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‫  ا

ا  ا‬

‫ﺠــﺎﻤـﻌــﺔ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭل ﺍﻝـﻌﺭﺒـﻴـﺔ‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻤـﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗـﺴـﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒـﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋــﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔــــــــــﺱ‬

‫درا ـــ ر   ت  ا‬


‫اـ رآ و  اـ رآ  ً ‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺏ‪/‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪ /‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺠـﺎﻤـﻌـــﺔ ﻋـﻴـﻥ ﺸـﻤــــــــﺱ‬

‫‪1427‬ﻫـ ‪2006 -‬ﻡ‬


‫إ  ا
  د‬
‫ا ء‬
‫ﻓﺎﻁﺭ ‪28‬‬
‫اهـــــــاء‬

‫ﻱ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺩ ‪‬‬
‫ﺭﻤﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻁﺎﺀ…‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﻭﺠﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻤﺯ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺎﺀ…‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜل ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻋﻠﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪....‬‬
‫ﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩ ﷲ ﺤﻤﺩﹰﺍ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻁﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﻜﹰﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻝﺠﻼل ﻭﺠﻬﻪ ﻭﻋﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﻠﻲ ﻭﺃﺴـﻠﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻌﻭﺙ ﺭﺤﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺩﻨﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺴﻠﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻝﻪ ﻭﺼﺤﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻁﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﻬﻡ ﺒﺈﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻴﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﻻ ﻝﻘﻭل ﺍﷲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﺠل ﴿ وـ ‪$‬ـ  ‪"#‬ـ !ـ  ـ  ﴾ "‬


‫ﺇﻤﺘﺜﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻤل‪ ":‬ﻻ ﻴﺴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺠﺯﻴل ﺍﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﻋﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ‪ /‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺤﻔﻨﻲ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ ﻝﺘﻔﻀﻠﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻨﺼﺎﺌﺤﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋـﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﻪ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻜل ﺘﻘﺩﻴ ﹴﺭ ﻭﻋﺭﻓﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ـﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ـﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺴــ‬
‫ـﺘﺎﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻀــ‬
‫ـﻰ ﺍﻷﺴــ‬
‫ـﺸﻜﺭ ﺇﻝــ‬
‫ـل ﺍﻝــ‬
‫ـﺩﻡ ﺒﺠﺯﻴــ‬
‫ـﺎ ﻭﺃﺘﻘــ‬
‫ﻜﻤــ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪ __________________/‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓـﻲ ____________ ﻭ ﺍﻷﺴـﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪ __________________/‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓـﻲ ____________ ﻝﺘﻔـﻀﻠﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻜل ﺸﻜﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺘﺫﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺘﺤﻜﻴﻡ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻫﻡ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ – ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺴـﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺭﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻠﺔ –ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻓـﻀل ﺃﺒـﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻴﻥ‪ -‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻋﻤﻴﺩ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪-‬‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺭﻓﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ –ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﺃﺴـﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﻋﻤﻴﺩ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻨﺒﻴل ﺩﺨﺎﻥ – ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺃﻨﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎ‪ -‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ل ﺸﻜ ﹴﺭ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻜ ّ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺠﺯﻴل ﺍﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻱ ﻭﻭﺍﻝﺩﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻀﺤﻴﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻨﺎ ﻭﺇﺨﻭﺘﻲ ﻓﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻜل ﺤﺏ ﻭﻋﺭﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻨﺴﻰ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻜل ﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﺎل ﷲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﺠل ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﺠل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﺹ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ -‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺄل ﺍﷲ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻔﻊ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﻜل ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ‬


‫ﺃ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻫﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺏ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺙ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺫ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫"ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ"‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪-//-‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪-// -‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪-// -‬ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‬
‫‪ -//-‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‪ -
// -‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫‪ - // -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ‬



‪
-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‬

‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬

‬
‫
‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫
‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪:‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫
‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫
‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫
‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻱ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺭﻴﻜﺴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺭﻭﺠﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ‪.‬‬


‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫‪-
// -‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫• ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻝـﻘﻠـﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ‬


‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪:‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬

‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -//-‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪117‬‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‬

‬ ‫• ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‪- // -‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ .‬‬

‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴـﺎﺒـﻘـﺔ‬
‫ ‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫
‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫"ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ"‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ‬
‫ ‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻊ ‪:‬ﻤﻨـﻬـﺞ ﻭﺇﺠـﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -// -‬ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﻭﻀﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬
‫ ‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴــــــﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -// -‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -/
// -‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -/
// -‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ‪.‬‬

‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‪.‬‬
‫
‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫
‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫
‬
‫
‬ ‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‬ ‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ ‬ ‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )( ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻠﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬

‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻜل ﻓﻘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ( ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻙ )ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻉ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬

‬ ‫
‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ ‬ ‫ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫
‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫ ‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬ ‫‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫‬ ‫ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬

‬ ‫ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ )ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬

‬ ‫ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫ ‬ ‫ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫ ‬ ‫
 ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫‬ ‫ ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ( ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬ ‫‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‬ ‫
‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬
‫‬ ‫ ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬ ‫‬

‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬ ‫‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬

‬
‫ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬

‫ ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ(‬ ‫‬


‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‬
‫ ‬ ‫‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫‬
‫‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫‬
‫ﺍﻝـﺒـﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁـﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤـﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺒﻌـﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌـﺎل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﻴﺒﻤﺎﻥ ‪ Lipman‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻗﺭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻌﺒﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻋﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻨﺎﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻝﻴﺜﻤﺎﻥ ‪ Lithman‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎل ﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﻌﻑ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‬
‫ﻼ‪":‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺕ ﺒﺎﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺯﻤﻼﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﻝﻠﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻨﻌﺠﺯ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻼ‪ :‬ﻴﺒـﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻝﻪ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻻ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﻗﻭﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻗﺎﻁﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻜل ﻋﻠﻡ ﻷﻥ ﻴﻤﺩ ﺠﺴﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻤﻘﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ ،1991 :‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.(54-53‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺩﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨـﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﻬﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺭ‪ 1991 :‬ﺹ‪.(33‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺒـ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ‪ " :‬ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴـﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ "‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻠـﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﺭﺠﻰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺇﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻴﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫـﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﺒـﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻤﻘﹰﺎ)ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(54‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻫﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘـﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺇﺴـﻬﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨـﺸﻐﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻐﺎل ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘـﺄﺜﻴﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ)ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺩﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(66‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻓﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻱ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻜل‬
‫ﻫﻴﻜل ﻭﻅﺭﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﺯل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﺒﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ)ﻭﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﻑ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(1‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﺝ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺨﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻝﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪) .‬ﺯﻴﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪ 1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(198‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺘـﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺠﻤل ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻨﻬﺯﺍﻤﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘـﺸﻭﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺨﺎﻀﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﻱ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻻ ﺒﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻴﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﺒﻪ)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(194‬‬

‫ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺃﻱ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴـﻑ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺸﻜل ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻓـﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ؟ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻴﺔ ؟ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻤـﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ؟ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻫﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻝﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ؟ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﻪ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻪ ؟ )ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(77‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻤﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻋﻤﻕ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ) .‬ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991 :‬ﺹ ‪.(77‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ‪ " :‬ﻭﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻀﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺃﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ " ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﺒﻬـﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀـﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺘل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻤﺩ ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻸﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺩﺨل ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1/1/1‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/1/1‬ﺃﻫـﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴــــﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3/1/1‬ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـــﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻤﺩﺨل ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪Political‬‬
‫‪ ،Psychology‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺯ ﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻓﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﺩ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺁﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺩﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﻭﺼﻭل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻨﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﺔ ﺃﺒﺴﻁﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝـﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭل ﻤـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻭﻗﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺭﺤﻤﺔ ﻁﻐﺎﺓ ﻤﺘﺄﻝﻬﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﺸﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﻭ ﹰ‬
‫)ﺭﺍﻏﺏ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒﻴل‪ 2002:‬ﺹ ‪.(588‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﺤﻔﻨﻲ ‪ 2000‬ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺃﺨﺫﹰﺍ ﻭﻋﻁﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﻘل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻭﺫﺒﻭل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻘل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﺘـﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺤـﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ)ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ‪ 2000:‬ﺹ ‪.(203‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ‪‬ﻴﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﺭﻋﹰﺎ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﺭﻉ ﻭﻝﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺨﺭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺤﻡ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﻉ ﺍﻷﻜﺒـﺭ ﻭﻫـﻭ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻺﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻤـﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻭﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻤﺯﺠﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺘﻠـﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻨـﺴﺏ ﻭﻤﻘـﺎﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗـﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺤـﺯﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ)ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺩ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(3‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﺘﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﺄﻤل ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﻴﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ "ﻭﻝـﻴﻡ ﺠـﻴﻤﺱ "‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﻩ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﺍ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﺘﺤﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘـﻴﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺩﺍﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻌﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺒﺫ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻐـﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝـﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻠـﺴﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻅﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻭﻝﻴﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﺤـﺭﺏ ﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺴﹰﺎ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺸﻬﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻬﺭ ﻭﺘﻤﺠﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨـﻊ ﺍﻝﺤـﺭﻭﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻁﺒﻕ ﻭﻝﻴﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ)ﺒﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻝﻑ‪ 1965:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(347-333‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺱ ‪ Graham wallas‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻘﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﺸﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1908‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ‪:‬ﺏ ﺕ ﺹ ‪.(233‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺇﻥ ﺇﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻝﺩ ﻻﺱ ﻭﻭل ‪ Harold lass-wall‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1930‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻼﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤـﻀﻤﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﻅﻬـﺭ ﻜﺘـﺎﺏ ﻫـﺎﻨﺯ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪ Hans Eysenck‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1954‬ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ‪International Society of Political‬‬
‫)‪ ، .Psychology (ISPP‬ﺜﻡ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﻨﺴﺘﻭﻥ ‪ Jeanne Knuston‬ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﻜﺘﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ، 1973‬ﺜﻡ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻝﻴﻡ ﺴﺘﻭﻥ ‪ William Stone‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1974‬ﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺭﺴﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺭﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﻋﺎﺌﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل ﺇﻝﻰ " ﻻﺴﻭﻴل " ﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﻪ‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 2001:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻭﺭﺘﻭﺱ ﺩﻴﻭﺘﺵ ‪ 1984‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫـﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋـل ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺒﺤﺜﻪ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻜﺸﺎﻓﻴﺔ "ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻼﻋﻴﺔ" ﻭﺇﻨﺸﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ)ﺩﻴﻭﺘﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺭﺘﻭﺱ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(6-4‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺩﻨـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻨﻔﻬﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ) ﻤﻬﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺭ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(33‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻑ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﻘﺒﻭل ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﻭﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻜﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅـﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1908‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺠﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺃﻝﺒـﻭﺭﺕ ‪1963‬‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻠﺘﻤﺱ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺴﺎﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻭﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(6‬‬
‫‪-1/1/1‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﺼﺩﻯ ﻝﻠﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺒﺄﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒـل ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﺴﻌﺕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺠـﺎﺡ ﺨﻁـﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ)ﻤﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(12‬‬

‫ﻴﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺭﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﻘـﺭﺭﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺤل ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻁﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓـﻲ ﺼـﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺸـﻜل ﺍﻝﻅـﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(31‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻴـﺼل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ ﺘﺘﻁﻠـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺠﻤﻭﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻋﻘﻠﻴـﺔ ﺘـﺴﻤﺢ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝـﺭﺃﻱ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ)ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(93-92‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻘـﺩﻡ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬


‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻗﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴـﺭ ﻋـﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬـﻡ ﻭﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺸﻜﻼﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﺒﻠﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﻌﺒﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻻ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﺤـﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺃﻤﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻜل ﺸﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻤﻪ ﻝﺭﺃﻴﻪ ﻭﺇﺴﻬﺎﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺄﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻝﺒﻨﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2/1/1‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺃﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋـﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﺴﺘﻜﻤﺎل ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﻩ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠـﻲ ﻝﻔﻬـﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﺤﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻅـل‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3/1/1‬ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬

‫‪.1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﻜﺎﻤـﻪ ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴـﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺭﺠﺎﻨـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺘﺼﺎﻤﺎﺕ‪ ....‬ﺇﻝﺦ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫‪.2‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺤل ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻲ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ)‪ .(E.P.Q‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝـﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒـﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫• ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.Extraversion:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻼﺕ ﻭﻝﻪ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺎﺱ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻝﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻠﺘﻤﺱ ﺍﻹﺜـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻐﺘﻨﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺭﺯ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺸـﺨﺹ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻐﺭﻡ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻝﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺒﺘﻬﺞ ﻭﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌل ﻭﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﻀﺤﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺡ ﻭﻴﻔـﻀل ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻝﻌـﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻴﻨﻔﻌـل‬
‫ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺘﻪ ﻝﻠـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.Neuroticism:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻲ‪:‬ﻫﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﺘﻠﻬﻑ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻜﺌﻴﺏ ﻤﺤﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ ﻨﻭﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻜل ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻴﺠﺩ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺘـﺯﻥ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺨﺒـﺭﺓ ﻤﺜﻴـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﻊ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠـﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺼﺎﺭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴـﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺎﺌﺠـﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺴﻠﻙ ﺒﺄﺴـﻠﻭﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻤﻠﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻗﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺴﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻨﺸﻐﺎل ﺘﺎﻡ ﻭﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺅﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻌـل‬
‫ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.Psychoticism:‬‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻨﻌﺯل ﻭﻻ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻨﺎﺴﺒﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺯﻋﺠـﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻴﻔﺘﻘﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﺘﺒﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﻠﻙ ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻪ ﻭﺃﻗﺭﺒﺎﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻴﻑ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺤـﺒﻬﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﻝﻊ ﺒﺎﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺄﻝﻭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻜﺘﺭﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻗﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤـﺏ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻬﺯﺉ ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﺎﻴﻘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ "ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" "‪Lie "Social Desirability‬‬


‫ﻼ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺜﺎﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ )ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺨﺩﺍﻉ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪.3‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪Psychological Security.:‬‬


‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺭﺌﻴـﺴﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻻ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻗـﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫‪.4‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ)ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.Internal-External Locus of Control:.‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺇﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺴﺘﻴﻑ ﻨﻴﻭﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺎﺭﺸل ﺩﻭﻙ ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺒﺎﻥ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺃﻱ ﺸﺊ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻠﻭﻍ ﺃﻱ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻘـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻓـﺭﺩ ﻴﻭﺠـﻪ ﺴـﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬـﹰﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴـﹰﺎ ‪Internal‬‬
‫‪.Control‬‬
‫• ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻴـل ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻌل ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻴﻭﺼﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻴﻭﺠـﻪ ﺴـﻠﻭﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﹰﺎ ‪. External Control.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜـﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1/2/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2/2/1‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3/2/1‬ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/2/1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5/2/1‬ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -6/2/1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -7/2/1‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-8/2/1‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-9/2/1‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -10/2/1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺇﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﺸﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻐﺎل ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل‪1981:‬ﺹ‪.(191‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻩ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺼﻔﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻔﺼل ﻋﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺫ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺨﻀﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪ 1988:‬ﺹ‪.(15‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺤـﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ …… ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﺨﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﺭﻜﻴﺯﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻜﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﻝﺤﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(29‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﻪ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻴﻭﻝﻬﻡ )ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻱ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﻨﻔﻠﺘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﻫﻴﻜل ﻭﻅﺭﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﻕ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﺘـﺯل ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺼـﻴﻐﺔ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ)ﻭﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﻑ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﺎﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ – ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻭﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺂﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﻨﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻀﻔﻲ ﻁﺎﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻁﻔﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻤﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺭﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺭﻀﹰﺎ)ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(6-5‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﺩﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺩﻓﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﻐﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﻬﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺴﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻭﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺩﻑ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻁﺭﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺄﺼل ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻝﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﺼﺒﺢ ﺠـﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.( 3‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﹰﺎ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠـﻴﺵ…… ﺇﻝـﺦ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻏﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(107‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻜﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘـﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻘـﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩﻩ ﻭﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺒﺭﺯ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ)ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻤﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺨﻁﻁﹰﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﻨﺴﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺩﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜل ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻜﻔﺎﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﺅﻫﻼﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺭﺠﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸـﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻝﻭ ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺎ ًﻭﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺒﻴﺔ…… ﺇﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(56‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل ﺃﻭ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻝـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻫﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪) .‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﻀﺭ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(125‬‬
‫‪ -1/2/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﻻ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ 1968‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜـﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼـﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﻭﻴﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺏ ﻭﺇﻝﻘﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺤﺯﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ)‪.(Sills.L.D:1968 p 252‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺠﺭﻨﺴﺘﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺒﻭﻝﺴﺒﻲ ‪ 1975 Greenstein & Polsby‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﻤﻬﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.( Greenstein, F &Polsby, N:1975 p2‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ‪ 1977‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬ﺘﻠـﻙ ﺍﻷﻨـﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﻜـﺎﻤﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓـﻲ ﻭﻀـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘـﺸﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻨﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤـﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﻺﻁـﻼﻉ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻬـﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ)ﻴﺎﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ‪.(25‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 1979‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺤﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﻴـﺔ ﻝﺤـﻕ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﻝﻠﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪ 1979:‬ﺹ ‪.(78‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺠﻠﺒﻲ ‪ 1982‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺼـﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ)ﺠﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1982:‬ﺹ ‪.(529‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺠﻼل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻌﻭﺽ ‪ 1983‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻀﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺤﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺍﻗﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻘـﺏ‬
‫ﺼﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻡ‪) .‬ﻤﻌﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺠﻼل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1983:‬ﺹ ‪.(108‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺴﻌﺩ ﺠﻤﻌﺔ ‪ 1984‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬ﺴﻠﻭ ‪‬‬
‫ﻙ ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺨﻼل ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﺩﺭﺠﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ......‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴـﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫)ﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(34‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﻨﻴﺭ ‪ 1986 Uhlaner‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤل ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻲ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ)‪.(Uhlaner , C:1986 p552‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﺎﻜﺭﻴﺩﺱ ﻭﺒـﺭﺍﻭﻥ ‪ 1986 Macridis &Brown‬ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘـﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺨﺫﻭﻨﻬﺎ)‪.(Macridis, R & Brown, B:1986 p314‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺭﺍﻴﺕ ‪ 1992 Wright‬ﻭﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻴﻘـﺼﺩ ﺒـﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.( Wright, V:1992p7‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺭﺵ ‪ 1992 Rush‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺸـﻐل‬
‫ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ) ‪.(Rush, M:1992 p110‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻨﺎﻫﺩ ﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪ 1994‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻜل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﻁـﻭﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﺘﻘـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪..(55‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ 1995‬ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺤﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ – ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼـﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺯﺍﻭﻝﺘﻪ ﻝﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﻷﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺤـﺼﻠﺔ ﻝﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﻭﺙ" ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ")ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995 :‬ﺹ ‪.(91‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ ‪ 1996‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻴﺤﺼل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻪ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺒﺼﻭﺘﻪ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﻜﺎﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺸـﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻘﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺒﺈﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒـﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻗﻠﻴﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺒﻘﺼﺩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ )ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(60‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ‪ 1998‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜـﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ)ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ ‪.(218‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬


‫• ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺘـﺩﺭﺠﹰﺎ ﻤـﻊ ﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪.‬‬
‫• ﻝﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤـﺩﻯ ﺘـﻭﺍﻓﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤـﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴـﺎﺓ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻜﺘـﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼـﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻴـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻤﻭﺡ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻜـﺎﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝـﺩﺨل ﻭﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝـﻭﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺯﻴـﺎﺩﺓ ﺨﺒـﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2/2/1‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒـل ﺃﻥ ﻨﻤـﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺩﺓ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺭﺴﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ)ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ 1990 :‬ﺹ ‪.(50‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴـﺔ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻬـﺎ ﻤـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻷﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬


‫ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻫﺭ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(179‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺇﺘﺴﻌﺕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻘـﺕ ﻗـﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ‪.(12‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﻻ ﺘـﺘﻡ ﺒـﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ)ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(7-5‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻴﺴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ ﻴﺠـﺏ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﻜل ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻨﻭﺍﺒـﻪ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻬﻡ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫)ﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1988:‬ﺹ ‪.(135‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﻘﺼﺩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤـﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﺠﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﻠﻭﻏﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻤﻠﻤﻭﺱ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(20‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺒﻴﻨﻭﻙ ﻭﺸﺎﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 1975 Pennock & Chapman‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻨﺸﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺒﻬـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨـﻰ ﺘـﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻴﺱ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻔل ﺍﻝﺯﻓﺎﻑ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎل ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺭﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻡ ﻴﺭﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ‬
‫)‪.(Pennock, J & Chapman:1975 p 57‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻝﻜﻭﻙ ‪ 1976 Elcok‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺨﺎﺹ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Elcok, H:1976 pp69-70‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺴﻭ‬
‫‪ Rousseau‬ﻭﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﺭﻓﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﻜﻤﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻨﺠﺎﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺇﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴـﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻴﺴﻬﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1983:‬ﺹ ‪.(38‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻜل ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻜل ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺼﻴل ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬـﺎ ﺘﻌﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﻤﻴل – ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ‪ -‬ﺃﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻝﻠﺒﻠﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺤﻁﻡ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Nie, N & Verba, S:1975:p4‬‬
‫‪ -3/2/1‬ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻴﻠﺒﺭﺍﺙ ‪ 1965 Milbrath‬ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﻫﺭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ – ﺤـﺴﺏ ﺩﺭﺠـﺔ ﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻪ – ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺜـﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ Gladiators :‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ .(%5‬ﺇﻝﻰ )‪..(%7‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺭﺠﻴﻥ‪ Spectators :‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻘـﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺤـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ )‪..(%60‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺒﺎﻝﻴﻥ‪ Apathetics :‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ‪،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ )‪. .(%33‬‬
‫)‪.(Milbrath, L:1965 pp20-22‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻤﻴﻠﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺭﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﻤﺒﺎﻝﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺜﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻝﻌﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺼـﻐﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﻘﺎﺘل ﻹﻤﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺭﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﻬﺘﻔﻭﻥ ﻭﻴﺼﻔﻘﻭﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺩﻝﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﺼـﻭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺒﺎﻝﻭﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻻ ﻴﺸﺎﻫﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﻫﺭﻤﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻨـﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﻫﺭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﻐﻤﺴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪.( Milbrath, L:1977pp11-21) .‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻓﻴﺭﺒﺎ ﻭﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﻜﻴﻡ ‪ 1978 Verba Nie and Kim‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼـﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻗﺴﻤﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ )‪ .(6‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻰ‪-:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﻭﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ )‪..(%22‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻭﻥ )‪..(%21‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﺘـﺼﺭ ﻨـﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻘـﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻭﻥ)‪..(%20‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﻕ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺤﻭل ﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﻡ ﺸﺨـﺼﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻭﻥ)‪..(%4‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ – ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻭﻥ‬
‫)‪..(%15‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻭﻥ – ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻭﻥ‬
‫)‪ .(%18‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Verba, S, et.al: 1978 pp310-315‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﺴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1980‬ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﹰﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻓﺭﺒﺎ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺌﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻝﻺﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺃﻭﻝـﺴﻥ ﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ )‪ .(6‬ﺸـﺭﺍﺌﺢ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻜل ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻀﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻴﻁﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺸﻴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﺯﻝﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(81‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﺘﺩﺭﺠﹰﺎ ﻴﻐﻁﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺭﺵ ﻭﺃﻝﺘﻭﻑ ‪ 1971 Rush & Althoff‬ﺘﺴﻠﺴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﻜل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻤﻼﺌﻡ ﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻨﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺸﻤﻭل ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﺴﺎﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺸﻐل ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﺸﻐل ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ....‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻡ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﻐﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﺎﹰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺸﺘﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺸﺎﻏﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺒـﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺔ ﻴﻬﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴـﺔ ﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ)‪.(Rush, M&Althoff, P:1971 pp76-112‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻜﻭﺒﺱ ﻭ ﻭﻭﺭﺴﻴـﺴﺘﺭ ‪ 1990 Jacobs & Worcester‬ﻓـﻲ‬


‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘـﺭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫)‪.(%1‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%3‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%5‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%10‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%13‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻪ ﻜﻤﻭﻅﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺩ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%13‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫)‪.(%13‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺤﺙ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﻌﻀﻭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ‪.(%15) .‬‬
‫)‪.(%31‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(%68‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Jacobs, E & Worcester, R:1990 p 33‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﺭﺍﻴﺕ ‪ 1992 Wright‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴـﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺴﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﺜل ﺃﺴﺘﺭﺍﻝﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ ﻭﻫﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1970‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﺎﺩﺓ " ﺃﺼـﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺭﺅﺴﺎﺀ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ‪ ....‬ﺇﻝﺦ " ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻀﺔ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ )‪.(Wright , V :1992 pp 156-157‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﻓﻴﺭﺒﺎ ‪ 1975Nie & Verba‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺠـﺏ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻁﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤـﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺍﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Nie, N & Verba, S:1975p2‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﺨﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺨﻁﺎﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻌـﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(25‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻜﺴﻔﻴﺭ ‪ 1976 Kasfir‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﺒﺄﺜﺭﻫـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﺍﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺸﺭﻓﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸـﺭﺓ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﺭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻤﺯﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤـﺎﺕ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ )‪.(Kasfir, N:1976 p 10‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺴﻊ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﻌﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻜﺴﻔﻴﺭ ﺒﺘﺭﺘﻴـﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﻬـﺎ ﻭﺘﻘـﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﻝﻠﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻭﻅﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺒﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺎل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺒﻭل ﻋﻤل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ "ﺍﻝﻤﻅـﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺨﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺨﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Kasfir, N:1976 p7‬‬
‫‪-4/2/1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﻐﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌـﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨـﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺴﺤﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻴﻨﻀﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺒﺎﻝﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(27‬‬
‫‪ 1979 Muller‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻭﻝﻠﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﻐﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )‪.(Muller, E:1979 p77‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺠﻭﺭﺩﻭﻥ ‪ 1971 Gordon‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ‬
‫ﻀﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻭﺤـﺸﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ‪،‬ﻭ ﺍﻹﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ‪ .....‬ﺇﻝﺦ )‪.(Gordon ,L:1971 p 810‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻨﻘل ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ 1995‬ﻤﺴﺤﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺒﻭﻓﺎﻝﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎﺒﻴﻥ ‪1966‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1969‬ﻴﺸﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻋﻤﺎل ﺸﻐﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻝﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺘـﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻷﺨﻁـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻌﻤل ﻴﻌﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻻﺌﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻝﻼﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﺴﺌﻭل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﻓﺽ ﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﺸـﻴﺌﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(28‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺸﻠﻴﺯﻨﺠﺭ ‪ 1991 Schlesinger‬ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻘﺒﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﻴﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨـﻑ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﻫﺎﺩﻓﹰﺎ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸـﺭ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻨﺎ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ – ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ – ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒـﺸﻜل ﺃﻭ ﺒـﺂﺨﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ)‪.(Schlesinger, P:1991 pp1-2‬‬

‫‪ -5/2/1‬ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﻴـﺴﻭﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺴﻼﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻝﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ )ﺴﻌﺩ‪:‬ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1981:‬ﺹ ‪.(172‬‬

‫‪ 1992Rush‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﺵ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ )‪ .(%50‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ )‪ (%60‬ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫)‪ (%75‬ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻴﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ )‪ (%15‬ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫)‪ (%20‬ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻬﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺜـل‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻠﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺠﻭﺭﺒﺎﺘﺸﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ .(%99‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬
‫)‪.(Rush, M:1992 p117‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻴﻠﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﻴل ‪ 1977 Milbrath & Goel‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﻤﺤل ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻜـﺱ‬
‫ﻤﻴﻭﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻭل ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ُﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻝـ ﻤﻴﻠﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﻴل‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺃﻗل ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺜـﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺒﺘـﺩﺍﺌﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺯﺍﺏ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﻭﺠﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻁﻨﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻁﻨﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻗل ﻭﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻗل‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻭﻨﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﺵ ‪ 1992 Rush‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝـﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻘﺘـﺼﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﺤـﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﺭﺠل ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻋﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻤل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻨﻘﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜل ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜـﻭﻥ ﺤﻅﻴـﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻘﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻘﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺤـﺎﻝﺘﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Rush M:1992 p 117‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﺌل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﻀـﻭﻥ ﻝﻌـﺩﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﻤﻥ" ﻤﻴﻠﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﻴل " ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﻗﺎﻁﻨﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻴـﻑ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪:‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺃﻗﻭﻯ ﺒﻬﻭﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴـﺸﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Rush M:1992 p 118‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻤﻭﻴﺴﺭ ‪ 1990 Parry & Moyser‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﺢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻫﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻁﺭﻕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ " ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ " ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﻀﻐﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ )‪.(Parry, G & Moyser, G:1990 p 150‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﻁﻌﺔ ﻴﻨﻐﻤﺱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻬـﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺠﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺸﺠﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻷﺴـﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺯﻤـﻼﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ)‪.(Rush, M:1992 p 115‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻅـل ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺎﻓﻅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌـﺔ ﻭﺴـﺎﺌل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻘﺩﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻅﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒـﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺭﻯ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺼﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(31‬‬
‫‪ -6/2/1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺴﻴﺭﺯ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺅﻩ ‪ 1991 Sears, et al‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺘﺠﻬﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﺒﺭﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘـﺼﺭﻑ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺒـل ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻁﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﹰﺎ ﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺘﻪ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻁﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﻠ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻴﻌﻭﻀﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ )‪.(Sears, et.al: 1991 pp532-533‬‬

‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ "" ﻵﻥ ‪ "Lane‬ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺠﺢ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﺒﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﺍ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝـ ‪Lane‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘـﺭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﺭ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(35‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﺭﺒﺭ ‪ 1985 Barber‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﺼﺤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﺠﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺼﻭﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ‬
‫)‪.(Barber, D.J: 1985 p533‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﺭﺒﺭ‪ 1985 Barber‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨـﺎﻗﺽ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨـﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻼ " ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻷﻭﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ " ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﻨﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺒﻘﻁـﺎﻉ ﻤﺘﻤﻴـﺯ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻨﻌﺘﻘـﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ) ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(554‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺨﻀﻭﻋﻪ ﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺩﻨﺎ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ " ﻜﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻭﻉ‪ ....‬ﺇﻝﺦ"‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ " ﻜﺎﻝﻐﻀﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ‪ " ،،،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﺍﻜﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺨﺎﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺜـﻼﺙ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﻫـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1989 :‬ﺹ ‪.(158‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝـﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺘﺹ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻜﻔل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐل ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺊ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻪ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﻭﺤل ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻌـﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤـﺎﹰ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠـﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ)ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ‪ 1996 :‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(73-72‬‬

‫‪ -7/2/1‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻤـﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺠﻤﻭﻨﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺴـﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺱ ﻝﻼﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺠﻠﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻤﺎﺭ ﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻭﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻔﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻤﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺘﻠﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻠﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺯﺩﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺴﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋـل ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜـﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴـﻪ ﺍﻝﺒـﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﺜل‪" :‬ﻜﻴﺭﻜﺒﺎﺘﺭﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﻝﻴﻨﺠﺭ "‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﺤـﺩ ﺃﻫـﻡ‬
‫ﻻ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﺘﺒـﺎﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻪ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻴـﺘﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫)ﻓﺎﻀل‪ ،‬ﺼﺩﻗﺔ ‪:1988‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(187-185‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﺘﻪ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒـﺄﻥ ﺍﻝـﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻝﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل ﺒﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻼﺸﻌﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝـﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻝﻅـﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻫﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ)ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻏﺎﻨﻡ‪1988:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(36-35‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅـﺎﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘـﺅﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺇﺠﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺘـﺅﺜﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻀﻴﻕ ﺃﻓﻕ ﻭﺠﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺯﺍﻝﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴﺱ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Pirages & Dennis1976 p p.1-7.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8/2/1‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺤﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺴـﻬﺎ ﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺤﺒﻪ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻤﻤﺎﺜل ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎل ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻝﻸﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻼﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜـﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴـﺔ ﺘﺠـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩ ﻝﻸﻤﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ)ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤﻠﻬﺎ(‪ .‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻱ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝـﻨﻤﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠـﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻑ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻋﻤﻕ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991 :‬ﺹ ‪.(77‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﺎﻫﺭ ﻋﻤﺭ ‪ 1992‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻨﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﺊ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻭﺯﻩ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻜﻲ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻭﺩﻴل ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﺊ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺒﻴﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﺎﺌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﺊ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﻬﻥ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺅﺩﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﻌﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ)ﻋﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻫﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(182‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻭ ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻜﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﺘـﺎﺌﺞ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺘﻤﺱ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺠﺩ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﺼﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﻨﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺴﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻭﻫﺘﻠﺭ ﻭﺴﺘﺎﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﺎﻨﺩﻱ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻭﻝﻴﻨﻲ‪...‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻀﻌﻭﺍ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨـﺴﻜﻭ ﺃﺩﺭﻜـﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺤـﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺒـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺩ‪ 1994 :‬ﺹ ‪.(17‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻘل ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ‪ 1993‬ﻋﻥ ﻜﻨﺴﺘﻭﻥ ‪ 1973 Kunston‬ﻗﻭﻝﻪ ‪:‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺒﻌﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺘـﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺘـﺭﺍﺽ‬
‫ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺒﺘﻔﺎﻋل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺠﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ‪.(9‬‬

‫‪-9/2/1‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻕ ﻴﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻴ ‪‬‬
‫)ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﺼﻑ‪ 1986:‬ﺹ‪.(120‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻐـﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻔـﻅ‬
‫‪ ،Belonging‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ‪ ،Belong‬ﻭﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ)ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻠﺒﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻴﺭ‪ 1971:‬ﺹ ‪.(98‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻨﻘل ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺎﻓﻅ ‪ 1980‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻝﺜﻭﺭﻨﺩﺍﻴﻙ ﻴﻘﻭل ﻓﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺼﻔﺔ ﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﻴﻨﺘـﺴﺏ‬
‫ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺯﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻴﻜﻤﻠﻪ‪ ) .‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ‪ 1980 :‬ﺹ ‪.(20‬‬

‫‪ 1983 Brooks‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺘﺩﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺤـﺒﻬﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺒﺭﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺍﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺘﻌﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.( Brooks, C:1983p.269‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﺤﻔﻨﻲ "‪ "1986‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﺄﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﻤـﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﻨﻤﻁﹰﺎ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﻭﻀﻴﻘﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻨﺎﻓﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺃﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﻜﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﻭﺇﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺎﺠـﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻗﺼﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ‪ 1986:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(76-61‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﺃﺴﻌﺩ ‪:1992‬ﺇﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻝﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺘ ﹴﻡ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل‪ 1992 :‬ﺹ ‪.(7‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﺠﺭﻱ ‪ 1994‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻏﺫﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺭﻭﺤﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻘﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﻝﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﺒﻌﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺘـﻪ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺤﻴﻭﻱ ﻤﺴﺘﺩﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﺃ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺼﻴﺎﻉ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺨﻔﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ) .‬ﺍﻝﻔﻨﺠﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(76‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠـﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒـﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﺜﻨﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ – ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺒـﺩﺃ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻴﻨﺠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻘﻤﺹ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﻭﺤﺩ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﻬﺎ) ﺒﺩﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺯﻜﻲ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ ‪.(39‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺨﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ ‪ Froom‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻋـﺩﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﻬﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺯﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﻨﻔﺕ ﻋﺭﻯ ﻭﺤﺩﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﻭﺍﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻌﻴﺽ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺠﺩﺓ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1985:‬ﺹ ‪.(14‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻋﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺴﻠﻴﺔ‪ 2000‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺘﻔﻘﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺩﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﻻ ﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﺃﻁﻭﺍﺭ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻶﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻭﻁﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺒﻌﺽ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ " ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ " ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻌﺯﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻐﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻻ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺤﻤل ﻁﻭﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻪ ﻗﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻨﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻴﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﺒﻪ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻨﺤﺭﻑ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﺤﺭﻓﺔ‪) .‬ﻋﺴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﺍﺕ‪ 2000 :‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(35-34‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺩﺩﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻔﻨﺠﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(86-78‬‬

‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻅﻬﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻌﺘﻨﻘﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻔﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﺼﺩﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻔﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﺼﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻠﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪‬ﺍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺌﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻼ‪ :‬ﻴﻀﻊ ﺨﻁﻁﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺼﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪) .‬ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(86‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻨﻀﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﺭﻩ ﺒﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ ﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻴﻨﺎﺼﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻭﺉ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻁﻤ ﹴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺴﺏ ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺒﺒﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻤﺠﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﻭﻓﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺨﻁﻁﻪ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫)ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(87‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺯﺍﻭﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻤﻭ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﻪ ﻨﻤﻭﻩ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(95‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻀﺎﺭﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺘﻪ‬
‫)ﺴﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(32‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻷﻱ ﻓﺭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﻀﻊ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺫﻫﺏ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﻤﻭﺭﺍﻱ " ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻤﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻷﻝﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﻤﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﺜﺎل ﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﻓﺭﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺒﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ ﻗﺭﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﺤﻲ ﻤﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﻓﻬﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺩﻤﺞ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺘﺤﻘﻕ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﻭﻕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻲ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﺨﻼﻗﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(175-174‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺎﻻﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺨﺎﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﺭﺡ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺴﻤﻴﺭ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(25‬‬
‫‪ -10/2/1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﺭﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ‪ " :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤـﺔ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻴﺔ –‬
‫ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴـﺭ ﻓﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻥ " ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ)‪ .(%95‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺘﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﻓﺘﺢ( ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪1965/1/1‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻠﺏ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻨﻜﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺎﻭل ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﺈﻁﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﺴﻊ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻁﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺁﻤﻨﻭﺍ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﻭﻁﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺭﻏﺏ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪(86-85‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ ﻹﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﺍ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﹰﺍ) ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪..(87‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻌﺩﺓ ﻤﺜل‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺨﺸﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﻤﺒﺭﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل‬
‫ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺭﻜﻨﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﺌﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻼﺌل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻌﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻝﻭﺍ ﻝﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻵﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺠﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻨﻀﻡ ﻝﻠﺠﻴﺵ‪،‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻨﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻨﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1968‬ﻡ ﺒﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪..(108‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ "ﻓﺘﺢ"‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺭﺍﻓﻀﺔ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺒﻠﺩ ﻋﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﻨﻊ‬
‫ﻀﺭﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺠﻬﺎﻀﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﺤﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻼﺌﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﻻﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺨﻭﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(15 -14‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ‪-‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1990‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﺜل‪:‬ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻠﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺌﻬﺎ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‬
‫ﻜﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(30‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪-‬ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪:‬‬


‫ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﺠﻨﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ – ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ 1988:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺌﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ " :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ"‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1993 :‬ﺹ ‪..(85‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻻﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ) ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1993 :‬ﺹ ‪.(86‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺒﻭﺴﻊ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺩﺨﻭل ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل‬
‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﺠﺊ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﻝﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﻴﺘﺒﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻴﻘﻭل‪:‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻝﺨﻭﺽ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍﻝﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻜﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻀﺩ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻝﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺸل ﻓﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺼل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻤﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﻴﻴﺭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺠﻨﺎﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻨﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺃﺒﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1993 :‬ﺹ ‪.(86‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ‪-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻠﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺠﻭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻑ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺭﻴﻁ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺸﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺤﻠﻭل ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻬﺠﻭﻥ ﻨﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜل‬
‫ﺒﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻤﻭﺍﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻅﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ) ﺠﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻴﺴﻴﺭ‪ 1992 :‬ﺹ ‪.(109‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪:‬‬


‫ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﻭﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1970‬ﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺸﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺠﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫‪1970-1967‬ﻡ ﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺤﻭل ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺒﺄﻴ ‪‬ﺩ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺇﻓﻼﺴﹰﺎ ﺃﺨﻼﻗﻴﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﺭ ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺝ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺫﺍﺀ ﺒﻪ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﹴ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ) ﺃﺒﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(114-112‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻤﺯﺝ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪.(125‬‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻤﺜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺭﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻨﺸﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ) ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ‪ 1999 :‬ﺹ ‪.(225‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺅﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﻜﺎﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺫﺍﺀ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺜﺎ ﹰ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺅﻤﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(126-118‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺯﻴﻤﺔ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1967‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﺯﻴﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻫﺯﻴﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻜﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺠﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪ /‬ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﺤﺒﺵ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1967‬ﻡ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺠﻭﻥ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻴﺨﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻭل‬
‫ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺒﻔﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻴﻭﻡ‬
‫‪1967/12/11‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻭﺤﺩ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪.‬‬
‫) ﺨﻭﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪:‬ﺏ‪ .‬ﺕ ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(117 -116‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﻨﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(118‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻨﺭﻯ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﺎﻝﻪ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺘﻔﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺨﻼل ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺎﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﻘﻭﻗ ﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﺴﻌﺕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝـﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺴﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺴﻼﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻝﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻏﺫﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺭﻭﺤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﻘﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﻝﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﺒﻌﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺤﻴﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﺩﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﺃ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺼﻴﺎﻉ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺨﻔﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬
‫ﺃﺒـﻌـﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸـﺨﺼـﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪:-1/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‪.‬‬
‫‪-3/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/3/1‬ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪-5/3/1‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺴﺤﺭ ﻭﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻝﻔﻨﺎﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻤﺅﻝﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻘـﺼﺹ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋـﻥ ﻋﺎﻤـﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬـﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺭﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻘﻑ ﻭﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻤﺘﻴﻨﺔ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(28‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺠـﻊ ﺍﻝﺒـﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺸﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻜﻜـل ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ "ﻓﻠﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻭﻨﺕ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪1879‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻴـﻪ ﻓﻭﻨـﺕ ﺃﻭل‬
‫ﻤﻌﻤل ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ "ﻻﻴﺒﺯﺝ" ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﻓﻭﻨﺕ ﻭﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤـﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﻨﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1987:‬ﺹ‪.(22‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺠـﺯﺀﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻝﻸﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻼﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﺭﻴـﻕ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺴﻁﻭ ﻭﺃﻓﻼﻁﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﺒﻘﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﺨل ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﺯﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺴﻭﺍﺌل ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﻭل ﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﻴﺸﺒﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﺤﺎﻝﻴـﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨـﺼﺎﺌﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻫﺭﻤﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ)ﻻﺯﺍﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪1993:‬ﺹ‪..(48‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺎ ً‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﺘﻤل ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺸـﺨﺹ ﻤﻌـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ)ﺍﻷﺸﻭل‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩل ﻋﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1978:‬ﺹ‪.(5‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻴـﺸﺨﺹ ﺸﺨﻭﺼـﹰﺎ ﺃﻱ ﺨـﺭﺝ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺱ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺸﺨﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻋﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺒﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺤـﺩ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ‪":‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺠﺴﻡ ﻝﻪ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪ Persona‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻔﻅ "ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ –ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ‪،Personality‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ‪ Personality‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ ‪Persona‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻠﺒﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺨﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺜﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺱ ﻭﺃﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺨﺎﺹ)ﺍﻷﺸﻭل‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩل ﻋﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﻉ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻓـﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺘﻭﻜﻴـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﻝـﺘﻌﻠﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺫﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻬﺘﻤـﻭﻥ ﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﺒـﺸﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻨﺤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻨﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜﺎل‪:‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﻅـﺎﺌﻑ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻭﻓﻕ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﻘﻴـﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻨﺨﻀﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻘـﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺜـل‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺨﺎﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤـﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺨﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﻉ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻤﻴـﺯ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﺨـﺭﻯ ﺒﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﺒـﺎﻝﻎ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜﻠﻤـﺎ ﺘﻬـﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺎﺕ)ﻻﺯﺍﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ‪.(20‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺩﺃ ﺇﺤﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤل ﻓﻴـﻪ ﺍﻝـﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﺤل ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻡ ﻭﺴﺎﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪) 1930‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1979:‬ﺹ ﻕ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻫـﻲ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘـﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺘﻨﺒﺅﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁـﺏ ‪Bipolar‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺼﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻪ ﻗﻁﺒﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺴﺎﻝﺏ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻓﺭﻏﻠﻲ‪ 1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(11‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ ‪ 1993‬ﺃﻥ ﻝﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻭﺠـﺩ‬
‫ﺸﺨﺹ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻡ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺤﺴﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻨـﻪ ﺘﺨﻁـﻴﻁ ﺭﻤـﺯﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ‪.(278‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﻔـﺴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜـﺎﺭﺕ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﺎ‪) ،‬ﻻﺯﺍﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪1993:‬ﺹ‪.(13‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻤﺒﻬﺭﺓ ﻓـﻲ ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯﹰﺍ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﻜـ ُ‬
‫ﻸ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﺘﺤﻭﻴـل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺸﺄﻥ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﻴ ً‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﻜﺱ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﻴـﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﻜﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴﺯﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ )ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1978:‬ﺹ ‪.(532‬‬

‫ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴـﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﻤﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨـﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠـﻊ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﺜل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻬـﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﺭﻗﻰ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(158‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ "ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل "‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺴﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻷﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻔـﺼﻴل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﻴﻔـﺴﺭ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪:-1/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺠﻭﻱ ﺒﻭل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ‪ J.P.Guilford‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺼﺎﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﻴﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻬﺘ ﹴﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل )‪.(Eysenck, Eysenck, 1969.p.31‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﻡ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸـﺎﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺎﺭﺘﻥ )‪ .(H.G.Marten‬ﻭﺯﻴﻤﺭﺍﻥ )‪.(W.S.Zimmerman‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪.(159‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻻ ﻏﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺯل ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺘﺄﻝﻴﻑ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻌﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺃﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ)‪.( Eysenck, H.J, 1973.p.90‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ "ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺨﺼﺹ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﹰﺍ ﻴﻠﻴﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻴﻌـﺔ ﻝﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﺠﻴﻠﻔـﻭﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﺘﺤﺔ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻭﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺘﻤﺎﻤـﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠـﻡ ﻴﻘﻭﻤـﺎ ﺒﺤـﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1934‬ﻁﺒﻘـﹰﺎ )‪ .(36‬ﺴـﺅﺍ ﹰ‬
‫ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (930‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺴﺒﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﺃﺭﺒﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1936‬ﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﻭﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻭﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺹ ﺠﺩﻴ ‪‬ﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻘـﺎﻴﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﺜـﻡ ﺃﺠﺭﻴـﺎ‬
‫)‪ (200‬ﻤﻔﺤﻭ ﹴ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.( 162-161‬‬

‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩ "ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ "ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﻋـﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻡ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻗﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺴـﻤﻲ ﺏ‬
‫"ﻤﺴﺢ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﻤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺍﺝ " ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺽ‬
‫ﻼ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ "ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ "ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤـل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1956‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.1‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪.2‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪.3‬ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻷﻨﻭﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.4‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪.5‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ "ﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺎل " ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.6‬ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.7‬ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.8‬ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪.9‬ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.10‬ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺢ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.11‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.12‬ﺍﻝﻭﺩﺍﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.13‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(165-163‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﺴﻭﻴﻑ ‪ 1962‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺅﻫـﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴـﺘﻌﺎﻨﺔ ﺒﻤﺤﻜـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺒﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﻁﺒﻘﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫـﺩﻑ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌل ﺒﺄﻨﻨﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺠﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺎل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒـﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﻋـﺎﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﻌﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻻ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘـﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﻼ)ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪1962:‬ﺹ‪.(18‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬


‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﻌﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﻴـﺼل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺌل ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﺜﻨـﺎﻥ ﻓﻘـﻁ ﻫﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(166‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺜﻴﺭﺴﺘﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1951‬ﺃﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜـﺔ ﻋـﺸﺭ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻤـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ "ﺒﻬﺭ" ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1952‬ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ)‪.(Eysenck, H.J: 1960 pp55‬‬

‫‪-2/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﻴﻤﻭﻨﺩ ﺒﺎﺭﻨﺎﺭﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل ‪ R.B.Cattell‬ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺠﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜـﺎ ﻭﻋﻤـل‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ "ﺍﻝﻴﻨﻭﻱ" ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻤﻌﻤل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤـﻥ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1945‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1973‬ﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺨﺭﺠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻝﻨﺩﻥ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﺭﻩ ﺒﻜل ﻤﻥ" ﻭﻝـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺩﻭﺠل ﻭﺘﺸﺎﺭﻝﺯ ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ " ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻴﺠﻤﻭﻨﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﺴﺎﻭﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﺭﺉ‬
‫ﻝﻜﺎﺘل ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻠﻤﺱ ﻤﺫﺍﻗﹰﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺒﺤﻭﺜﻪ ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺎﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺇﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺭﺓ "ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ" ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻀل ﻜﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻝﺯ ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻝﻨـﺩﻥ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﻝﻭﻴﺱ ﺜﺭﺴﺘﻭﻥ " ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪(168‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺩ ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﻝـﻡ ﻴـﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﺘل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺜﺒﺎﺘﹰﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ)ﻏﻨﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1972:‬ﺹ ‪.( 274‬‬

‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﻜﺭﺱ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺒﺤﻭﺜﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺴﻤﺎﺕ)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ‪.( 290‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻝﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻝﺘﻠﺨﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺨﻠﻑ ﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪(168‬‬
‫ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻔﻕ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻌـﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺇﻻ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﺩ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ‪( 290‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺢ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻭﻋﺎﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺢ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺃﻗل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﻗل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﺎﺘل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ :‬ﺹ‪.(291‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺒﺈﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺈﺴﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﺘﺔ ﻋـﺸﺭ ‪ Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire‬ﻭﺘﺨﺘـﺼﺭ‬
‫)‪ ، .(16.P.F‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺨﻴـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﻤﻭﺯ ‪B.C.D‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪1998 :‬ﺹ ‪.(496‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺱ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ )‪ .(60‬ﻋﻨﺼﺭﹰﺍ " ﺴﻤﺔ" ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜـﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌـﺭﻑ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ) ‪.( 20-12‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻻﺯﺍﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ‪(58‬‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺼل ﻜﺎﺘل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﺎﻤﻼ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ " ‪ ، "16 P.F‬ﻭﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻴﺱ ﻜل ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻓﻘﻁ ﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒـﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ‪.(170‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 16) A‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺜﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺫﻭﺜﻴﻤﺴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 17) B‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 18) C‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺃﻻﻨﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 19) E‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺨﻀﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 20) F‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺒﺎﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 21) G‬‬
‫ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 22) H‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺎﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 23) I‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺭﺍﻭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺼﻼﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 24) L‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻙ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I 25) M‬‬
‫ﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺇﺤﺘﻴﺭﺍﺭﻱ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 26) N‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻫﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺴﺫﺍﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I 27) O‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻹﺜﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 28) Q1‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 29) Q2‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 30) Q3‬‬
‫ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪.(U.I. 31) Q4‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990 :‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(296-293‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗـﺩ ﻴـﺩﺨل ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل‬
‫ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺎﺌﻠـﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(174‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜـﺸﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺴﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘـﻡ ﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1957‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1973‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﻨﺎ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ " ﻭﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ "ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫" ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻓﻴﺭﻨﻭﻥ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﻤﻼﻥ ﺘـﺸﺎﺒﻬﹰﺎ ﺠﻠﻴـﹰﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺨﻁﺌﻪ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ)‪.(H owarth, E&Cattel, R.B: 1973.p 805‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺘﺩﺨل‪،‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻴﺎﻝﻪ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻋﺘﻪ ﻝﻴﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻝﻠﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﺩﻗـﺔ ﻭﻋﻨﺎﻴـﺔ ﻜﺒﻴـﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﺔ‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(319‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺘﻤﺜل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻪ ﻝﻠﻤـﻨﻬﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(318‬‬

‫‪-3/3/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺩ ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ﺝ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪ H. J .Eysenck‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1916‬ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﻝﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺭﻝﻴﻥ ‪،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻏﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1934‬ﻡ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺯﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺒﺄﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﻭﺇﻨﺠﻠﺘﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻝﻔﺘـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﻴﺠﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻜﺴﺘﺭ ﻗﺒل ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻜـﺎﻝﻭﺭﻴﻭﺱ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺩﻜﺘـﻭﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻨﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1940‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺤﺼل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪( 323‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺼل ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪ -‬ﺒﺈﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ل‪ .‬ل‪.‬ﺜﺭ ﺴـﺘﻭﻥ ‪ L.L .Thurstone‬ﻭﺘﺒـﺩﻭ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻨﻤـﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴـﻴﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻤﺜـﺎل‪:‬‬
‫)ﺠﻴﻨﻴﺵ ‪ ،Jaensch‬ﻭﻴﻭﻨﺞ ‪ Ung‬ﻭﻜﺭﺒﻠﻴﻥ ‪ Kraepelin‬ﻭﻜﺭﺘﺸﻤﻴﺭ ‪ (Kretschmer‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ﻭﻜﺭﺘﺸﻤﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﺤﻭﺜﻪ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁـﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺜﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺼﻴﺎﻏﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ‪.( 496‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺅﻭﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺒﺤﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻴﻼ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻨﻔـﺴﻪ ﻋﺎﻝﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺎ ﺤﺫﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻷﻥ ﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﻀﺒﻁﺕ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫) ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ :1990 :‬ﺹ‪.( 327‬‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺘﻀﺤﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺘﺼل ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻲ "ﺒﻨﺎﺌﻲ" ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺃﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺼل ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل‬
‫ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺃﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻕ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻜﻤﻲ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺭﻭﻴﺘﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(16‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻨﻅﻡ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ‪ ، Specific Response Level‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺸﺔ ﻴﻭﻤﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﺴـﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻭﺩﻴـﺔ ‪Habitual‬‬
‫‪ ، Response Level‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻨـﺘﻅﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻜـﺫﻝﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ‪Trait Level‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺇﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺨﺠل ‪ ، Shyness‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻠﺏ ‪ ،Rigidity‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻗﻴل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻅﺎﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﻘﺎل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺘﻠـﻙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ‪ ،Type‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘـﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝـﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ )ﺁل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(72‬‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻪ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻓﻀﻴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻌﺩﺩ ﺼـﻐﻴﺭ ﺠـﺩﺍ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﺎﺌﻘﺔ)ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ‪.( 497‬‬

‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﻔﻀل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ " ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ " ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺎ ﻴﻜﺘﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺒﺤﻭﺜـﻪ ﺨﻤـﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.1‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪.2‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪ /‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪.3‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.4‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪.5‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‪/‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻴﺱ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺘﺒﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ‪.(181‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺨـﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ )‪ .(90‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﺯﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻲ )‪Maudsley Medical Questionnaire(MMQ) (1952‬‬
‫)‪Maudsley Personality Inventory (MPI(1962‬‬ ‫• ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺩﺯﻝﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ)(1975‬‬
‫)ﺁل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(73‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ) ‪ .( EPQ‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻜﻡ ﻫﺎﺌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ) ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ)‪.(EPQ‬ﻋﻥ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﺇﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪.(EPQ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ "‪"P‬‬
‫‪ ،Psychoticism‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ" ﻤﺜل ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ‪ ،MMPI‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ "‪ "P‬ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴـﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﺍ ﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ ‪ Psychosis‬ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺜﻤﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ "‪ "P‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺤﺎﻝﺘﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ)‪ (EPQ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻁـﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫‪ "L" Lie‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﻀﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ‪،‬ﻓﺒﻴﻨﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﺼـﻁﻠﺢ‬
‫ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺘـﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ‪ Social Desirability‬ﻭﺃﻁﻠـﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫‪ ،Dissimulation‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺫﻑ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﻻﺨﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(6-5‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺼﻴل ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩﺍ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻜﻡ‬
‫ﻀﺨﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻌﺩﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻜﺘـﺸﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻬـﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻌـﺩﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺒﻘﺭﺍﻁ ‪ Hipposrates‬ﻭﺠـﺎﻝﻴﻨﻭﺱ ‪،Galen‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺯﺠﺔ ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫"ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺭﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻐﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺩﻤﻭﻱ)‪.(Eysenck,HJ:1977 p2‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﻭﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺡ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻐﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺴﺭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻴﺞ ﻭﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻀﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﻭﺭ ﻭﻤﻠﺊ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﺘـﺸﺎﺅﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻝﻼﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ)‪.(Metzne,Rr:1979 pp 42-43‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﺎﻨﻁ ‪ Kant‬ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺯﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺏ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻩ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻓﺎﻋﻪ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫‪ 1903 Wundt‬ﺒﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1903‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻔﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻠﻐﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻔﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ "ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ "‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻠﻐﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻤﻭﻱ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ " ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺍﻝﺸﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ 1986 :‬ﺹ‪.( 35‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠـﻑ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻭﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻷﻱ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻋﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻬـﺎ ﻤـﺴﺄﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻁ) ‪.(Hampson,S.E:1988 p 47‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻀﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺒـﺎﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺇﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺼـﻭﺭﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜـﻭﻴﻥ ﺼـﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻜﺒﺩﻴل ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﺯ ﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(40‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩﻡ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ‪ 1922‬ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎ ﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ " :‬ﺍﻹﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻲ "‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل‬
‫ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺤﻴﺎل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﻜـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﻴﺘﻔﻕ ﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻝﻬﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﺯﺩﻭﺠﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺸﻌﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻤﺭﻓﻭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ )‪.(Eysenck,HJ:1973 p13‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻺﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﻴﺴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺴـﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺘﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺸﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(35‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻫﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺴـﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻗـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ "‪ "W‬ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل "‪"C‬ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ ﻝﻠﻘـﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﺎﺱ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪.( 221‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻝﻺﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـﺭﺒﻁ ﻨﺘـﺎﺌﺠﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤـل‬
‫ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﺍ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺴﻤﺎﺕ )ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ (‪ .‬ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘـﻪ‪1957‬‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺒﻁ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭﺓ ﺒﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺒﺎﻓﻠﻭﻑ" ‪" Pavlov‬ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺒﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺤل ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻅﻴﻔـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﻁﺒﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ )‪.(Brody,N:1988 pp 135-136‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﺨﺘﺒـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺒﺎﻝـﺫﻜﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨـﺸﺄﺕ ﻤﻨﻔـﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺘـﻭﺍﺌﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ)ﺍﻝﺸﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(36‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻅﻴﻔـﺔ ﺠﻬـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻋﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﻲ ﺒﺠﺫﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴـﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺜـﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﺴـﺭﻉ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ)‪.(Brody,N:1988 p 136‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ) ‪ .(E E G‬ﻴﺤﺘﻤـل ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻑ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻜـﺎﻨﺯﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﻔﹸﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺤﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺤﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺨﻔﺽ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﺎﺌﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻁﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺒﻠﻭﻏﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻑ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺃﻗل ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺘـﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻴﻔﻭﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻑ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﻲ ﺍﻝـﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤل ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻜﻑ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ)‪.(Brody,N:1988 p.p136- 137‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺡ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻴﻌﺯﻭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﻩ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗـﺭﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻤــﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝــﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻠــﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻁــﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻐــﺸﺎﺀ ﻭﻤــﺎ ﺘﺤــﺕ ﺍﻝــﺴﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒــﺼﺭﻱ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻭﺜﻼﻤﻭﺱ)‪.(Eysenck ,HJ:1987 pp 80-81‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﻨـﺸﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﹰﺎ ﺤـﺸﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝـﻪ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨـﺸﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﺠﻬـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺒﺘﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻓﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻨﻬـﺎ ﺘﻌﻜـﺱ‬
‫ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺒﺘﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻠـﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻠﻔﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ) ‪،(G S R‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ ﺘﺘـﻀﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻓﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Brody,N:1988 pp 137-138‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻗﺩ ﻨﺠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﻲ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﻘﻴﻘـﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺴﻪ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺘﻘﻴـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻻﺌل ﺇﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻜﺜﻴـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺘﺅﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﻪ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﹰﺎ ﻓﻠﻡ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺒﻌ ‪‬ﺩ ﻭﺍﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪.(Brody,N:1988 pp 151) .‬‬

‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﺭﻨﻭﺠﻭﺭﺩﻥ ‪F.Gordan‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺃﻭﺘـﻭﺠﺭﻭﺱ ‪،Otto Gross‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻜﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻭﻝـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺇﻗﺘﺭﺡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘـﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺒﺘـﺼﻨﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻭﻱ ﻋﻘل ﻤﺭﻫﻑ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﻋﻘل ﺼﻠﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺠﻬﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺠﻬﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(236‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ "ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ" ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل " ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ " ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪:‬ﺏ ﺕ ﺹ ‪.(347‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻭﻨﺞ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸـﻜل‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺭﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻡ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺭﺭﻫـﺎ ﺍﻝـﺼﺩﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ " :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻥ "‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻝﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﻜل ﻨﺎﺤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻝﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ‪":‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻨﻁـﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤـﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺴﻲ)ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ 1962:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(445-444‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻜﺭﺘﺸﻤﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1921‬ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻫﻲ " ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﻨﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻁ " ﻭﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﻨﺯ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﺱ ﻭﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻨـﻭﺍﻉ ﻋﺭﻀـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺍﻨﻭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﻔﻜﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻤﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺴﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﻝﻬـﻡ ﺼـﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒـﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﻥ)ﻓﻠﻭﺠل‪،‬ﺝ ‪.‬ل‪ 1979:‬ﺹ ‪.(209‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻭﻝﻴﻡ ﺸﻠﺩﻭﻥ ‪ 1942‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁـﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺤﻴﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺸﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺸﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺴﻁ‪ 1985:‬ﺹ ‪.(27‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺭﺸﺎﻙ ‪ H.Rorschach‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒـﺴﻁ ﻴﺘﻤﻴـﺯ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁـﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﺘﻤﻴـﺯ ﺒﺎﻹﺒـﺩﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻝـﺫﻜﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻭﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ 1959:‬ﺹ ‪.(211‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤﻠل ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻫﻲ" ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ‪STDCR‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(240‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺘـﻰ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬


‫ﻨﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺼﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻁﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤـﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺼـﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜـﻥ ﻴﺠـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻴﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺒﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝـﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴـﺔ ﺒﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻼﺕ ﻭﻝﻪ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﺎﺱ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﻔـﺭﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺴﻌﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺜـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻁﻭﻉ ﻝﻌﻤل ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒـﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘـﺭ ﹴﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻡ ﻤﻐﺭﻡ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻝﺏ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺼﺩ ﺸﺭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻫﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌل ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻜﺘﺭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﻀﺤﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻔﻀل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺄﻋﻤﺎل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻴﻨﻔﻌل‬
‫ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺘﻪ ﺒﺩﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻫﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﻤﺘﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻤﺘﺄﻤل‪ ،‬ﻤﻐﺭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺘﺏ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻭﻤﺘﺒﺎﻋﺩ "ﻤﻌﺘﺯﻝﻲ" ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺭﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﺭﻴﺙ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﻁﻭ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺸﻜﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﺤﺏ ﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﺏ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻪ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭﻩ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺩﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﻠﻙ ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻨﻔﻌل ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺅﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺏ ﺕ ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻬل ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎﻝﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺌل ﻝﻸﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁﻴﻭﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﻴـﺯﻭﻥ ﺒﺤـﺏ ﺍﻻﺨـﺘﻼﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺅﻤﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(.Pearson, P et al 1981pp 101-104‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺒـﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺤـﻭل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﻝﻬـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌـﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴـﺭﻯ "ﺠﻴﻠﻔـﻭﺭﺩ" ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﻪ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋـﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝـﻰ " ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﻤﺎﻥ ‪ Mann‬ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻤـل ﻴﺘﻁـﺎﺒﻕ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻨﻘﺹ ﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻷﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺴـﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(243-242‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪ 1977‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﻐﺯﺍﻩ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺒﻌﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻐﺯﻯ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﻭﻫﻰ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.1‬ﺍﻝﺩﻝﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻤﺘﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﻭﺩﺴﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.2‬ﺍﻝﺩﻝﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭﻩ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪.3‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤل ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.4‬ﻴﻌﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﺍﻨـﺏ ﻤﻬﻤـﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺘـﻀﻤﻴﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨـﺏ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻀﻴﻑ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ "‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ")‪.(Eysenck,H.J:1977 p.408‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻪ ﺍﺜﻨﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ "ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ "‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻁـﻲ ﻋﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﻭﻴﺔ) ‪.(Eysenck & Eysenck:1969 p p 40 -167‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪:‬‬


‫ﻭﻴﺸﺘﻤل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪Activity‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫‪Sociability‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Risk-taking‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫`‬ ‫‪Impulsiveness‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Practicality‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Expressiveness‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Responsibility‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 2000:‬ﺹ ‪.(3‬‬
‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪ " 1969" Eysenck‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻝﻌـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻜﺱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﻀﻌﻴﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ)‪.(Eysenck&Esenck: 1969 p 69‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﻔﺎﺭ" ‪ :"1976‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﻘﻭﻝﻪ‪:‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻘﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺠﺯ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺤـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻬـﺴﺘﻴﺭﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻬﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺘﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪1976:‬ﺹ ‪.(174‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ "‪ "1976‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝـﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺘﻌـﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺒـﺭﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻕ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺘﺜﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺨﻔﻴـﻑ‬
‫ﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪ 1976:‬ﺹ ‪..(197‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺯﻴﺩ ‪1987‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺼﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺤـﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻋﺯﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(159‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺼﻑ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺍﺠﺢ "‪ "1965‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻔﺠﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﻭ ﻴﺘـﺴﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻏﻀﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺨﺎﻭﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺴﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻴﺎﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺨﻭﻓﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻘﺘﻪ ﺒﻨﻔـﺴﻪ ﻀـﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺒـﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨـﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﻭﺍﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯﹰﺍ ﺤﻭل ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺄﻤﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻤـﺼﺎﻝﺤﻪ‬
‫ﻑ ﺒﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﺌﻭﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﺩﺓ ﺼـﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺎ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺩ ﻋﺴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎل ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌـﺭﺽ ﻝﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻤﺸﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻴﺭﻀﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌـﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪1965:‬ﺹ ‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ"‪ "1978‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻗل ﺴـﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝـﻀﻌﻑ ﻭﻋـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﻴﺞ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤـﻭل ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﻭﺩ ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﺒﺼﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1978 :‬ﺹ ‪.(368‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﻺﺼـﺎﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﺭﻓﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺩﺭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺴـﻭﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﻌﺼﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﺸﺘﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﹰﺎ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﻜﺯﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(292‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﻴﺊ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻭﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﺎﻨﻬﻴـﺎﺭ ﻋـﺼﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﻋـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺒﻴﺌﻲ ﻗﻭﻱ ﺸﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺸـﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(293‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ ﻨﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻨﻅـﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻀـﻐﻭﻁ‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺏ = ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪ X‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻅﺭﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﻅﻬﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜـﺸﻔﺕ‬
‫ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠـﺔ ﺃﻗـل ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ )‪.( Eysenck & Esenck: 1969 pp60‬‬
‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻨﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺼﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻤﻜﻭﻨ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ " ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ " ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺏ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻴﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺒﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤـﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪..(294‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻴﺘـﺼﻔﻭﻥ ﺒـﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺒﻁﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻭﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌـﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻀـﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺴﻴﻜﻭﺴﻭﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪) .‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 2000:‬ﺹ ‪.(2‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﻴﺘﺼﻔﻭﻥ ﺒـﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﺠﺯﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺩﻱ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(97-96‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺼل ﻴﺘـﺩﺭﺝ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻙ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝـ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤـل ﻤﺘﻌـﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﻤﻴـﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻭﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﺭﻜﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(295‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻨﺸﻭﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻱ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺸﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1992:‬ﺹ ‪.(41‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺸﺘﻤل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪Self-Esteem‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫‪Happiness‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪Anxiety‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫‪Obsessiveness‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻭﺍﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﻬﺭﻱ‬
‫‪Autonomy‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‬
‫‪Hyposhondriasis‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺘﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ‬
‫‪Guilt‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 2000 :‬ﺹ‪.(5‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1961‬ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻝﻤﺤﻜﺎﺕ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻤﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﺱ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﺌﺎﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Eysenck, et.al: 1972, p104‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺘﻪ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻼﻭﺱ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺤﺎﻝﺔ "ﺃﻭﺍﻝﺘﻠﻤﻴﺢ" ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ "ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻫﻤﺎﺕ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻅﻤﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﺩﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ "ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝـﺒﻼﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﺒـﺩ" ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ"ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺸﺒﻴﺔ " ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗـﺭﺏ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ)ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪1970:‬ﺹ ‪.(13‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺸـﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﻸﺴـﻭﺃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻴﻌﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﹰﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﺘﺼل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜـل ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺫﻭﺫ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺼل ﺒﺄﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠـﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(346‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺫﻜﺭ ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ 1999‬ﺃﻥ ﺸﻭﻝﺘﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ )‪ .(55‬ﺯﻭﺠﹰﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺽ ﺫﻫﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻓﺼﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻭﻴﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(86‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬ﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل‬
‫ﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺅﻫﻡ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺁﺓ ﻭﻴﻨﻘﺸﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻑ ﻭﻴﺘﺒﺩﺩ ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺒﻁﺀ ﺸﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯﻫﻡ ﺍﻗل ﻭﺫﺍﻜﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﺃﻀﻌﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺒﻁﻴﺌـﻭﻥ ﺠـﺩﹰﺍ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﻤـﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺩﺍﺭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺒﻠﻐﻭﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺸﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(325‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭل‪:‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﺭﺭ ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻜﺭﺘﺸﻤﺭ ‪ 1948‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺘﺼ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﻡ ﻭﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﺨـﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻝﻼﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ)‪.(Eysenck &Eysenck:1985 p61‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻤﺘﺼﻠﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻤـﻥ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪ 1950‬ﻝﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺽ ﺜﻡ ﻁﺒﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(87‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬


‫ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ "ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ ﻭﺴـﻴﺒﻴل‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ"‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺤﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻔﺘـﺭﺽ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺒﺎﺭﺩ‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻤﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻤﻨﺩﻓﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻤﻀﺎﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻤﺘﺒﻠﺩ‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻗﺎﺒل ﻝﻼﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺼﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘل‪.‬‬
‫)ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(87‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ ‪ 1980‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺒ‪‬ﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻋﻥ ﺒ‪‬ﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺓ ﻤﻌﻪ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺒ‪‬ﻌـﺩ ﻴـﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺒ‪‬ﻌﺩ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺼل ﺁﺨﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻜﺸﻔﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(12‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻜﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﻭﻗﺼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺨﺎﻁﺊ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺨﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ"ﺍﻝﻜل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤـﺎﺕ ﻴﻌـﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ)‪.(Ekman, Paul:1985 p 56‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺠﻨـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺫﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺸل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺒﻬﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻴﻜﺫﺏ ﻝﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺫﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ )‪.(Hendel, Micheal:1982 pp136-137‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪1964‬ﺃﻥ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺸـﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺠـﺯﻭﻥ ﻋـﻥ ﺘﻜـﻭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻗﻴﻡ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻴﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ)‪.(Eysenck, H.G: 1964:p115‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﻜﺄﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻨﻤﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺤﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺸﻜﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺤﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﺨﻼﻗﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺇﺫﺍ ﺭﺍﺠﻌﻨـﺎ ﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻼﻭﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻀﻼﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻼﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻨﻪ ﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﺎﺴـﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﻨﻘـﺼﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ‪ EPI, EPQ‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺤﺭﻓﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻜﻴﻔﹰﺎ)ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺠﺩﺓ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(589‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺘﻀﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻴﻴﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻴـل ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﺎل ﺫﻝﻙ‪:‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻅﻴﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒـﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤـﻊ ﺤـﺼﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻬـﺎ ﻝﻴـﺴﺕ ﺴـﻭﻯ ﻤﺅﺸـﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻅـﺎﻫﺭ‬
‫‪Dissimulation‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻊ ﻭﺇﺨﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ –ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ – ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺫﺍﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻝﻴل ﻗﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻑ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻘـﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺭﻴـﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﻨﻊ ﻭﺇﺨﻔـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺨﻔﻀﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺤﺎل ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻴﻴﻑ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺩل‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺨﺎﺩﻋﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺨـﺩﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻨـﺎ –‬
‫ﻝﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ‪ -‬ﻻ ﻨﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨـﺩﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻓﺤﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴـﺔ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻴﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﹰﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺩﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻴﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺼـﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠـﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻼﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻔﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨـﺩﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ُﺒﺫﻝﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﺍﻉ –ﺃﻱ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒـﺎﻁ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ – ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻔﺭﺯ ﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺨﺩﺍﻉ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﺎل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ‪ %5‬ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴ‪‬ﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺤﺩ ﻓﺎﺼل ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺼل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺘـﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺒﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺴﺩﺍﺅﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﻴﺠـﺏ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺤـﺼﻴﻥ ﻋـﺯل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ‪ %5‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻜـﺭﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﺯل ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﺤﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺘـﺎﺌﺞ ﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﺼﺤﺢ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﺯل ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻝﻌﺯل ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻤﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻼﺒﺴﺎﺕ ﻜل ﺤﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌـﺭﻑ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻁﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺎﺯﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻨﺼﺢ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻜل‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻭﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ )ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤـﻥ ﺸـﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨـﺘﺞ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻔـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﺩﻨﺎ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺒﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴـﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺯل ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺒﻬـﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.(32-29‬‬

‫‪-4/3/1‬ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪:‬‬


‫ﺍﺘﺠﻪ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜـﻥ ﺒﻤـﺸﺎﺒﻬﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻬﻨﺩﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﺼـل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻁـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒـﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻤﺅﺩﺍﻩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻜـل ﺸـﺨﺹ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻅﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎ ﻜﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺇﺨﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺭﺩ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﻭﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻨﺒﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﺨﻴﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل‪ 1968 :‬ﺹ ‪.(168‬‬
‫· ﻴﺼﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻘـﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺠـﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻘـﺎﻴﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺠﻴﻠﻔﺎﻨﻭﻤﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ " ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫـﺎ "‪ ،‬ﻜـل ﺫﻝـﻙ ﻴﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻠﺊ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻱ ﻜﺎﺌﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻤﻜـﻥ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜل ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ‪) .‬ﻏﻨﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1978 :‬ﺹ ‪.(281‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﻨﺩﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻫﺭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺩﺃ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﻔﻠﻪ ﺒﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﻀﻡ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻡ ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒـﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘـﺼﻭﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺃﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺃﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒـﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻓﺄﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﺼﻠﺢ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ) .‬ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻲ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(198-197‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻀـﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻜﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻘﺢ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺸﻭﺍﻫﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻘـﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻔﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻝﻴﺩ ﺘﻨﺒﺅﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻼﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺍﻫﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺴﻔﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺨـﺎﻝﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺘﺯﻭﺩﻨﺎ ﺒﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻤﻔﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﻨﺠـﺩﻫﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻬﺩ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻱ)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(358‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﻻﺤﻅ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻀـﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺍﻫﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5/3/1‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤـﺎ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺏ " ﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل "‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﻑ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘـل ﻤﻤﺜﻠـﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺒـﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠﺒـﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴـﺯ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ " ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻀﻴﻘﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ ﻤﻤـﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒل"ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻝﻨﺩﻥ ﻤﺘـﺄﺜﺭﻴﻥ ﺒـﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﺴـﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻜﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺎ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‪.‬‬
‫‪.1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﻤﻭ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ " ﺜﻴﺭﺴﺘﻭﻥ " ﻋﻭﺍﻤـل ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﺃﺼـﻐﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﻭﻴﺘﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻨﺎﻗﺼﺔ ﻭﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺼﺎﺌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺴﻁﺤﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪.(188‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ " ﺠﺭﻴﻔﺙ" ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺨل ﻝﻴﺴﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺤل ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ – ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ –‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺎﺘل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝـﻰ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل – ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻁـﺎﺒﻕ‬
‫ﺍﺜﻨﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ) ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﻜﺎﺘل (‪ ،.‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘـﻡ ﺤـﺴﻡ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪.(188‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﻫﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﻴـﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﺴـﺘﻌﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺒﻪ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﻭﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﺩﻯ " ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻜﺎﺘل" ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻴﻑ "ﺠﺭﻴﻔﺙ" ﺃﻥ ﻤﻴﺸﻴل ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴـﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺭﻫﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻅﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺴﺘﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻴﻔﻭﺭﻨﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ) ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987 :‬ﺹ ‪.(189‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺎﻭل ﻜﺎﺘل ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻋﻠﻥ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻭﺠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺩل ﻋﺭﻀـﻪ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺠﺎﺤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Griffiths, R.D: 1970 p 92‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺸﺎﻴﺭ ﻴﻭﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺫﺍ ﻤﻐﺯﻯ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤـل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻗﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‪:‬‬
‫" ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻋﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻴﺴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺇﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻗل ﻋﺩﺩﺍﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺸﻤل ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻴﻔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ‬
‫ﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(189‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ "ﻭﻝﺴﻭﻥ‪ "1976:‬ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﻤﻘـﺎﻴﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺨﻔﺽ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل "ﻜﺎﺘل" ﺍﻝﺴﺘﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻼ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ )‪.(Willson, G.D: 1976 p 135‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻔﻘﺩ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1965‬ﻝﻠﺠﺩل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻤﺤﺘﺩﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﻭل ﻨﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝـﻰ ﻜﻌﻭﺍﻤـل " ﻜﺎﺘـل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ"‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﺎﻓﻬﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﻁﻨﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺒﺔ ﻫﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(189‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ " ﻜﻼﺭﻙ ﻫل ‪ ، "C.Hull‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺜﻤﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴـﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﺸﺭﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺠﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪.(189‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺼﻑ " ﺒﺭﻭﺩﻱ‪ "1972:‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﻭ ﻓﻭﻕ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﻁـﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ‬
‫ﻨﻜﻬﺔ ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﻴـﻑ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻝﺞ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻌﺒﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﻤﻴﺯﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.( Brody, N:1972 p.44‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺒﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓـﻲ ﻜـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺘـﺄﺜﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻤـﺎﺫﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺘﺼل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،1987:‬ﺹ ‪.(191‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ‪ /‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺤﺹ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻬﻤﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺼـﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻘـﺩﺭ ﻤـﺎ ﺘﻌـﺩ ﺩﻝـﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ)‪.(Willson, G.D: 1976 p 143‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻝﻠﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ " ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ "‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻅﻬﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻭﺼـﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨـﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺤﺎﻭل ﺇﺨﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺠﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺃﻗﻭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻔﻬﻡ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺜﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜل ﻻ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭ " ﻭﻝـﺴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴـﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺩﻱ " ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﻬﻤﻪ ﻝﻺﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﺘﺤﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺠﺯ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﻤـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺠﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺇﻥ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻠﻤﻭﺴﹰﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒـﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘـﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﻜـل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻝﻸﺴﻭﺃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻴﻌـﺩﻭﻥ ﻗـﺎﺒﻠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺫﺍﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﻤﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻴﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻝﺘﻠـﻙ ﺍﻷﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤــﻥ ﺍﻝـﻨـﻔﺴــﻲ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1/4/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻱ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺜﺎﻨﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/4/1‬ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪-3/4/1‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/4/1‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5/4/1‬ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-6/4/1‬ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-7/4/1‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺭﻴﻜﺴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺭﻭﺠﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫‪-8/4/1‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻘﻠـﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻁﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺨﻭﺨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤـﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(297‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ ‪ 1994‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻫﻰ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(770‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺇﺴﻼﻡ ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ‪ 1994‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺴﺨﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜل ﻗﻭﺍﻩ ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻌـﻀﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠـﺴﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻪ ﻭﻓﻠـﺴﻔﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺅﻴﺘﻪ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺒﺎﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺠـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﻗل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ)ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻼﻡ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(15‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1989‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﻝـﺩﺭﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﻐﺭﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(297‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻜـل ﻓـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺠﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻜل ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﺤﺴﻥ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓـﻲ ﺠـﻭ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺩﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺠﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﻴﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﻁﻤﺌﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﺭﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺒﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺅﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻫﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫)ﻫﺎﺸﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪1986:‬ﺹ‪.(75‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻓﻴﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ‪ 1986‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻁﻤﺌﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻤﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻁﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﻴﻁﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﻭﺕ ﻋﻴﺎﻝﻪ )ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺼل‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(35‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺄﻝﻑ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻁﺭﺃ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻀـﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻓـﻲ ﺇﺸـﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤـﺎ ﺍﻷﺸـﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻼﺸﻌﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺭﻀﻭﺍ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺨﻼل ﺤﻴـﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻓـﺈﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻠﺠﺄﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﻴﺔ ﻴﺤﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻀﺩ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﻻ ﺴﻨﺩ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻤﺒﺭﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ)ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(24-23‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ 1977‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﻓـﻲ ﺤـل ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1977:‬ﺹ ‪.(401‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺍﺠﺢ ‪ 1977‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻁﻔل ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻀﻌﻔﻪ ﻭﻗﻠﺔ ﺤﻴﻠﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻁﻑ ﻭﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫـﻕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﹸﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ ﺃﺴﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺩﻩ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺨﺸﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻓﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻝـﺫﺍ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﻤـﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻌﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ)ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(114-113‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻜﺒﻴـﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺤﺴﺎﺴﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻔـﺼل ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻫـﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﻠﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺸﻐﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺇﻨـﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ)ﻗﻨﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺩﻯ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(71-70‬‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﻜﻤﺎل ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ 1986‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻜ ُ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻵﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌﻠﻭﻥ ﺴﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﻤﺒـﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻵﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﻤﺘـﺸﺎﺌﻤﻴﻥ ُﻤﻌﺭﻀـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻼﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺴﻭﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ) ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(89‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻤﺎﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﺤﺘﺭﻤﻭﺍ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻻ ﻴﺘﺩﺨﻠﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨـﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ)ﺍﻝﺯﺤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺒﻪ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ‪.(146‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻝﻭﻴﺱ ﻜﺎﻤل ﻤﻠﻴﻜﺔ ‪ 1989‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺩﺨل ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻭﺘﺄﻤﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺼـﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻑ‪...‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪) .‬ﻤﻠﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻭﻴﺱ ﻜﺎﻤل‪1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(320‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﺒـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤـل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻌﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺼﻠﺒﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‪ " :‬ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺇﻝﺦ" ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺘﻰ ﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝـﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺫل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺠﻴل ﻴﻨﻌﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﻨﻔـﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﺴـﺭﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1/4/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺸـﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀـﺎ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪....‬ﺇﻝﺦ "‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ " ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻐﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ‪...‬ﺇﻝﺦ"‪ ،‬ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻴـﺼﻌﺏ ﻤﻌﻬـﺎ ﺘﻭﻀـﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺒﺠﻼﺀ )ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(15‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪ ":‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ")ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(296‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻱ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜـل‬
‫ﻤﻥ‪:‬ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﻭﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺎﺡ ﺒﻌﺩﺓ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻨﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﻴﻘﺎل‪ :‬ﺃﻤﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻴﺄﻤﻥ ﺁﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺨﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻤﻨﺘﻪ ﻀﺩ ﺃﺨﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺠل ﺃﻤﻨﺘﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻴﺄﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ‪:‬ﻓﺎﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺭ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﺎل‪ :‬ﺁﻤﻥ ﺒﻪ ﻗﻭﻡ ﻭﻜـﺫﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﻗﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺁﻤﻥ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺁﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺘﻔﻕ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻤﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺯﻴل ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ " ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﻨـﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺅﻤﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻭﻝﻭ ﻜﻨﺎ ﺼﺎﺩﻗﻴﻥ " " ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪."17:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻅ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﺔ ﻫﻡ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻅﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼل ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻀﻴﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻘﺎل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺁﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻭﻴﺜﻕ ﺒﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺎل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻁﻤﺄﻥ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻴﻘﺎل ﺭﺠل ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻝﻪ ﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ‪:‬ﻤﺅﺘﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺜﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﻭﻴﺘﺨﺫﻭﻨﻪ ﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴل‪ :‬ﻤﺄﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﺜﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺜﻕ ﺒﻘﻭﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺘﺄﻤﻥ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﺁﻤﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪:‬ﻓﻴﻘﺎل ﺃﻤﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻠﻡ ﻤﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪:‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ ﺹ ﺹ ‪)(144-140‬ﺃﻨﻴﺱ ‪،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪1972:‬ﺹ ‪.(28‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﻻ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ‪ MASLOW‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪:‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤـﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻝـﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻻ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪:‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ ﺹ ‪.(6‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ‪ 1975‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺒﻬﻡ ﺇﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺎﻤﻠﻭﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻑﺀ ﻭﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻝﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻭﻨﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ‪ 1975:‬ﺹ‪..(128‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ ‪ 1984‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪:‬ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﻴﻁﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﻴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻭﻨﻪ ﻭﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﻭ ﻭﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1984:‬ﺹ‪.(164‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﻤﺩﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻜﻨﺎﻨﻲ ‪ 1988‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪:‬ﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻭﻗﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺒﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺄﻜﻠﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻠﺒﺴﻪ)ﺍﻝﻜﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺩﻭﺡ‪ 1988:‬ﺹ ‪.(93‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1989‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺜل )ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ (‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺠﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﺎﺠـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻭﺒﺫل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻵﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﻤﺸﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻁـﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ‪) .‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(297‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ 1990‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪:‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ ﻴﺤـﺱ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﺎ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺠﻬﺩ ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺭﻀﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻤﻜﻔﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﺠﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻴﻘﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(129‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ‪ 1992‬ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻁﻤﺌﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤـﺎ ﻴﺤﻘـﻕ ﺃﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻪ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻫﺒـﻪ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺅﻫﻠﻪ ﻝﻠﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ)ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪1992:‬ﺹ‪.(188‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺠﺒﺭ ‪ 1995‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﻨﻅـﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﺘـﺄﺜﺭﻩ ﺒـﺎﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺘـﻪ ﺍﻝـﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﻘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬
‫* ﺍﻷﻭل‪:‬ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺤـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻪ ﻭﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫*ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﺅﻡ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(82‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ ‪ 1995‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺫﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻁﻤﺌﻨـﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻠـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻭﻑ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1995:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(1049-1048‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺠﺒﺭ ﺠﺒﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ )ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺒﺭ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(83‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻓﻀل ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ ‪ 1997‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺯﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻐﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺯﻭﺍل ﻤـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺎل ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨـﺸﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁـل‬
‫ﻝﻠﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪) .‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀل‪1997:‬ﺹ‪.( 25‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻌﺩ ‪ 1999‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺭﻜﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﻜﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺘﻲ‪:‬‬
‫* ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻱ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫*ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪:‬ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺸﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫*ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫*ﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫*ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﺒﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﺒﺸﺘﻰ ﻤﺭﺍﺤﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪(19‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﻜﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻜﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝـﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺜـل‪:‬‬
‫" ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻀل ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻝﻪ ﻤﺜل‪:‬‬
‫" ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺇﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﺒـﺄﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺒﻌﻪ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻤـﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﻤـﺩ‬
‫ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺭﺤﻴﻡ"‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺇﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒـﺭﻭﻩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻤﻲ ﻤﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﻘﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/4/1‬ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺴﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺫﻜﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،1989:‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻤـﻥ‪ " :‬ﺘـﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘـﺎﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺴﻠﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺤﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺁﻤﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜﻘﻔﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻱ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻺﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﺏ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪(300-299‬‬
‫‪-3/4/1‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ ‪.(509‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﺴﻼﺘﺭ( ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﺤﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﺏ ﻝﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺭﺓ)ﺃﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(11‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻴﻌﻤﻼﻥ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ ‪..(509‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺴﺭﺤﺎﻥ ﻭﻝﻴﺩ ‪ 1999‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﺤﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ)ﻭﻝﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﺭﺤﺎﻥ‪1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(44‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻌﺩ ‪ 1999‬ﺃﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻁـﻼﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻪ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺯﺍل ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒـﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪).‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪1999:‬ﺹ‪.(44‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜـل ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﺼﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺎﺼﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻻﺯل‪...‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺒﻘﺎﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﺜـل‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻴـﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻤـﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻸﺨﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﻤﻭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﻀﻰ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(23‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝـﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﻸﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﻝﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺩﻭﺝ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﹰﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ 1977‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌـﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻜﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﺘﻘـﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﻨﻤﻭﻩ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻴﻔﻪ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ ‪.(410‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ ‪ 1979‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺠﻪ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻫـﻭ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﺤﺒﻭﺒﻭﻥ ﻜﺄﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﻏـﻭﺏ ﻓـﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺯﺍﺯ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ )ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪1979:‬ﺹ ‪.(137‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻌﺩ ‪ 1999‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻓﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ "ﻤﻴﻭﺸﻥ" ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺘـﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻝـﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺃﺴﺭﻱ ﻜﺎﻑ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻗل ﺃﻤﻨﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻗل ﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻗل ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﺌﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺃﺴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺴـﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨـﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﻔـل‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﻭﺇﺸﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺃﻭ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺸـﺭﻭﻁﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‬
‫)ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(21‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪ 1985:‬ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺒﺄﺴـﻠﻭﺏ‬
‫ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪:‬ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪1985:‬ﺹ ‪.(20‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ‪ 1979‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻓـﺴﺭ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ‪ 1979:‬ﺹ ‪.(6‬‬
‫‪-4/4/1‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﻴﺩ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ‪ 1983‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻀـﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ "ﻜﺎﻝﻬﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ " ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺘﻔﺤل ﻝﻴﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻻ ﻴـﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺎﻭﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻼﺯﻤﹰﺎ ﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ)ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪1983 :‬ﺹ‪.(48‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻨﻭﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻜﺎﻤﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﺭﺒﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻝﻠﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺒﺎﺌﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﻭﺤﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺃﻫل ﻝﻠﺜﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺒﻠﻭﻏﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻅﻡ‪ 1988:‬ﺹ ‪.(12‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻤﺎل ﺠﻭﺩﺓ ‪ 1998‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻀﺎﻏﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﺩ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻨﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ)ﺠﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎل‪1998:‬ﺹ‪.(18‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﺴﻭﻴﻑ ‪ 1968‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﻴﻜﻤـﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺹ ﻜﻜل ﺃﻭ ﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻔﺯ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ)ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪1968:‬ﺹ‪.(26‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻥ ﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﺍﺨـﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌـﺩﻴل ﺤﺘـﻰ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻠﻡ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺄﺨﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴـﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻝﻠﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝـﺩﺨﻭل‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1981:‬ﺹ ‪.(31‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺠﺒﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﻪ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬـﻪ ﻭﺘﺤﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﺅﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ)ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(82‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺄﻨﻭﺍﻋﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﻤﺭﺴﻲ ‪ 1985‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺘـﺯﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻁﻤﺌﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ)ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪1985:‬ﺹ‪.(15‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻁﻭﻉ ‪ 1997‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤـﺸﺎﻋﺭﻩ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﻬـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﺭﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭﻩ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺴﻘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺘﻪ ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻫﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝـﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﻴﻘـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ)ﻤﻁﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1997:‬ﺹ‪.(243‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺈﺤﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻹﺤـﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺱ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘـﻭﻓﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻅﺔ ﻝﻼﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻜل ﺸـﻲﺀ ﻴﺘـﺭﺒﺹ ﺒـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﺂﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻋﺩﻩ ﺒﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﺯﻕ ﺃﻭﺼﺎﻝﻪ ﻜل ﻤﻤﺯﻕ)ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪:‬ﺏ ﺕ ‪.(48‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺨﻁﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻀﺭﺭ‬
‫)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1987:‬ﺹ‪.(295‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺘـﺯﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -5/4/1‬ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺨﻔﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘـﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1987:‬ﺹ ‪..(300‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﻀﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪1995:‬ﺹ‪.(78‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻋﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻜﺱ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﺴـﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ ‪.(113‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪:‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺜﻡ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻜﺴﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺩﻴـﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺠﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ )ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪1995:‬ﺹ‪.(79‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺴﺏ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺤﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘـﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻠﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩل ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ)ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1977:‬ﺹ ‪.(113‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﺎل‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺒﻠﻭﻏﻪ ﺍﻝﻜﻤـﺎل ﻴﺠﻌﻠـﻪ ﻴﻔﻬـﻡ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻭﻀﻌﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺈﻫﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻻ ﻴﺨﺴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﺎﺌﺹ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ ﻴـﺸﻌﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻻﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪1995:‬ﺹ‪.(79‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘـﺎﺌﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﻓـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺼﻼﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻜـﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻠﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﻡ)ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪:‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(80‬‬

‫‪-6/4/1‬ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬


‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ 1977‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻗـﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل‬
‫ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﺸﻴﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻝﻺﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ)ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪1977:‬ﺹ‪.(113‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ ‪ 2001‬ﺃﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻌـﻪ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻝﺠـﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﻘﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻴﻀﻁﺭ ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻼﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺴﻭﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪2001:‬ﺹ‪.(85‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﻱ ‪ 1980‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺎ ًﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻜﺴﺏ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻭﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﻭﺥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻘﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺒﻜـل ﻭﺴـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻝﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺁﻤﻨﺔ ﺘﻠﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻜﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺤﺒـﻪ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪1980:‬ﺹ ‪.(185‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻜلٌ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﻜﻤﺎل ﻤﺭﺴﻲ ‪ 1986‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘـﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﺩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﻗﺘﹰﺎ ﻴﺯﻭل ﺒﺯﻭﺍل ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺨﻁﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻀﻌﻴﻑ ﻻ ﻴﻘﻭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻘﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ)ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(91‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﻝﻴﺩ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻀـﻁﺭﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻹﻗﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻋﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺼل ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻜﻤﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨـﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺨﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‬
‫)ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪1958:‬ﺹ ‪.(85‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻝﻭﻴﺱ ﻤﻠﻴﻜﺔ ‪ 1989‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺎﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﻁﻤﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩل ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﻠﻙ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺴـﻭﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ)ﻤﻠﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻭﻴﺱ‪1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(320‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺫﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻭﺘﻨﻤـﻭ ﺘـﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺴﺘﺴﻔﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺩ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﺒﺩﻗـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﺭﺩ ﻭﺘﺯﻋﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺘﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺭﻤﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻪ ﻝﻠﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺤﺭﻤﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪1980:‬ﺹ‪.(185‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺤﺎﺠﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻤﻪ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺴـﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﻭﺥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪-7/4/1‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬


‫ﺘﻌﺩﺩﺕ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻌـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻴﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻼ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﻨﻁـﻭﻱ ﺘﺤﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻬـﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺃﻭل ﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒـﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺇﺭﺴـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﺘﻤل ﻭﺒﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻁﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻨﺎﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻴﺔ)ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪1978:‬ﺹ ‪.(76‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺒﻘﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﻩ ﺒﻐﺭﺍﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻏﺭﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺃﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻏﺭﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻝﻡ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ 1982:‬ﺹ ‪.(206‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﺃﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﻍ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﺀﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺒﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻝﺤﻅﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺩﻓﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ " ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴـﻕ ﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺴﻤﻰ‬
‫"ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺘﺯﺝ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻨـﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ)ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪1985:‬ﺹ ‪.(68‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻷﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﺩ ﺃﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻘﻠل ﺍﻝﺤـﺼﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻤل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴـﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﺌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ‪.(187‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺊ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺭ ﺨﻔﻴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻭﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﺩ ﺇﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻗﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ)ﻏﻨﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ‪1972:‬ﺹ ‪.(629‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺴﻭﻝﻴﻔﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪:‬ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻡ ﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻴﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺊ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻅﻡ‪ 1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(38‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺭﻴﻜﺴﻭﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﺭﻴﻜﺴﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻴﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﺯﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝـﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﺭﺜﺔ ﺘﻠﺤﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺘﻬﺩﺩﻩ ﺒل ﻨﻘﻁﻪ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻝﻨـﺸﻭﺀ ﻗـﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻝﺴﻭﺀ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜل ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻬـﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻴﺠـﺎﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺤـل ﺍﻝـﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﻴﻜﺴﻭﻥ " ﺍﻝﺜﻘـﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ " ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴـﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﻴﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﻨﻊ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﻝﻪ ﻜﺄﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻁﻭﻓﻴﻥ ﻭﺩﻭﺩﻴﻥ ﻤـﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1986:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(167-166‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺭﻭﺠﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺠﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﻴﺨﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﻴﻡ ﻴـﺴﺘﺩﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻴﺄﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺸﻭﻫﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺨﺒﺭﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔـل ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺒﻬﻡ ﻝﻪ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻘﺒـﻭل ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺇﺤﺴﺎﺴﻪ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﻁﻔﻠﻬﻤـﺎ ﻓﻬـﺫﺍ ﻴـﺸﻌﺭﻩ ﺒﺘﻬﺩﻴـﺩ ﻭﻋـﺩﻡ ﺇﺤـﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ)ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻙ ﻭ ﻝﻨﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 1978:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.(622-618‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ‪:‬‬


‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﺏ ﻝﻼﻨﻔﻌﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻨﻔﻌﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻩ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﻤﺜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺭﻏﻤﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻭﺏ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺭﻀﻙ ﻷﺤﺎﺴـﻴﺱ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺘﻙ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻱ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺎﻭﻝـﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺍﻹﺤـﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺴﻤﻙ ﻤﺜل ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﻀﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﺏ ﻭﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻨﻙ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻥ ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﺩﺙ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺭﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ)ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻔﺕ‪1986:‬ﺹ‪.(333‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺴﺘﺩل ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻌـﻲ ﻭﻴـﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻅـﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﺭﻭﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺘﻘﻴﺩﻩ ﺒﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻤـﻭ ﺸـﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺒﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺒﻜﻴﺎﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻪ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺎﺠﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻙ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻴﻜﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻨﺎﺓ ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺨﻁﺭ ﻴﻬﺩﺩ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻴﻭﻝﺩ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺒﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻴﺭ‪2002:‬ﺹ ‪.(36‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺒﻴﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺠﺯﺃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﻨﻔﺼﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒـﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﺴﻙ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ)ﻓﻁﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻁﻔﻲ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ‪.(214‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺴﺘﺸﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺃﻹﺩﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﻭ‬
‫ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﻭﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﺴﻙ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻕ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝـﻰ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻑ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻑﺀ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺸﺒﻌﺎﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻬﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻁ ‪‬‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪:‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﻻﺓ ﺒل ﻭﻋﺩﺍﺀ ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔـل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺤﺒﻁﺎﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺘﻪ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ)ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ‪2003:‬ﺹ ‪.(31‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭ ﺃﺴﺭﻱ ﻴﻨﻌﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻑﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(125‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘـﺅﺜﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﻋﺯﻝﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﺠﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺫﻋﻨﹰﺎ ﻝﻴﺴﺘﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻘﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ ﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻪ ﺼـﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺜﺎﻝﻴﺔ)ﺍﻝﺯﻴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﺩﺭ‪1998:‬ﺹ‪.(109‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻭﺭﻨﻲ ﺃﺭﺠﻌﺕ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻨﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﺨﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻘﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴـﺔ ﻝﻠـﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻏﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ)ﺍﻝﻌﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩﺍ ﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺩﺕ‪1999:‬ﺹ‪.(29‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﻘﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ)ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪1999:‬ﺹ‪.(27‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺭﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻅﻡ‪1988:‬ﺹ‪.(11‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺁﺩﻝﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻨﺎﺸـﺊ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ‪:‬‬


‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻨﺠﺩﻩ ﻋﻨـﺩ ﻤﺎﺴـﻠﻭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﺤﺎﺀ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻀﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺴـﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻤﺎﺤﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﺯﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻭﺍ ﻭﻴﺘﺤﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺠﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺎﺒل ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗل ﻨﻀﺠﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﺊ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﺎﻹﺸﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪1986:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(273-272‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻝﺒﻭﺭﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻀﺞ ﻫﻭ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﻜﻠﻪ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﺭﻴﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻭﻀـﻰ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺘﺜﺒﻁ ﻫﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺨﺘل ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻝﺩﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺘﺄﺠﻴل ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﺤﻤل ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻝﻭﻡ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪1998:‬ﺹ‪.(326‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪:‬‬


‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻫﺭﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻪ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺨﻤـﺴﺔ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫"ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ –ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ –ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ – ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ "‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺍﺨل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ‪" :‬‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﺭ‪-‬ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﻤﺎﺴـﻠﻭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﺭ)ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(27‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ‪ 1981 William Samuel‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﺒﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺨﻔﺎﻗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻘﺹ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﻤﻰ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ) ‪.(Samuel,Wiliam:1981 p90‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻡ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﺠﻠـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪1998:‬ﺹ ‪.(483‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺸﺒﻊ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘـﻪ ﺍﻝﻔـﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻴﺌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺸﺒﻊ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﻴﺄ ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤـﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻭﺤﺏ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺸﺒﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻬﻴﺌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪1999:‬ﺹ ‪.(8‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ ‪ 1998‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻵﻻﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺇﺠﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﺠﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻼ" ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻤﺘﺴﻠﻁﺔ "ﻜﺎﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻋﻨﻴﻑ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺒﺏ ﻝﻪ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل "ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﺩﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل " ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻘﻭل ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪ ":‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺨﻴﺭﻨﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ")ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪1998:‬ﺹ‪.(436‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺯ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺒل ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ)ﺍﻝﺯﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪1969:‬ﺹ‪.(263‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﻝﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺭﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻁﻤﺌﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘـﺸﺒﻊ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻭ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪1985:‬ﺹ‪.(200‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ‪ 1979‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺤﺩﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﻝﻸﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻑﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻜﻭﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻬﻭل‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻤﻬﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ "ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻉ"‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ‪1979:‬ﺹ‪.(5‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﺢ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺴﺎﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﺒﺸﺭ ﺒﺼﻔﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻔﺎﺅل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻼﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﻤـﺸﻜﻼﺘﻪ ﺒﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻁﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪1983:‬ﺹ‪.(51‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻨﻤﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻝـﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤـﺙ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ)ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(75‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﺫل ﺠﻬﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻁﻴﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻹﻅﻬـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻴﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪-8/4/1‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺀﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻭﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻀﻴﹰﺎ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﺘﺭﻥ ﺒﻤـﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺴـﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻤﺘﻘﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﺤﻁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪1992:‬ﺹ‪.(165‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺴﻴﺊ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴـﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻤﺸﻜﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬﺩ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻓﻪ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺤﻲ ﻗﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(167-166‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﻌﻭﻕ ﻨﻤﻭﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﺅﺜﺭ ﺘـﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺴﻠﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻘـﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ)ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﻭ ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل‪ 1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(92‬‬

‫‪-‬ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺀﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪...‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﺤﻁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪1992:‬ﺹ‪.(165‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺴﺏ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺤﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻴﻁ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭ ﺃﻤـﺭﺍﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻴﺨﻭﺨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻬﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺩل ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ)ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺯﺕ‪1977:‬ﺹ‪.(106‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻼﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺴـﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺒﺫل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴﻠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1995:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(438-437‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1989‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺠﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺎﻤﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺘﺸﻌﺭﻩ ﺒﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻴﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺒﻠﻪ ﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺤل ﺒﻪ ﻜﺎﺭﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﻡ ﻤﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺨﻔﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻤﻨﻌﻪ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(30‬‬

‫ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪:‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺒﻌﻪ ﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﺴﺭﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ)ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ‪1994:‬ﺹ‪.(75‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﺎﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻪ ﺒﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻷﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺜﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺒﻌﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﻙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﻁﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺤﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻴﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻔـﺎﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺒـﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ ﻭﺼﺤﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪:‬ﺏ ﺕ ﺹ‪.(167‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﺼﺎل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻤـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(371‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﻜﺒﺭ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﺎﻋﺏ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤـﺸﺎﻋﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪1984:‬ﺹ‪.(318‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺠـﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘـﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﺼﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ)ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ :‬ﺏ ﺕ ﺹ ‪.(55‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻡ ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻪ)ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺭ‪1994:‬ﺹ‪.(150‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﻀﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻵﻻﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻻﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺱ ﻭﺍﻝـﺼﺩﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻗﺒﺔ " ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻨﺎﻕ " ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻲ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀل‪ 1995:‬ﺹ‪.(45‬‬

‫ﺍﻝـﻘﻠـﻕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺴﺎﺭﺓ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺴﺨﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺼﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﻀﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﻴﺔ‪....‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒـﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(342‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤـﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻁﺎﺌﻪ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻩ)ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻬﺎ‪1993:‬ﺹ‪.(6‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﻁﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻵﻤﻨﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺸـﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﺴـﻭﻑ ﻴﻅﻬـﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﺭﻀﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪).‬ﻏﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺠﺎﺀ‪1973:‬ﺹ‪.(93‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺨـﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﻘﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒـﻪ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻥ ﺤﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺎﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻌل)ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1992:‬ﺹ‪.(76‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻝﻔﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺂﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺠﺄ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﻨﻔﹰﺎ ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀل‪1995:‬ﺹ‪.(22‬‬
‫ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﺱ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺃﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻝﻐﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻭﻱ ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻭﺘﺴﺘﺒﺩ ﺒﻪ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(9‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﻥ ﻭﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﺎ ﺘﺼل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻭل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺤﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﻠﻭ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀﻩ ﻭﺫﻨﻭﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻔﻘـﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ‪1993:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(590-518‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﻔﺼل ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻤﻪ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻀـﻪ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﻍ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪1991:‬ﺹ‪.(15‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻁﻤﺌﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻠﻭﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺤﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺒـل ﻅﻬـﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﺎﺵ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(447‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﻩ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 1995‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻨﻪ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ)ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪1995:‬ﺹ‪.(380‬‬
‫ﺘﻌـﻘﻴـﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝـﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻴﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺘﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻨﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻤﻔﺼل ﻋﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘـﻰ ﻴﺘـﺴﻨﻰ ﻓﻬﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻻﺤﻅﻨﺎ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻀﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻨﻪ ﻤﺜل ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ‪....‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺼﺩﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﻐﻴﺭ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻝﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻷﺴﺭﺘﻪ ﻭﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀـﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺘل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻤﺩ ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻸﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻅـل ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬
‫ﻤـﺼـﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀـﺒـﻁـ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1/5/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2/5/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3/5/1‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4/5/1‬ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5/5/1‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪Internal-External Locus of‬‬
‫‪control‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ ﻅﻬـﺭ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺒﺠﻼﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،1966‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻓﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ)ﻨﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ‪.(21‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﺩﺭ ﺒﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻤﻰ ﺒـ ‪ Locus of control‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻅﻬﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1966‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺠﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﺜـل‪" :‬ﺭﻤـﻀﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻤـﺩ ﺭﻤـﻀﺎﻥ ‪ " ،"1987‬ﻭﻜﺭﺴـﺘﻠﺭﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،"1987‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝـﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒـﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪ ،"1984‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺍﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻓﻲ ‪ ،"1993‬ﻭﻗـﺩ ﺍﻨـﺩﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﺴﻤﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺴﻬﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻤل ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ " ،"1992‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓـﺭﺝ ‪،"1991‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺤﻭل ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﻔﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻊ ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1991‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﺒـﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻼﺅﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻀﻔﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻤل ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ‪1991:‬ﺹ‪.(24‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺫﺍ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻝﻴﻌﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ‪.Locus of control‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻅﻬﺭ ﻜﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘـﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ " ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﻌـﺏ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜـﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﺍﻝـﻀﻐﻭﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ)ﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(112‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -1/5/1‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬


‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺭﻴﺽ ﻝﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ‬
‫ﻼ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺜﻼﺜـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻜﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻫﻲ‪ ":‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻲ " ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ "‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﻡ ﻏﺎﺯﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(204‬‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭﺩ ﻭﻨﻴل ﻤﻴﻠﻠﺭ ‪ J.Dollard and N.Miller‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺌـل ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﻜ ُ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ Social Learning‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺭﻭﺘـﺭ‬
‫‪ Rottar‬ﻓﻲ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.(PHares, E.J: 1988 P336) .‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺃﻝﻥ ‪ 1990 Allen‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻨﺤﹰﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺨﺘﻠـﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻏﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ)‪.(Allen, B.P: 1990 P 162‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻜﻲ ﻨﻔﻬﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(66‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻠﺫﺍﻥ ﻴﻔﺴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ)‪.(Schultz, D:1990 p 474‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺼﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻠﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺒﻤﻘـﺩﺍﺭ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻨﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻓﻭﻋﺔ ﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺯﻋﺘﻨـﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻨﺤﻥ ﻝﺴﻨﺎ ﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ)‪.(Schultz, D:1990 pp 338-339‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﻝﻪ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﻡ ﻏﺎﺯﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪1986:‬ﺹ ‪.(208‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻘﻠل ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ)ﻨﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭ ﻓﺭﺝ‪1996:‬ﺹ‪.(16‬‬

‫ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻁـﺭﻕ ﺍﺴـﺘﺠﺎﺒﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠـﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭ " ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻡ"‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ)ﻫﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪1994:‬ﺹ‪.(82‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ‪ 1971‬ﺃﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺎ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒـﺅ ﺒﺎﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗـﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.(Rotter, J.B1971 p 81) .‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪ 1971‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﺘﻌﻠﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗـﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ "ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ" ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ "ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ" ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﺘﺘـﺄﺜﺭ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ)‪.(Rotter, J.B1971 p 82‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺘـﺩﻋﻴﻡ ‪Internal Control of Reinforcement‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ‪ ،External Control of Reinforcement‬ﻤﺸﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺸﺨﺼﻴﺘﻪ ﻤﺜل‪ " :‬ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ " ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪1990:‬ﺹ‪.(104‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪ " :‬ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﻤـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴـﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗـﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺸﺭﺡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ ‪.Potential Behavior‬‬


‫ﻭﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻝﻪ " ﺃﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺤﺩﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴـﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺨﺫ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﺤـﻴﻥ ﻴﻘـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ)‪.(Rotter, J.B: 1954 p 815‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﻪ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(817‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ" ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ "ﺃﻱ ﻓﻌل‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻪ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻻ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﻅﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻝﻔﻅﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻌﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪ ،Emotional reactions‬ﻭﻜل ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻼﺤﻅﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻜﻭﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗـﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻨﺴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺤﺴﺏ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺒﺎﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤـﻊ ﺒـﺩﺍﺌل ﺃﺨـﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ )‪ .(X‬ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ )‪).(Z‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(323‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ‪.Expectancy‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ‪ 1966‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﹰﺍ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ‬
‫ﻜﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺭﻯ ﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﻗﻌـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻴﻌﺘﻘـﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل‪" :‬ﺍﻝﺤﻅ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﻭﻯ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ"‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Rotter, J.B: 1966 p 6‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﹰﺎ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﺹ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ‪ " :‬ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻁﺭﻗﹰﺎ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻝﻪ ﻜﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻼ ﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﻪ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ "ﻜﺎﻝﺒﻜﺎﺀ" ﻤـﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻨﺒﻭﺫﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(334‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﺩﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻤﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﻩ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻨﻭﻋﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻝـﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗـﻑ ﺠﺩﻴـﺩ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ "ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ" ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ)ﻴﻌﻘﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ‪1994:‬ﺹ‪.(120‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺒﻁ )ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪ .‬ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝـﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗ ‪‬ﻊ ﻤﻌﻤ ‪‬ﻡ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ "ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻌﻤﻡ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻬﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ‪.(103‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪.Reinforcement Value‬‬


‫ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ‪ 1981‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﻔـﻀﻴل ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻝﺤـﺩﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﺌل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ 1981:‬ﺹ‪.(47‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺇﻴﻬﺎﺏ ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ ‪ 1998‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺘﺒﻌـﹰﺎ ﻻﺨـﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻴﻘﻭﻱ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺃﻴـﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻫﻭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻷﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻬﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ‪.(103‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺎ ﺭﺒﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﻨﺘـﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻜﺸﻴﻥ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺘﻨﻤـﻰ ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘـﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﺏ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻫﻜـﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌـﺯﻯ ﻜـل ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(325‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ ‪ 1990‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀﹰﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ‪.Psychological Situation‬‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻔﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻜﻴـﻑ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﺇﺸﺒﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺴﺏ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪1981:‬ﺹ‪.(47‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﺒل ﺃﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻬﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1998:‬ﺹ‪.(103‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‬
‫ﻼ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺒـﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸـﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﻗـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻴﻌﻘﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪1994:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(120-119‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﺩﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏـﻭﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺎل ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺘﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫـﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺭﺒﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺫ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﺎ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻝﻴﺘﻔﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺸﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﺭﺍﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤـﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﻴﻘﻅـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(327-326‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ‪ 1966‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﺘﺴﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺫﻭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﺍ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Rotter, J.B: 1966 p 5‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺅﻩ ﺘﺒﺴﻴﻁ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ‬
‫‪NP = FM & NV‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ‪Need potential (NP).‬‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ‪Freedom of Movement (FM).‬‬
‫‪Need Value (NV).‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ "ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﺍﺕ "ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺯﻤـﻼﺅﻩ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﻓـﻼ ﻤﺠـﺎل ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻜﻤﺠﺎل ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ)ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(328‬‬

‫‪ -2/5/1‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬


‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻨﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻼ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 1966 Rotter‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻠﻭ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻷﺤـﺩﺍﺙ ﺒﻬـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﺍ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘـﺩ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻊ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺜـل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺩﺭﺓ ‪،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬـﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﺍ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.(Rotter, J, B.1966 p1).‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺸﻭ ﻭ ﻭﺍل ‪ 1971 Show & Uhl‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﺭﻜﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ ﺤـﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫـﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ)‪(Shaw, P.L & Uhl, N.P:1977 p 226‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻫﻴﺭﻭﺘﻭ ‪ 1974 Hiroto‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴـﺩﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻴل ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺯﻭﻥ ﺘﻼﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴل‬
‫ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﻴﻌـﺯﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ‬
‫)‪.(Hiroto, D.S.:1974 p187‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1984‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺸـﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﺇﻨـﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻴﻌﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻏﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﺒـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺠﺯ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(16-15‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ ﺤﻠﻤﻲ‪ 1984‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻝﻤـﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻝﻸﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﻫﻲ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺄﺨـﺫ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻘﻪ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺠﻬـﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺎﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻀﺒﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ)ﺤﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(48‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺏ ‪ 1985‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺴﺌﻭل ﻋﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﻨﺠـﺎﺡ‬
‫ﻭﻓﺸل ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺫﻭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯﻩ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺫﻭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ)ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1985:‬ﺹ ‪.(46‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﺭﺯ ‪ 1988 Phares‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻜﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺫﺍ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝـﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﺍ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ)‪.(Phares, E.J.1988p492‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﻭﺴﻜﺕ ﻭ ﺠﺭﻴﻨﺞ ‪ 1990Buskist & Gring‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻝـﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫" ﻓﺎﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻗﺩﺍﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﻴﺩﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻓﺂﺕ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻀﺒﻁﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ)‪.( Buskist, W& Gerbing, D.W: 1990 p 522‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓﺭﺝ ‪ 1991‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ؟ ﺃﻡ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﻭﺤﻅ ﻭﻗﺩﺭ)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(7‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻔﻕ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫل‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ ؟ ﺃﻡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺄﻓﻌﺎﻝﻪ؟‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺈﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ؟ ﺃﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴـﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺘـﺼﺭﻓﻪ ﺴـﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻏﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻜـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻷﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻭﻝﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3/5/1‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪:‬‬


‫ﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻫل ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺃﺤـﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ؟ ﺃﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ؟ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻪ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺃﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.(Rotter, J, B.1966 p50) .‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺘﺸﺎﻥ ‪ 1989 Chan‬ﺃﻥ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺅﻩ ‪ ،1966‬ﻭﻅل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺠﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺒﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﻻﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1969‬؟ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜـﺸﻔﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ )‪.(Chan, D.W: 1989 p 145‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﺭﺯ ‪ PHares1988‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺃﺴﻔﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ)‪.(Phares, E.J.1988p483‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻴﺴﻜﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 1989 Ryckman‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ ‪1969‬‬


‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪Personal Control‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪Ideological Control‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪System Modifiability‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫)‪.(Ryckman, R:1989 p117‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻝﻴﻔﻨﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﻤﻴﻠﺭﻱ ‪ 1976 Levenson & Millery‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺜﻼﺜـﺔ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻻﺤﻅﺕ ﻝﻴﻔﻨﺴﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﻀـﺒﻁ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻨﻅﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺕ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Levenson, H & Millery, J:1976p200‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻜﻭﻝﻨﺯ ‪ 1974 Collins‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﻫﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺌﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻝﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺒﺅ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Collins, B.E: 1974 p381‬‬
‫ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1984‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻫﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪:‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒـﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴـﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘـﺭﺭﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒـﺄﻥ ﺃﺼـﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﻭﺫ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤـﻅ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ‪.(33‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴـﺎﺱ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﻜﺄﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁ ﻤﺘﻭﺍ ﹴﺯ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻀل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻜﺄﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻔﻀل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ)ﻨﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.(28-27‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻀل ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻜﺄﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌـﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺘﻬـﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4/5/1‬ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪:‬‬


‫ﺇﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﺒـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺴـﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ –‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻨﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1996:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.(28-27‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺩﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ)‪.(Schultz, D:1990p485‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺀ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀﻫﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺠﻭ ﺃﺴﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Barling, J& Fincham, F:1979 p556‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭ ﺃﺴﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻑﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻨﻤﻭ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻭ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻤﺎﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺇﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(270‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻭﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻑﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ)‪.(Lefcourt, H.M: 1980p222‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴـﺔ ﺍﻵﺒـﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺅﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻤﺘﺼ ﹰ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﺯﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝـﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻠﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻬﺩ ﻜل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Ryckman, R:1989 p420‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺴـﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﺨﺒـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Lefcourt, H.M: 1980 p221‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﻭﺍﻹﻜﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻔـل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻜﺎﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺸـﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﻝﺩﻴـﻪ ﺇﺤـﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺒـﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋـﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪.(270‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺍﺌﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻫﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل ﻗﺩ ﻴﺤﺭﻤﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﺘﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀـﻌﻑ ﺘﻔـﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﺃﻝـﺴﺒﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺄﻥ ﻴﻘـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻠﻘﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ )‪.(Lefcourt, H.M: 1980 p224‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻱ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻊ ﻜﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺏ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪. .‬‬
‫)‪.(Phares, E.J.1988p488‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﺄﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻓﻀل‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺸﻭﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻤﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺸل ﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﺒﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻀﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ ﻋـﺎﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻨـﻪ ﻤـﻀﺒﻭﻁ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﹰﺎ)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪:‬ﺹ ‪.(488‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻅل ﺠﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻤﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺘﻭﻗﻌـﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻤﻤـﺔ ﺒـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺠﻬﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻐـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﺴﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﺼل‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻅـل ﺠـﻭ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺘﻪ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤـﺩﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5/5/1‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻝﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺠـﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﻨﻭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻴﺭﺯ ‪ 1988‬ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻨﻤﻁﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺘﺼل ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼل ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﻁـﺭﻓﻴﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.(Phares, E.J.1988p480) .‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﺅﻝﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺃﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‪.(Ryckman, R:1989 pp214-215) .‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻌﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝـﺫﻨﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺠـل ﻋﻨـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺸل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺨﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ‪1990:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(121-120‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺘﺸﺎﻥ ‪ 1989‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻜﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ)‪.(Chan, D.W: 1989p146‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1990‬ﻭﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1984‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻜ ُ‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻴـﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﺤـﻅ ﻭﺍﻝـﺼﺩﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺯﻭﻥ ﻨﺠﺎﺤﻬﻡ ﻭﻓﺸﻠﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻠﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺍﻝﻁﻴﺏ ﻭﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Ryckman, R:1989 pp472-473‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺒﺎﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤـﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻴﻨﻅـﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗل ﺘﺤﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺒﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺸﺎﺅﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻘﺹ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻗل ﺘﻘـﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ‪:‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ 1990‬ﻭﺼـﻼﺡ ﺃﺒـﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻜ ُ‬
‫‪ 1984‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻅﻬﺭ ﻜﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻠﺫﺍﻥ ﻴﻔﺴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺩﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻤـل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻨﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻲ ‪ 1984‬ﺃﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻗﻭﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻬـﺎ ﻭﻴﻁﻭﺭﻫـﺎ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻭﺇﻋـﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻻﻜﺘـﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ)ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ‪ 1984:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪.(23-22‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺘﻜـﻭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ………ﺇﻝﺦ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺸﺠﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫)ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ 1995:‬ﺹ ‪.(660‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﻨﺎﻫﺩ ﺭﻤﺯﻱ ‪ 1991‬ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜـﺫﻝﻙ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻱ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤـل ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻋﻤﻕ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ)ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ‪ 1991:‬ﺹ ‪.(77‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﻤﻀﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺸﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﻬﺩ ﻝﻸﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅـﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻜﺎﻝﻴﻔﻭﺭﻨﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1964‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪،1968‬‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤـﺭﻭﺏ ﻭﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺯ ﻋﺭﻗـﻲ ﻭﺃﻨﻅﻤـﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻴﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺩ‪ 1994:‬ﺹ ‪.(33‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤـﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺒﺫﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻁﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺯﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘل‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴـﺎﺒـﻘـﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻘـﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴـﺎﺒـﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ "ﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻝﻴﻥ" ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻴﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﻜﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻀﻊ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻝﺒﺤﺜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺜﺎﺭﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺍﻝﺜﻐﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎل ﻏﻴـﺭﻩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻱ ﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻜﻔﺎﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﺩ ﺏ‪ 1990:‬ﺹ ‪.(149‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎ ً‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎ ً‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -1/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬


‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.1982 :‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻋﻤـل ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﺍﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺯﻋﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (86‬ﺭﺠﻼﹰ‪ .(38) ،‬ﺇﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (124‬ﺭﺠ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺽ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺼل ﺒﺎﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺸـﺘﻐﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﻝﻸﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ )‪ .(%12.28‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻤﻅﻠﻭﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤـل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﺸﺘﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻻ ﻴﺤﺒﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﺒﻬـﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻬﻴﺄﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺴﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪.1984:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺡ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺴـﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒ ‪‬ﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(500‬ﻁﺎﻝ ﹴ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺢ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺠـﺎﻤﻌﻲ )‪(1981/80‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤـﺯﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.1986:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻭ )‪ (45‬ﺇﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(150‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪ (105‬ﺭﺠ ﹰ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ .(25‬ﺇﻝﻰ )‪ .(45‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﻔﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﻼﻫﻤـﺎ ﻤـﺭﺘﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺒﺩﺃﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻜﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻴﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪.1986:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(150‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺇﺴﺘﺒﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺨﻠﻑ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺯﺍﻫﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴـﺸﻭﺏ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪.1992:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(267‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻼﻉ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﻗﺴﻡ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺒـﺎﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘـﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﺤـﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺒﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺸﺎﻤل‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.1993 :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(75‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ,‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ,‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺏ‪.1995 :‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(442‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨـﺎﺙ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒـﺔ ﻭﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﺭﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎل‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻴﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﺎﺩل ﺩﻤﺭﺩﺍﺵ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻜﻴﺘﺵ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪.E, P, Q‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻗل ﺍﻏﺘﺭﺍﺒﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺩﻴﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‪ ,‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻗل ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻜـﺫﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻜﺜـﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻌـﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﻬﺎ‪ ,‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻜﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ " ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ,‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ "‬
‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﺭ‪.1995:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺩﻭﻝـﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴـﺕ –‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺼـﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(13‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤـﺕ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ .(58-37‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻷﻗل ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-9‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ‪.1996:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺸـﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨـﺴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬـﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(160‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪(100‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ )‪ (60‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁـﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻔﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻔﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺴـﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺍﻝﻤـﻭﻅﻔﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻔﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺠﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﻝﻠﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺠﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤـﻭﻓﻘﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺠﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﺎﻭﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﻴﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪.2000:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨـﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻓﻘـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(359‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺇﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻝﺘـﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﻭﺍﺠـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -11‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺤﺴﺎﻥ‪.2003:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻫل ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻭﻥ ﻴﻘﺒﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫل ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻻ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻴﺘﺭﻭﻴﺕ ﺒﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﻤﻴﺘﺸﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒـﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻝﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻨﻔـﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺄﺒـﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻝﻠـﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺱ ﺃﻭﻁﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %93‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺠﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ " ﺘﺭﻏﺏ ﺒﻜل ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻓـﻲ ﺃﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯل ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ" ﻭﺃﻥ ﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻭﺘـﺩﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﺅﻫﻡ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ %60‬ﻤﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﹸﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﺅﻫﻡ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ‪ --‬ﺤﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ‪--‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 11‬ﺃﻴﻠﻭل‪/‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪.2001‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﻜﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻓﻘـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺘﻔﻕ ‪ %73‬ﻤﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﹸﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﺅﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘـﺎ ﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ ﻴﺒـﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ "ﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺭﺍﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ ".‬ﺤﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﺨﻠﺼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻭﻥ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺘﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪،2004‬‬
‫‪ -12‬ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﻴﻊ‪.2004:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (180‬ﺍﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴـﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺘﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴـﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨـﺴﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴًﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﻨﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.1982 :Knuston,J.N, ed‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(495‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺒﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻤﻨﺯ‪ ،‬ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ‪.1980:Carmines, G, Edward‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ )ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(100‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺫﻭﻱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺫﻭﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘـﻭﻡ ﺒـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔﻜﺎﺭﻝﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﻴﺩ ‪.1980:Carlson, J& Hyde, M‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (138‬ﻓﺭﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺅﺍل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﺸﻐل ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻡ ﻻ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻭﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺩﺍل ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ‪،‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﺘﻴﻔﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻴﻔﻴﺩ ‪.1985 :Stephen, S& David, J‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺼـل ﻴﺎﺒـﺎﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺠﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(634‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴـﺸﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﻭﻻﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﻴﻔﻭﺭﻨﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺴﺅﺍل ﻝﻠﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭل ﺃﻓﻀل ﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻝﻙ ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(%91‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(%86‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤـﻥ ﻤﺅﺴـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺜﻴـل ﺍﻝﺒﻨـﺎﺌﻲ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺠﻭﻴﺘﻭﻥ ‪.1988:Guyton, E‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(118‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺩﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﻜﻭﺭﺘﺭ ‪.1989:Davidson, B& Cotter, R‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴـﺭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(546‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻬﻭ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻴﻨﻜل ﻭﺃﻭﺏ ‪.1991:Finkel, S & Opp, K‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪ .(150‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻷﻥ ﻴﺩﻝﻭﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﻭﺍ ﺘﻭﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻗﻭﻯ ﺒﺤﺯﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻼﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠـﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺄﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺒـﻁ‬
‫ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺤﺯﺏ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺭﻴﺴﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻭ ﺒﺭﻭﺱ ‪.1992:Christopher, G & Bruce‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻭﺩ‪ -‬ﻨﻅـﺭﺓ ﺜﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻜﺴﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(406‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻼﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.1989 :‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﺩ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻋﻘـﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(240‬ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻭﺯﻋﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .(80) -‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.(80)-‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺠﻥ ﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻨﺎﻁﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪.(80)-‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪E.P.I‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻲ ﻤﻥ ‪M.M.P.I‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﺍﻝـﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻗل ﺍﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝـﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻜﺫﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﻴﺘﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪.1990:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺒﻌﺩﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(322‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪EPQ.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺍﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﺸـﺭﻴﺤﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝـﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪.1990 :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(540‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﺴﻌﻭﺩ ﻭﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤـﺩ ﺒـﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻴﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻨﻘﻲ‪ -‬ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ‪ -‬ﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺜﻼﺙ ﻫﻲ ﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻗل ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤـﻥ ﺜﻼﺜـﺔ ﺒﻨـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺜﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻴﻘـﺒﻼﻥ ﺘﻔـﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺨﺭﺠﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻘـﺩﺭ ﺁﺨـﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺃﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺜل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒـﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـل ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ "ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ" ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ " ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ"‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻓﻨﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻘـﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴـﺯ ﺒـﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺒﻭﺱ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻝﺩﺭﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻌﺩ ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺩﺍﻉ‪ .....‬ﺇﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ‪.1991 :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻜل ﻤـﻥ ﺒﻌـﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(50‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ‪ ,‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﻨﺒﺭﺥ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻤﻥ ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻴﻔﻭﺭﻨﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺴﻭﺘﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻪ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻴﺴﺔ‪.1991:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺤﺹ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁـﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(250‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ "ﺭﺍﻱ‪-‬ﻝﻥ"‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﺒﻴﻠﺒﻴﺭﺠﺭ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪.E.P.Q‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ,‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺤـﺼﻠﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍل ﺴﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻭﺩﺍل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ,‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍل ﺴﺎﻝﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻴﺴﺔ‪.1991:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﻍ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻠﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﻍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(1083‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺴﺅﺍل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﻍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻠﻐﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻐﻥ ﺴـﻥ‬
‫)‪.(11‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.(12) ،‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.(13) ،‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﻨـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺌـﻲ ﺒﻠﻐـﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﺴـﻥ‬
‫)‪.(11‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ‪.1993:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﻁﺎﻝﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(130‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ )‪ .(19-13‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻭﺭﺍﻨﺱ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻷﺼـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻻ ﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻜﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺸﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻠﻁﻴﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻜﺭﻴﺎ‪.1993:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴـﺔ"‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺜل "ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ‪ -‬ﻓﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻡ – ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ ﺃﺜﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ –ﻁﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻤﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻴﻥ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(476‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﺫﻜﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺇﻨﺎﺜﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺩﻡ ‪A+, B+, O+‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺩﻡ ‪O-, B-, AB+.A-‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل ﻋﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺠـﺴﻡ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻗل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨـﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺸـﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﻀﻐﻁﻭﻥ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻡ ﺃﺜﻨـﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻀﻐﻁﻭﻥ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ "ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻁﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻤﺔ" ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻨﻬـﺎ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻼﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ –ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-9‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪.1995:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﻭﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(129‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭ)‪ .(207‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻭﺭﺍﻨﺱ ﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ " ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ – ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ –‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ – ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤـﺎ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺸﻌﻴﺏ‪ ,‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪.1995:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻱ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻁﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(56‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻷﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪,‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-11‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ‪.1997:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁـﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔـﻭﻗﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﺭﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴـﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﺭﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘـﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴـﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻜﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﻴﺯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(85‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﻭ)‪.(110‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ ﻁـﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪EPQ‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺘﻜﻥ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺌﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺃﻨﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﺭﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬

‫‪-12‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻫﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪. .1998:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(404‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺼﻤﻤﻪ ﺃﺭﻴل ﺸﻴﻔﺭ ﻭﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺼﻤﻤﻪ ﺠﻑ‪ ,‬ﻭﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻤﻤﻪ ﺠﻑ ﻭﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﺭﻑ )ﺃﺏ ﻭ ﺃﻡ(‪.‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ‬
‫)ﺃﻡ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﻲ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒـل )ﺃﺏ ﻭ ﺃﻡ(‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒـل ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ‬

‫‪-13‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪.1999:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﺘل – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘـﻀﺤﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺠﻴﻠﻔـﻭﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﻀﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﻀﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(338‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠـﻙ ﺴـﻌﻭﺩ ﻴﺩﺭﺴـﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ" ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺭﻱ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ "‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻭﺍﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫" ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻔﺘﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ "‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻫﻲ‪ ":‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،" ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻜل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜﺎﺘل ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﺘﻀﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻋﻭﺍﻤﻠﻬـﺎ ﻫـﻲ‪" :‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺎﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺴﻭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﻫﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل ﺍﻻﻨﻁـﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻔـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﺘل ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫‪-14‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻜﻤﺎل‪.2002:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(250‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪(109) ،‬ﺫﻜـﻭﺭ )‪(141‬ﺇﻨـﺎﺙ ﻤـﻥ ﻁﻠﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻭﻴﻠﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴـﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺨﻤـﺴﺔ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫" ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ "‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻭﻴﻠﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺼـﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻲ " ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ "‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻭﻴﻠـﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻘﻨـﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴـﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل‬
‫ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻲ " ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل "‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺼﻤﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ‪ " :‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓـﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ "‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻓﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻝﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ –ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪-‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝـﺔ ﺇﺤـﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﻨﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﻓـﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻬـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻨﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﻓـﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤـﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﻓـﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﻴﻥ" ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ " ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤـﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-15‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺭﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.2004:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻀـﻭﺀ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﺒﻌـﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺤﺩ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(387‬ﻤﻌﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪ (194‬ﻤﻌﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻭ )‪ (193‬ﻤﻌﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪ -‬ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻭﻴﻠﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ‪ -‬ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻭﻴﻠﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ‬
‫ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ‪ -‬ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻴﺩﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺠﺭ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻋـﺎﺩل ﻋﺒـﺩ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ – ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻨﻭﻴﻜﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻙ ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻝﻠﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ – ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ " ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺎﻓﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﺒﻲ ‪.1976:.Heaven & Rigby‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﺄﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ "‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (193‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﻝﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪.E.P.Q‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪.1977 :Eysenck & Eysenck‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺩﻴـﺩ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫)‪ ،(712‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ)‪..(1398‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪.EPQ‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ‪-‬ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ " ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻭﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﻴﻔل ‪.1981:Thomas & Revelle‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ ،EPI‬ﻭﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪.EPQ‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ "ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ "‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (838‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪.EPI‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪.EPQ‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺔ ﻋﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ‪.EPI‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺩﺍل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ EPI‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ EPQ‬ﺩﺍل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻭل ﺒﻴﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.1981P.Pearson et al:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫل ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺌﻴﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺩﻴﻨﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﻓﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼـل‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(1088‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺠﻠﺘﺭﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﻨﻨﺔ ﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ ،E.P.Q‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﻨﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤـﻥ ‪16-7‬‬
‫ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ,‬ﻭﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺭﺍﺒﻴﻭ‪. 1981: Krapu:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(34‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ)‪ .(117‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﻴل ﻜﻴﺭﺩ ‪.1987 :Dale, Caird‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(115‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﻭﺩ ‪ Hood‬ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻔﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪EPQ.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘـﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺘﻴﺭﻱ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.1992 :Conway, Terry.L et al‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻲ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝـﺼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(1126‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻼﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻼﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ":‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ" ﻤﻊ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﺘﻴﺱ‪ ,‬ﺘﻴﻤﺜﻲ ﻭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ‪. 1993: Bates,Timothy&Eysenck,Hans‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺄﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﺘﺨـﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(88‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻱ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫)‪ .(63‬ﺫﻜﺭ‪ .(25) ،‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻗـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-9‬ﺴﻨﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺩ ﻭ ﻜﻴﻤﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻥ ‪.2001:Center, David & Kemp, Dawn‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒـﺔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ"ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ " ،‬ﻫل ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻤﻼﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(150‬ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪ .(75‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒـﺔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ‪ .(75) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ " ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﻴﺯل‪ ،‬ﺃﻝﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.2001 :Heisel, Alan.D et al‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل – ﺜﻼﺙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻼﺌﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤـل ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝـﺜﻼﺙ ﻷﻴﺯﻨـﻙ‬
‫"ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ " ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺘـﺼﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﺜـﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺴـﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺘـﺼﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝـﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺤﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-11‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﻨﺘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺩ ﻭ ﻜﻴﻤﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻥ ‪.2002:Center, David & Kemp, Dawn‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ – ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ ﺒﺎﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(11‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل‪.‬‬
‫‪-3/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪.1984:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻹﻝﺯﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻝﻠﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(274‬ﻤﻌﻠﻡ ًﻭﻤﻌﻠﻤﺔ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ )‪.(64‬ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﺯﻋﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻴﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻔﺭ ﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝـﻨﻤﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻥ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤـﺎﺕ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺸـﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪.1985‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻕ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(450‬ﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨـﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤـﺕ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ .(14-12‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻨﺸﺄﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺴﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺠـﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﺌﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻓﺴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ %49‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﻴﺱ‪1987:‬ﻡ‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(200‬ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻤﻥ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ .(25-20‬ﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﺒﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﻏﻤﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺩﻱ‪.1990:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺭﺯﻩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻴـﺎﺩ ﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(15‬ﻓﺭﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ )‪(3‬ﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ (12‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ )‪(24-18‬‬
‫ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺇﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ – ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺴﻼﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺃﻓـﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪.1992:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪1992:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺭﺠل ﺍﻝـﺸﺭﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺃﺴﻴﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻴـﺎ ﻭﻗﻨـﺎﺓ ﺍﻝـﺴﻭﻴﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(22-19‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻷﺒﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁـﻼﺏ ﻜﻠﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺸـﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ‪.1995:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨـﺼﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒـﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(273‬ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﻋﻀﻭ ﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺯﻯ ﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﺘﻌﺯﻯ ﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﺎل‪.1996:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌـﺭﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (1555‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪(797‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ (758) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ .(24-18‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔـﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪ " :‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤـﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ "‬

‫‪-9‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﻨﺏ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪.1998:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻺﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭ )‪ (15‬ﻁﻔل ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻁﻔـﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(30‬ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻓﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻜﺭﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻜﺭﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺩﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﻜل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪.2001:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﺎﻝﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (376‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻁﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻗـﺴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-11‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺒﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻴﺭ ﺨﻀﺭ‪.2002:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﺠﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﻭﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﺠﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (996‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺎﻨﺯ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻭﺴﻴﺒﻴل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬

‫‪-12‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ‪.2003:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(123‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻁﻭﺍﻗﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻁﻭﺍﻗﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻯ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝـﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺒﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻴﻔﻴﺩ ‪.1976: Kaplan, David‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻋﺩﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺒـﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺤـﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻋﺩﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺒﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (105‬ﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪ (62‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪(43‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘـﺭﺍﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ .(63-19‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻷﺒﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻼﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﺭﻫﻥ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ)‪ .( 21-17‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻘل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺨﺭﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﺒـﺎﻝﻴﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺸﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﻓﺭ ﻨﺼﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻭﻫﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺜﺭ ‪.1986 :Vohra, Robert & Sen, Arthur‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻠﺏ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌـﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (40‬ﺴﻴﺩﺓ‪ (20) ،‬ﺴﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ‪ (20) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻷﺒﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻠﺏ – ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻕ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘـﺼﻠﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻠﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺭﻭﺯﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺜﺒﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﻴﺩ ‪1993Rosen, Karen & Rothbaum,Fred‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺀ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺒﺄﻁﻔﺎﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺘﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺁﺒﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻤﻬﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻴﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(62‬ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻷﻁﻔﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺇﻤﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻁﻑ ﻴﻜﺴﺒﻬﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﻅﻭﺍ ﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺤﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺘﺭﻴﻙ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.1995: Davis, Datrik et al‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﺍﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﺍﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (112‬ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫)‪ .(6 ،11 ،19‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻏﺭﺏ ﻓﺭﺠﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩﺓ ﻁﺭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﺍﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪. 1996 :Robert, John et al‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻷﺒﻭﻴﻥ ﻭﻅﻬـﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﺒﻭﻴﻥ ﻭﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻐﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(144‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪(88‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪(56‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺊ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺸﻴﻔﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺇﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﺯﻴﻤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﺭﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪- -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺘﻲ‪ ,‬ﻜﺎﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.1998:Caty, Caren et al‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ – ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻅـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪.(565‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﻸﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(%51‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺴﻬل ﻝﻸﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﻸﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻵﺴـﻴﻭﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ )‪ .(%40‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/6/1‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ‪.1982‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪(413‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜـﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴـﻁ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫)‪(21‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ)‪(28‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺒﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪.1982:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪(413‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻗﻁﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻗﻁﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪.1984:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻫل ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻌـﺩ ﺃﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ؟‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻀـﻊ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (216‬ﺘﻠﻤﻴﺫ ﻭﺘﻠﻤﻴﺫﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻲ "ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒـﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪.1985 :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯﻩ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻀـﺎ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (209‬ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺴﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﻤ ﹰ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻜﺭﻴﺎ‪.1988:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻭﺠﻬﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (372‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺘﺴﻡ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒـﺎﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻗل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴـﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻭﺭﻨﻭﺍ ﺒﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘـﹰﺎ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪.1992:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﻜـل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺠـﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﻫل ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (106‬ﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺎﹰ‪ (53) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ .(53‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺠـﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻗﻭﺭﻨﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬

‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺒﻴل‪.1994 :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻬﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (208‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻤﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻨﺎﻭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺩﺭﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻭﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻀـﻌﻴﻑ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪.1994:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﻭﻀـﻊ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺼﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(714‬ﺘﻠﻤﻴﺫﹰﺍ )‪(352‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪ (362‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻸﻁﻔﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﻭﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪-9‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺠﺒﺭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪.1996:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴـﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻜل ﻤـﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺼﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (640‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻗﺩ ﻓﺴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ %32‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺼﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﺎ ﻨـﺴﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫‪ %48.6‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﺎﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.1997:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﺘﻌـﺎﻁﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪-11‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺯﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺸﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ‪1997:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ " ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ" ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻗﺎﺯﻴﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (413‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪ .(187‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ (226‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ "ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ"‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻗـﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺸﺨﺹ‬
‫"ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ" ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -12‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﺠﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.2002:‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﻭﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ ،(28‬ﻤﻨﻬﻡ )‪ (10‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ .(18‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﺘﻔﻭﻗﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻴﺘﻔﻭﻗﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪-13‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺤﻨﻭﻥ‪.2004:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﻭﻋـﺩﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ":‬ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ "‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ "‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (1200‬ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺒﻲ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝـﺼﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻲ ﻝﻠﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ – ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻭﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﻭﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ – ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻋﺎﺩل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ – ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﻭﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ – ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘـﻲ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺩﺍل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻁﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺒﻭﻤﺎل‪. 1967 Watson ,D& Baunal,E:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻓـﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﻭﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪(565‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ‪ " :‬ﺫﻭﻱ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺫﻭﻱ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘـﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ" ﻤﻬﺎﻡ" ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜـﺫﻝﻙ ﺘـﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ "ﻤﻬﺎﻡ" ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻭﻗﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻗﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻅﻬﺭﻭﺍ ﻗﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬

‫‪-2‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻴﺭﺯ ﻭﻭﻝﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﻜﻠﻴﻔﺭ ‪. 1971: Phares, Wilson & Klyver‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻋﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﻡ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻅـﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻅـﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻗـل ﻤـﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻨﺯﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻝﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﻅ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺩﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (64‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﻋﺩﺩﻫﺎ )‪ (32‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻋﺩﺩﻫﺎ )‪ (32‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘـﺴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻜل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ )‪( 16‬ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭ)‪ (16‬ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ )‪( 16‬ﻤـﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪ (16‬ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﻀـﻌﺕ ﺘﺤـﺕ ﻅـﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻗل ﻝﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋـﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﻔـﺸل ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪-3‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﻝﻨﺞ ﻭﻓﻴﻨﺸﺎﻡ ‪. 1979 :Barling, J & Fincham, F‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺭﻡ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(93‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﻋﺎﹰ‪ (21) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ )‪ (72‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﺭﻝﻨﺞ ﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺘﺎل ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪. 1980 Bartal, et.al :‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻜـﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠـﻕ ﻭﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (2438‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻬـﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺼﻔﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺁﺴﻴﻭﻱ – ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺴـﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﺄ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻌـﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﺒـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻘﻨﻨـﺔ‬
‫"ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺱ ﻭﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﻴﺢ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻤـﻨﺨﻔﺽ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬

‫‪-5‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺠﻭﻥ ‪.1981: John, W‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪":‬ﻤﻭﻀـﻊ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻭﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻌﻲ "‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (53‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩﻱ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺇﻨﺩﻴﺎﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﻭﺭﺍﻨﺱ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﻷﻝﺒﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﺭﺒﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪-6‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺭﺱ ﻭﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻝﻭﺩﻴﻨﺎ ‪.1982: Meyers, Donham & Ludenia‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻤﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺭﺤﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻤﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﻠﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪ (11‬ﻤﺭﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻘﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ‪ (71) ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﻪ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﻭﻝـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻹﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻤـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﻴﻥ ﺒﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻴﺽ ﻭﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﻀـﻰ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪-7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﻤﻴﺭ ‪. 1991: Dompierre‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (110‬ﻁﻔل ﻤﻥ ﺴﻥ )‪ (12-9‬ﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﻭﺭﺍﻨﺱ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﻴﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-8‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻨﻴﺱ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪.1991:Martin, Janice‬‬


‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ "ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ" ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜ ُ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫل ﻫﻭ ﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل ﺃﻡ ﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (105‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ "ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻲ"‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-9‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻨﺜﻴل‪ ,‬ﺩﻭﺭﻴـﻥ ﻭ ﺴـﻤﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﺜـﻭﻨﻲ ‪Rosenthal, Doreen & Smith,‬‬


‫‪.1995:Anthony‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺔ – ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺜـل ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل‪/‬ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ .(650‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻫﻘﺔ ﻤﺜل‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺸﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﺨﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻷﺏ ﻭﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻭﺴـﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻴﻠﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺒﻴﻨـﺴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒـﺭﺍﻴﻥ ‪Post, Phylis & Dobinson,‬‬


‫‪.1998:Bryan‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪-‬ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﺩﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻭﺭ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒـﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻤـﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪":‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ "‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ ،(108‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪.(14-10‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﻠﻬـﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺩﻤﻨﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﻠﻬـﻡ ﻴـﺩﻤﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻋﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻗل ﺍﻏﺘﺭﺍﺒﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺩﻴﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗل ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻜﺫﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﻨﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺭﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺹ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨـﺸﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻨﻼﺤﻅﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻪ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻭﺩﺍل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺴﺎﻝﺏ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل ﻋﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴـل ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻴل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ " :‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ " ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺒـﺔ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘـﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪/‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺩﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ " ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺩﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻴـل ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫• ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤـﺎ ﻴـﻭﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬
‫ﺸﻌﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﺌﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻝﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻯ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻠﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻬﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺼﺩﻗﻪ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻤﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺩﺍل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻘﻴﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﺸـﻬﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺠﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤـﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴـﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜـﺎل‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤـﺩ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﺒـﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜـﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁـــﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘـﻁﺒﻴـﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴــﺔ‬
‫ا  ا
‬
‫ﻤﻨـﻬـﺞ ﻭﺇﺠـﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1/7/2‬ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﻭﻀﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2/7/2‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3/7/2‬ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴــــــﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4/7/2‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻗﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﺴـﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻹﺤـﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-1/7/2‬ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﻭﻀﻬﺎ‬


‫ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻜ ﱟل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺨﻠﺹ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ) ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ"‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠـﻨﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻋـﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﺔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ )ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ‪ -‬ﻀـﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2/7/2‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﺎ‬


‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (488‬ﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (550‬ﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ )‪ (62‬ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺇﻜﻤﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺘﺭﻙ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ )‪ (223‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ )‪ (100‬ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻭ )‪ (123‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗـﺼﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻘﺒل‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ )‪ (200‬ﻀﺎﺒﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌـﺩﻡ ﻭﺠـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺴﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﻗﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ )‪(1994‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃُﻨﻴﻁ ﺒﻬﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ )‪(65‬ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻁﻠﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻁﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﺼﻔﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(1‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻨﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬
‫‪223‬‬ ‫‪123‬‬ ‫‪1.187 20.42‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.225 20.29‬‬ ‫ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫‪200‬‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫‪200‬‬ ‫‪8.231 32.05‬‬ ‫ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪5.184 44.74‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪5.784 38.20‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‬
‫‪488‬‬ ‫‪142‬‬ ‫‪8.582 23.68‬‬ ‫‪346‬‬ ‫‪9.072 29.47‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫‪-3/7/2‬ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻤﺴﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴـﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﻠﹸﺹ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﻜﺎﻤـﻪ ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴـﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺭﺠﺎﻨـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻤﺎﺕ‪ ....‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫـﺎﺏ ﺤﻤـﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻗﺎﺭﺏ )‪ (50‬ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؟‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؟‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؟‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺇﻨﺎﺙ(؟‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻝﻺﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ‪......‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺭﺠﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪......‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺭﺒﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺼﺎﻍ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ )‪ (60‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻴﺱ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺘﻭﺯﻋﺕ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ )‪(5‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻅﻬﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ )ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬


‫ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ )‪(40‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤـﻥ ﻀـﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭ )‪ (20‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (12‬ﺇﻝﻰ )‪ (17‬ﻴﻭﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ )‪ ،(0.707‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻤﻤـﺎ ﻴﻭﻀـﺢ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ )ﻓﺭﺩﻱ‪ -‬ﺯﻭﺠﻲ(ﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﺒﺎﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ )ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪-‬ﺒﺭﺍﻭﻥ(ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(2‬‬


‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل‬ ‫ﻗﺒل ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل‬
‫‪0.808‬‬ ‫‪0.679‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﻫـﻲ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺇﺤـﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩ)‪ ،(0.01‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﹰﻻ‪:‬ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺜﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻹﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(3‬‬
‫ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬

‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤـﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻡ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅـﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫‪-3‬‬
‫ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒـﺭ ﻭﺴـﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫‪-7‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﻲ ﻤﻭﻋﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤـﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺠـل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﻲ ﻤﻭﻋﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫‪-9‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻀﺎﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻀﺎﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﻨـﺩﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤـﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺩﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪ -15‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻨﻲ ﻤﺩﺓ ﺴـﺎﻋﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﻔﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌـﺔ ﺍﻷﺤـﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪-16‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-21‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻕ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻕ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﺭﺸـﺢ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫‪-27‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺌﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﻫ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﻫ ﹰ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤـﺎﺕ ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ‬
‫‪-31‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪-37‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺠﺭﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺃﺠﺭﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠـل ﺘﻌـﺩﻴل‬
‫‪-41‬‬
‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺼﺩﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪-55‬‬
‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﻌـﺎﻁﻑ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ‬
‫‪-56‬‬
‫ﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‬
‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﻠـﻭﻥ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫‪-59‬‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜل ﻓﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ )‪(40‬ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭ )‪ (20‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(4‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻜل ﻓﻘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.339‬‬ ‫‪0.519‬‬ ‫‪-41‬‬ ‫‪0.210‬‬ ‫‪0.417‬‬ ‫‪-21‬‬ ‫‪0.311‬‬ ‫‪0.710‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪0.233‬‬ ‫‪0.631‬‬ ‫‪-42‬‬ ‫‪0.301‬‬ ‫‪0.393‬‬ ‫‪-22‬‬ ‫‪0.215‬‬ ‫‪0.706‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪0.414‬‬ ‫‪0.595‬‬ ‫‪-43‬‬ ‫‪0.271‬‬ ‫‪0.372‬‬ ‫‪-23‬‬ ‫‪0.213‬‬ ‫‪0.780‬‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫‪0.251‬‬ ‫‪0.629‬‬ ‫‪-44‬‬ ‫‪0.341‬‬ ‫‪0.889‬‬ ‫‪-24‬‬ ‫‪0.312‬‬ ‫‪0.808‬‬ ‫‪-4‬‬
‫‪0.229‬‬ ‫‪0.448‬‬ ‫‪-45‬‬ ‫‪0.228‬‬ ‫‪0.322‬‬ ‫‪-25‬‬ ‫‪0.282‬‬ ‫‪0.253‬‬ ‫‪-5‬‬
‫‪0.234‬‬ ‫‪0.444‬‬ ‫‪-46‬‬ ‫‪0.317‬‬ ‫‪0.600‬‬ ‫‪-26‬‬ ‫‪0.224‬‬ ‫‪0.695‬‬ ‫‪-6‬‬
‫‪0.271‬‬ ‫‪0.431‬‬ ‫‪-47‬‬ ‫‪0.338‬‬ ‫‪0.552‬‬ ‫‪-27‬‬ ‫‪0.311‬‬ ‫‪0.698‬‬ ‫‪-7‬‬
‫‪0.299‬‬ ‫‪0.372‬‬ ‫‪-48‬‬ ‫‪0.218‬‬ ‫‪0.379‬‬ ‫‪-28‬‬ ‫‪0.412‬‬ ‫‪0.315‬‬ ‫‪-8‬‬
‫‪0.311‬‬ ‫‪0.443‬‬ ‫‪-49‬‬ ‫‪0.220‬‬ ‫‪0.429‬‬ ‫‪-29‬‬ ‫‪0.212‬‬ ‫‪0.716‬‬ ‫‪-9‬‬
‫‪0.371‬‬ ‫‪0.394‬‬ ‫‪-50‬‬ ‫‪0.271‬‬ ‫‪0.369‬‬ ‫‪-30‬‬ ‫‪0.298‬‬ ‫‪0.621‬‬ ‫‪-10‬‬
‫‪0.388‬‬ ‫‪0.630‬‬ ‫‪-51‬‬ ‫‪0.411‬‬ ‫‪0.787‬‬ ‫‪-31‬‬ ‫‪0.249‬‬ ‫‪0.514‬‬ ‫‪-11‬‬
‫‪0.277‬‬ ‫‪0.384‬‬ ‫‪-52‬‬ ‫‪0.254‬‬ ‫‪0.808‬‬ ‫‪-32‬‬ ‫‪0.255‬‬ ‫‪0.612‬‬ ‫‪-12‬‬
‫‪0.229‬‬ ‫‪0.272‬‬ ‫‪-53‬‬ ‫‪0.284‬‬ ‫‪0.757‬‬ ‫‪-33‬‬ ‫‪0.217‬‬ ‫‪0.720‬‬ ‫‪-13‬‬
‫‪0.311‬‬ ‫‪0.390‬‬ ‫‪-54‬‬ ‫‪0.288‬‬ ‫‪0.661‬‬ ‫‪-34‬‬ ‫‪0.219‬‬ ‫‪0.312‬‬ ‫‪-14‬‬
‫‪0.443‬‬ ‫‪0.607‬‬ ‫‪-55‬‬ ‫‪0.327‬‬ ‫‪0.221‬‬ ‫‪-35‬‬ ‫‪0.262‬‬ ‫‪0.639‬‬ ‫‪-15‬‬
‫‪0.215‬‬ ‫‪0.390‬‬ ‫‪-56‬‬ ‫‪0.218‬‬ ‫‪0.640‬‬ ‫‪-36‬‬ ‫‪0.241‬‬ ‫‪0.223‬‬ ‫‪-16‬‬
‫‪0.341‬‬ ‫‪0.533‬‬ ‫‪-57‬‬ ‫‪0.337‬‬ ‫‪0.800‬‬ ‫‪-37‬‬ ‫‪0.299‬‬ ‫‪0.374‬‬ ‫‪-17‬‬
‫‪0.415‬‬ ‫‪0.541‬‬ ‫‪-58‬‬ ‫‪0.433‬‬ ‫‪0.742‬‬ ‫‪-38‬‬ ‫‪0.936‬‬ ‫‪0.451‬‬ ‫‪-18‬‬
‫‪0.399‬‬ ‫‪0.698‬‬ ‫‪-59‬‬ ‫‪0.419‬‬ ‫‪0.496‬‬ ‫‪-39‬‬ ‫‪0.227‬‬ ‫‪0.533‬‬ ‫‪-19‬‬
‫‪0.233‬‬ ‫‪0.211‬‬ ‫‪-60‬‬ ‫‪0.354‬‬ ‫‪0.311‬‬ ‫‪-40‬‬ ‫‪0.315‬‬ ‫‪0.411‬‬ ‫‪-20‬‬
‫‪***0.338=0.001‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ=‪ 98‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ‪**0.267= 0.01 *0.2.5=0.05‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴـﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴ‪‬ﻌﺩ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺸﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬


‫ﺘﺼﺤﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺈﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺨﻤﺱ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺸﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺠـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺜﻡ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺩﺭﺠﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻷﻗل ﺸﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺎﺴـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-2‬ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪E .B .Q.‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪1989‬ﻡ‬


‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪ Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ‬ﻫﻭ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ‪ H.J .Eysenck‬ﻭﺸﺎﺭﻜﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ‬
‫‪ ،Sybil B .G.Eysenck‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1989‬ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻌـﺔ ﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫"ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ"‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ " :‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔﺎ "‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪(257‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ )‪ (136‬ﺫﻜﺭﺍﹰ‪ (121) ،‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ﺒﻔﺎﺼل ﺯﻤﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺸﻬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ )‪ ( 0.80‬ﻭ )‪(0.90‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ) ‪( 0.78‬ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔﺎ )‪. (0.80‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪(15-14‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1989‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ "ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔﺎ " ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (402‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﻁﻼﺏ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ )‪ (253‬ﺫﻜﺭﹰﺍ ﻭ )‪ (149‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ﺒﻔﺎﺼل ﺯﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﻩ )‪ (30‬ﻴﻭﻤـﹰﺎ ﻭﺘـﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻌﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.78‬ﻭ )‪ (0.86‬ﻝﺩﻯ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.79‬ﻭ )‪ (0.90‬ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔـﺎ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ (0.78‬ﻭ )‪ (0.81‬ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ )‪ (0.76‬ﻭ )‪ (0.84‬ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪1989:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪(28-27‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ ‪ 1997‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (30‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.74‬ﻭ )‪.(0.91‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ‪1997:‬ﺹ‪(89‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫)‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ )‪(40‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭ )‪ (20‬ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(5‬‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.75‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.67‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.77‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﻜل ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﻫﻲ" ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ"‪.‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪) .‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪:1989:‬ﺹ‪(15‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ 1989‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻁﺭﻴﻘـﺔ ﺼـﺩﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴـﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩ )‪).(0.01‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1989:‬ﺹ ‪(28‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ ‪ 1997‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘـﺔ ﺍﻻﺘـﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺄﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.65‬ﻭ )‪.(0.74‬‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ‪ 1997:‬ﺹ ‪(88‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻜﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻡ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻨﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪،‬ﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (90‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺯﻋﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪ (25) :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ )‪ (21‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ )‪ (23‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ )‪ (21‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺼﺤﺢ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺒﺄﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻔﺎﺘﻴﺢ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﻁﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪).‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ‪1989:‬ﺹ ‪(31‬‬

‫‪  -3‬س ا‪  $‬ا‪ #‬إ!اد  ‪  1 A . Maslow‬ا‪./ 0‬‬


‫ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻋﺭ‪‬ﺏ ﻭﻗﻨﱠﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1973‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻪ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﻋﺒـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1976‬ﺜﻡ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1978‬ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺠﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1984‬ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻥ ﻻﺩﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (75‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺘﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﺘﺤﺕ )‪ (14‬ﺒﻌـﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻭﺠﺒـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺴﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻜﺭﻭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﹰﺍ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻪ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻪ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺍﺩ ﻭﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻶﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﻡ ﺃﺸﺭﺍﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻶﺨـﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺼـﻔﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﻴﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺤﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﺜﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺅﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﺅل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻝﻭﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻼﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒـﺎﻝﻎ ﻓﻴـﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ )ﺍﻷﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ(ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻪ ﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺎﺸﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﺘﻤل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫)‪(25‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻴﺱ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺠﻴﺏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﺒﻨﻌﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻻ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (150-75‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬


‫‪ -‬ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺍﻝﻘـﻭل ﺒـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺫﻜﺭ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻥ ﻻﺩﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻨـﻴﻥ ﻓـﺎﺭﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺒﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴـﺭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺒﺩﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻬﻴﺅ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻨﻌﻡ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻻ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻭﺃﻝﻐﻰ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﻻ ﺃﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻥ ﻻﺩﻥ ﺒﺤﺫﻑ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤـﺎ )‪(49 ،16‬‬
‫ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺄﻨﻴﺜﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺭﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺤﺫﻑ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ )‪.(73‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻥ ﻻﺩﻥ ﺒﺤﺫﻓﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻜﺭﺓ ﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺸﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (6‬ﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺘﺫﺓ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻹﺒﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝـﺭﺃﻱ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻨﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻠـﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺴﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻤﻬﺎ )‪ (100‬ﻁﺎﻝﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻔﺎﺼل ﺯﻤﻨﻲ )‪ (10‬ﺃﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ‪ ،0.91‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨـﺼﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (0.86‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1984‬ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺍﺴـﺘﻬﺩﻓﺕ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻠﻎ )‪( 0.88‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﺎﺌﻘﺔ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ)‪(0.88‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻥ ﻻﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺘﻭﺼـﻠﺕ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻝﻠﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ )‪( 0.92‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫)‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ )‪(40‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭ )‪ (20‬ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ )‪ (0.83‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ )‪.(0.91‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺝ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺕ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺘـﻡ‬
‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ )‪(0.94‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﺎﺌﻘﺔ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨـﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ )‪( 0.05‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻜﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻡ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﻴﺏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﺒـﻨﻌﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻭﺘﺘـﺭﺍﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ ،(150-75‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻌﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩل‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩل ﺫﻝـﻙ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-4‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬


‫‪ &' () * +‬و ‪
%‬ر‪ #‬دو!   و ح ا  أ  
ه و ر‪
#‬د ‪,)%‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻨﻴﻭﻜﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻙ ﺒﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ –ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺼﻤﻤﻪ ﻨﻴﻭﻜﻲ ﻭﺴﺘﺭﺍﻴﻜﻼﻨﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀـﻊ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻸﻁﻔﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ )‪ ،( NS-IE‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺤـﺎﻝﻲ ﻤـﻥ )‪(40‬‬
‫ﺴﺅﺍﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺎﺡ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻬـﺎ ﻭﻓﻬﻤﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻴﻌﺎﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﻨﻌﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤـﺼل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﺒﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪1987‬ﻡ‬

‫ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻤﺎ ﻨﻴﻭﻜﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻔﺎﺼل ﺯﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (48‬ﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜـﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ )‪ ، (0.83‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨـﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ ، (158‬ﻭﺘﻤﺕ ﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺯﺃﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻭﻥ ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻗﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.74‬ﻭ )‪. (0.86‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻰ ‪ 1987‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻤﺼﺭ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (122‬ﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ )‪ (120‬ﺇﻨﺎﺙ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (0.89‬ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ (0.84‬ﻭ )‪ (0.86‬ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪(5-4‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠﻭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (80‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻭﻥ ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻗﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒـﺎﺕ )‪ ،(0.80‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻭﺘـﻡ‬
‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ )‪).(0.77‬ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‪2004:‬ﺹ‪(35‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻜﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (120‬ﻤﻌﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺴﺒﻴﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻭﻥ ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻗﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ )‪ ،(0.80‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻭﺘـﻡ ﺤـﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻜﺭﻭﻨﺒﺎﺥ ﺃﻝﻔﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ )‪)(0.78‬ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺭﻡ‪ 2004:‬ﺹ ‪(48‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫)‪ (100‬ﻓﺭﺩ )‪(40‬ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻭ )‪ (40‬ﻤﻥ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭ )‪ (20‬ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ )‪ (0.81‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻨﻴﻭﻜﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻙ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻫﻤﺎ‪-:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴـﺩل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ – ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻴﻨـﺎﺕ ﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺔ ﻤـﻥ )‪(35)(39)(49‬‬
‫ﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ )‪ (0.44)(0.48)(0.68‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﻭﻫﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ – ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪ (37‬ﺫﻜـﺭ ﻭ‬
‫)‪ (48‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (0.36‬ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﺍل ﻋﻨﺩ )‪ (0.05‬ﻭ )‪(0.32‬‬
‫ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﺍل ﻋﻨﺩ )‪ ،(0.05‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫– ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﺎﻴﻠﺭ ﻝﻠﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ )‪(27‬ﺫﻜـﺭﹰﺍ ﻭ )‪(48‬‬
‫ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻼ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (0.34‬ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﺍل ﻋﻨـﺩ )‪ (0.05‬ﻭ )‪(0.40‬‬
‫ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﺍل ﻋﻨﺩ )‪.(0.05‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ‪ 1987‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ "ﺕ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻫﻲ )‪ (16.56‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ‬
‫)‪ ، (0.001‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ "ﺕ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ )‪(20.44‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪.(0.001‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪(7-6‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻠﻭﺕ ‪ 2004‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﻘـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠﻭﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‪2004:‬ﺹ‪(32‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻜﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ ‪ 2004‬ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺘـﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﻘـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺭﻡ‪ 2004:‬ﺹ ‪(40‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻜﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ – ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ )‪ (40‬ﺴﺅﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﺤﺢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺇﻤﺎ‬
‫)ﻨﻌﻡ( ﺃ ﻭ )ﻻ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ )‪ (40‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤـﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨـﻰ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ) ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ (‪ (80) ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻝـﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨـﺼل ﺇﻝﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ )ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ (‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ‪ 1987:‬ﺹ ﺹ‪(8‬‬
‫‪-5‬ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺈﻋﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺴـﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺼﻠﺢ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁـﺎﺭﻕ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺏ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ 1995‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺘﻪ ﻝﻠﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﻴـﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ ﺃﻨﻬـﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﺴـﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻘﻡ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.5‬ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻥ‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪.6‬ﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫‪.7‬ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪.4‬ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻝﻜل ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺭﻱ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ‪:‬ﺃﺭﺽ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻨﻡ ) ‪ ( 5‬ﺩﻭﻨﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ) ‪ ( 10‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ )‪ ،( 15‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ )‪ ( 10‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ)‪.( 15‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻜﻥ‪:‬ﻤﻠﻙ )‪ ،(15‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ )‪ ،(12‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻗـل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺜﻼﺙ )‪ - (9‬ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ)‪ ،(12‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ )‪ ،(9‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻗل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ )‪.(6‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪:‬ﺘﻌﻁـﻰ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ)‪ ،(18‬ﻜﻤﺒﻴـﻭﺘﺭ )‪ ،(16‬ﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻠﻭﻥ)‪ ،(14‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ)‪ ،(12‬ﻓﻴﺩﻴﻭ)‪ ،(10‬ﺜﻼﺠﺔ)‪(8‬ﻤﻜﻨـﺴﺔ ﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺌﻴـﺔ)‪(6‬ﻏـﺴﺎﻝﺔ)‪،(4‬‬
‫ﺒﻭﺘﺎﺠﺎﺯ)‪.(2‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ)‪ ،(16‬ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺭ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ )‪ ،(14‬ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺩﻱ)‪ ،(12‬ﺘﺼﻔﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ )‪ ،(10‬ﻤﻁﺎﻝﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ )‪ ،(8‬ﺍﻝﺤـﺩﺍﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـﺔ)‪ ،(6‬ﺯﻴـﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻗـﺎﺭﺏ)‪ ،(4‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل)‪.(2‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻝﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4/7/2‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺕ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺸﻬﺭ ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪ ،2005‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺸﻬﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2005‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺎﻴﻭ ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (50-15‬ﻓﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﺭﻕ ﺯﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ (55-35‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻴﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺒﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ﻴ‪‬ﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺤﺜﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻌـﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴـﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻠﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ ﻝﻬـﻡ ﺤﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﺴﻤﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ُﻴﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻨﺼﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺤﻭﺼﻴﻥ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺤـﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠـﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﺤـﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴـﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺤﺯﻤـﺔ ﺍﻝﺒـﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻹﺤـﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Statistical Package For Social Sciences‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﺨﺘﺼﺎﺭﺍ ﺒﺎﺴـﻡ ‪، S.P.S.S‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻹﺼﺩﺍﺭ )‪.(11‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪-:‬‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ "ﺕ" ﻝﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـ " ﻫﻭﺘﻠﻴﺞ " ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤـﺎﻭﺭ ﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺍ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ " ﻓﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ " ﻝـ " ﻜﺎﻱ‬

‫ا  ا ‪%
-‬‬
‫‪ -1/8/2‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2/8/2‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1/8/2‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﺒل ﻋﺭﺽ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ )ﻥ=‪(488‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(6‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪9.304‬‬ ‫‪27.78‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴــﻥ‬
‫‪209‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪29.243‬‬ ‫‪105.38‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪274‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪18.435‬‬ ‫‪211.2152‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸــﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴــــﻴﺔ‬
‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪2.816‬‬ ‫‪28.97‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪4.637‬‬ ‫‪32.57‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼـﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪2.706‬‬ ‫‪38.99‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴــﺔ‬
‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪2.774‬‬ ‫‪30.73‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜــــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪148‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫‪4.51‬‬ ‫‪109.73‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫‪104‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫‪3.66‬‬ ‫‪99.92‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪3.29‬‬ ‫‪55.73‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪2.32‬‬ ‫‪62.95‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴـﻁ ﺍﻝﺤـﺴﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻤﻘﻴـﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ )‪ (180‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫‪Central Limit‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪Theory‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺴﺤﺒﻨﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ) ‪ ( N‬ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺸﻜل ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻴﻘﺘﺭﺏ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺘﺩﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ) ‪ ،( N‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻻ ﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻼﻨﺤﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ )ﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪(80-79‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ )‪ (0.834‬ﻭﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴـﺩ ﻓﺘـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ )‪ (%95‬ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴـﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ (212-210‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤـﺙ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴـﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻫـﻭ‬
‫)‪ (211‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﺘﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺇﻝـﻰ )‪(211‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪) .‬ﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ 1993:‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪(83-82‬‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻭل‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ )ﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ (ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(7‬‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ( ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻙ )ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻉ(‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ=‪219‬‬ ‫ﻥ=‪269‬‬
‫)ﺕ(‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻝﺔ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪2.12‬‬ ‫‪8.38‬‬ ‫‪26.80‬‬ ‫‪9.96‬‬ ‫‪28.58‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻥ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.42‬‬ ‫‪30.44‬‬ ‫‪104.76‬‬ ‫‪28.28‬‬ ‫‪105.89‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪26.71‬‬ ‫‪13.78‬‬ ‫‪195.47‬‬ ‫‪9.79‬‬ ‫‪224.03‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫**‬ ‫‪4.01‬‬ ‫‪2.85‬‬ ‫‪29.53‬‬ ‫‪2.71‬‬ ‫‪28.52‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.27‬‬ ‫‪4.81‬‬ ‫‪32.27‬‬ ‫‪4.49‬‬ ‫‪32.81‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼـﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.79‬‬ ‫‪2.75‬‬ ‫‪39.10‬‬ ‫‪2.67‬‬ ‫‪38.91‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴــﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.58‬‬ ‫‪2.83‬‬ ‫‪30.81‬‬ ‫‪2.73‬‬ ‫‪30.66‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜــــﺫﺏ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.13‬‬ ‫‪5.66‬‬ ‫‪110.07‬‬ ‫‪3.27‬‬ ‫‪109.45‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.59‬‬ ‫‪3.98‬‬ ‫‪100.08‬‬ ‫‪3.40‬‬ ‫‪99.78‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.11‬‬ ‫‪3.51‬‬ ‫‪55.42‬‬ ‫‪3.14‬‬ ‫‪55.94‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.89‬‬ ‫‪2.42‬‬ ‫‪63.08‬‬ ‫‪2.22‬‬ ‫‪62.83‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪ ///‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫** ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.01‬‬ ‫* ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.05‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓـﺭﻭﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤـﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤـﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(8‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ)ﻥ=‪(488‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.765‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.553‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.590‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.796‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.492‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.631‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.615‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.558‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.444‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.798‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.784‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.21‬‬ ‫‪1.41‬‬ ‫‪1.46‬‬ ‫‪3.24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪9.30‬‬ ‫‪10.86‬‬ ‫‪11.26‬‬ ‫‪24.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(9‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.787‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.794‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.777‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.787‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.59‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.737‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.706‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.549‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.563‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.911‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.905‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.982‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.976‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.21‬‬ ‫‪1.40‬‬ ‫‪1.46‬‬ ‫‪1.6‬‬ ‫‪3.24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪9.30‬‬ ‫‪10.80‬‬ ‫‪11.26‬‬ ‫‪12.30‬‬ ‫‪24.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (10‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(10‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.706‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.549‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.911‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.905‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ‪ /‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ (ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـل ﻤـﺎ ﻨـﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ %(24.91‬ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒـﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺯﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪.(3.24‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (11‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(11‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪- 0.982‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.976‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (12.30‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ)‪(1.6‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (12‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(12‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.787‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.777‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺠـﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨـﺔ ( ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (11.26‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.46‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (13‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(13‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.794‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.787‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (10.80‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(1.40‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (14‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(14‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.737‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.563‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪- 0.591‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (9.30‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.21‬‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻨﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﻤﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﻓﺼل ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ )ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬


‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(15‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ) ﻥ=‪(269‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.417‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.417‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.592‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.711‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.602‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.476‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.618‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.596‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.496‬‬ ‫‪0.820‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪- 0.802‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.659‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.682‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪3.37‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.12‬‬ ‫‪1.49‬‬ ‫‪1.65‬‬ ‫‪3.37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪8.59‬‬ ‫‪11.47‬‬ ‫‪12.68‬‬ ‫‪25.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(16‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ) ﻥ=‪(269‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.774‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.800‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.795‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.805‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.722‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.472‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.745‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.592‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.684‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.900‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.894‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.980‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.973‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.12‬‬ ‫‪1.39‬‬ ‫‪1.49‬‬ ‫‪1.65‬‬ ‫‪3.37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪8.59‬‬ ‫‪10.71‬‬ ‫‪11.47‬‬ ‫‪12.68‬‬ ‫‪25.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (17‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(17‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.745‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.592‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.900‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.894‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (25.91‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒـﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠـﻎ‬
‫ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ) ‪(3.37‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (18‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(18‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪- 0.980‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.973‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ )ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (12.68‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.65‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (19‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(19‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0774‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.795‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴـﺘﻭﻋﺏ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (11.47‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.49‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (20‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(20‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.800‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.805‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (10.71‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.39‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (21‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(21‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.684‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.472‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪- 0.722‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (8.59‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠـﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.12‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(22‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.696‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.597‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.675‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.811‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.341‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.784‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.602‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.508‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.511‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.763‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.751‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.729‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.714‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.23‬‬ ‫‪1.34‬‬ ‫‪1.48‬‬ ‫‪1.65‬‬ ‫‪3.19‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪9.44‬‬ ‫‪10.33‬‬ ‫‪11.41‬‬ ‫‪12.65‬‬ ‫‪24.56‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(23‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.819‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.686‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.749‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.805‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.407‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.782‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.649‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.524‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.646‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.925‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.923‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.975‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.970‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.23‬‬ ‫‪1.34‬‬ ‫‪1.48‬‬ ‫‪1.65‬‬ ‫‪3.19‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪9.44‬‬ ‫‪10.33‬‬ ‫‪11.41‬‬ ‫‪12.65‬‬ ‫‪24.56‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (24‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(24‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.925‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.649‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.923‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤـﻨﺨﻔﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (24.56‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(3.19‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (25‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(25‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.970‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.975‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ )ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (12.65‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(1.65‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (26‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(26‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.819‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫‪0.749‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.407‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨـﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ‪ % (11.41‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠـﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.34‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (27‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(27‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.782‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.646‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.524‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ (‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل) ‪ % (10.33‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.23‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (28‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(28‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.686‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.805‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل) ‪ % (9044‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(9.44‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(29‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(29‬‬


‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬

‫ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬


‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻜﻭﺭ )ﻥ=‪ ،(346‬ﻭﺇﻨـﺎﺙ‬
‫)ﻥ=‪ ،(142‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ "ﺕ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(30‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(30‬‬


‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ( ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪:‬ﻥ=‪) – (346‬ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ :‬ﻥ = ‪(142‬‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫)ﺕ (‬ ‫)ﻥ=‪(142‬‬ ‫)ﻥ=‪(346‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻡ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪6.50‬‬ ‫‪8.58‬‬ ‫‪23.68‬‬ ‫‪9.07‬‬ ‫‪29.47‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.35‬‬ ‫‪35.18‬‬ ‫‪106.11‬‬ ‫‪26.47‬‬ ‫‪105.08‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪3.24‬‬ ‫‪20.26‬‬ ‫‪207.03‬‬ ‫‪17.37‬‬ ‫‪212.93‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.06‬‬ ‫‪3.10‬‬ ‫‪28.76‬‬ ‫‪2.69‬‬ ‫‪29.06‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪4.28‬‬ ‫‪4.64‬‬ ‫‪31.19‬‬ ‫‪4.51‬‬ ‫‪33.13‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼـﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.29‬‬ ‫‪2.78‬‬ ‫‪38.74‬‬ ‫‪2.67‬‬ ‫‪39.09‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴــﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪2.36‬‬ ‫‪2.75‬‬ ‫‪30.26‬‬ ‫‪2.76‬‬ ‫‪30.91‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜــــﺫﺏ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪2.18‬‬ ‫‪6.66‬‬ ‫‪110.81‬‬ ‫‪3.56‬‬ ‫‪109.40‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.68‬‬ ‫‪3.77‬‬ ‫‪99.36‬‬ ‫‪3.58‬‬ ‫‪100.23‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪3.04‬‬ ‫‪3.84‬‬ ‫‪54.81‬‬ ‫‪2.85‬‬ ‫‪56.22‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.32‬‬ ‫‪2.01‬‬ ‫‪62.63‬‬ ‫‪2.41‬‬ ‫‪63.06‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪ ///‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫** ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.01‬‬ ‫* ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.05‬‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ )ﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺇﻨﺎﺙ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪:‬‬


‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(31‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.477‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.615‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.620‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪0.780‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.595‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.410‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.545‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.459‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.806‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.791‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.755‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.745‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.07‬‬ ‫‪1.33‬‬ ‫‪1.75‬‬ ‫‪3.01‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪8.87‬‬ ‫‪11.10‬‬ ‫‪14.58‬‬ ‫‪25.04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(32‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.798‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪0.652‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪0.859‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.459‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.637‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺼـﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.440‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.661‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝـﻜــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.936‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.931‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.948‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.980‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.07‬‬ ‫‪1.17‬‬ ‫‪1.33‬‬ ‫‪1.75‬‬ ‫‪3.01‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪8.87‬‬ ‫‪9.75‬‬ ‫‪11.10‬‬ ‫‪14.58‬‬ ‫‪25.04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (33‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(33‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.936‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.637‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.931‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (25.04‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(3.01‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (34‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(34‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.980‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.948‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل) ‪ % (14.58‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠـﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.75‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (35‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(35‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.741‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.661‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.440‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ( ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (11.10‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.33‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (36‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ(‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(36‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.798‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.652‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (9.75‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(1.07‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (37‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ(‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(37‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.859‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.459‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ(‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (8.08‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.07‬‬
‫ﺙ‪:‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(38‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.696‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻥ‬
‫‪0.729‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.600‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪0.554‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.609‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪- 0.609‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼـﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.607‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴــﺔ‬
‫‪- 0.465‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜــــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪- 0.685‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫‪0.666‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫‪0.710‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.744‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.56‬‬ ‫‪2.24‬‬ ‫‪3.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪12.99‬‬ ‫‪18.63‬‬ ‫‪32.62‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(39‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪0.974‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻥ‬
‫‪0.958‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.815‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.673‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.757‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.626‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼـﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪0.474‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫـﺎﻨﻴــﺔ‬
‫‪0.431‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜــــﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.952‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫‪- 0.953‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫‪- 0.954‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪0.950‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪1.19‬‬ ‫‪1.56‬‬ ‫‪2.24‬‬ ‫‪3.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫‪9.94‬‬ ‫‪12.99‬‬ ‫‪18.63‬‬ ‫‪32.62‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (40‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ (‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(40‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.958‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫‪0.952‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫‪0.940‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪0.815‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ (ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـل‬
‫)‪ % (32.62‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(3.91‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (41‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ(‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(41‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.626‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.474‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ( ﻭﻗـﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (18.63‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(2.24‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (42‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ )ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ (‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(42‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.950‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫‪- 0.954‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝـﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘـﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـل ﺘـﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ )ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (12.99‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻥ )‪(1.56‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (43‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫)ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(43‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫‪0.757‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪0.431‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪0.673‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل )‪ % (9.94‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺠـﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜـﺎﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪.(1.19‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(44‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(44‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬


‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨــﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤــﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘــﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒـل ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬


‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﺔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪ - 2 ،‬ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ )ﻥ = ‪ - 3 ، (167‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ) ﻥ = ‪(157‬‬ ‫‪-1‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ )ﻥ = ‪(164‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (45‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(45‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ "ﻑ"‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻥ‬
‫‪30.84‬‬ ‫‪26.72‬‬ ‫‪25.94‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪13.44‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪209.81‬‬ ‫‪213.3‬‬ ‫‪210.64‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.41‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪28.75‬‬ ‫‪28.96‬‬ ‫‪29.19‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.97‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪32.91‬‬ ‫‪32.59‬‬ ‫‪32.22‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.88‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪38.96‬‬ ‫‪38.89‬‬ ‫‪39.12‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.28‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪، 1‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫‪30.37‬‬ ‫‪30.68‬‬ ‫‪31.12‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.02‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 1‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪1‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪110.16‬‬ ‫‪109.46‬‬ ‫‪109.63‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.57‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪99.93‬‬ ‫‪99.92‬‬ ‫‪99.89‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.002‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪،1‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪55.36‬‬ ‫‪55.60‬‬ ‫‪56.20‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.03‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 1‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪1‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪62.47‬‬ ‫‪63.06‬‬ ‫‪63.30‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.26‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ )‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ///‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫** ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.01‬‬ ‫* ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.05‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓـﺭﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻊ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ )ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ‪ -‬ﻀـﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪-1‬ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ )ﻥ = ‪ -2 (223‬ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ )ﻥ = ‪ -3 (200‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ ) ﻥ = ‪(65‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (46‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(46‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ "ﻑ"‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪،2‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪40.11‬‬ ‫‪32.05‬‬ ‫‪20.36‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪382.13‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬

‫ﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪،3‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤــﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘــﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬


‫‪137.11‬‬ ‫‪104.39‬‬ ‫‪96.89‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪60.93‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪2‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪213.56‬‬ ‫‪21.39‬‬ ‫‪208.56‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪4.32‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪28.59‬‬ ‫‪29.38‬‬ ‫‪28.73‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.60‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪32.98‬‬ ‫‪32.71‬‬ ‫‪32.33‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.65‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪38.85‬‬ ‫‪39.17‬‬ ‫‪38.88‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.68‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪30.86‬‬ ‫‪31.01‬‬ ‫‪30.44‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪2.29‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪109.71‬‬ ‫‪109.51‬‬ ‫‪109.99‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.33‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪99.67‬‬ ‫‪100.39‬‬ ‫‪99.66‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.98‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻴﻥ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪54.62‬‬ ‫‪56.38‬‬ ‫‪55.58‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.04‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪2‬‬ ‫‪62.59‬‬ ‫‪63.33‬‬ ‫‪62.64‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.18‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ )‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ///‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫** ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.01‬‬ ‫* ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.05‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓـﺭﻭﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ (‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪) 23-18-1‬ﻥ = ‪) 35-24 -2 ،(243‬ﻥ = ‪ ) 60-36 -3 ، (138‬ﻥ = ‪(106‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (47‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(47‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻻﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ "ﻑ"‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤــﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘــﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪124.38‬‬ ‫‪103.29‬‬ ‫‪99.07‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪30.42‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪215.48‬‬ ‫‪210.69‬‬ ‫‪209.82‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.47‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪29.25‬‬ ‫‪29.24‬‬ ‫‪28.72‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪2.18‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴـﺎﻁ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪33.30‬‬ ‫‪32.47‬‬ ‫‪32.34‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.59‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪39.25‬‬ ‫‪39.15‬‬ ‫‪38.81‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪1.30‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬


‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪،2‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪31.32‬‬ ‫‪31.13‬‬ ‫‪30.28‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫‪7.14‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪3‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪109.16‬‬ ‫‪109.69‬‬ ‫‪110.05‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.81‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫‪99.61‬‬ ‫‪100.49‬‬ ‫‪99.77‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪0.88‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪، 1‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫‪55.05‬‬ ‫‪56.86‬‬ ‫‪55.57‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪3.52‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪2‬ﻭ‪ 1‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪1‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ‪2‬‬ ‫‪63.12‬‬ ‫‪56.86‬‬ ‫‪62.64‬‬ ‫‪///‬‬ ‫‪2.08‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺼﻐﺭ ﺴﻨﹰﺎ )‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ///‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬ ‫** ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.01‬‬ ‫* ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ )‪(0.05‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ (‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2/8/2‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤـﺙ ﻝﻤـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻴﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺩﻝﻭل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻭل‪.‬‬


‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺒﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻁـﺎﺭﻕ‬
‫ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ ،1995‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺴﻁ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝـﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﺃﺤﻤـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ ‪ 1987‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺘﺭﺽ ‪ Mann‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫـﻡ ﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ ﻫـﻭ ﻋﺎﻤـل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ( ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻪ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﻌﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻏﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨـﺘﻅﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫)‪(1‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ( ﻭﻗـﺩ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ – 0.905‬ﻭ ‪ (0.911‬ﻭﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻔـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ )‪ (24.91‬ﻭﻴﺠﺴﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻠل ﻜﺒﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺯﺍﺠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ (2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ) ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ( ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ – 0.982‬ﻭ ‪ (0.976‬ﻭﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ‪ ,‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻜﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ ‪ 2004‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠـﻭﺕ‬
‫‪، 2004‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ)‪ (12.30‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(3‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ( ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪ 0.777‬ﻭ ‪(0.787‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻝﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺘﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻥ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠـﻨﺱ ﻤﻌـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (11.26‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒـﺎﻁﻲ ﻭﻫـﻲ ﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(4‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ 0.787‬ﻭ ‪ ، (0.794‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (10.80‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(5‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ( ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪ – 0.591‬ﻭ ‪ (0.737‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻭﻴـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻝﻼﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺩﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ ،1995‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪(9.30‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪.‬‬


‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ )ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ(‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤـﺎﻭﺭ ﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﻭﺯﻋـﺕ ﺒﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺜﻼﺜـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻗﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻨﻘﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺯﻋﺕ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﻗﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻨﻘﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﻭﺘﺸﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠـﻨﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺒﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺒل ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻨﻘﻲ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺸﺒﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻜـﺱ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﻝﻠﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺭﻏـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻐﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﻴﺘﻪ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘـﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌًﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺫﻜـﻭﺭ )ﻥ=‪ ،(346‬ﻭﺇﻨـﺎﺙ‬
‫)ﻥ=‪ ،(142‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ "ﺕ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝـﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺍ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ )ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻔﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻓﺭﺝ ‪ 1991‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻤـﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻔﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻤﻨﺯ ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭ ‪ 1980‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔـﺎﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺴﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﺩﻱ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ )ﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺇﻨﺎﺙ(‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻁﻔﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﻨﻘﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ( ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝـﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ )ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴـﺔ (‪ ،‬ﺃﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺒـﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺨـﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ ‪ 1995‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌـﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻫﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﺒﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺴﺎﺩﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪.‬‬


‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﺔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪ - 2 ،‬ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ )ﻥ = ‪ - 3 ، (167‬ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ) ﻥ = ‪(157‬‬ ‫‪-1‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ )ﻥ = ‪(164‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﺍﻝﺘﺒـﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤـﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ‪ 1995‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀـﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻪ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﺭﺒﺎ ‪ 1978‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻤﺱ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺎﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ )ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ‪ -‬ﻀـﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪-1‬ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ )ﻥ = ‪ -2 (223‬ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ )ﻥ = ‪ -3 (200‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ ) ﻥ = ‪(65‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﺍﻝﺘﺒـﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤـﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝـﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ‪ /‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﻭﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﻋﻤل ﻴﺘﻘﺎﻀﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺠﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤـل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻤـﺴﺘﻠﺯﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻠﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻔﻜﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﻡ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝـﻴﺱ ﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻴﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﺩل ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻤﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ‪.‬‬


‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫‪) 23-18-1‬ﻥ = ‪) 35-24 -2 ،(243‬ﻥ = ‪ ) 60-36 -3 ، (138‬ﻥ = ‪(106‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﺍﻝﺘﺒـﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤـﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ‬
‫‪/‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﻭﻜﺒـﺎﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻝـﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤـﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤـﻭﺭ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل ﻗﻨﺎﻋـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﺘﻤــﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﺠﻭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻁﺭﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﺽ – ﺃﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻭل‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜـﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤـﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨـﺘﻅﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪-:‬‬
‫) ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫)‪(2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫)‪(3‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫)‪(4‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫)‪(5‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜ ﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤـﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨـﺘﻅﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪-:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝـﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺍ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ )ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜـﻥ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠـﺔ ﻓـﻲ )ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤـﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪-1‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫) ﻨﻘﻲ (‬ ‫‪-2‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪-3‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻗﻁﺒﻲ(‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺎﺩﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤـﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺎﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤـﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝـﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ‪ /‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﻭﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺜﺎﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ‬
‫‪/‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼـﻴـﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﻬﻤﻪ ﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴـﺏ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﺘﻡ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺘﻪ ﺒﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺌﻭﻝﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻓﺌﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺘـﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺤﻭل ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﹰﺎ‪:‬ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺒﺎﻻﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘـﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺭﺒﻁ ﻁﻠﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺒـﺤــﻭﺙ ﻤـﻘﺘـﺭﺤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﻕ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩ ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺼﺏ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -7‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -8‬ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -9‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-10‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝـﻤـﺭﺍﺠـﻊ‬
References
‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺒﻴـل)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴـﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴـﻌﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺩﺩ)‪ ،(30‬ﺍﻝـﺴﻨﺔ )‪،(8‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺴﻁ)‪:(1985‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗـﺩ ﻭﺴـﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫‪/‬ﺍﻹﻨﻁﻭﺍﺀ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺃﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻤﻜﺭﻡ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺤﻁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1992‬ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻝـﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺨﺎﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻓﺫ)‪:(2000‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻸﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻋـﻥ ﺃﻗـﺭﺍﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪(1995‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠـﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨـﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴـﺔ ﺘـﺼﺩﺭ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪(22‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(3‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ)‪:(1987‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺯﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻴﻠﻲ)‪:(1998‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻏﺘـﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒﻠﺴﻡ‪ -‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻼل ﺍﻷﺤﻤـﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪ ،(272‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ )‪.(24‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﺎﻭﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﻴﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ)‪:(2000‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻏﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ)‪:(1987‬ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏـﺯﺓ‪،1976-1948‬‬
‫ﻋﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ)‪:(1993‬ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪.(13‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﺎل)‪:(1996‬ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .15‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ)‪:(1987‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ)ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‬
‫ﻝﻠﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .16‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1984‬ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1989‬ﺇﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ EPQ‬ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺨـﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺒﻌـﺽ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(10‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1994‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪،(30‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ)‪ ،(8‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .20‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(2000‬ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻻﺘﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﻔﻌـﺎﻝﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻁـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .21‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻔﻴﺎﻥ)‪:(2001‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .22‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀل)‪:(1995‬ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ‪-‬ﺩﻝﻴل ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .23‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀل)‪(1997‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻓـﻲ ﻗﻁـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .24‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﻬﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻤل )‪:(1993‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .25‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺩ)‪:(1994‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﻜﻭﻨـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨـﺸﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘـﻭﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .26‬ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻏﺎﻨﻡ )‪:(1988‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .27‬ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل )ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .28‬ﺃﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل)‪:(1992‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .29‬ﺁل ﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ)‪:(1999‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻀـﻭﺀ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺃﻴﺯﻨـﻙ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻴﻠﻔﻭﺭﺩﻭﻜﺎﺘل‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝـﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .30‬ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻫﺭ)‪(1999‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .31‬ﺍﻷﺸﻭل‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩل ﻋﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1978‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ – ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﻬـﺎ‪-‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺘﻬـﺎ‪-‬‬
‫ﻨﻤﻭﻫﺎ‪-‬ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻭﺇﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .32‬ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻁﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .33‬ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻅﻡ)‪:(1988‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺩﻤـﺸﻕ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(4‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(4‬‬
‫‪ .34‬ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻠﺒﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻴﺭ)‪:(1971‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .35‬ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺒﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻴﺭ ﺨﻀﺭ)‪:(2002‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﺠﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤـﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .36‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ)‪:(1984‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .37‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ)‪:(1998‬ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .38‬ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ)‪:(1979‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺴﻴﻭﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .39‬ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺭﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ )‪:(2004‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻀﻭﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .40‬ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ)‪:(2002‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺠـﺎﻤﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻫـﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .41‬ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ)‪:(2002‬ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﻼﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ )‪ ،(1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .42‬ﺍﻝﺤﺸﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻠﻁﻴﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻜﺭﻴﺎ)‪:(1993‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠـﺩ ﺍﻝﺜـﺎﻤﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪.(58‬‬
‫‪ .43‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ)‪ :(1994‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻁ)‪ ،(4‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻤﺩﺒﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .44‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻤﺩﺒﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .45‬ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ)‪:(2003‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻜـﺯ ﺍﻹﺴـﻌﺎﻑ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨـﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .46‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺩﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1992‬ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺴﻭﻫﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .47‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻅﻡ)‪:(1999‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺃﺭﺒﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻨﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .48‬ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل)‪:(1979‬ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻱ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .49‬ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل)‪:(1990‬ﺫﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .50‬ﺍﻝﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ)‪:(1989‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﺩ‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﺒﺎﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨـﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .51‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1985‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯﻩ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﻋـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .52‬ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺼل)‪:(1996‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﺠﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .53‬ﺍﻝﺭﻭﻴﺘﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ)‪:(1990‬ﺒﻌﺩﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺜـﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .54‬ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ)‪(1985‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝـﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ (12‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(11‬‬
‫‪ .55‬ﺍﻝﺯﺒﺩﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ)‪:(1990‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .56‬ﺍﻝﺯﺤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺒﺔ)‪:(1993‬ﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .57‬ﺍﻝﺯﻋﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ"ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪-‬ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺘﻪ‪-‬ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺘـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪،(1‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .58‬ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1980‬ﺃﺴﺱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .59‬ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭ)‪:(1993‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .60‬ﺍﻝﺯﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1969‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .61‬ﺍﻝﺯﻴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ)‪:(1998‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﻋﻤـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .62‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1993‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻝـﺴﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .63‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ – ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .64‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﻴﺯﺓ)‪:(1990‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .65‬ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ)‪:(1993‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻗﻴﻥ ﺒـﺼﺭﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .66‬ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻜﺭﻴﺎ)‪:(1988‬ﻭﺠﻬﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(2‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .67‬ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1986‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .68‬ﺍﻝﺸﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1992‬ﺍﻹﻴﻘـﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒﺒﻌـﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻨﺒـﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .69‬ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺠﺩﺓ ﺨﻤﻴﺱ)‪:(1995‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺼﺎﺌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .70‬ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﻴﻊ)‪:(2004‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻓﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .71‬ﺍﻝﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ)‪:(1995‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺼـﻴل ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻲ ﻝﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪،(1‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .72‬ﺍﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻴل ﺤﺴﻥ)‪:(1997‬ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬـﺎ ﺒـﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺴـﺎﻝﻴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .73‬ﺍﻝﻌﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺩﺕ ﻋﺯﺕ)‪:(1999‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .74‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﺭ)‪:(1995‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘـﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .75‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ)‪:(1995‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ (23‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(1‬‬
‫‪ .76‬ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ)ﺏ ﺕ( ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ )ﺃ‪-‬ﺥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻷﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .77‬ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ)‪:(1984‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .78‬ﺍﻝﻔﻨﺠﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ )‪:(1994‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .79‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1996‬ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﻼﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .80‬ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ)‪:(1975‬ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .81‬ﺍﻝﻜﺤﻠﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺤﻨﻭﻥ)‪:(2004‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅـﺎﺕ ﻏـﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .82‬ﺍﻝﻜﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺩﻭﺡ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ)‪:(1988‬ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﺠـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(9‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪.(3‬‬
‫‪ .83‬ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻫﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ)‪:(1998‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠـﺴﺘﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .84‬ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺭ)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪(63‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪.(9‬‬
‫‪ .85‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل)‪:(1979‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .86‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل)‪:(1988‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل ﻓـﻲ ﻤـﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴـﺕ‪ -‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴـل‬
‫ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(91‬‬
‫‪ .87‬ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝـﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .88‬ﺃﻡ ﻏﺎﺯﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ)‪:(1986‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠـﺯﺀ)‪،(2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(108‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .89‬ﺃﻨﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ)‪:(1973‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .90‬ﺒﺎﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺤﺴﺎﻥ)‪:(2003‬ﻫل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﺫﻭﺍ ﻴﻘﺒﻠـﻭﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﻤﻨﺘـﺎﻜﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋـﻥ ﻤﻭﻗـﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪/8‬ﺇﺒﺭﻴـل‬
‫‪2004‬‬
‫‪ .91‬ﺒﺩﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺯﻜﻲ)‪:(1977‬ﻤﻌﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .92‬ﺒﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻝﻑ)‪:(1965‬ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻴﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ‪-‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .93‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ )‪:(1986‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪-‬ﺍﻝـﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺎﺕ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻨﻤـﻭ‪-‬‬
‫ﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .94‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻓﺨﺭﻱ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤـﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ)‪ ،(MPI‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .95‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1987‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﺎﺴـﻠﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .96‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺒﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ)‪:(1990‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺎﺕ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ‪-‬ﻁﺭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .97‬ﺠﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻴﺴﻴﺭ)‪:(1992‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻗﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .98‬ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠﺒﺭ)‪:(1996‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﺠﺭﺍﻓﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁـﺔ ﺒـﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘـﺎﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(39‬‬
‫‪ .99‬ﺠﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1996‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .100‬ﺠﺒﺭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ)‪:(1996‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻜل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤـﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(23‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(2‬‬
‫‪ .101‬ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ)‪:(1962‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .102‬ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ)‪:(1982‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .103‬ﺠﻼل‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ)‪:(1985‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺠﻭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .104‬ﺠﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺯﻕ)‪ :(1982‬ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .105‬ﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ)‪:(1984‬ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .106‬ﺠﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎل)‪:(1998‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .107‬ﺠﻭﺭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩﻨﻲ)‪ :(1973‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺤـﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﺩ ﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .108‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ)‪:(1980‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .109‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺩﻱ)‪:(1990‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺠﻤﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪ (14‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ )‪.(4‬‬
‫‪ .110‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺘﺎﺭ)‪:(1999‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬـﺔ ﺍﻝـﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(23‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪ ،(2‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺯﻫﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .111‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ)‪:(1993‬ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺤـﻴﻥ –ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .112‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﻨﺏ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ)‪:(1998‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻁﻔﺎل ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .113‬ﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1988‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‪-‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .114‬ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1992‬ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(22‬‬
‫‪ .115‬ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1987‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ،(25‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(3‬‬
‫‪ .116‬ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻔﺕ)‪:(1986‬ﻓﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .117‬ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1986‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻔل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤـﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔـﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻴل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪.(2‬‬
‫‪ .118‬ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(2000‬ﻝﻤﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪-‬ﺼـﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀـﺭ ﻭﺠـﺫﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .119‬ﺤﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ)‪:(1984‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻗﺎﺯﻴﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .120‬ﺤﻤﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1995‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .121‬ﺨﻭﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﺩﻝﻴل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻜﺘﺏ ﻓﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪ ،(32‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪-‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .122‬ﺩﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺩ)‪:(1984‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻝﻤـﺩﻴﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﺍﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻝﺯﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(11‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(6‬‬
‫‪ .123‬ﺩﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻬﺎ)‪ :(1993‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻝﻤﻬﺎﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻤـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .124‬ﺩﻴﻭﺘﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺭﺘﻭﻥ)‪:(1984‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺃﻤـﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﻤـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﻁﺒﻭﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨـﺴﻜﻭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(55‬‬
‫‪ .125‬ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1965‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴـﺔ‪-‬ﺃﺴـﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻋﻼﺠﻬـﺎ‪-‬ﺁﺜﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .126‬ﺭﺍﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1977‬ﺃﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(11‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .127‬ﺭﺍﻏﺏ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒﻴل)‪:(2002‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴـﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﺭﻴﺏ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .128‬ﺭﻤﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ)‪:(1991‬ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .129‬ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ)‪:(1987‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﻜـﺯ ﺍﻝـﺘﺤﻜﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﻗﺎﺯﻴﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .130‬ﺭﻭﺘﺭ)‪:(1989‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻹﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻁﻴـﺔ ﻫﻨـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .131‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ)‪:(1978‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .132‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ)‪ :(1984‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .133‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺩﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻘـﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪.(4‬‬
‫‪ .134‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩ)‪ :(1995‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(5‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .135‬ﺯﻫﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻤﺩﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ)‪:(1977‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ "ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘـﺔ" ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .136‬ﺯﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺸﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻡ)‪:(1997‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺠﺭﺵ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(1‬‬
‫‪ .137‬ﺯﻴﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1986‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ -‬ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .138‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1981‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻉ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .139‬ﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1999‬ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(15‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(1‬‬
‫‪ .140‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1996‬ﺍﻹﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻭﻁﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺘﻼﻤﻴـﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .141‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻏﺎﻨﻡ)‪:(1988‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .142‬ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1962‬ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .143‬ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1968‬ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﻜﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .144‬ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1970‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻜﺎﻤـل ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .145‬ﺴﻭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1978‬ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .146‬ﺸﻌﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1995‬ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﻁﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﺠـ)‪ ،(77‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .147‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﻀﺭ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺵﺀ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .148‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ)‪:(1994‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .149‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺼل)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .150‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻴﺴﺔ)‪:(1991‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻝﻺﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒـﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺼﺎﺌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .151‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻴﺴﺔ)‪:(1991‬ﺴـﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠـﻭﻍ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒﺄﺒﻌـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻙ)‪ ،(1‬ﺠـ)‪.(3‬‬
‫‪ .152‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1979‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .153‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1980‬ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪-‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﻭﻤﻌـﺎﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .154‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1987‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .155‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1993‬ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .156‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1994‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .157‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(2001‬ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .158‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ)‪:(1991‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻷﺜـﺭ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺍﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻷﻁﻔـﺎل –‬
‫ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺼﺎل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .159‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1998‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .160‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1979‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻨﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .161‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ)‪:(1975‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .162‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ)‪:(1976‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .163‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ)‪:(1996‬ﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .164‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ)‪:(1995‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻝﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪.(35‬‬
‫‪ .165‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺩﻱ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ )‪:(1990‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .166‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1990‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .167‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﺯ ﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1984‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ‪ /‬ﺍﻹﻨﻁـﻭﺍﺀ‪-‬ﺃﺴـﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﺤﻜﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .168‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ)‪:(1996‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ‬
‫)‪ ،(5‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ)‪.(4‬‬
‫‪ .169‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ)‪:(1996‬ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪(5‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ )‪.(49‬‬
‫‪ .170‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1983‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻋﺩﺍﺩ)‪ ،(3-2-1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘـﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﺤـﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ – ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‪-‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .171‬ﻋﺘﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1991‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺘـﺼﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺭﻴﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .172‬ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ)‪:(1999‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .173‬ﻋﺴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺯﺍﺕ ﻴﺤﻲ)‪:(2000‬ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .174‬ﻋﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1993‬ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﺩﻻﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺍﻤﺘﺭﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺒﺎﺭﺍﻤﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .175‬ﻋﻠﻴﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ)‪(1996‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨـﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .176‬ﻋﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻫﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1992‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .177‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ)‪:(2001‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐـﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .178‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﻜﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ )‪:(1986‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻀـﻭﺀ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .179‬ﻋﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ)‪:(1998‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻹﺴـﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .180‬ﻋﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪ :(1997‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻴﺔ –‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻭﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .181‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ )‪ :(1992‬ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺒﻘـﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨـﺎ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(16‬‬
‫‪ .182‬ﻋﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ)‪:(1983‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻻﻏﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺍﻝﻘـﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘـﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .183‬ﻋﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﺭﺤﻤﻥ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .184‬ﻏﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺠﺎﺀ)‪ :(1973‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻜﻠﻴﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻴﻭﻨﻲ‬
‫‪ .185‬ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻬﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1998‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﻜل ﻤـﻥ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﻲ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ –ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .186‬ﻏﻨﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1978‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻗﻴﺎﺴـﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺘﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .187‬ﻏﻨﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1972‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪-‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .188‬ﻏﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1980‬ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻝـﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .189‬ﻓﺎﺌﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪:‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .190‬ﻓﺎﻀل‪ ،‬ﺼﺩﻗﺔ)‪:(1988‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .191‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﺩ‪.‬ﺏ )‪:(1990‬ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ – ﺘﺭﺠﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﻭﻓل ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(4‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .192‬ﻓﺎﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1997‬ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨـﺎ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(42‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .193‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻓﺭﺝ)‪:(1980‬ﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .194‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺴﻤﻴﺭ)‪:(1989‬ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .195‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1990‬ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻺﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺴـﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .196‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ)‪:(1991‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ )‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪ ،(1‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .197‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﻭﺕ)‪:(1991‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺼﺎﺌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .198‬ﻓﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻓﺭﻏﻠﻲ)‪:(1980‬ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .199‬ﻓﻁﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻁﻔﻲ)‪:(1996‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .200‬ﻓﻠﻭﺠل‪ ،‬ﺝ‪.‬ل)‪:(1979‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻝﻁﻔﻲ ﻓﻁﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .201‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1967‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪(2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .202‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ)‪:(1976‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ – ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺴـﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴـﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .203‬ﻗﻨﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺩﻯ)‪:(1987‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻴـﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜـﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺒـﺸﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .204‬ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎﻨﻲ)‪:(1992‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠـﺩ)‪ ،(29‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .205‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ)‪:(1990‬ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ )‪ ،(7‬ﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺜﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .206‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1982‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋـﺩﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .207‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1982‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .208‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1982‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .209‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1984‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .210‬ﻜﻔﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ)‪:(1990‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .211‬ﻻﺯﺍﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﺱ )‪:(1993‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻏﻨـﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻨﺠﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .212‬ﻻﻴﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻴﺭﻱ)‪:(1981‬ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻴﺩﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴـﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺍﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .213‬ﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﻴﺱ)‪:(1987‬ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .214‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ)‪:(1992‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻭﺭﺠـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ ﻭﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠـﺩ)‪(5‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(4‬‬
‫‪ .215‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ)‪:(1990‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻴﺭﺓ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .216‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﻭ ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل )‪:(1986‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ )‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .217‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺠﺩﺓ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1985‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﻤـﺎﺀ‪-‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .218‬ﻤﺨﻴﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻴﺨﺎﺌﻴل)‪:(1968‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .219‬ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ)‪:(1981‬ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻤﺌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﻫﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .220‬ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩ)‪(1985‬ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﻫﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .221‬ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎل)‪:(1999‬ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .222‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ )‪:(1992‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠـﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺴـﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ – ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .223‬ﻤﻁﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻥ)‪:(1997‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻁﻼﺏ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ)‪ ،(8‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(19‬‬
‫‪ .224‬ﻤﻌﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺠﻼل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ)‪(1983‬ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(55‬ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .225‬ﻤﻠﺤﻡ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﻤﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(2001‬ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺒﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻨـﺸﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .226‬ﻤﻠﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻭﻴﺱ ﻜﺎﻤل)‪:(1989‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .227‬ﻤﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺼﻼﺡ)‪:(1984‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .228‬ﻤﻬﻨﺎ ‪،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻨﺼﺭ)‪:(1991‬ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ‪،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘـﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪،‬ﻁ‪.(02‬‬
‫‪ .229‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ )‪ ،(1999‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪.(8‬‬
‫‪ .230‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ)‪:(1991‬ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨـﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴـﺴﺔ ﻨﺨﺘـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .231‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ)‪ :(1993‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .232‬ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ)‪:(1981‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻝﻸﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .233‬ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ)ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .234‬ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻼﻡ)‪:(1994‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺤﺫﻴﻔﺔ ﺒـﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻤـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠـﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝـﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .235‬ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﺼﻑ)‪:(1986‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .236‬ﻨﺠﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(2002‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻜل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻀـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌـﺩﺩ)‪ ،(61‬ﺍﻝـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .237‬ﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1989‬ﺇﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .238‬ﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1986‬ﺇﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .239‬ﻨﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭ ﻓﺭﺝ )‪:(1996‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻜﺘﺌﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺍﻨﻭﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺴـﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺸﻤﺱ – ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .240‬ﻫﺎﺸﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪ :(1986‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .241‬ﻫﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1994‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(32‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ)‪ ،(8‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺼﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .242‬ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ)‪:(1959‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .243‬ﻫﻭل‪ ،‬ﻜﻴﻠﻔﻥ ﻭ ﻝﻴﺩﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺩﻨﺭ)‪:(1978‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ – ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺍﺤﻤﺩ ﻓﺭﺝ ﺍﺤﻤﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .244‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﺴﺘﻴﻠﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ)‪:(1987‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤـﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻴـﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .245‬ﻭﻝﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﺭﺤﺎﻥ)‪:(1999‬ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪.(394‬‬
‫‪ .246‬ﻭﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﻑ)‪:(1991‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .247‬ﻴﺎﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ)‪:(1977‬ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .248‬ﻴﻌﻘﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ )‪(1994‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ)‪ ،(32‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ )‪ ،(8‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .249‬ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪:(1958‬ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻁ)‪ ،(3‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
:‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬:‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﻤـﻼﺤـﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(1‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺴﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪:‬ﺫﻜﺭ) (ﺃﻨﺜﻰ) (‬ ‫(‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ)‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ) ( ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ) ( ﺒﻜﺎﻝﻭﺭﻴﻭﺱ ) ( ﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ) (‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﻼﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺭﻱ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ‪:‬‬


‫) (‬ ‫ﺃ ﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‬ ‫ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻨﻡ ) ( ﺩﻭﻨﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ) (‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺽ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫) ( ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ) (‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺒﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‬

‫ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻥ‪:‬‬
‫) (‬ ‫ﻤﻠﻙ‪ ( ) :‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ) ( ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ‪ ( ) :‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ) ( ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﻑ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺜﻼﺙ ) (‬

‫ﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬


‫) (‬ ‫‪-6‬ﺜـﻼﺠــﺔ‬ ‫) (‬ ‫‪-1‬ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫) (‬ ‫‪-7‬ﻤﻜﻨﺴﺔ ﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-2‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻜﻤﺒﻴﻭﺘﺭ ) (‬
‫) (‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻏﺴﺎﻝﺔ‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻠﻭﻥ ) (‬
‫) (‬ ‫‪-9‬ﺒﻭﺘﺎﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ ) (‬
‫‪-5‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺴﺘﻼﻴﺕ ) (‬

‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ‪:‬‬


‫‪- 5‬ﺘﺼﻔﺢ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ) (‬ ‫‪-1‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ) (‬
‫) (‬ ‫‪-6‬ﻤﻁﺎﻝﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‬ ‫‪-2‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺭ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ) (‬
‫‪- 7‬ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﺭﺏ ) (‬ ‫) (‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫) (‬ ‫‪-8‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل‬ ‫) (‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺌﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(2‬‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻌـﻠـﻴﻤـــﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗـﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭ ﻤﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﺭﺃ ﻜل ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺠﻴﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺘﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺘﻙ ﻝﻬـﺎ ﺒﺤﻴـﺙ ﺘﻌﻜـﺱ‬
‫ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺘﻙ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺒﻜل ﺼﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻘﻁ )×( ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﻡ ﻜـل ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺓ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻜﺘﺏ ﺸﻴﺌ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ )ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ )×( ﺘﺤﺕ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ )ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ )×( ﺘﺤﺕ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ )ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ )×( ﺘﺤﺕ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ )ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ( ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ )×( ﺘﺤﺕ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ )ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ( ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ )×( ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺃﺠﺏ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺭﺃﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻀﻊ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﻓـﻲ ﺼـﻔﺤﺔ ﺘـﺴﺠﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻻ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻘﺩﻫﺎ ﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﻲ ﻤﻭﻋﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻀﺎﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺭﺍﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻝﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﺃﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻨﺩﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﺍﻝﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .15‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺩﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .16‬ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﺃﺭﻓﺽ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .20‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .21‬ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .22‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .23‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻁﻲ ﺠﺯ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .24‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻜﺘﺏ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .25‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺯﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻨﺸﺭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﻘﺭﺃﻫﺎ ﺒﺩل ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﻠﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .26‬ﺃﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻘﺎﺒﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .27‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻕ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﻫ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .28‬ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﻘﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .29‬ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .30‬ﺍﻨﺴﺤﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻜﻔﺄ ﻤﻨﻲ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .31‬ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .32‬ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﺒﺭﻋﺎﺕ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .33‬ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .34‬ﻻ ﺃﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .35‬ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﻝﻸﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﺫﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .36‬ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .37‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .38‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ )ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ(ﻝﻜﻲ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .39‬ﺃﺸﺠﻊ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻲ ﻭﺃﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .40‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻀﻴﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .41‬ﺃﺠﺭﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .42‬ﺃﺸﺠﻊ ﺯﻤﻼﺌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .43‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍ ﹴﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴ ‪‬‬
‫‪ .44‬ﺃﺼﻁﺤﺏ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻨﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﺅﻴﺩﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .45‬ﺃﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺒﻨﻲ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻻ ﺃﺅﻴﺩﻩ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻔﻀﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺃﺅﻴﺩﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .46‬ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺠﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .47‬ﺃﻓﺭ‪‬ﻍ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .48‬ﺃﺴﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .49‬ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .50‬ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺜل ﻋﺩﻤﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .51‬ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .52‬ﺃﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺭﺡ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .53‬ﻻ ﺃﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩﻱ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .54‬ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺸﻭﺏ ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .55‬ﺃﻓﻀ‪‬ل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .56‬ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .57‬ﺍﻹﻗﺒﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .58‬ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﻔﻜﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺤﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .59‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .60‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻀﻴﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻗﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(3‬‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪/‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻠﻴـــــﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀﻠﻙ ﺃﺠﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﺴﺅﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤـﺔ ‪X‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻻ( ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‬


‫ﻭﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫‪ - 1‬ﻫل ﻝﻙ ﻫﻭﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ؟‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘـﺔ )ﻻ(‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺠﺏ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺭﺃﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻀﻊ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻤﺔ‬
‫‪ X‬ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻫل ﻝﻙ ﻫﻭﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻫل ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻭﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺃﻱ ﺸﻲﺀ ؟‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻘﻠﺏ ﻤﺯﺍﺠﻙ ؟‬
‫ﻼ؟‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻘﻴﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺊ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻫل ﺃﻨﺕ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺜﺭﺜﺎﺭ ؟‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻫل ﻴﻘﻠﻘﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺩﻴﻭﻨﹰﺎ )ﻤﺩﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻷﺤﺩ( ؟‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻌﺭﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ؟‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻨﺕ ﺠﺸﻌﹰﺎ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﻤﺤﺕ ﻝﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺼﻴﺒﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻫل ﺘﻐﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﺯﻝﻙ ﺒﺈﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻠﻴل ؟‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻫل ﺘﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ؟‬
‫ﻼ ﺃﻭ ﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﺄﻝﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .11‬ﻫل ﻴﻀﺎﻴﻘﻙ )ﺃﻭ ﻴﺯﻋﺠﻙ( ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﻭﻝﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .13‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﺕ ﺃﻨﻙ ﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﺸﺊ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻬل ﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﻋﺩﻙ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻼﺌ ﹴﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .14‬ﻫل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺤﻔﻠﺔ ﻤﺭﺤﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .15‬ﻫل ﺃﻨﺕ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﻀﺏ ؟‬
‫‪ .16‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻝﻘﻴﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻝﻭﻗﻭﻋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻙ ﺒﺄﻨﻙ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺄ ؟‬
‫‪ .17‬ﻫل ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻠﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺠﺩﺩ ؟‬
‫‪ .18‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .19‬ﻫل ﻴﺅﺫﻯ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻙ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .20‬ﻫل ﻜل ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺘﻙ ﻁﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .21‬ﻫل ﺘﻔﻀل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺨﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .22‬ﻫل ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻁﻰ ﺃﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺨﻁﺭﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .23‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻴﻕ) ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻀﺠﺭ( ؟‬
‫‪ .24‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺃﻱ ﺸﺊ ﻴﺨﺹ ﻏﻴﺭﻙ )ﺤﺘﻰ ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ( ؟‬
‫‪ .25‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺯﻩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .26‬ﻫل ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺈﻴﺫﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺏ ؟‬
‫‪ .27‬ﻫل ﻴﻘﻠﻕ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻨﺏ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .28‬ﻫل ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺘﺠﻬﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .29‬ﻫل ﺘﻔﻀل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .30‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻝﻙ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺀ ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺫﺍﺀﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .31‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .32‬ﻫل ﻝﻙ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .33‬ﻫل ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺫﻱ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .34‬ﻫل ﺘﻭﺼﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻙ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻗﻠﻕ ؟‬
‫ﻼ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﻜﻨﺕ ﺘﻨﻔﺫ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻨﻙ ﻓﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺫﻤﺭ ؟‬
‫‪ .35‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .36‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﺤﻅﻭﻅﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .37‬ﻫل ﺘﻬﻤﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻓﺔ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .38‬ﻫل ﺘﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﺨﻴﻔﺔ ﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .39‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺴﺭﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻀﻌﺕ ﺸﺊ ﻴﺨﺹ ﻏﻴﺭﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .40‬ﻫل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺍﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .41‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺸﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .42‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺎﺩﺌﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .43‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﻤﻭﻀﺔ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .44‬ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﻔﺘﺨﺭ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .45‬ﻫل ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻴﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻔل ﻤﻤل ؟‬
‫‪ .46‬ﻫل ﻴﻀﺎﻴﻘﻙ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺤﺫﺭ ؟‬
‫‪ .47‬ﻫل ﺘﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺤﺘﻙ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .48‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻠﺕ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺴﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺁﺨﺭ ؟‬
‫‪ .49‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭل )ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺕ( ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .50‬ﻫل ﺘﺴﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻙ ؟‬
‫ﻼ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺩﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .51‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻁﻔ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .52‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺎﺱ ؟‬
‫‪ .53‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﻪ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ؟‬
‫‪ .54‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﻕ )ﻗﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻡ( ؟‬
‫‪ .55‬ﻫل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺘﻐﺴل ﻴﺩﻴﻙ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻷﻜل ؟‬
‫‪ .56‬ﻫل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻙ ﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﺠﺎﻫﺯﹰﺍ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ؟‬
‫ﻑ؟‬
‫‪ .57‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻭﻋﺩﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻙ ﻗﺒل ﻭﻗﺕ ﻜﺎ ‪‬‬
‫‪ .58‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺴل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺏ ﺒﻼ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ؟‬
‫‪ .59‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻭ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻠﻌﺏ ؟‬
‫‪ .60‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻋﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .61‬ﻫل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻤﻙ ﺇﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻁﻴﺒﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .62‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻜﺌﻴﺒﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .63‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻭﺨﺩﻋﺕ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .64‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .65‬ﻫل ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻴﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﺘﺠﻨﺒﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .66‬ﻫل ﺘﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻅﻬﺭﻙ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫ﻼ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .67‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻀﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﹰﺎ ﻁﻭﻴ ﹰ‬
‫‪ .68‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﻨﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺕ ؟‬
‫‪ .69‬ﻫل ﺘﺘﻬﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﺄﻜﺩﺕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻥ ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﺃﻤﺭﻙ ﺃﺒﺩﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .70‬ﻫل ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻙ ﺇﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺤﻔﻠﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .71‬ﻫل ﻻ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻅﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .72‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺤﺭﺝ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬل ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﻝﻙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .73‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﺭﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .74‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﺴﻔﺭﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻁﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺼل ﻝﻠﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .75‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﺼﺎﺒﻙ ﺃﻭ ) ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺒﻴﺔ ( ؟‬
‫‪ .76‬ﻫل ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﺎﺘﻙ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .77‬ﻫل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .78‬ﻫل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺘﻔﻌل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻅ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﻪ ؟‬
‫‪ .79‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .80‬ﻫل ﻴﺠﺭﺡ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﻙ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺸﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻴﺏ ﻓﻴﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .81‬ﻫل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺨﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻭﻋﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻤل ؟‬
‫‪ .82‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺨﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺤﻭﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .83‬ﻫل ﺘﺤﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺎﻓﻙ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .84‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻤﻔﻌﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻜﺴﻭل ؟‬
‫‪ .85‬ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺅﺠل ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻐﺩ ؟‬
‫‪ .86‬ﻫل ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻤﻔﻌﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .87‬ﻫل ﻴﻜﺫﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ؟‬
‫‪ .88‬ﻫل ﺃﻨﺕ ﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ؟‬
‫‪ .89‬ﻫل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻤﹰﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺏ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻤﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .90‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﻰ ﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﻴﺩﺓ ؟‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(4‬‬
‫‪
%‬س ا‪ %3‬ا  & أ‪2‬اد ‪  1)
%‬ا ‪./
0‬‬

‫ا‪23‬ـــــ ت‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀﻠﻙ ﺃﺠﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﺴﺅﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤـﺔ ‪X‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻻ( ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‬


‫ﻭﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘـﺔ )ﻻ(‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺠﺏ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺭﺃﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻀﻊ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻤﺔ‬
‫‪ X‬ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺃﻓﻀل ﻋﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺃﻓﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﺃﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﻗﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻴﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻨﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻏﻴﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻝ ‪‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﻺﻫﺎﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺨﻠﻭﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺃﻨﺎ ‪-‬ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪-‬ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺃﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﺭﺏ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ –ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺃﻨﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺤﻅﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﺎﺩل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﺃﺘﻘﺒل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻭﺠﻬﻪ ﻝﻲ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﺃﻴﺄﺱ ﻭﻴﻬﺒﻁ ﺤﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .15‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .16‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﺤﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻴﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌل ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﺃﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .20‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﺜﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .21‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .22‬ﺃﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .23‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻨﻘﺒﺎﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .24‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻝﺘﻘﻲ ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﻠﻭﺍ ﺇﻝ ‪‬‬
‫‪ .25‬ﺃﺜﻕ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .26‬ﺃﻋﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺜﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .27‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻲ ﻨﻔﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .28‬ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .29‬ﺃﻗﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﹰﺎ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .30‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .31‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺠﻴﺩ )ﺃﺠﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .32‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻋﺏﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .33‬ﺃﺠﺩ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .34‬ﺃﺒﺘﻬﺞ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺼل ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻅ ﺤﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .35‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻬﻤﻠﻭﻨﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺩﻋﻰ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .36‬ﺃﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .37‬ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﻴﺢ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .38‬ﻴﺘﻜﺩﺭ ﻤﺯﺍﺠﻲ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .39‬ﺃﻓﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .40‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﺃﻋﻴﺵ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺩ ﺃﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .41‬ﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻭﺀ ﺃﻤﻭﺭﻱ ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﻑ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .42‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻨﺎﺠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .43‬ﺃﺩﻉ)ﺃﺘﺭﻙ(ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻭﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .44‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤ‪‬ﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .45‬ﺃﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺴﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .46‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﺏﺀ ﺜﻘﻴل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .47‬ﻴﻀﺎﻴﻘﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻘﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .48‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻁﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .49‬ﺃﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .50‬ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .51‬ﺘﺠﺭﺡ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭﻱ ﺒﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .52‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻭﻤﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .53‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺫﻜﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .54‬ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻌﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﻤﺄﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .55‬ﻝﺩﻱ ﺨﻭﻑ ﻏﺎﻤﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .56‬ﺃﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .57‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺤﻅﻲ ﺤﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .58‬ﻁﻔﻭﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﻌﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .59‬ﻝﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .60‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .61‬ﺃﺨﺎﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .62‬ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻴﺔ ﺴﻌﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .63‬ﺃﻗﻠﻕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﻜﺭﻭﻩ ﻴﺤﺘﻤل ﻭﻗﻭﻋﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .64‬ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺘﻀﺎﻴﻕ ﻭﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .65‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .66‬ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﺯﺍﺠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .67‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﺘﺭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .68‬ﺃﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻤل ﺒﺎﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .69‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﺠﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .70‬ﺃﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺴﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .71‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺩﺉ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻝﺴﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .72‬ﺃﻋﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻤﻠﻭﻨﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻁﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .73‬ﻀﺎﻴﻘﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺤﻭﻝﻲ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .74‬ﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻼﺤﺘﻘﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .75‬ﺃﻋﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(5‬‬
‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪/‬ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻠﻴـــــﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀﻠﻙ ﺃﺠﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﺴﺅﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤـﺔ ‪X‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ )ﻻ( ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‬


‫ﻭﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤل ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ )ﻨﻌﻡ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻓﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ‪ X‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘـﺔ )ﻻ(‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫‪X‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺠﺏ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺭﺃﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻀﻊ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻤﺔ‬
‫‪ X‬ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤل ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻙ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺭﺩ ؟‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻴﻭﻝﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﺤﻅﻭﻅﻭﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻴﻌﻨـﻲ ﺸـﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻋﻅﻴﻤـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻫل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺒﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺫﺍﻜﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺴﻪ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻗﺔ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻐﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻱ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻅل ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻁﻭل ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺒـﺼﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺅﻫﻡ ﻗﻭﻝﻪ ؟‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ؟‬
‫‪ .11‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﻗﺒﻙ ﺃﺤﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻝﻙ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻼ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﻌﻘﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ؟‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻫل ﺘﺠﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺼﺩﻴﻘﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻴﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺯ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ؟‬
‫‪ .14‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .15‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺸﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﻤﺤﻭﺍ ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .16‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﻌﻠﺕ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺨﻁﺄ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﺼﻭﺍﺒ ﹰﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .17‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻭﻝﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺠﻴﺩ ﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ .18‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻋﻤﺭﻙ ﺃﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻨﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .19‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻫﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .20‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻙ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺅﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .21‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﻗﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻑ ﺘﺒﻌﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺩ ؟‬
‫‪ .22‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ؟‬
‫‪ .23‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺭﺭ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻋﻤﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺫﻴﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .24‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺤﺠﺎﺏ )ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺫﺓ( ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻴﺠﻠﺏ ﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ؟‬
‫‪ .25‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻝﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺤﺒﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻙ ﺘﺠﺎﻫﻬﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .26‬ﻫل ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﻙ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻁﻠﺒﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .27‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﻘﺭﻭﻨﻙ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻼ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ؟‬
‫‪ .28‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻏﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .29‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ؟‬
‫‪ .30‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺩﺓ ؟‬
‫‪ .31‬ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻙ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل ؟‬
‫‪ .32‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻝﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺩ ؟‬
‫‪ .33‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺯﻤﻼﺌﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﺩﻴﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻙ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺇﻻ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﺘﺠـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .34‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻴﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀﻙ ﻴﻔﻌﻠﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ؟‬
‫‪ .35‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻻ ﺘﻘﻭل ﺇﻻ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﻜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل ؟‬
‫‪ .36‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺤﺒﻙ‪،‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺫﻝﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .37‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ ﺍﻝﻁـﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻨﻙ ؟‬
‫‪ .38‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺤﺴﻥ ؟‬
‫‪ .39‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺠﺩﻭﻯ ﻜﻼﻤﻙ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺭﺭ ﺃﺴﺭﺘﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ؟‬
‫‪ .40‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻀل ﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻜﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﻅﻭﻅﺎ ً؟‬
‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(6‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ – ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬


‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺭﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻠﺔ –ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ –ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻓﻀل ﺃﺒﻭ ﻫﻴﻥ‪ -‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻋﻤﻴـﺩ ﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺎﻁﻑ ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺭﻓﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ –ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻙ –ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﻋﻤﻴﺩ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴـﺔ –ﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻨﺒﻴل ﺩﺨﺎﻥ – ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗـﺴﻡ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫–ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺃﻨﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎ‪ -‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ – ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺴﻠﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ – ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﺨﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﺭﻭﻁﻲ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻗـﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ –ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪/‬ﻤﺨﻴﻤﺭ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﺓ‪-‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ‪-‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻠﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴــﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﺠــﺎﻤـﻌــﺔ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭل ﺍﻝـﻌﺭﺒـﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻤـﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤـﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗـﺴـﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒـﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋــﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔــــــــــﺱ‬

‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴـــﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ‬


‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺏ‪/‬ﺸﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻜﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪ /‬ﻗﺩﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺤﻔﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺒﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺠـﺎﻤـﻌـــﺔ ﻋـﻴـﻥ ﺸـﻤــــــــﺱ‬

‫‪1427‬ﻫـ ‪2006 -‬ﻡ‬


‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﺭﺠﻰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﻝـﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺒﻁ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻝـﻨﻔﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺘﻘـﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓـﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺃﻤﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺄﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻝﺒﻨﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺃﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋـﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺴﺘﻜﻤﺎل ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﻩ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴـﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠـﻲ ﻝﻔﻬـﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﺤﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻅـل‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠـﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ) ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ" ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤـﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ﻋـﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔـﻀﺔ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ )ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ – ﻀـﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺃﻤﻥ – ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺠﻤﻴـﻊ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ )‪ (223‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ )‪ (100‬ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻭ )‪ (123‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗـﺼﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ )‪ (200‬ﻀﺎﺒﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌـﺩﻡ ﻭﺠـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ )‪ ( 65‬ﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ) ‪ ( 46‬ﺫﻜﺭ ﻭ )‪ (19‬ﺃﻨﺜﻰ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻝـ ﺃﻴﺯﻨﻙ)‪ .(E.P.Q‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪
% -‬س ا‪ %3‬ا  & ـ ‪  1)
%‬ا ‪./
0‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻝـ ﺴﺘﻴﻔﻥ ﻨﻭﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻤﺎﺭﺸل ﺩﻭﻴﻙ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺒـﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻴـل ﻭﺘﻘﻨـﻴﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪-:‬‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ "ﺕ" ﻝﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.9‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝـ " ﻫﻭﺘﻠﻴﺞ " ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤـﺎﻭﺭ ﺘـﺩﻭﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﺩﺍ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ " ﻓﺎﺭﻴﻤﺎﻜﺱ " ﻝـ " ﻜﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﺴﻔﺭﺕ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ) ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜـﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝـﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝـﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﺤﻴـﺙ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭ )ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓـﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ )ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻠﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ " ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ – ﻤﺘﻭﺴـﻁ –‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ " ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻘـﻁ ﻝـﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝـﺜﻼﺙ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ " ﻁﻠﺒﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ – ﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻥ – ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ " ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔـﻊ ‪/‬‬
‫ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ( ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ " ﺍﻷﺼﻐﺭ – ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ – ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝـﺴﻥ " ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ)ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﺫﺏ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ( ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﺴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻫﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ‪/‬ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ (‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪.‬‬
- There are significant differences between the three age categories
" young _ middle _ old" in the variables (Socio- economic level ,
lie , internal control ) but there aren't differences between the three
groups in the variables(political participation , extraversion,
neuroticism, psychoticism, psychological security –low and high
and external control) and the differences were for the groups of
middle and old age.
Statistical Methods:
- Correlation coefficients (pearson).
- Means and standard deviation.
- T. Test.
- Analysis of variance.
- Factor analysis.

Results:
- There differences between politically participants and non-
participants on the variables (age, political participation and
extraversion), but there are significant differences between the two
groups on the variables (Socio- economic level, neuroticism,
psychoticism, lie and psychological security –low and high- and
internal and external control).
- There are five factors that organize the relation between the
variables.
- There are five factors that organize the relation between the
variables of politically participants and non- politically participants
- There are significant differences between male and female on the
variables of (age, political participation, neuroticism, lie the low of
psychological security and internal control).and this differences all
to males except (security –low) to female, but there aren't
differences in another study's variables
- There are five factors for male and four factors for female organize
the relation between the study's variables.
- There are significant differences for the three Socio- economic
level " low _ middle _ high " in the variables of (age , lie , internal
control ) for the first and third group , but there aren't differences
between the three groups in the variables ( political participation ,
extraversion, neuroticism, psychoticism security –low and high-
and internal and external control).
- There are significant differences between the three different jobs
"univ-students _ security officers _ univ- staff " in the variables of
(age, Socio- economic level, political participation, extraversion,
internal and external control) but there aren't differences between
the three groups in the variables(neuroticism , psychoticism and
psychological security) , the differences between the groups were
for security officers and univ- staff.
Hypotheses:
1. There are statistically significant differences between politically
active participants and non-active ones in personality
dimension :"extraversion, neuroticism , psychoticism ,lie" and
psychology security , locus control gender , soci-economic level ,
age and job
2. There are factorial components that distinguish the relation
between the study variables in the whole sample studied.
3. There are factorial components between study variables that
distinguish participations from non-participations.
4. There are statistically significant differences between males and
females in all variables.
5. There are factorial components that distinguish males from
females on study variables.
6. There are statistically significant differences between the socio-
economic levels (high – middle – low) on all study variables.
7. There are statistically significant differences between the three
categories studied (univ-students _ security officers _ univ- staff)
on all study variables.
8. There are statistically significant differences between the
different age categories on all study variables.

Sample:
The sample of the study is formed from three categories:
1. Univ-students: (223) male and female students, (100) male and
(123) female from al aqsa university and the Islamic university.
2. Security staff: (200) security male officers.
3. Univ- staff: (65) male and female, univ-prof- (46) male and (19)
female.

Tools:
- Political participation inventory.
- E.P.Q Eysenck personality.
- Psychological security – Maslow inventory.
- Internal _ External locus of control inventory.
- Socio- economic level form.
Abstract

Introduction:
This study is regarded as an attempt or a ring to connect between
psychology and policy, since it seeks in political participation subject and
its psychological dimension of a society that lives with policy in its daily
life that locates this study in political psychology.

The importance:
This study is important because it tries to shed light upon the
importance of connecting psychology with policy, political participation
is apolitical behavior and the direct reasons for this behavior lie in
psychology fields , This study doesn't depend on political participation as
a phenomena but also tries to connect it with many psychological
variables , with the aim of approaching psychology to policy , we should
take care of political participation at the present time of Palestinian
society, The difficult political circumstances – such as the being of Israeli
occupation and the attempt of getting red of it – impose on us the search
of society's individual activity and their participation in life , As the
researcher believes that studies of political psychology are little so he
hopes that this study contributes as a block in political psychology
building.

The Aims:
The aims of any study in any science don't go far of the aims of science
in general, such as: description and interpretation or prediction then
control – This study helps in accomplishing those aims, the researcher
aims at:
- Complete what previous researchers begin in political
psychology and especially in political participation, which
resembles a new addition in scientific research and practical
application to understand the problems of society and looking for
solution.
- Getting knowledge about the relation between personality
dimension :"extraversion, neuroticism , psychoticism ,lie" and
psychology security and locus control on political participation
under the variables of gender , soci-economic level , age and job
to knew psychological case of participations and non-
participations politically in Palestinian society.

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