the movement. Pentecostalism and ecumenism remained intertwined only with the help of persistent ecumenical figures and organizations that eventually allowed Pentecostal participation in the ecumenical movement to resurface.

The Pentecostal Turn to the Ecumenical Movement

The rise of the worldwide ecumenical movement since 1910 witnessed a Pentecostal movement gradually withdrawing from ecumenical participation.⁴⁰ Efforts among Pentecostals were unorganized and sporadic after World War I. Only a few Pentecostal denominations sent delegates to the annual conferences of the Foreign Missions Conference of North America and the International Missionary Council, even less joined these organizations and what eventually became the National Council of Churches, USA, and the World Council of Churches (WCC).⁴¹ The newly minted Pentecostal churches and denominations had more interest in establishing a worldwide cooperation among the increasingly diverse membership of the movement. From an ecumenical perspective, it was precisely this intention at global collaboration that rekindled Pentecostal interests in Christian unity. An International Pentecostal Convention was launched in Amsterdam, in 1921, and plans were made for a world conference before World War II postponed its realization. After the war, churches and mission agencies engaged in relief efforts rebuilt personal and institutional relationships among Pentecostals and with other denominations.⁴² From these relationships gradually emerged formal ecumenical conversations and national fellowships in North America, Central and South America, Great Britain, Germany, India, Africa, and Taiwan.⁴³ The resulting national and international bonds among the diverse Pentecostal groups established during this time laid the groundwork for organized ecumenical participation during the second half of the twentieth century.

A significant expansion of international cooperation among Pentecostals was made possible by the Pentecostal World Conferences that were established in 1947, the first organized in Zürich, followed by a second conference in Paris, in 1949, and subsequent conferences every three years. The most immediate result of these meetings was the formation of the Pentecostal World Fellowship, a global cooperative body. Although without legislative authority over any national entity and with less influence than the policies of the large national Pentecostal denominations in North America and Europe, the Fellowship mimics the international cooperative initiatives found in many other Christian groups.⁴⁴ From these new forms of cooperation emerged two central figures that shaped the ecumenical history among Pentecostals after the War: the British Pentecostal, Donald Gee (1891–1966) and the South African Pentecostal, David J. du Plessis (1905–87).

The two ecumenical pioneers organized the first worldwide conferences among Pentecostals and actively supported their organization; Du Plessis was general secretary of the Pentecostal World Conference during its first decade, and Gee worked as editor of Pentecost, the central publication of the Pentecostal World Fellowship.⁴⁵ Through these efforts, Pentecostals found room for conversations among themselves as well as with non-Pentecostals and began building an infrastructure for international ecumenical cooperation.⁴⁶ The dedication of Pentecostals to ecumenism often came at great personal cost; Du Plessis, for example, was defrocked as a minister, 1962–80, because of the resistance to the ecumenical movement in his own denomination. Nonetheless, during this period, he significantly extended his ecumenical relations with the Roman Catholic Church, the WCC, and the Charismatic Movement in the mainline churches.⁴⁷ Eventually, these personal relations helped start the first official ecumenical dialogue in which Pentecostals participated between some Pentecostal leaders and representatives of the Roman Catholic Church. This pioneering event became the model for ecumenical conversations with Pentecostal participation. The documents in this collection reflect the influence of this significant step in the history of official Pentecostal ecumenical activities.

At the same time, many Pentecostal denominations were caught in a transition of leadership that resulted in a more positive ecumenical mindset. The new generation of Pentecostals, including the Charismatic Movement, neo-Pentecostals, progressive Pentecostals, and Free Churches, rejected the anti-ecumenical perspectives that accompanied an anti-intellectual attitude, exclusivist worldview, and lack of dialogue among many classical Pentecostals. Many of these changes occurred outside of North America. In Latin America, in particular, some Pentecostal churches developed a strong ecumenical commitment and officially joined the ecumenical movement. A phase of ecumenical solidarity began with the founding of national councils and organizations, which promote interdenominational cooperation beyond national boundaries. In 1961, the first Pentecostal churches, the Pentecostal Church of Chile and the Pentecostal Mission Church of Chile, joined the WCC.⁴⁸ Other churches followed the example in Latin America, Africa, and the USA.⁴⁹ While most Pentecostal groups remain skeptical about official membership in these organizations, a Joint Consultative Group between the WCC and Pentecostals formed in 2000 has dedicated itself to theological conversations and relationships between member churches of the WCC and Pentecostals. Annual meetings have opened the doors for Pentecostal participation in various ecumenical programs and activities, including the commissions on Faith and Order and World Mission and Evangelism and the work on unity, mission, evangelism, and spirituality.⁵⁰ Similar organizations, such as Christian Churches Together in the USA and the Global Christian Forum, have allowed Pentecostals to share in conversations with significant leadership and in ways open to Pentecostal spirituality and practices.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the growth of Pentecostal scholarship and the nurturing of successors to the ecumenical pioneers further enlarged the ecumenical agenda and interest among different Pentecostal groups.⁵¹ During this time, Pentecostals worked actively on overcoming the strong anti-intellectual attitude of many classical Pentecostal groups that disadvantaged them in ecumenical conversations. A more intellectual form of participation gradually developed among Pentecostals that echoed similar sentiments in the ecumenical movement, including a growing interest in the Pentecostal movement. Significant contributions in this regard were made by Walter J. Hollenweger, the father of academic study on global Pentecostalism, who directed ecumenical attention to Pentecostalism not only as an object of study but also as a conversation partner. In 1970, conversations at the ninth Pentecostal World Conference led to the creation of the Society for Pentecostal Studies in the USA, a meeting place for scholars, teachers, ministers, and lay persons that provided new opportunities for ecumenical activities, raised a new generation of ecumenical Pentecostal scholars, and gave greater visibility to Pentecostal scholarship.⁵² Du Plessis also joined the activities, accompanied by Jerry L. Sandidge, and later Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., who eventually became the successor of du Plessis in international Pentecostal dialogues. In the 1980s, the Society allowed its members to accept invitations from official ecumenical organs, such as the commission of Faith and Order or the National Council of Churches.⁵³ A large group of international Pentecostal scholars participated in a well-attended ecumenical gathering in Brighton, England, in 1991.⁵⁴ The constituency of the Society gradually changed to encourage ecumenical participation, particularly visible with the informal conversations between Pentecostals and Roman Catholics at pre-conference events, and the establishment of an interest group in ecumenical studies in 2001 that continues to serve as an ecumenical think tank among Pentecostals.⁵⁵ Similar societies, research networks, scholarly and ecumenical institutions have arisen in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and Oceania. While these efforts have yet to reach Pentecostals beyond the academy in the churches and congregations, the intellectualization of Pentecostalism has significantly transformed the ecumenical mindset of Pentecostals worldwide.

The worldwide expansion of the Pentecostal movement and the transition of Pentecostalism to a global movement substantially helped Pentecostal endeavors to join the ecumenical world as one of the fastest-growing and most significant voices of Christianity.⁵⁶ The changing

influence of Pentecostals reflects also the gradual shift in the ecumenical movement from dominant Anglo-European debates to global concerns and of the center of gravity in global Christianity from the West to the East and the global South. Global migration, diversification, institutionalization, and upward social mobility have come to characterize Pentecostalism not only as a global movement but also as an ecumenical conversation partner. The emergence of Pentecostal beliefs and spirituality in the established churches in the form of the Charismatic Movement has helped Pentecostalism further to worldwide ecumenical recognition.⁵⁷ The Catholic Charismatic Movement, in particular, has encouraged ecumenical participation among Pentecostals worldwide.⁵⁸ At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Pentecostals have found new means of participation, conversation, and fellowship that are often documented only on a local level. Even on a national level, the ecumenical relationships frequently remain unknown to Pentecostals in the churches. The highly visible international conversations still need to be surveyed by many Pentecostal denominations and fellowships.

A Brief Appraisal of Pentecostal Contributions to Christian Unity

Pentecostal contributions to Christian unity at the beginning of the twenty-first century are characterized by a variety of forms in diverse local, regional, national, and international contexts. The oldest and most significant long-term ecumenical commitment is the international Roman Catholic-Pentecostal dialogue that has been held continuously since 1972. The first round of conversations (1972–76) explored mutual concerns, such as Spirit baptism and spiritual gifts, Christian initiation, and worship. The second round (1977–82) discussed questions of Scripture and tradition, faith and reason, speaking in tongues, divine healing, and the role of Mary. Both rounds were largely exploratory and resulted in relatively brief reports with scattered themes.⁵⁸ The third round (1985–89) produced a more focused discussion and resulted in the widely acclaimed report, Perspectives on Koinōnia, that included questions on the nature of the church, the sacraments, and the communion of saints.⁵⁹ The fourth round (1990–97) addressed the questions of evangelization, proselytism, and opportunities for common witness.⁶⁰ The report included in this collection, On Becoming a Christian, is the result of the fifth round of discussions (1998–2006) with focus on Christian initiation, conversion, Christian formation, discipleship, Spirit baptism, and experience in Christian life and community. Changes in the Pentecostal team and the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity have delayed the next round of conversations until 2011 on the problematic issue of the charisms in the church, their spiritual importance, discernment, and pastoral implications. This dialogue addresses some of the particular concerns among Latin American Catholic bishops and their long-term relations with Pentecostals. Although these and other themes reflect the continuing difficulties in mutual relations, and the criticism, scepticism, and stereotypes that remain on both sides, the more than thirty years of dialogue have significantly strengthened the relationship between Pentecostals and the Roman Catholic Church.

On a similar international platform, and beyond the sparse official membership, Pentecostals have begun larger conversations with the WCC. The charismatic renewal became the focus of the Nairobi Assembly in 1975, and in 1980, Pentecostal concerns were brought to the attention of the Council with the work of the Consultation on the Significance of the Charismatic Renewal for the Churches. Since then, Pentecostals have participated in national and international meetings and conferences and have been fully integrated in the work of the Commission on Faith and Order. In 1991, the WCC assembly in Canberra gave special attention to the relationship of Pentecostalism and the Charismatic Movement. By the end of the decade, plans had materialized to set up a Joint Consultation Group between Pentecostals and the WCC. A report of the first five years of activities and conversations is included in this collection. The Faith and Order consensus statement, The Nature and Mission of the Church (2006), was drafted with significant contributions from the Pentecostal community.⁶¹ The Joint Consultative Group focuses for the period 2007–13 on a historical study of the marks of the church. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Pentecostals participate in more than forty national councils of churches in cooperation with the WCC. Out of this collaboration has emerged the Global Christian Forum, with significant leadership from among Pentecostals, as one of the most hopeful ecumenical initiatives today. The international ties emerging with Pentecostal participation have significantly shaped the face of Pentecostal perspectives on Christian unity.

New conversations also include the official dialogue between Pentecostals and the World Communion of Reformed Churches, formerly the World Alliance of Reformed Churches. The conversations focused quickly on critical theological themes, and the first round of discussions (1996–2000) addressed the relationship between the Word and the Holy Spirit as well as the church and the world. The second round, begun in 2002, discussed the importance of experience in Christian faith and life with particular focus on worship, discipleship, community, and justice. The merger of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches with the Reformed Ecumenical Council delayed the production of a final report until 2011. The report is included in this collection as a witness to the Pentecostal-Reformed conversations and in support of the decision to continue the relationship.

Even more recent are conversations between Pentecostals and the Lutheran World Federation (LWF). In 2010, the LWF assembly

approved an official dialogue. The process began in 2005 with Lutheran and Pentecostal conversations on the question, How do we encounter Christ? This preliminary conversation was concerned with genuine expressions of faith from Pentecostal voices and less with explorations of traditional doctrinal themes, which often force Pentecostals to speak the theological language of their dialogue partner. The discussions resulted in an introduction of Lutherans to Pentecostals and of Pentecostals to Lutherans as well as a case study on Lutheran reactions to Pentecostals in the USA.⁶² The report of these initial conversations is included in this collection. It reflects the shared concern with Christian experience and encounter with Christ in worship, proclamation, sacraments, and spiritual gifts.

These official conversations show the continuing challenges that Pentecostals pose to the older historic churches, particularly in the global south.⁶³ National and local conversations in this region have developed at a different pace than in the West and the northern hemisphere. In the West, conciliar institutional dialogue is the dominant form of ecumenical participation, and Pentecostals have entered into official relationships with the Roman Catholic Church, the WCC, the World Communion of Reformed Churches, the Lutheran World Federation, the Baptist World Alliance, and other Protestant traditions. In the South, ecumenical conversations still depend on the building of the necessary ecumenical infrastructure and on the strong socio-cultural commitment of pastors, ministers, and organizations.⁶⁴

In Latin America, the ecumenical bonds initiated during the second half of the twentieth century among Pentecostals contributed to the establishment of the Latin American Council of Churches (CLAI) in 1982, the all-Latin American Pentecostal Encounters (EPLA) that convene since 1988, and eventually to the Latin American Evangelical Pentecostal Commission (CEPLA) in 1990. The Evangelical Service for Ecumenical Development (SEPADE), the Evangelical Union of Latin America (UNELAM), the Evangelical Christian Aid (ACE), and other ecumenical organizations show strong Pentecostal connections. These relationships have led to national conferences in Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, Venezuela, and elsewhere regionally. Transnational

consultations have also been convened by the WCC and in cooperation with CLAI in Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, and Cuba.⁶⁵ Although these

efforts have found little support from large Pentecostal churches, and not all Pentecostals in Latin America can be considered to be ecumenical groups, the history and discussions of the constituencies involved paint a rich picture of the heterogeneous nature of Pentecostal participation in Christian unity. A snapshot of this work is found in the report of the Joint Consultative Group of the WCC and Pentecostals to the ninth assembly in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2005.

The development of the Joint Consultative Group witnesses to a number of significant changes in ecumenical fellowship with Pentecostals. On one level, conversations have shifted in tone and methodology to openness toward Pentecostal concerns and a style more genuine to Pentecostal practices. On another level, conversations have shifted toward regions where Pentecostalism is most represented and which have become the center of global Christianity. In turn, this transition has led to changes in national discussions and organizations in North America and Europe. Last but not least, Pentecostal organizations and fellowships have transitioned toward a more ecumenical ethos, even if that shift does not always signal a readiness for official dialogue. For example, the racially and doctrinally exclusive Pentecostal Fellowship of North America, formed in 1948, was replaced in 1994 by Pentecostal/Charismatic Churches of North America, which includes African American Pentecostals.⁶⁶ Pentecostals contributed to the formation of Christian Churches Together in the USA, in 2001, a distinctive cross-over organization, located ideologically between the National Council of Churches and the Global Christian Forum, that was established in order to bridge the divisions between churches historically associated with the National Council of Churches and communities not so aligned.⁶⁷ A brief statement by the group is included in this collection. The first Pentecostal churches entered the membership of the European Council of Churches in 1984, and 1987 saw the founding of the Pentecostal European Fellowship. National dialogues involving Pentecostal churches in Germany, Belgium, France, and the Netherlands arose during that time as a result of the Charismatic Movement.⁶⁸ Other conversations, transnational fellowships, and ecumenical institutions are slowly emerging, but although the initiatives come increasingly from Pentecostals, ecumenical, financial, and logistic resources remain located in Europe and in the hands of the older, established ecumenical traditions.

The new conversations function primarily as tools of mutual

introduction. With the exception of the Catholic-Pentecostal dialogue, official dialogues as well as informal conversations still demand that the participants first learn about each other. As the Lutheran-Pentecostal dialogue shows, this approach is particularly important in the preliminary stages of informal discussions not yet fully developed. Other such opportunities include the emerging conversations between Pentecostals and the Anglican Communion in Great Britain, conversations between Pentecostals and the Mennonite World Conference, the meeting between Pentecostals and the Synodal Committee for Inter-Orthodox and Inter-Christian Affairs of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, and conversations with Baptist churches or the Salvation Army. These meetings, as much as the official dialogues, typically include participation in each other’s worship services, daily prayer, reflection, mutual testimony and consolation. The narratives from these conversations are less about correlating doctrines and beliefs than about ecumenical methodology and the question how ecumenism should be done. The immediate goal is not to reach structural unity but to foster mutual understanding and respect. Pentecostals, in particular, have learned from these meetings that relationships are more readily established on the grass-roots level than on the international and institutional scene. While institutionalized conversations and bilateral dialogue continue to develop, much of the ecumenical atmosphere today draws attention to personal and informal meetings that are often perceived as less invasive and more genuine to the ethos and practices of the traditions at the ecumenical table.

The most widely acclaimed initiative