‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫"ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ"‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻦ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫‪٢٠٠٦ _١٤٢٧‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬

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 ‫ﺇﻫﺪﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻭﺍﺟﱯ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺤﻮ�ﻲ ﺻﱪﻫﻢ ﻭﺩﻋﻮﺍﲥﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﺪﻱ ﻫﺬﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪..‬‬

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 ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻤﺪ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺤﲏ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻭﻣـﺴﺎﻋﺪﰐ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﲤﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗـﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﺤﻜـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻔﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﻲ ﲜﻬﻮﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻓﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺺ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺻﺎﱀ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑـﻦ ﺳـﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎﹰ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴ‪‬ﻤﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﻳﻘﻴﲏ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﱘ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﱐ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺪﻱ ﰲ ﺇﲤﺎﻣﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻤﺪ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻪ ﻭﺗﻴﺴﲑﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺜﻠـﻬﺎ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺣـﺪﻫﺎ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺻـﻔﻪ ﻗـﻮﺓ ﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﳊﺴﻦ‪ .(٦:١٩٨٦،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻟﺰﺍﻣﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻗﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺛﺒﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ )ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ‪ (٨:١٩٨٩،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻮﱃ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴـﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻟﻮﺍﺋﺤﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺒـﺎﺩﻟـﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟـﺒﲎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﳑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﻙ؛ ﻓﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺗﻪ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺲ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﺲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ًﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻟـﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﲢـﺴﲔ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗـﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ؛ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺁﺓ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﳍﺎ ﻭﺁﻻﻣﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﲣﺪﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳌﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﳊﻈﺔ ﺑﻠﺤﻈﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻭﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻭﻃﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﲪﻠﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻻ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈـﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﳏﻮﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺻﻌﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،(١٣٧:١٩٩٧،‬ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺟـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑـﺬﻝ ﺍﳉﻬـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺟـﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴـﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﺓ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺪﳝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﺟﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺘﺄﺻـﻠﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﺔ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،(٨٤٥:١٩٩١،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ‬
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‫ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﺳﻮﺓ ﺣﺴﻨﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺑـﲔ ﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ )‪ (٧٦٨٠‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻊ )‪ (٣٦٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ )‪ (١٣٠‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻮﺟﺪ )‪ (٢١٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ )‪ (٨٩‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺎﻕ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﺨﺎﺹ )ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ .(٥١:١٤١٩،‬ﻓﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﲢﻜﻲ ﳍﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻳﻜﺘـﺸﻔﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻧـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺨﺮﺝ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻗﻀﻰ ‪ ١٨‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺎﻫﺪ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ‪ ٣٥٠‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﲡﺎﺭﻱ )ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪.(١٢٨:٢٠٠٦،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷـﻜﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻨﱪﹰﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﹰﺍ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﹰﺎ ﳌﺎ‬
‫ﳚﺮﻱ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪.(٢٥٩:١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ...‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ‬
‫ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺈﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ )ﺍﳊﺴﻦ‪ (١١٤:١٩٨٦،‬ﻭﺗﻠﺨﺼﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﳘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻧـﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺇﻓﺮﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﲨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻠﻘﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗـﺪﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﱪ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﻛﹼﺪ؛ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﲤﻜﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﺐ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺇﳕﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺃﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﳛﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﺯﻋﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺸﺮﻭ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﺍ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻧﻴـﺔ ﺣـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺸﺮﻭ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻷﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺋﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﳚﺐ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻋـﺎﳌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻭﺃ ﹼﻻ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﺐ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﲣﻀﻊ‬
‫ﻷﻳﺔ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ؛ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻘﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ )ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻣﻲ‪ (٤٦٤:١٩٨٨،‬ﻣـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﳍﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘـﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟـﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻠﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑﻂ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﲟﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﳕﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻳـﹰﺎ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﻃﻨﻪ ﻭﺃﻣﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﲰﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲣﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻠـﺴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﺗﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﲰﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﰲ ﻧﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻘﻠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷـﺮﺡ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﻣﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﲣﻀﻊ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻧﻮﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﱂ ﲤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺛﻘﺎﰲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱁ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮ ٍﺭ ﻭﻭﻋـ ٍﻲ‬
‫ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﺎﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﺡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺮﻱﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻵﺧﺮ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳌﻠﻚ‪ ...(٣٤:١٩٩٩،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺷﺄﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺻﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﲡـﺪﻫﺎ ﻣـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﳍﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻷﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﱴ ﲢﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻻ ﺑﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﺩﻓﺔ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺟـﺴﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﺶﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ ﻭﺍﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﰲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ؛‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻯ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻒﺀ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻂ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺣﺴﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻹﺷـﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ؛‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﺩ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪﺓ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﻗﻀﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺃﻭﱃ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻨﺔ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ؛ ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﹰﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﰲ ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﻣﺆﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﰲ ﻇـﻞ‬
‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﲟﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﳝﻠﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳛﻘﻖ ﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺄﰐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﺘﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﳒﺎﺣﻪ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺃﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻘـﻮﱘ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻃﺮﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻷﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋـﱪ ﺗﻘـﺴﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺛﻲ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻃﺮﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﶈﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻯ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ ﲟﻮﺟﺒـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨـﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﳒﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤـﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﺑﻘـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ؛ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ‬

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‫ﺑﻘﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻓﻬﻲ ﲤﻴﻞ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﲤﻴﻞ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻌﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻋﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ‪‬ﺎ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪.(٧١:١٩٩١،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﻠﱪﺝ ‪ Gilberg‬ﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻪ ﺑﺄﺟﻨـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ‪١٩٨٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﺗﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ؟‬
‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻷﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲣﺘﱪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﻛﺄﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ) ‪.( Gilberg,1980:584_ 588‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺎ ‪ Wanta‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳋﱪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ‪ ،( Wanta,1989:537_ 541 ) ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻴﺲ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ ﺧﻄـﺎﺏ ﺍﻟـﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺡ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﳋﱪﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺖ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﲢﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻷﺭﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳜﺘﻠـﻒ ﺑـﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻇﺮﻭﻓَﹰﺎ ﺃﻋﻄﺖ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﰲ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻛﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﲝﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻻ ﳝﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺩﺍ ﹰﻻ ﻭﳏﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲟﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻔـﺎﺭ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺍﳋﻄـﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎﳌـﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﻔﺎﺭ‪ .(٣١٦:١٩٩٩،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘـﺮﺓ ﻣـﻦ ‪١٩٥٤‬ﺇﱃ ‪١٩٧٠‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺋﻪ ﳌﺴﺢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻖ ﲨﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﻌﻠﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﲟﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲣـﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳕﻄﲔ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﱯ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﶈﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴـﺔ ﳍـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻄﲔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﹰﺎ ﳏﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺲ ﻋﻦ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺰﳝﺔ ‪١٩٦٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻱ ﺃﻛﺜ ‪‬ﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺃﻫـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳍﺰﳝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭ ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ‪‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﺟﻮ ‪ Mccargo‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤـﻮﻝ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴـﺴﻴﺎ‬
‫‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﱪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳊﻈﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻮﻫﺎﺭﺗﻮ‪،‬‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﺃﻭﻗﻊ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻗﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﻮﻫﺎﺭﺗﻮ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ‪.( Mccargo,1999: 29 ) ،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﱐ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٩٨٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﳍﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﲎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻌـﲏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻌﲏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﳍـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺤﺪﺩ ﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴـﺔ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻧـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺑﺄﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﺿـﺤﺔ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳـﻜﺔ ﻭﻣـﺴﺘﻘﺮﺓ؛‬
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 ‫ﻓﺎﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﻘﹰﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺑﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.(١٦_١٥ :١٩٩١،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﺲ ‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ‪ ٣٨‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺬﺍﻋـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲞﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ‪ ١٧‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ٤‬ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ‪ ٦‬ﺩﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﶈﻴﻂ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ٤‬ﺩﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳـﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺇﱃ ‪ ١٢‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ٢٦‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻳـﺰﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺪﺍﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ ‪‬ﺎ )‪.( Denis,2000:110_128‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺝ ‪١٩٨٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻛـﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﰎ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﻨﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺗﻘﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳـﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﱪﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﳏﻠﻴـﹰﺎ‬
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‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﻟﻸﺣـﺰﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺘﻔﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﳒﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﳒﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪ‪.(٢٢ :٢٠٠٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﺘﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟـﻴﻤﺲ ﻻﺭﺳـﻦ ‪ James Larsen‬ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴـﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺃﺯﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻫﺎﺋــﻦ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮﻳﻜﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫)ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،(٢٤٣،٢٣٥ :١٩٩١،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﱄ ﰲ ﺻـﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘـﻞ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻟﻔﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋـﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻳﺮﺍﱐ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﻌـﲏ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻌـﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٦‬ﻫـ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣـﺚ ﻣـﻦ ﺧﻼﳍـﺎ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻠﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻـﻔﻬﺎ ﺇﺣـﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﻓﺄﻗـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻫـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.(٢١٢،٢٢٩ :١٤٢٦،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻻﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻑ ‪ William Rugh‬ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲢﻜـﻢ‬
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‫ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ؛ ﻭﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﺑﺘﺮﺍ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﺤﺮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﳏﺮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻊ ﳑﺜﻠـﻲ ﻭﳏـﺮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺔ )ﺭﺍﻑ( ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﲔ ‪‬ـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺘﺮﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ )ﺭﺍﻑ( ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﻹﳒـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ؛ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻳﱪﺭ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﺧﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﳑﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻟﻸﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﱪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻔﻊ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻹﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺘﺤﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﳝﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﲟﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪.(٧٤،٧٢:١٩٩١،‬‬
‫‪ – ٢‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﲝﺜﻴﹰﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻜـﺸﻒ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﺑﲔ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﳘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺼﻮﻯ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺳـﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﳝﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲝﻮﺙ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،Agenda Setting Research‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﰲ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،(١٩٠_ ١٨٦ :١٩٩٧،‬ﻭﻧﺎﻗﺶ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻨـﻬﺞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺢ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ‪ ٣٥ _٢٠‬ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﺼﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﻴﻤﲏ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ )‪.(% ٨٣,٧‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳔﻔﻀﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ؛ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺃﻃﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ )‪.(% ٩٧‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺺ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﱪﺯ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺛﻘﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﻴﻤﲏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﻗـﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ (‬
‫ﰲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﱐ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﲪﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺪﻓﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻠﺼﺖ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ‬
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‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻛﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻄﺔ ﺍﳌـﺆﺛﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻗ ‪‬ﺮﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﺡ ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﺡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪.(٤١٩_٤١٧:١٩٨٦،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ - ١٩٩٧‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﺪﻓﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﺮﻭﺿﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺃﺷـﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬـﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٣٦,٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,٤‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ )‪ .(%١٧,٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺿـﻌﻴﻒ ﺑـﲔ ﻧـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ )‪ (%٩١,٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳍﺎ )‪ .(% ٣٧,٣‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺗﻪ )ﻋﻠﻲ‪.(٣٦١_٣٥٦:١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﻆ ﺻﻠﻮﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫـﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﲤﺘﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﱪﺯ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲜﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛـﺒﲑ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺗﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪.(%١٦,٨‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓـﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﳎﻤﻮﻋــﺔ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫)ﺻﻠﻮﻱ‪.(٥١٩،٥١٦،٣،٥٢١ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﻔﺮ ‪ David Weaver‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﺪﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﱪﻭﺯ ﺃﻭ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺣﺠﻢ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ )ﻋﺠـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ( ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﲝﺠﻢ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣـﺚ‬
‫ﻼ ﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﲢﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﳌﺴﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﲣـﺎﺫ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﳏﺎﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﲏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﳝﺘﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻗﺪ ﲣﺘﻠـﻒ ﲤﺎﻣـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﶈﻴـﻄﺔ ‪‬ـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒـﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻗﻀـﻴﺔ )‪.( David,1991:35,68‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻛﻠﻮﺭ ‪ McClure‬ﻭﺑﻴﺘﺮﺳﻮﻥ ‪ Patterson‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻼﻝ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
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‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪١٩٧٢‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﰎ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﻥ ﲢﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﲔ ﳘﺎ‪) :‬ﻓﻴﺘﻨـﺎﻡ(‬
‫ﻭ)ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ )ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭﺧﻠﺼﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﲔ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﻀـﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﳌﺮﺷـﺢ ﺑﻌﻴـﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )‪.(Robert,1976:23_28‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻫﻮﱄ ﻭﺑﺎﰐ ‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻃـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓـﺴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﳍﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﳌـﺴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻼ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ‪ ٢٦٠١‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺻﺤﻒ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ‪ ١٥٢٢‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﲢﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪﺍ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻭﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻵﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ )‪ (%٩٢‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬
‫)‪ (% ٨‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﹰﺎ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ )‪(%٣٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭ)‪ (%٦٨‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ )ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺛﺎﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺫ ﻳﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻹﻃﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳌﺜﲑﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑﺓ )‪.( Holli,2000:93_107‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﺃﳝﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻼ ﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨـﻬﺎ ﻗﻨـﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﲢﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳝﺘﻠﻚ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻘﻲ ﺃﺳﲑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ‪ ٢٨٠٠‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ ١٤٠‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺔ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﻣـﻨﺢ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ‪ CNN‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻔـﻀﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ‪ MBC‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻮﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻤـﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻸﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪) ،(%٩,٣‬ﻋﻤﺸﻪ‪.(٩٥_٩٤ :٢٠٠١،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﳝﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮ ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬــﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴـﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٧٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺳﺠﻠﺖ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٦٧‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺺ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠـﺪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺄﰐ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٨٤‬‬
‫ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%١٠٠‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻘــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻈـﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻗــﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺑﻨﺴـﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٨٤‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻫﻢ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ )ﺟﻴـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻴﺪﺓ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ (‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٦٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ )ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓـﺔ ﰒ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻗـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪.(٢٢٠،١٨٢:١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﰲ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﺮ ﺑـﺎﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻀﻌﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻗﻞ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺔ ﻟﻼﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻉ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ )ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪.(١٨ _١٧ :٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﱯ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻـﻠﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪﻫﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﳛﺮﺻﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻈﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮﺓ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻓﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﱯ‪.( ٥٠٩ _٤٧٥ :٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ ‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﻮﺍ‪‬ﺎ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﳝﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳍـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻲ ﺑﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺟـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ )ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪.(٣٠٩_٢٨١ :١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﶈﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﻘﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬
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‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺀ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌـﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺮﺹ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٧٢‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺮﺻﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳏﻄﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﻢ ﳍﺎ ﺗﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻤﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﳛﺮﺻﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻳﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪.( ٣٨٢،٣٧٧،٣٧٦ :١٩٩٤،‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺘﲔ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺘﲔ ‪١٩٩١ -‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻـﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﻌﺰﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺹ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺮ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ًﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﲜﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳـﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻫـﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﻳﻘﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻛـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺜﲑ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻭﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻭﻋﻴـﻪ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻛـﻪ ﻷﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺛﺮ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻔـﺮﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺩﺭﺟـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.(٢٢٠،٨٤٥:١٩٩١ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﻭﻟﻜﱰ ‪ Wilkins‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤـﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫ﻳﻠﻘﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﺒﺒﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺤﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬
‫)‪. (Wilkins,2000:569‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﱵ ﺍﻷﻫﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻠﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺛﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲜﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻟﻌﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻄﻼﻉ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺘﻐﲑ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ‬

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‫ﺑﺄﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻗﺪ ﻟﻌﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻇ ﹼ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺤﻮﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻭﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﳋﺪﻣـﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﻬـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﰊ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﻥ ﲰﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ )ﺷﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪.(٥٦٩:١٩٩٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻟﻴﻜﺴﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻥ ‪١٩٨٣ Alexis S.Tan‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻴﺊ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﺍ ﻗﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻭﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻱ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺒﻮﳍﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗـﺪﻋﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤـﹰﺎ ﻳﺘﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪.(Alexis,1983:126_133‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺟﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﺷﻴﻤﺎﺀ ﺯﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺍﳌـﺼﺮﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ( ﻋﺎﻡ‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﳌﺴﺤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﻲ ﻭﻛﺜﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﳓﻮ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﺧـﺘﻼﻑ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟـﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻤﺎ )ﺯﻏﻴﺐ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(١٩١:٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺟﺮﺕ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪١٩٨٤ ،‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻳﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻹﻛﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻘﺼﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳـﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝـﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻓﺸﻞ ﰲ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺒﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗـﺪ ﺳـﺎﳘﺖ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺑـﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻋـﻦ ﲣﻄـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﺘﻔﺖ ﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻇﻬـﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺩﻓـﻊ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻨﺠﺢ ﳒﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﻛـﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﻘﺼﲑ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﺓ ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.(١١،١٠:١٩٩١ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭﻗـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪١٩٨٣‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻮﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻛـﻮﻙ ﻭﺁﺧـﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫‪ Lomax Cook . et al‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒـﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘ‪‬ﺒﻠﻲ _‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒ ‪‬ﻌﺪﻱ ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﺪﺍﳘﺎ ﲡﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ‬

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‫)ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻴﺐ ﻭﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ( ﰲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨـﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ‪. NBC‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﺗﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ )ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﻹﳘﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﱰﻟﻴﺔ( ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺗﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﺷـﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛـﻮﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﱰﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﳎﹰﺎ ﺫﺍ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘـﺴﻴﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﳘﺎﻝ ﻳﻌ ‪‬ﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﻄﲑﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﱰﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﱪﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﳋـﺪﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﹰﺍ ﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺘـﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﻫـﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫)‪.(Lomax,1983:16,35‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﻴﻤﺲ ﻭﺍﻛﺮ ‪ James R.Walker‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘـﺮﺍﺽ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺘﲔ ﳘﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﲪﻠﺔ ‪١٩٨٦‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )‪.(James,1988:747_750‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﻫﺮﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٦٧‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﲤﻬﺪ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻬﺚ ﻭﺭﺍﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻯ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺼﺎ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳـﺰﺩ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻟﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.(١٤،١٣:١٩٩١ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘـﺮﺓ ﻣـﻦ ‪_١٩٥٢‬‬
‫‪١٩٧٨‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻻ ﲤﺜﻞ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﰲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﻎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﳌﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳊـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﻐﺮﺱ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٨ _١٦ :‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﺍﻙ ‪ Kwak‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﰲ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻠﺖ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ ﺣـﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﺎﻭﺑﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻹﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ )‪.( Kwak,1999:175‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻚ ﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﲑﺕ ﳏﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﱄ ﻛﺤﻘﻞ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ‬
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 ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﻠـﻊ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٨٦,٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤـﻮﺛﲔ ﻻ‬
‫ﳝﻨﺤﻮﻥ ﺛﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻻ ‪‬ﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﺃﻱ )‪ (%٣٠‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﳎﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻘﻮﺓ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﲏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﻻ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ )‪ (%٨٣,٦٦‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻄﻐـﻰ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴـﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻘـﺎﰲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑـﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ )ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻚ‪،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢١٨،٢١٥:١٩٩٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺻـﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬـﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻩ ﻳ‪‬ﻌ ‪‬ﺪ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﹰﺎ ﻭﻓـﺎﻋﻼﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﺎﺩ )‪ (%٣٢‬ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫)‪ (%٣٧‬ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺗﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٨٠‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳـﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇـﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﺄﰐ‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﻛﱪ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏـﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ )‪ (%٢٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺆﻛﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ )ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪:٢٠٠٣،‬ﺩ‪.(٥،‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﺃﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻂ ﻧﺸﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ‬
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‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﺓ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫـﺎ ﻋـﱪ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ( ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻭﲰﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﲡﻌـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﻮﺩ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﻔـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﲤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﺭﻋﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺮﰊ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﲤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻣـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﱪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺟـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﺑﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﰎ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺪﻓﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺿﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﰲ ﺛﻨﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺟـﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﲝﻮﺙ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺸﲑ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻧـﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ...‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﰲ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﲟﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ؟‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬

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 ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘـﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻟﺒﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤــﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﺛﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ‪ ) :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﲤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻔﺴﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌـﺮﺽ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﻘﺴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﲤﻬﻴﺪ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﳎﺘﻤﻌـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﹰﺎ ﺇﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻔـﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﻪ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺒـﺪﺃ ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺄﻣﻞ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻠﺤﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺪﺭﺑﻪ‪ .(٤٤:٢٠٠٢،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻨﻈﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ؛ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺑﻂ ﺃﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻄﺒﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺆﻫـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﻌﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻟﻔﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻮﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑـﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣـﱴ ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﹼـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ؛ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟـﻪ ﺍﻟـﺼﻮﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺃﲰﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺔ ﺃﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻋﲔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺘﺼﻠﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻳﻜﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ ﺃﻓـﻀﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﳑﻜﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺣﱴ ‪‬ﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌـﺼﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﺴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺓ ﲰﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻋﻄـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﶈﻜﻮﻡ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺜـﺎﻝ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻮﺑﺰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﲝﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﱂ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﲔ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﲟﻌﺰﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻜـﻮﻣﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﱪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪﺓ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ (٢٦ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻗﻄـﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﱄ ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺭﺟﻮﺍﺯﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺯﻣﻮﺑﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺗﻔﺘﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻄﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﺛﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﳌـﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﰲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﳎﺎﻻﺗﻪ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻗﻠﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷـﻬﺪ‪‬ﺎ‬
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‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﺕ ﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺖ ﺇﱃ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﻉ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﱰﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻬﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﺘﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋـﺪﺓ ﻛﺎﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﰲ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻂ ﻭﻫﻴﺠﻞ ﻭﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﳘﻮﺍ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺒﻬﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺷـﻬﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺖ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٣٧:‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪ ﲢﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺬﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗـﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣﻔﻬـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳍـﺎﺩﻑ ﻭﺍﳌـﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﲑ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٥٦‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟـﻚ ﺑﺘﺘﺒـﻊ‬
‫ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .(٢٠ :١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﻧـﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑـﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻴـﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﳝﺎﺭﺳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻪ ﻭﺃﺯﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﲟﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳏﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﴰﻮﻟﻴـﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻴـﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ًﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻠﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﲢﻜﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺑﺄﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺘـﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﳛﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﱐ ﻭﻣـﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬـﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺂﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﳝﺎﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺤـﺴﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﹰﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﲔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺴﻴﻴﺲ )ﻋﺒﺪﺭﺑـﻪ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(١٢‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﺧﻠـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ (‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﳎﺎﻻﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﺭﺱ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺰﺍﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻟـﺪﻯ‬
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 ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ؛ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(١٣‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩﺳﻮﻥ ‪ Schudson‬ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬
‫ﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.(١٦ :١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻭ ‪ J. Medow‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻛﻤﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺎﻛﻨﲑ ‪ McNair‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺩﻑ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ )‪ ،(Brian,1999:4‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﻐﻠﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻭﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻣـﺎﻛﻨﲑ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﺃﺧـﺬ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻮﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺃﻳـﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﳌﻠﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﻏﲑﻫـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻣـﻮﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺗﻜ ‪‬ﻮﻥ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )‪.(Ibid, 1999: 4‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﺑﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻈـﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﻟﻠﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﺮﻛـﺖ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﻈﺮ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻈـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ "ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌـﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﲬﺴﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻷﺻـﺤﺎﺏ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ )‪:(James, 1981: 39, 65‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐـﻴﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﱪ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ؛ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﻌـﲏ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﲤﺎﻣﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣـﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻟﻠﻤﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﲑ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫـﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ‪ -‬ﻓﲑﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨـﺘﻈﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﻭﻻ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌـﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(Jack,1981:67,99‬ﻭﻳﻮﱄ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻟﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘـﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻳﻌﲎ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨـﺴﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )‪ ،(Robert,1981:101,119‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺃﺻـﺤﺎﺏ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫)‪ (David,1981:169,191‬ﻭﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻟﻸﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓﻌﺔ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ‪‬ﺎ ﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻓﻬـﻢ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ‪ -‬ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﻭﺷـﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﺣﺪﳘﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ ﲟﻌﺰﻝ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻮﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻫﺪﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻜـﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺘﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ ﻭﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﺘـﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪.(٥٥ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﻣﺪﺍﻩ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻵﺧﺮ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻵﺧﺮ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ‪‬ﺍ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻳـﺮﻯ ﻟﻮﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎﻱ‬
‫‪ Lucian bye‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ‪:١٩٩٤ ،‬‬
‫‪(٥‬؛ ﻓﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺃﳌﻮﻧﺪ ‪) Almond‬ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ (٦٦ :١٩٩١ ،‬ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷ‪‬ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﳍﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺃﳌﻮﻧـﺪ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻓﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺔ ﻟﺘـﺪﻓﻖ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻭﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺃﺑﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺳﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ‪‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ‪ Laswell‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﳍﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟـﺼﻔﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲨﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣـﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﳏﺎﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻨـﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑـﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﻂ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٦٧:‬‬

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‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺙ‬ ‫‪Kraus & Davis‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﻤﲔ ﻟﻠﻨﺨﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺨﺒـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻨﺘﻤـﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺠﻤـﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻳﻔﺘـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﱴ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻓﻠﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺗﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﺟﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻻ‬
‫ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻓﻴﱪ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻹﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺻـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻗﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.(٧١،٦٨:‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺇﲨﺎﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺳـﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﳋﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ )ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٥٢٥ :١٩٨٨‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘـﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟـﺸﺪﻳﺪ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻢ ﲟﻌﺰﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻋﻢ ﻭﺃﴰﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻗـﻞ ﻋﺮﺿـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﺎﺩ ﻳﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ‬
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‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺩﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬

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 ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻈﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﲝﺜﻲ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺗﻌـﺪﺩﺕ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻂ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ‪ ،Wright,1975‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺐ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘـﺴﻴﻢ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺐ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺘﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﳜﻀﻊ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻪ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟـﻪ ﺗـﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲡﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻈـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﱄ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ‬
‫‪Intra personal communication‬‬ ‫‪ -١‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﲝﺘﺔ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‬
‫ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻳـﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌـﺮﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻛـﻪ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒـﻬﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻣـﺜﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪(٣١ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻳﻠﻌـﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻼ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﳏﺎﻭﻻ‪‬ﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻴﻨﻮﻧﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺨﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﺣﻮﺍﺳـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﲰﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻈـﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬

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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﳍﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﲎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺗﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﳌﺨﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٣٢ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﺗﻠﻌـﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺣﺎﲰـﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺧﱪ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ )ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪.(١٠٣ :١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍﺗﻪ ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻭﻳﺘﺒﲎ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ‪‬ﺎ )‪ ،(Mead,1934:138‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺮﺋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﳍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪Interpersonal Communication‬‬ ‫‪ -٢‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻔﻬﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﺴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ )ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪ .(١١٩ :١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨـﻮﻉ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺳـﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﻨﺎﻋﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻮﻋﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻣﻮﺟﻬﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺽ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺩﻳﲔ ﰲ ﺣﻴـﺎ‪‬ﻢ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻤﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻣﻼﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺎﱄ‬
‫ﻓﺄﻃﺮﻭﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻧﺘـﺎﺝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌـﻲ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺘـﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺘﻪ )ﺑﺎﳊﺎﺝ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٧١ :٢٠٠٣‬‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛـﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻞ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻮﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ )ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،(٧٠ :٢٠٠١ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﲟﺎ ﳛﻤﻠﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻼ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺷـﺤﲔ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﺘﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﲪﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﻳـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﳍﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﻠﺠـﺄ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺰﻭﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻹ‪‬ﺎﺀ ﺣﻮﺍﺋﺠﻬﻢ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،(٦٩ :‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻭﺟﻬﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰﺍ ًﻭﺗﻮﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﲢﺪﺛﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻏﲑﻫﻢ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻋـﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﳛﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﲤﺎﺳﻜﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﻴـﺰ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﲑﺓ )ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪.(٣٦ :٢٠٠١ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﻷﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻃﺮﻓﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺄﺳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﳏﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲝﺴﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻣﻨـﻪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﻟـﻪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﳛﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Group Communication‬‬ ‫‪ -٣‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﳛﺘﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻄﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻈﻬـﺮ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
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‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ )ﻣﲑﻝ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ .(٣١ :١٩٨٩ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻊ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺃﻭ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳋﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺨﻄﺐ ﺃﺩﻭﻟﻒ ﻫﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻠﻘﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺸﺪ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭﻣﱪﺝ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪.(١٤ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﺘﻠﻚ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺛﻘﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳏﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻼﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﲡﺎﻧﺲ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻗﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﻠﻘـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(٣٥ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫‪Mass Communication‬‬ ‫‪ -٤‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﲏ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﺇﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻯ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺟﻠﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺳـﻬﺎ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻓـﻮﺭﻱ )ﺣﺒﻴـﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪.(٧٩ :٢٠٠١،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺇﱃ ﳕـﻂ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻲ ‪Interactive Communication‬؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳒـﺪﻩ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺩﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﱯ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭﻳﺘﺶ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﻣـﻦ‬
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‫ﺑﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺟﺬﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ؛‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﻮﺽ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻵﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻭﻋﻘـﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻘـﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﲟﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳـﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻓﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺿﻔﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻳﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﺷـﻴﲔ ﳍـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻟﻺﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﲔ‪ ...‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺯﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳـﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﳊﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬
‫ﻭﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﲔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻏﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(٣٥ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻨﻘـﻞ ﻭﺟﻬـﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻨﺢ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ؛ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺑﺪﺭ‪.(٧٧ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﺄ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻋـﻦ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﺑـﲔ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﲨﻴﻌﹰﺎ؛ ﻓﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﱴ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻲ ‪ ،Communication Interactive‬ﻓﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﳚﻤﻊ ﺑـﲔ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﲑﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻌﺒﺘـﻪ ﺍﻷﺷـﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﻮﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﻤﻴﲏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻳﺮﺍﱐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﺎﻩ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺣـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٨‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻨـﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﲟﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﰲ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪Upward Communication‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻋﺪ‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺐ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻔـﻲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﻋﺪ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺣﱴ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺸﻜﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺧﻄﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻌـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻈـﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﳌـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪Downward Communication‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳍﺎﺑﻂ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﻛﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺮﺅﻭﺳﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﺩﱏ )ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪.(٤٠: ٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟـﻪ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺅﻭﺳﻴﻬﻢ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋـﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻟﻶﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﻳﻌﲎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Horizontal Communication‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﻘـﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻲ ﺷﻔﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻭﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﺒـﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻳـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ) ﻋﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪.(١٠١ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﲑ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﻣﻮﺛﻘﺔ ﻭﺭﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﲑ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﲑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻓﻘﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ) ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺯ ﺃﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲢﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ )ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﱐ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪ .(٣٤‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺮﻑ ‪‬ﺎ ﺭﲰﻴـﹰﺎ؛‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﰐ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺐ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻵﺧـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗـﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﺤـﺴﲔ ﺻـﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺷﻴﹰﺎ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ )ﻣﲑﻝ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻟﻒ‪ .(٢٢٩ :١٩٨٩ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻻ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﺔ ﻭﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﻄﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﱪ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﺪﺍﻩ ﺇﱃ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺣﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺃﻭﺣﱴ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺭﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺩﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺎﻗﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ )ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪.(٣٦ :٢٠٠١،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﲜﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣـﺼﺎﱀ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻨـﻮﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻳﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻄﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﻣـﺼﺎﱀ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻛﺎﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑـ )ﺍﻟﻠﻮﰊ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﱪﺯ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﺪﺭ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳒﺎﺡ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻓﺸﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﰲ ﺳـﻌﻴﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻮﺻـﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻴـﺎﺓ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ )ﻋﺴﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ .(٢٨٦ :١٩٩٤ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﺮﺷـﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻛـﻞ ﺣـﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺘﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺗﺼﻌﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻜـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻓﺮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪﺓ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﲝﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﳜﻔﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺗـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﲦﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﺔ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‬
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 ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﱪﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﺄﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ؛ ﺇﺫ ﲤﺘﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗـﺆﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﱐ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﺹ ﰲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴـﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻴــﻘﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪.(٧٥ : ٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ‪‬ﺍ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟـﻮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻓـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺳﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺧﹰﺎ ﺻﺎﳊﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺧـﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﳊـﻮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻـﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺛـﺮﻩ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻟﺘـﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﺮﻭﳚﻬﺎ ﻭﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺫﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺫﺑﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﹰﺎ ﺧﻄـﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﲤﺎﺳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺰﻋﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺼﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺻﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺩ‪.(٥٠ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻻ ﲣﺎﻃﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻘﻮ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﺓ ﻭﻓﺎﺣﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻠـﻚ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻈـﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﳉﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﻞ ﳍﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻨﺎﺥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺸﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻐﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‬
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‫ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﻭﺗﺮﺳﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺧﹰﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﰲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺎﺫﺑﺔ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻼ ﻟﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻬﻢ ﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺷـﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳝﺘﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ )ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪.(٦٤،٦٦ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃ‪‬ـﺎ ﺗﺘﻨـﺎﻭﻝ ﻗـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺨﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﺳـﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻌـﺪﺍﺀ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺇﺛﺎﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﺄﺯﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪‬ﺎ؛ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﲣﺮﺝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﲢﺖ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﻋﺮ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﶈﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﳋﻄﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ‪‬ـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺟـﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﺌـﺔ ﺗـﺼﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺪ‪‬ﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻄﻞ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﻏﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻏﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﲝﺚ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻌـﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﺤﻘــﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫)ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺎﱐ‪.(١٤٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ‪‬ﻳﻨﺼﺢ ﺑﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻤﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﳉﻬـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﲟﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﺸﻮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻜـﺴﺐ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
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‫ﻟﻸﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺷﻖ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺑﺎﳍﻤﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷـﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﳛـﺪﺙ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﳒﺮﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﻟﻺﺷﺎﻋﺎﺕ )ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ ،( ١٤ :٢٠٠١ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﲡﺪ ﳍﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺟﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺳـﻌﹰﺎ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﲢﺪﺙ ﺃﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﻔﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﱪﳌـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﲰﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤـﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﱄ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺪﻯ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴـﻚ ﰲ ﻧﺰﺍﻫـﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴـﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪ ...‬ﺇﱁ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.( ١٤ :‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺃﺿﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻊ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ )ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﻨﻪ‪.(٦٤ :٢٠٠١ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺘـﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ )ﻣﻘﺒـﻞ‪:( ٦٤ :١٩٩٠ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻏﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ‪‬ﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻘﺒﻮﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺊ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﺪﺍﻡ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﲣﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺴﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﳌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺎﻗﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻭﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳒﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﻮﺀ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ )ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ( ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺄﺧﲑ ﻧـﺸﺮﻫﺎ؛ ﳑـﺎ ﻳـﻀﻄﺮ‬
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‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻨﺸﻂ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﺚ ﺃﺣﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﲤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺟﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺾ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺴﺮﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻋﺰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺸﺮﻩ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻳﺄﰐ ﳎﻬﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﲔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﺴﲎ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺭﺃﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺧﱪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﳚﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﱪﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻴﺴﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ )ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ( ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟـﺬﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﻼﻍ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﲔ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﻻ ﺗﻨﺴﺐ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻪ )ﺷﻠﱯ‪.(١٣٢:١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﲡﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ‪‬ـﺎ ﺗﻄﻠـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺴﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺇﺷﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻳﺮﺻﺪ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﲡﺎﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻟﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺴﻴﻂ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺆﺭﻕ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﻮﺀ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﳊﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳋﺼﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﻣﲑ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺼﻢ ﻭﺯﺭﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﺗﺒﺚ ﺇﺷـﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻳﻈﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻗﺪ ﳒﺤﺖ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺒـﺄ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻳﺒﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻉ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻟﻠﺸﻚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻔﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺑﺈﻋﻼﻣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳉﺄ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻟﻨﺴﻒ ﺍﶈﻄـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻚ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟﲔ ﻭﺑﺎﺀﺕ ﳏﺎﻭﻻ‪‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺸﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻞ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺂﺭ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﺴﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺫﺑﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﻣﲑ ﺍﶈﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻂ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺄ‪‬ـﺎ ﻣﺆﻛـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺄ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﺑﺎﺻـﻄﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺇﱃ ﺍﶈﻄﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺄﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﺍﳋﺸﺖ‪.( ٨٠ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺳﻼﺣﹰﺎ ﻗﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻛﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻹﺧﻔـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎ ﳋﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺇﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﲨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﲨﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻴﲔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺸﻞ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ ﻟﻠـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺬﻛﺎﺀ ﻛﻄﻌﻢ ﳉﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺼﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻀﻄﺮﻩ ﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﶈﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﺗﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻀﻄﺮﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﺍﳋـﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺈﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺒﻮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳋﺴﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻜﻞ ﺿﻐﻄﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻜـﻲ ﺗﻌﻠـﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴـﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﳊﻘــﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.( ٧٩ :‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺳﻄﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣـﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺿـﻴﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﻃﺊ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻓﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﺒﺪﺃ )ﻓـ ‪‬ﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﻭﺟﻨﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺷﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺣﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﻮ ﻳﺴﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺮﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻐﺾ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﻴﺶ ‪‬ﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺷﺎﺋﻌـﺔ ﲨﻌﺖ ﻣـﻦ ﻛـﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌـﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﺍﺋﻴـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﳍـﺪﻑ )ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪.( ٧٧ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﳌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺘﻔﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻣﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﲢﺴﲔ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻔﺎﺋﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺩﻳـﺔ ﺗـﺸﺠﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﱪ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻤﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺄﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻮﻫﻢ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﻻ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﳍـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻔﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺊ‪ ،‬ﳝﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﻓﻪ ﻭﻗﻠﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ ﳏﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺳـﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﻭﺍﺣـﺪ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻗﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،(١٢٠_١١٨ :١٩٩٠ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﻋﻤـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﱐ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻖ؛ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﳜﻠﻮ ﺑﻌـﻀﻬﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳـﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﺭﺟـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺧﻨﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻭﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
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‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺝ ﰲ ﻏﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﲔ ﻻ ﺗﺬﺍﻉ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﲔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺬﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻋﺠﺰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻋـﻦ ﻓﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ‪...‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﺍﺀ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻇﺮﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺯ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﻋﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﳍﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﲢﺼﻴﻨﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻻ‪‬ﺰﺍﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﻳﺘﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻟﻴـﺸﻤﻞ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺷـﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ ﰲ ﻛـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻴﺎﺡ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮﺓ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋـﱪ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺮﻙ ﺃﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﲡﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﲏ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻠـﺪﻓﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺿﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻋﻴـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﻔﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﰲ ﺳﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﻭﺟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺇﻃـﻼﻕ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﺩﺓ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻧﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺛﻮﻗﲔ ﳝﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺧﻄﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺧﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻹﺷـﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺻـﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻷﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﺇﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳋﺼﻢ ﻭﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﻨﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﰲ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﰲ ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺮﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ؛ ﻷﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻭﻇــﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬

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 ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺖ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻋـﺪﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻞ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ ‪‬ـﺎ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ‬
‫ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻓﺔ ﻟﻸﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ ﻭﺳـﻄﻰ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻳـﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻷﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺑـﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )‪ ،(Lasswell, 1977: 84,99‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺩ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﲏ ﲡﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﲟﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﺠﺪﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﰲ‬

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 ‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﱪﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﲟﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ؛ ﻓﻠﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺇﳚـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﲑﺍﺙ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﲑ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻋـﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳛﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻴﻞ؛ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﲑﺍﺙ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳋـﱪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﻣـﺎ ﻳـﺴﻤﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﻣﲑﺗﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﺯﺭﺳﻔﻴﻠﺪ )‪ (Lazarsfeld, 1977: 554,578‬ﻟﻴﻀﻴﻔﺎ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﺔ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﲤﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﲑ ﻣﲑﺗﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﺯﺭﺳﻔﻴﻠﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺤﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻠـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ؛ ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﲣﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺑـﺚ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺣـﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺪﻳﺮ ﺃﻭ ﲣﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﲰﻴﺎﻩ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﹰﺎ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﺇﺯﺍﺀﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﺟﻮﺯﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺘﻮ )‪ ،(Alexi,1985:70‬ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ ﻟﻼﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻛـﺎﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳛﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺃﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﺴﺎﻧﺪ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﱪ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺼﻴﻎ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﺧﺬﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﳍﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺧـﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﶈﻜﻮﻣﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷـﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺃﳌﻮﻧﺪ ‪ Almond‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟـﺪﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﻭﻳﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ )ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪.(٢٠٤ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗـﺸﺒﻊ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪...‬‬
‫ﺇﱁ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧـﺎﺕ‬

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 ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧـﺎﻗ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻌﱯ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ )ﺟﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ .(١٢٣:٢٠٠٤،‬ﻭﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﲑ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻹﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﳕﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﲟﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗــﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟــﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓــﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳋــﱪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨــﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ .(١٢٨:٢٠٠٦،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻫﺎﺋـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻞ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺷﻌﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳜﺪﻡ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﳛﻘﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺄﻯ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺍﺋـﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ )ﻋﺠﻮﺓ‪.(١٢:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﲞﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺮ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ‪ -‬ﻻ ﲢﺬﻳﺮﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻋﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻌـ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﻋﺮﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺧﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﻭ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﱐ ﳑﺎ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﻋﺮﻗﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺙ ‪ ١١‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﺐ ﺃﺣﺪﺍ ﹶ‬

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‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺳﻠﱯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺷﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳍﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﻮﻑ )ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪.(١١٧:٢٠٠٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺟﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻭ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻃﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﺎﺩ ﳎﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﻔﺘﻮﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﻮﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘـﻬﻢ‬
‫ﳎﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﻮﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪.(١١٩:٢٠٠٦،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ )ﻋـﺎﻣﺮ‪ (٧٧:٢٠٠٣،‬ﲝﻴـﺚ ﺗﺮﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣـﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﶈـﺪﺩ ﻭﰲ ﺿـﻮﺀ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻈﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺇﻻ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺩﻭﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﲡﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﰲ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴًﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(١٨ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻳﻌـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻮﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﺒﻜﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﺣﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻀﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬
‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﺶﺀ )‪.(Becker,1996:36‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﲝﺎﺙ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺎﳌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺄﺗﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﻓﺈ‪‬ﻢ ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺶﺀ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻠﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺷـﺪﻫﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺶﺀ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﳊﺎﺟﺘﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﺓ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺪﺍﺀ‬
‫‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﻟﻐﻮﻥ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺼﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ )‪ .(Graber,1997:11‬ﻭﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺒﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﳍﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺻـﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺣـﻮﳍﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺸﺌﺘﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳘﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻔـﻮﻟﺔ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻓـﺘﻌﲎ ﺑﺘﻨـﺸـﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﻟﻐﲔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻳﲏ‪.(٢٥٢ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨـﺸﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ؛ ﻷﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧـﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﻮﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﳕﻂ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ؛ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺗـﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﳜﺘﻠـﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻵﺧﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻳـﺆﺛﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺒﻴـﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )‪.(Graber,1997:219‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘـﺪﳝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗـﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤـﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
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‫ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻜﻤـﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﳜﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﹰﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺿـﺪ ﺻـﺎﺣﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‪.(٩٨ :١٩٨٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨـﺸﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ ﻟﻠﺘﻨـﺸﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﺳـﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺬ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺯ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﲤﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲝﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ؛ ﳉﺬﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ )‪ .(Newman,2004:18‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﹰﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﲝﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺭﲝﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﻳﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﳎﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﺼﻨﻊ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻗـﻴﻢ ﰎ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﲝﻜﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘـﺴﻮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻷﲝﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
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‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻓﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻓﻜﻼﳘـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ )‪ .(Joep,2002:196‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ ﺑﲔ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳـﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺑﺪ ﳍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻜﺴﺐ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳـﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺠـﺎﺡ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻤﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺻﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺼﺺ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﳉﻬﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﺼﺺ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﳐﺘﻠﻘﺔ )ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻭﺧﲑﺕ‪.(١٠٥:٢٠٠٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟـﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﱪﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘـﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻮﻇﻔﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ ﺻـﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )‪(Peter,1982:186‬؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺨﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕـﺎ ﰲ ﲨﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ؛ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﶈﻜﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﳕﻮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﳛﺪﺩ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻨﻈﺮﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺭﺋﻴـﺴﺔ ﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﺸـﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ )‪.(Savigny,2002:3,4‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ‬
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‫ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﱪﺍﳎﻬﻢ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫـﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﳒـﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻋﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﰲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﺑﱪﻧﺎﳎﻪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ ﻭﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻭﺝ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻉ ﺃﺟﺮﺗﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﳝﺰ ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺳﻲ ﰊ ﺇﺱ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ )‪ (%٢٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗـﺄﺛﺮﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.(١١٤: ١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻜﻤﺎﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ؛ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳـﺘﻄﻼﻉ ﺃﺟـﺮﻱ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺿﺢ )‪ (%٦٠‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺰﻳﻴـﻒ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺁﺧـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴـﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻨﲔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ﲟـﺎ ﻳﻘـﺎﺭﺏ ‪ ٦٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴـﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ )ﻣﻬﻨـﺎ‪٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٥٣_٥٢:‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﳝﻪ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲝﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﺠﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺒـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﲪﻼﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ـﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﻟـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ .(٥٣:‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﲑ ﻟـﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

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‫ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﳌﻤﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﲪﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٢‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ‪.(Newman,2004 : 21) ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴـﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﲝﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﲔ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﺣـﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﲞﻄﻂ ﻣـﻀﺎﺩﺓ ﳋﻄـﻂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺳﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﻠـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﺰﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻬـﻮﺭ ﻋـﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻫﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠـﻮﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺃﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ‪ -‬ﳑﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﰲ ﲨـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﱪﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟـﻮﻻﺀ ﻭﻭﺍﺟـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻸﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺁﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺑـﺪﺃ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ )‪.(Dennis,2002: 10,14‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺷﺆﻭ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳـﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ؛ ﻓﻌﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬

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‫ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﺓ ﻭﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﲝﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺍﻟـﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻳـﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻭﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ ﻣـﻊ ﻣـﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫)‪.(Savigny,2002: 2‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻼﻳـﲔ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌ ‪‬ﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻼﻋﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﻭﺗﻮﺣﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻬﻢ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻔﻮﺫﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻌﺎﻳﺸﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ )‪.(Graber,1997: 3‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪.(٥٧ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﲢـﺪﺙ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ )ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪.(٢٠٦ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺅﻳﺘﻪ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺮﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺇﳒﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺹ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﺨﻂ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍﺎ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻛﱪﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺛﻘﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺗﻪ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﺟـﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻻ ﻳﻀﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺑﺆﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﻜﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻤﻮﺽ ﻭﺍﻹ‪‬ﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﳘﺎﳍﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻈﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺇﳍﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﺒـﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻋﱪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﳍﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﲟـﺎ ﳍـﻢ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳝﻠﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ )ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪.(٦٣ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻧﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ )ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻝ‪(٥٨:٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﲑ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑ )ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ(‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺿﻄﻼﻉ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺈﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﻤـﺎ ﲤـﺎﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﱪ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻻ ﻣﻔـﺮ ﻣﻨـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺰﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﲑ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻹﺭﺍﺩﺗﻨـﺎ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻬـﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﺇ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲢﺘـﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺓ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺻﻒ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺤﺎﺭﺱ ﺿﺪ ﺇﺳﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﻗﻴﺐ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﳊﻖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻳﻠﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﳍﺎ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﻗﻴﺐ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻬـﻢ ﺑﺎﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺒﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﲢﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ )ﺳﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪ ،(٣٩ :١٩٩٥ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻘـﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪.(٥٨ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
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 ‫ﻭﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ؛ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻋﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﳍـﺎ ﰲ ﻛـﺸﻒ ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﺇﳊﺎﺣـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺃﺑﻮﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪.(٢٠٩:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻣـﺮ ﺫﻭ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ ﺭﺋﻴـﺴﺔ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺘﺘﺴﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺟﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤـﺎ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲡﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﺘـﺴﺐ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴـﺔ ﲤﻴـﻞ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﳌﻨﻊ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻟﻠـﺴﻠﻮﻙ )ﺳـﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪:١٩٩٥ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٤٢_٣٨‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻻ ﲤﺪﻧﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧـﺎﻣﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺗﺄﺳﻴ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟـﺐ ﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺿﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺆﺟﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻬﻤﻞ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(١٦ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺘـﻬﺎ ﻟﻠـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﺻﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻄﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺷﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫‪١١‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻕ ﻃﺒﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻏﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﻋﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻛﻪ ﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺒﻠﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﺩﻋـﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻀﺨﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ‪‬ﺎﺟﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﳛـﺎﻭﻝ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺓ ﻋـﻦ ﺧﻄـﺄ ﻛـﺎﺭﺛﻲ‬
‫)‪.(Newman,2004:1‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ )ﻗﻮﻳﺲ‪.(٢٩٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺒﺒﲔ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﻷ‪‬ـﺎ ﻗـﺪ ﺗﻌﻄـﻲ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲢﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ )ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(١٩ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺷﻜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﺓ ﰲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻨﺢ ﻗﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.(١٤٨ :١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻧﻄـﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﳉﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ‬
‫ﳏﺪﺩ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﺾ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺤﻞ ﳏﻠﻪ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻌﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒـﻮﻱ ﳊﺴﺎﺏ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(٢ :١٩٩٤،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻐﺮﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ‬
‫ﰲ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻩ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﱪﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ﳍـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﰲ ﳐﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺇﻗﻠـﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .(٣:‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺸﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺗﱪﺯ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺻـﺎﻧﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺧﱪﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻼ ﺷـﻚ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻌﺰﻭﻑ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻـﺒﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠـﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﺼﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻈﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﳍﻢ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻉ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ )‪.(Graber,1997 :4‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺘـﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺼﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﻫﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺪﺭﺳﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ؛ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﻫﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣـﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﰐ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﳜﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﳍﻢ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴـﺚ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺳـﻠﻮﻙ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﳓﻮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ )ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪.(٢٠٨ : ٢٠٠٢،‬‬
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 ‫ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﳍﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻔﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺃﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺗـﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺛﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻳﺆﺛﺮﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺃﻋﻤﺎﳍﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻳﺘﺤـﻮﻝ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲡﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ )ﺟﺮﻳﱪ‪.(٢٩ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻫﻞ ‪ Rob Dahl‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜـﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺒﻮ‪‬ﺀﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﲑﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﹰﺎ )ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‪(٩٢ :١٩٨٤ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻗﻮﻯ ﺿﺎﻏﻄﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎﺀ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﲔ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﺃﻗﻮﻳﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ )ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪.(٩٨ :١٩٩٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ‪ Deutsch‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(١٠١ :١٩٨٦ ،‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﺿـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ‪‬ـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ )ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،(١٧ :١٩٨٨ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺾ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻗﻨﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﲜﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﻴﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﲜﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺣﱴ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻟﻠﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭﺗﺒﻴﲔ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈـﺮﻫﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ؛ ﻓﻌﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﺎﺀ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﲢﺪ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﱯ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑﻘـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ )ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪.(٢٦٠،٢٥٩ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲣﻔﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﲔ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﻗﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٢٦١ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ )ﺍﳌـﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﶈﻜﻮﻣﲔ )ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ(؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﻘﺮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻗﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﺑﲔ ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ؛ ﻓﺈﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺻﻌﺐ )ﺷـﺮﺍﺏ‪.(٩٨ :١٩٨٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﳒﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺿﻤﺎﺋﺮ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﳋﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺨﻀﻮﻉ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﳜﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻨـﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﲤﻠﻚ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳌـﺸﺘﺮﻙ؛‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳚﺐ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﻳﻐﻴﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻟﲔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭ ﺇﻻ ﺳـﻘﻄﺖ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺻﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﲦﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳋﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﶈﻜﻮﻣﲔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﺑﺼﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﺎﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺑﺼﺪﺩ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺗﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺭﺃﻱ‬
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‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ‪‬ﻭﺟﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(١٨٢ :١٩٨٦ ،‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﺙ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ‪ -‬ﻟﻐﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗـﻪ ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺪﻩ‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧـﺸﺮ ﻗـﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻤﲑ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈـﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫـﻲ ﺃﻓـﻀﻞ ﻭﺳﻴــﻠﺔ‬
‫ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴـﲑ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪.(٦٣ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳉﺴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﲣﻄﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺇﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻀﺎﻓﺮ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺃﻣﲔ‪.(١٧١ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ‪‬ﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻨـﺎﺥ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺒﺔ ﻭ‪‬ﺬﻳﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺻﻘﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘـﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟـﻀﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻤﻮﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨـﺰﻭﻉ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻣـﺔ ﻭﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺎﳍﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ )ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪(٦٥، ٦٤ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣـﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻗﺮﻳـﺔ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺃﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ )ﺍﳋﺎﺟﺔ‪ ،(٦٨٩ :١٩٨٩ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻣﺘـﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻖ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺇﱃ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ...‬ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺃﻣﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺗﻌﺮﺏ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺄﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﲢﻤﻞ ﻣـﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻳـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﳝﺘﺰﺝ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﻜﻮ‪‬ﻧﺎ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻵﺧﺮ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﳚﺐ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﻳﺘﻜﺮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﲡﻨﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻣﻢ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺇﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺰﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻟـﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣـﱴ‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻮﺫ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ‪ .‬ﻭﻣـﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻳﻔﺘﺨﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﻮ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﳌﺎﻧﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺘﺠﻨﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﻟﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣـﺔ‬
‫)ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪.(٢٧١ ،٢٧٠ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻘﻮﺓ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺀ ﺍﳋﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟـﺔ ﺑﻴﻨـﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﻫﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺒﺐ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲢـﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻣـﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺃ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻏﺐ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻟﻜﻲ‬
‫ﳛﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﺃﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺴﺘﺠﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٨٩‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ)‪ (%٨‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳـﻮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ)‪ (%٢‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪.(Graber, 1997:139‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻞ ﻋﱪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﻸﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺜﲑ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﳍﻠﻊ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻔﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻌﻨـﻒ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﳉﺬﺏ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(١٤:‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺮﻗﻠﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻄﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﲣﺸﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺎﻡ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ (١٤٩ :١٩٩٧ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﻳﺘﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﻨـﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺪﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎ ًﻗﻮﻳﺎ ًﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺎﺭﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﺎﻇﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻃﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘـﺴﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﳛﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﲡﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺍﻓﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﲤﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺸﻴﻂ ﺁﻟﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻠـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٥٠ :‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻐـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )‪ (Nimmo,1981:198,209‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗـﺼﻨﻒ ﲢـﺖ‬
‫ﲬﺴﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻮﺣﹰﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺿـﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺰﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺎﻋﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻣﺮ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﲏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻤﻌﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈـﺮﻩ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺮﻙ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﱐ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻻﻟﺔ‬‫ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﲢﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺎ ﹶ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺧﺼﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻭﻳﻼﺕ ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎ ٍﻥ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻭﺃﳕﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ؛ ﻓﺎﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺷـﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻐﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤـﺪ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘـﻲ‬
‫ﲟﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻌﺎ ٍﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﲝﺘـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﱐ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺎ ﹶ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﲏ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻨﻘـﺎﺵ؛ ﻓﻬـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺟﻴﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺙ؛‬

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 ‫ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﺄﰐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﺑﺔ ﲣﺮﺟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻀﻮﺀ ﺑﺎﳊﺪﻳﺚ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲡﻌﻼﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺷـﻴﺌﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ ﲡﺎﻫﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ًﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺑﻌـﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺿﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳـﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﻤـﺪ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻫﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻻ ﻳـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪﺩ ﺿﺌﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ًﳍﺎ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﳏـﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﺩﻓﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻗـﺖ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ ﻗـﺪ ﳛـﺪﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﳍﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﲡﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻔﻀﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﻭﺗﺮ ﺟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﺴﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﺳـﺒﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺼﺪﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺘﻐﲑ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬـﺎ ﺗﺒﻌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﳌﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎ‪‬ﻢ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ ،(٤٠:٢٠٠٢،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﰐ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﺳﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌـﺎﱐ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﳎﺎﺯﻳﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﳍﺎ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻭﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻴـﻞ ﻟﺘﻜـﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻴـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺄﺗﻴﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺩﻭﻥ‬

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 ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﳍﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﱐ ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻘـﺎﺋﻖ ﰎ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺻﻐﺮﻫﻢ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻜﱪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ "ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﱐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻋـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﲪﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺧﻄﺮﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻴﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺘﻴﻜﹰﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓـﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ؛ ﻓﻠـﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺃﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑﻩ ﺟﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻨـﺸﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻷﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻧﻌﺪ ﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﺃﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻴـﻞ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺣﻴﺎﺅﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺼﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺘﻨﺒﺆﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻈﻦ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳـﻮﻑ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺘﺴﻊ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆﺍﺕ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺇﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻳﻌﺪ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔـﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ؛ ﻓـﺎﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳛﺘـﻮﻱ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻮﺩ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﲜﻼﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﻟﻠﺘﻄـﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻄﻄﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻭﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺃﻣﻨﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻟـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻳﻠﻴﻖ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻄﻄﹰﺎ ﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﺳـﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺷـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻐـﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﲢﺮﻳﻜﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﻬﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌﺎ ً‬
‫‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﳛﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﻐﻠﻒ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻮﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﻟﻺﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺷـﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٣٦:‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﳍﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺰﺟﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻣﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ‪...‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺰﺟﺔ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺭﺙ؛ ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻛﺎﺭﺛﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ‪‬ﺪﺋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺅﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﻌﺪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﻬﺒﻂ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻌﺎﺽ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﺑﺎﻷﺫﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺄﻧﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺴﺎ ٍﻭ ﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺳﻮﻑ ﳛﻞ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻀﺮﺑﲔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﻬﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﳎـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻳﺮﺩﻉ ﺃﻱ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻷﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﲰﺎﺕ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ‬
‫ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﻭﺛﻴﻘـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻭﻓﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺮﺽ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻋﺪﻭﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﻴﻮﺩﹰﺍ ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻣـﻮﻇﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﳛﻖ ﳍﺎ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺠﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺅﻫﺎ )ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪.(٢٣ :١٤١٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺱ ﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺒﻘﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﰲ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺣﺮﺓ ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻓﻮﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻻﺣﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺣـﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺫﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﲢـﺖ‬
‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮ‪‬ﺽ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺤﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒـﺎﻟﻎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻓﻬﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﻴﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻗـﺪﺭ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳝﻠﻜﻮﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺮﻯ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﳚﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻟﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻷﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﺩﻡ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳊـﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘـﺎﺵ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﺎﺭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣـﻖ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻬـﺎ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ )ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .(١٧٧:١٩٩٨،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﲤﻠﻜﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﺧﺼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺃﺯﻣﱵ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻮﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﲡﻨﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺮﳝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻲﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﲔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃ ﹼﻻ ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻃﺒﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘـﺎﺕ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻨﺢ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺣﻖ‬
‫ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻷﻛﱪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﲔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﲢﺘﻔﻆ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻮﻛﻼﺀ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺃﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﲢﺎﻁ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٧٨:‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳌﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻲﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺓ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﳑﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﳛﺪﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﻳﺮﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﲟﺒﺎﺩﺋﻪ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﻪ ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻣﻲ‪.(٤٦١ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲣﺮﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ...‬ﲢﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻳﻼﺋﻢ ﺍﻟﻈـﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻱ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻴـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲤﻨﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ )ﺭﺷﱵ‪ .(٤٤٦ :١٩٨٦ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻊ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﱂ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ ﻗﺪ ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺧﻀﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻮﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ﻟﺒﲑﻭﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﱪ‪‬ﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌـﺪ ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﳍـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﻛﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﱪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﲎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻠﻘـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻂ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ‬
‫ﳏﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻯ ﺧـﻀﻮﻉ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺑﲑﻭﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳـﺔ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻼﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ )ﺣﺴﻦ‪.(١٥٩ :١٩٩١ ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﻄـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺻـﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﺳﻠﻜﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨـﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﻭﺍﳌﻠﺼﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺻﻮﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺱ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺼﺎﻍ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃ ‪‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﻌﹰﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﲨﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﺤﺮﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﻮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻃﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﲢﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﲢﻘﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﲟﻘﺎﺻـﺪ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﲢﺼﲔ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢـﺼﻴﻨﻪ‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﺿـﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪ (٧٦،١٨١، :١٩٩٦ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺎﻟﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﳛﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﹰﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻟﻪ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻭﳑﻴﺰﺍﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻃﻞ ﻭﲢـﺼﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺿﺪﻩ ﻭﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ )ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪.(٥٣:١٤١٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺠﺰﺀ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓـﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﻨﻐﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﻭﻣﻌﻄﻴﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ )ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪.(١٦٨:١٤١٨،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻻ ﲢﺪﺩ ﳕﻄﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜـﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﺮ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺒـﺎﺡ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،(٧١ :١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻻ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨـﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﻃﺔ ‪‬ـﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ؛‬
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‫ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﳊـﺮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﳍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﹰﺎ )ﺣـﺴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .(١٦٢ :١٩٩١‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺇﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺿـﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﻭ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻛﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﻔﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻹﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺘﻌـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻗـﺪ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺍﻟـﺼﺮﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﲦﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺮ ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻦ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﳌﻤﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﺃﺷﻜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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 ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴـﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺜـﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭ ﲝـﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋـﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺕ ﲝـﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺑﺄﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣـﻨﺬ ﻧﺸـﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻄــﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿـﻲ‬
‫)‪.(wimmer, 2003: 5,8‬‬
‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﻜﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ؟ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻘﻬﺎ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ؟‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺀ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﺴﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﲝﺜﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌـﻀﺎﻣﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺿﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﲡﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﺭﺳﻔﻴﻠﺪ ﻭﺑﺮﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﻭﻫﻮﻓﻼﻧﺪ ﻭﻛﲑﺕ ﻟﻴﻔﻦ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﺭﺷﱵ‪.(٣٧ ،٣٤ :١٩٩٣ ،‬‬
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‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺟﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷـﻜﻠﺖ‬
‫ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﰎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺃﻣﱪﻳﻘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ )ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،(٥٧ :١٩٩٣ ،‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻇﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﲨﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺿﺨﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲜﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺑـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﲨﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻳﻘـﻊ ﺿﺤﻴﺔ ﻟﻘـﻮﻯ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺔ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋــﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﺮﻳﺔ ‪ Magic Bullet Theory‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‬
‫‪ ،Mass Society‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﱃ ﲝﻮﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ Limited‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪Effects‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﲔ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﲝﺜﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﳏﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺒﺒﺎ ًﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲢـﺪﺙ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﺕ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠـﺔ ﻟـﻶﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﲨﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﻱ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﻘـﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃ ﰲ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻃﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻋﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﻔﻠﲑ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻝ " ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﻇـﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻈـﺮﻭﻑ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ")‪.(Defeur&Rokeach,1989:315‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﻗﻼﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺩﱏ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺷﻮﻫﺖ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺀﺕ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻟـﺴﻨﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻯ ﺇﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﻴﺚ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤـﺴـﻚ ﲟﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳـﺔ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﳏﺘﻤﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻳﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻮﺳــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋــﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ )‪.(Elizabeth,1983:157_165‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ ﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ ﲟﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳـﺔ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻠﲔ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻄﹰﺎ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲝـﺴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺭﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﺴـﲑﺓ ﲝـﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺟـﻪ‬
‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ) ‪.( Samuel, 1983: 383‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﺬﺑﺖ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬـﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ‪ Lasswell‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٢٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳـﺎﻟﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ )‪.(Lasswell,1927:221‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺭﻟﺪ ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺗﺪﺭﺏ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ ﰒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻳﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺋﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬

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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻳﺪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﰒ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﻻﺯﻭﻳﻞ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺗﺴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﱂ ﺗﻨـﺸﺄ ﺃﺻـ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺭﺷﱵ‪.(٣٥ :١٩٩٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺧﻠﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﲎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺑﻌﺒـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﲡﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﲔ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻜـﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲣﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻓـﻴﻤﻦ ﻳـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ‬
‫)‪.(Samuel,1983: 383‬‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟـﺮﻏﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﱂ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻷﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪Dependency Theory‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻴﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﻳﻔﻠﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﻛﻴﺘﺶ ‪ .Defleur&Rokeach‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺆﺳ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺗﺴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‪ :‬ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪.(Little, 1983: 291‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲞﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﲰـﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻮﺋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ؛ ﻓـﺎﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﶈﻴﻂ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ .(٢٩١: ١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺴﲑﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻛﻴﺰﺗﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺘﲔ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ ﻳﺴﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ ﻳﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﲨﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻨﺴﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﰒ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺳﻊ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(٢٣٣:٢٠٠٠،‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ ‪ ...‬ﺍﱁ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺺ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﹰﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ؛ ﻓﻼ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺇﺫﺍ‬

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‫ﱂ ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ ﻟﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺯﻋﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻـﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪...‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻀﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺭﲰﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﺎﺋﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ ‪.(٣١٩: ١٩٩٨‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺮﺍﻉ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻔـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﻭﳛﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ )ﻛﺎﰲ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٤٥‬‬
‫ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﻤﻮﺽ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﻘـﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺴﺮ ﻏﻤﻮﺽ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟـﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﺘﺤـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳛﺪﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﰲ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﶈﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻜﺜﻒ ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﳝﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺘـﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬـﺎ ﻭﻓﻘـﹰﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻭﻓﻘـﹰﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﰲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ‪ ...‬ﻭﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻧـﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪﺍ‪‬ﻢ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺷﱴ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻐﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴـﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘـﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳـﻢ ﺍﳌﻌـﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻴﻂ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻤﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻴـﻪ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﳉﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﺆﳌﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻏﺘﺮﺍﺏ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﳍﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺮﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺟﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﺄﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﻴﻂ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺸﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺑﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻔﺰﻫﻢ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﻤﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳋﻤﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻘﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪.(٢٣١: ١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﻘﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻫﺎ ﳑﺎ ﻗـﺪ ﻳـﺼﻌﺐ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪Uses & Gratifications‬‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺗﻘـﻮﱘ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﲎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﲟـﺪﻯ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﳛﻘﻘﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﻏﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲢﻮ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻠﻖ ﺳﻠﱯ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻭﻟﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﻣﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ )ﺳﻌﺪ‪ (٧٥:٢٠٠٠،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ؛ ﻓﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟـﺬﺍ ﳜﺘـﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪.(٢٤١ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻂ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﺸﻂ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﳜﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻘﻖ ﻟﻪ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗـﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻤﻮﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒـﺪﺍﺋﻞ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﲟﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻣﻔﻬـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﺸﻮﺍﺋﻴﹰﺎ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﺮﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑﲔ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻟﻴﻔﺮ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﺍﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )‪ .(Levy,1984:63‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘـﻬﻰ ‪ Tagq‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﱪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﲟﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳝ ﹼﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻌﻪ )ﺣﺴﻦ‪.(١٩:١٩٩١،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺷﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﻬﺎ )ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺤﺼﻞ( ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻴـﺖ ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻗﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳜﺘﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻷﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﻔﺴﺮﻭﻥ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﰒ ﲢﺪﺩ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﲑﻯ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻟﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕـﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﻋـﻀﺎﺀ ﰲ‬
‫ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ )‪ .(Johnstone, 1974: 35, 1984:63‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺫﻫﺒﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺮﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟـﺪﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻓﺘﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻨـﺸﺄ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻔﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺟﺪ ‪ Kippex‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲬـﺲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ )‪.(Kippax,1980:335,360‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ‪ Palmgreen‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫)‪.(Palmgreen,1981:451,478‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻟﻘﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧـﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺎﻛﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺑﻴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺑﻴﻠﻴـﺪ ﻭﻛـﺎﺗﺰ‬
‫)ﺣﺴﻦ‪.(٢٣:١٩٩١،‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺸﲑﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟـﺬﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻮ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳌﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ ‪‬ـﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺲ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺃﺷﻜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺧﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻬﺮﻭﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻐﻮﻁ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﲤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺤﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠـﻬﺮﻭﺏ ﻣـﻦ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﻣﻌـﲔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻮﻋﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻔﻌﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﳏﺘـﻮﻯ ﻣﻌـﲔ‪ ،‬ﻹﺷـﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻳﻈﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳉﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳـﺚ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﺒﻊ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻃﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺮﺧﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﱪﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻠﺴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﻋﻨﺘﺮ‪.(٩٢:٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻨﻒ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺫﻭ‬
‫ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻏﲑﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘـﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻴﺰ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﻧﻮﻋﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺼﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ؛ ﻭﺇﺷـﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﳏﺘـﻮﻯ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪.(٢٩٤:١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
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‫ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﳋﺮﻳﻄـﺔ ﺍﻹﺷـﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺮ ‪ Winner‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷـﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﲟﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﲟﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻀﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴـﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﲏ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺬﻳﻌﲔ ﻭﻛ‪‬ﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﳝﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣـﻊ ﺗﺰﺍﻳـﺪ ﺍﻧﻌـﺰﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﻨﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺑﺪﻳ ﹰ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻗﻼﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻀﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﲡﻨﺐ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﲡﻨﺐ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻘﺴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﱃ ﻧﻮﻋﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﺘﺨﺰﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﲑﺓ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ‪‬ـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ؛ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺜﲑﺓ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺎﺩﺛﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺘﻢ ‪‬ـﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ )ﻋﻨﺘﺮ‪.(٩٦:٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻔﻀﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﻭﺗﺮﺟﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﺎﻛﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﺨﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬
‫ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﳓـﻮ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﻏﺐ ﰲ ﺍﺧﺘﺰﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺸﺮﺡ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﲝﺚ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳍـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﻬﻢ ﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻘﻘﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﳛﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﳛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.(٤٩: ١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﻣﻜﻲ‪،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ (١٠٦: ١٩٩٥ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣـﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜـﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺷـﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﲟﺮﺷﺤﻴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﳌﺮﺷﺤﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺍﲣﺬ ﺳﻠﻔﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻐﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻳﻔـﻀﻠﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺧﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﱪﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﻣﺎ ﻟﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﰐ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻭﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﲢﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣـﺎ ﻳـﺴﺘﺠﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻌﻴـﻨﲔ ﺃﻭ ﲡـﺎﻩ‬

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‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻨﺪﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺃﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ) ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،(٥١:‬ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺭﻏﺒﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺺ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺭﻏﺒﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺇﺷـﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺘﻀﺢ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲝﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻃﻼﻋﻪ ﻭﻳﺸﺒﻊ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺗـﺼﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﳌﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻌـﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ ) ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،(٥٢: ١٩٩٧ ،‬ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﳝﺲ ﺣﻴـﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﺍﻕ ‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺛﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻵﺧﺮ ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳍـﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﳍﺎ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﻘﺪﺡ ﰲ ﻣـﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻃـﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ ﻭﻫﺎﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ؛ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻤﺪﺓ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻫﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳍﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﳛﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻷﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(٢٩١ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
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 ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫‪Agenda Stting‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﲪﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌـﺮﺽ ﶈﺘـﻮﻯ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ )ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ .(١٣٠:١٩٩٨،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﳜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺜﲑ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﻤﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨـﺪﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳏﺪﺩﺓ )ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪.(٥٣:٢٠٠٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﺟﺬﻭﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟـﺴﺘﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ )ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺧﻲ‪(٨٨:١٩٩٩،‬؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺮﻛـﺰ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺃﺟﻨـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ؛ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﻛﻮﻣﺒﺲ ﻭﺷﻮ ‪١٩٧٢ McCombs & Show‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃﻥ ﲝﺚ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﲔ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣـﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻻﺯﺭﺳﻔﻴﻠﺪ ‪ Lazarsfeld‬ﻋﺎﻡ‪١٩٤٤‬ﻡ )ﻣﻜﻮﻳﻞ‪ .(١٧٩:١٩٩٢،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﳜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘـﻬﺎ ﻭﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺜﲑ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﲡﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﻳﺪﺭﻛﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻳﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﻠﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ؛ ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﲢﻈﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،(٢٨٨:١٩٩٨،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﳓﻮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﲡﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻟـﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻻﻣﱪﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒـﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻘـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻷﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ )‪.( Mcquail&Windahl,1981:62‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻫﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﻣـﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴـﻒ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗـﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻛﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺟﻨـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻨﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺮﺁﺓ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﲑﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺻـﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﲔ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
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‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻮ ﺍﻧﻌﻜـﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺻـﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺷـﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪. (٤٠_٣٩ :١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺟﻨـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻷﺧﺺ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛـﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺗﺎﺣـﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﻭﻗـﺖ‬
‫ﻑ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﳝﻨﺢ ﺃﺟﻨـﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﺎ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﶈﻴﻂ ﺑﻪ )‪.(Marcus & Maxell, 1996:8‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑـﲔ ﳏﺘﻮﻳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻋﺎ ٍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻌﲏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳍﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲪﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗـﻨﺠﺢ ﰲ ﲪـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪.(١٠٦:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﳑﻴﺰﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺆﺳﺲ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﲝﻜﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﲝﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﳍـﺎ؛ ﻓﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﳏﻴﻄﻪ ﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻏﻤﻮﺿﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ )ﺑﺎﳊﺎﺝ‪.(٥٥:٢٠٠٣،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻭﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ ﻟﺘﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ‪ Agenda building‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳـﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻛﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﳉﺬﺏ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻐﻔﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﳉﺬﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺃﺧـﺬﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺛﻮﻕ ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻷﺟﻨـﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌـﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘـﺼﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ‪ Frame‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻ‬
‫ﲣﱪﻧﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﺎ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﲣﱪﻧﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿـﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺡ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ؛ ﻟﺘﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺐ‬‫ﻧﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺗﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﳓﻮ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻄـﺮﻭﺡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻃﺮ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣـﺞ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻟـﺐ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻌﻜـﺲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫)‪.(Joseph,1996:543_544‬‬

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‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺼﲑﺓ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪ Cognitive priming‬ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪‬ﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗـﺼﻠﺢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﺨﻄـﻰ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻜﺜﻒ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺪ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺖ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﳉﺰﻡ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﻷﻭﺍﻧـﻪ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺳـﺒﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﱪﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ؟‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﲟﻜﺎﻥ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻸﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﲡﺰﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺇﺿﺎﰲ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻤﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪. .(٣٥٤_٣٥٣ :٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻇﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻱ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﺴﲎ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟـﻪ ﻗﻴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫‪Knowledge Gap‬‬
‫‪Tichenor&Olien‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲝﻮﺙ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺘﺸﻨﺮ ﻭﺩﻭﻧﻮ ﻭﺃﻭﻟـﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﻭﺍ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲟﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺃﺳـﺮﻉ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎﻥ" )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪ .(٣٣٩ :١٩٩٨ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﳍﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﳕﻮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﱪﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺗﺘﺸﻨﺮ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﰲ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻄﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﳏﻮﺭﻳـﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ؛ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﻻ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻳﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﶈـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺷﻴﺘـﺴﻠﻲ ‪ Hyman&Sheatsly‬ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٤٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﳌـﺴﺢ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺃﺟـﺮﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ ‪١٩٦٧ Robinson‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜـﺎﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺿﻴﻘﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌـﲔ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻪ – ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ – ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊـﺮﺹ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﻘﻠﺺ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣـﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﰒ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﱴ ﺗﻐﻠﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻈﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺠـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴـﺔ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻠﻖ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﺳﻬ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﺘﺸﻨﺮ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ‪١٩٧٥‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗـﻀﻖ‬
‫ﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﻛﻼﻳﻦ ‪١٩٧٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﺪﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺠـﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻀﻖ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺴﺎﻉ )ﻛﺎﰲ‪.(٦٦: ٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﻟـﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ؛ ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺪﺙ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﰲ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲡﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻳﻔﻀﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺇﱃ ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ )ﻣﻜﻲ‪،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪.(١٢٨: ١٩٩٥ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻖ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺠـﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ )ﻣﻜﻮﻳﻞ‪.(١٨٤:١٩٩٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺠـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺃﻣـﻞ ﺟـﺎﺑﺮ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺘﻬﺎ ‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺪﺍ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﳘـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺨـﺬ ﻣﻮﺍﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻫﻠﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﺘﻮﱘ‪.(٤٨ :١٤٢١ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﻔﻘﺖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻏﻨﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﻘﺮﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺿﺢ )ﺗﻴﺘﺸﻨﺮ( ﻭﺯﻣﻼﺅﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳐﺰﻧﺔ ﻭﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑـﺬﻭﻱ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺫﻭﻭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳛﺼﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻐﲑﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺬﻛﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤـﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺘﻤـﻰ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ ‪.(٢٩٨ :٢٠٠٠،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﺆﺛﺮﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻜﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺑﻴﱯ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻝ ‪١٩٨١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬
‫ﲬﺲ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﲪﻠﺔ ﻭﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺘﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻮﺓ ﺑﺎﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌـﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺆﺷﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﱪﺍﻧﺖ ﺟﲑﺩ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ‪١٩٨٣‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺧﺘﱪﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧـﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﲰﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺻـﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻤﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﹰﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗـﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈـﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴـﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤـﺖ‬
‫‪SPIRAL OF SILENCE‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻗـﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺻﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺷﺪﺗﻪ ) ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ .(٢٨٦:‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ " ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
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‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ؛ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﰲ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻃـﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﻭﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ‪Noele Neumann‬‬
‫‪١٩٧٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﻮﻳﻞ‪.(١٩٢:١٩٩٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﺎﻣﺘﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺧﻮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺰﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﲏ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗـﺼﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺆﻳﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﳍﻢ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪.(١٩٢: ١٩٩٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴـﺪ‪ (٢٨٩_٢٨٨: ٢٠٠٠،‬ﲡﻌـﻞ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﳛﺮﺻﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﺪﺍﺀ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺂﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﳛﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﺪﺍﺀ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻏﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺙ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
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‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜـﹰﺎ ﺑﺈﻣـﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺎﺕ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣـﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(Dietram,1999:30‬ﻭﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ Neumann‬ﺃﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﺘﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ )ﺩﻟﻴـﻮ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (٣٨:٢٠٠٣‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﳏﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﲢﻜﻤﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺂﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌـﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﺇﺑﺎﻥ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ‪١٩٨٤‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﱪﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﹰﺎ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﱪﻭﺍ ﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ‪‬ﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺳـﻮﻑ ﻳﻔـﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﻠﺼﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻣﻘﻮﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻤﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺂﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻭﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )‪.( Carroll, 1997: 452,463‬‬
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‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ )‪ ،(Jacob,1995:24,53‬ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﺅ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺒﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﳓﻮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ )‪ (%٥١‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ‪ (%٥٧) ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻗـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(%٥٣‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻳﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٢٥‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ )‪ (%٥٠‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﻳﻒ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻣﺘﺔ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻬـﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴـﺪ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺻﻤﺖ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋـﻮﻑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕـﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺇﳌـﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀـﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄــﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻘــﺎﺵ‬
‫)ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪.(٢٨٤: ١٩٩٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻚ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻜﺮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺒﲎ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹰﺍ ﻭﺛﺎﺑﺘﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧـﹰﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺰﻳﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﺝ ﳍﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﲟﻌﺰﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘـﺼﻞ‬
‫ﲟﺼﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲞﺼﺎﺋﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﲢﻴﻂ ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺃﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﳏـﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻟﻠﺘـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻨﺘﺠﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﺩ ﺃﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳـﺔ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﱵ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﻜﺮﻫﹰﺎ ﳓﻮ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺍﳌﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﳛﺘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﳒﺪ ﺟﺪ ﹰﻻ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻺﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺑﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟ ﺃﻡ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺇﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؟‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﲟﻨﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻄﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺍﲡﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺒـﺪﺀ ﺑﺈﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻳﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

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 ‫ﺃﻥ ﲦﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﻳﻦ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﺎﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳊـﺮ ﺗـﺄﺛﺮﺕ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺑﺪﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻨـﺎﺀ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺑﺎﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇـﻬﺮ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳊﺮ ﻟﺘﺴﻴﲑ ﺁﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﻘــﹰﺎ ﻟﻸﺳﺎﻟﻴــﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃــﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪.(٢ :١٩٩٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﲢﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﰲ ﳕـﻮ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺤﻨﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌـﲏ ﺍﻣـﺘﻼﻙ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻻﻛﺘﻔـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﺬﺍﰐ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ‪‬ﻢ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻـﺮ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﳉﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻰ )ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪.(٤١،٣٥ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤـﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲤـﺎﺭﺱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳊـﺰﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱪﳌـﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪..‬ﺇﱁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺷـﻴﺪ ﳑﺎﺭﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﳊﲔ ﻟﺘﻮﱄ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄـﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺘﻘﺪﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﱪﺍﳎﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ؛ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﱄ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﳎﻪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ )ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪.(٢٠٤:٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﹰﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻭﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﺗﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻻﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻼﳍـﺎ ﺭﻏﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﲤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﺽ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺇﱃ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﻓﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌـﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘـﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﻤـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٤٢_٤١ :٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻸﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳـﻀﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﺆﻛـﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪(٢٥:١٩٩٦،‬؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻠﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳌـﺘﻐﲑﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻞ ﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺗﻀﺎﺅﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ‪.‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻴﻮﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺈﻣﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﲟﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﺼﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺨﺬﻭﻫﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺚ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺷـﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

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‫ﻭﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺒﺚ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻭﻣﺪﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ )ﻧﺪﺍ‪.(١٠٥:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﳏﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ )ﺟﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪(١٤:٢٠٠٤،‬؛ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﺭﻗﻌﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺩﺍﻟﺘـﻮﻥ‪ .(٣٨ :١٩٩٦ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺇﳊﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺴَﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺪﻱ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﲏ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻌـﻞ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﺔ ﻛﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻋﻤﻬﻢ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﳚﻌﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﺰﰊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﺄﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺳـﻠﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻓﻌﻠـﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺭﻉ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻲ ﺗﻠﱯ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﻠـﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲤﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺼﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺍﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺻﻤﻤﺖ ﻟﺘﺤﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻭﺗﺴﻴ‪‬ﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻟﺘﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﻛﻤﺎ ‪‬ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﻓـﺮﺻﹰﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﲤـ ﹼﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃـﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﶈﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻔﻀﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻘﺪ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺨﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٩‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪ " :‬ﺇ‪‬ﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺕ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﻭﺍ ﺑﻔﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺛﻘﺘـﻬﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﻌﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺘﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﻣـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٢٥٩ _٢٥٨ :‬‬
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‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﻋﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻗﺖ ﺫﺭﻋﹰﺎ ﲟﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﲢﺘﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳـﺎﺕ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺬﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻞ ﻟﻺﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻳﻴـﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﲪﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻃـﺮﻕ ﺗـﺴﻮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳏﺘﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﲨﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻚ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣـﺴﺤﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﺎﺩ )‪ (%٨٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲﺀ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ )‪.(Swanson , 2000: 2‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﻹﳛﺎﺀ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺻـﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺟـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺧﺼﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﲢﺪﺛﻪ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺘﺮﺣـﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﺳﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪.(٣١ :١٩٩٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺤﺎﺭﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﳚـﺐ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﹰﺎ ﺣﱴ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﻤﻔﻬـﻮﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﲑﻭﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﲦﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﻛﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‪ :‬ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
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‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪ ...‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ )ﳏﻤﺪ‪.(٢٥ :١٩٨٩،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﳏﺪﺩ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﳜﻀﻌﻪ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﻢ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ )ﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،(١٠٥:٢٠٠٤،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﺨـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻌﲎ ﺯﺍﺋﻒ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﻔﺬﺓ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻣﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺳﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪(١٤٧:‬؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺗﱪﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﱴ ﻟﻺﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺸﲑ ﰲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻫـﺎ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳍﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟـﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﱏ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺔ )ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ .(٧٨ :٢٠٠١،‬ﻭﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻘﺎﺋﺾ ﻭﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺳﺎﺗﲑ ﺇﻥ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﲤﻬﻴﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺒﻖ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ؛‬
‫ﻓﺘﺠﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﳍـﺎ‬

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 ‫ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻀﺮ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻄـﺐ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻠـﻦ ﻋﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺼﻴﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﲞﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣـﻞ ﻭﺗﺘﻌـﺎﻇﻢ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺒﺎﻃﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﰒ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﳍﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﳊـﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻬﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﰐ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ ﻭﺗﺘﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺈﳒـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﲢﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ )ﺍﳌﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮﺝ( ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ )ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻟﻮﺝ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ*‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻠﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﻔﺮﺟـﹰﺎ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣﻨـﻪ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﹰﺎ‬
‫)ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﻱ‪(٦٤ :١٩٨٥،‬؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﺗـﺼﺎﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﺣﺘﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،(٧٠ :١٩٨٣ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﲨﺎﻫـﲑﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻔﻘﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺜﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮﻯ ﻭﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻧـﺸﻮﺀ ﳎﺘﻤـﻊ ﻳﺘـﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟـﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻐﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﲨﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻭﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﳎﺎﻻ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﺷﻜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﺛﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘـﻮﱃ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﲢﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺭﺿﺎﺀ ﺍﶈﺘﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺨﻂ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻛﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺨﺬﻻﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻋﻨﺪ ﳉﻮﺋﻬﻢ ﳍﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴـﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬـﻢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ )ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.(١٦٢ :١٩٩١،‬‬

‫ﺍﳌﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮﺝ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻟﻮﺝ‪ :‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬

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‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﻫﺔ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺯ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ‬
‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(١٦٤ :‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻌﻴﲔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺃﻛﻔﺎﺀ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺩﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺀ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﻛـﻞ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺃﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﺳﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﻠﱯ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ (١٧٠ :‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﻏﻴﺒـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺻـﺎﺣﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼـﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﲝﺠـﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌـﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺘﺮﻥ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﺸﺒﺚ ‪‬ﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﲟﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻛﺄﳕﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺇﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻠﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﳑﻦ ﳍﻢ ﺻﻠﺔ ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ...‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺪﻣﺮ ﻭﺧﻄﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻄﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳓﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺫﻭ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﱄ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺺ ﺩﺳﺎﺗﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻷﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﲏ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﲑﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻘﻘﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺴﻬﻤﻮﻥ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺘـﻬﺎ‬

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‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﺎ ﲣﻀﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺿﻐﻮﻃﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(٤٤٢:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﲝﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺣـﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﻲ‪.(٥١: ١٩٩٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻜﻮﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻔﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲣﻀﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﻘﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﳕـﻂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﳕﻂ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺒﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﳕﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻌﺒ‪‬ـﺮ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﻭﲢﻘﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﲑ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ )ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪(٥٦:١٤٢٧،‬؛ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﺨﺬﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺿﻮﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﻗـﻒ ﻣـﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻬـﲏ ﻟﻠﻌـﺎﻣﻠﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮﺓ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ؛ ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺻﻤﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻼﺋﻢ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻭﻇـﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻠﱯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺩﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻓﻴـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬
‫‪ ،(٤٤:‬ﻭﺍﳌﺨﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﰲ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،(٧٢ :٢٠٠٤،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺣﻴﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺮ ﻭﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻔﻠـﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﳕﻂ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﺛﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻬﺪ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻣﻨـﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﻣﻠﻜﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﳕـﻂ ﻣﻠﻜﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺈﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻖ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ...‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺮﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻤـﻂ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳـﺔ‬
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‫‪ .(Ralf,‬ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫)‪1971: 327‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ )ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓـﺔ ﻟﻠـﺮﺑﺢ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﻠﻜﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﳓﻮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ( ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﺻـﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻟﻐﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺯﻣـﻦ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﳝﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﻛﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﲔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﳋﻄﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﲝﺪ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺘﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﺿﻤﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﳛﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ )ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺲ‪(١٧٠ :١٩٨٥ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﲰﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﳛﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻼﳏﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﱄ ﻫﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﻜﺮ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﳌﻼﻙ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ )ﺧﻀﻮﺭ‪.(٩٣ :٢٠٠٠،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺗﻌ ‪‬ﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺍﳊﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺤﻖ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬـﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻔـﺴﲑﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ ﳓﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﳒﺎﺣﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﻜﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺻـﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻏﲑﻫـﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻭﺑﻴـﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻭﻏﲑﳘـﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﱂ ﺗﻨﻐﻤﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺪ ﻭﺍﳉﺬﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﰎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻞ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻇﻤﺖ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺪﺧﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ )ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪.(١٣ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺄﰐ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺇﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﲢـﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻪ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﲟﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻓﻘـﺪﻫﺎ ﻣـﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺘﻬﺎ )‪،(David,1996:8‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﲔ ﻗﻠﺖ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲪﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﰲ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ )ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ( ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺪ ﺗـﻀﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﻓﺴـﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻛﻴـﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﳍﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﻴـﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻤﺘـﻊ ﲝﺮﻳــﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻔـﻮﺫ‬
‫)ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻮﻥ‪.(٣٤٨ :١٩٩١،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﳌﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻣﻦ ﳝﻠﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﲢﺮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺍﺓ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴـﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ )ﺟﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪.(٢٦٤:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
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‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﳋﻂ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻠـﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻛـﻞ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺣﺰﺑﹰﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺃﺑﻮﺯﻳﺪ‪(٢٩٢ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔـﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻜﻞ ﺿﻐﻄﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻑ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﲣـﺎﺫ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺿﻐﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺑﻂﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،(٢٥٥ :١٩٩٣ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﻛـﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣـﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﲢﺪﻳﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗـﻮﻯ ﻭﺃﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﻳﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻳﺜـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺰﻟﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﺭﺑـﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻌـﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲡﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﲔ ﺍﳌﺬﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫ﲢﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﳕﻮ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣـﺸﺠﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﲔ؛ ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻋﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﺎﻓﺢ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﲢﻘﻖ ﳍﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺳﻴﻀﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﳓﻮ ﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺷﻬﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ )‪.(Swanson, 2000: 2‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ‪‬ﻴﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﲰﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻻﻋﺒﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﺩ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿـﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺙ ﺗﻮﺳـﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﳌـﺆﺩﻳﻦ ﺟـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻟﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﻠـﱯ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﳐﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﲨﺎﻫﲑ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲣﺼﺼﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﻭﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﲑ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻄﺖ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﲡﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻟﻴﻼﺋﻢ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻬﻘﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻞ ﲢﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻮﺀﺓ ﺑﺄﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﻭﺍﳉﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺎ‪‬ﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺻـﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺗﻀﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺼﺖ ﺃﻭ ﰎ ﲢﺠﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳛﺪﺩ ﻭﳜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈـﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻄﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﹰﺎ ﳌﻐﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﰎ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺼﻬﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﻒ ﺃﻥ ﻣـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺧﻄﺮ )‪.(Swanson, 2000: 3‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻐﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌـﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
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 ‫ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺑﻼﻏﻪ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺇﺻـﺪﺍﺭ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ )ﻏﺎﱄ‪ .(٦٣ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺗـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﺍﻧﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﻌﻮﻕ ﳛـﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺨـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺎﺗﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﻭﺭﺅﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﺧﻄﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،(٢٦١: ١٩٨٢،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﲤﺘﻠﻚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋـﱪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﻭﺳﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺻﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻭﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺻﺤﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﲡﺮﳛﹰﺎ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ‪‬ﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺿـﻐﻂ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﺎﺱ ‪‬ﺎ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻣـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻈـﻞ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪ ،(٣٠٣: ١٩٩٩،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲢﻈـﺮ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﺇﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷـﺄﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻜﲑ ﺻﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻈﻞ ﲢﺖ ﻫﺎﺟﺲ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻷﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳏﻈﻮﺭﹰﺍ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ، (٣٠٦:‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﰲ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻺﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻭﻛـﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷـﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )‪.(Hafez,2002:123‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﻗﻠﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻓﺮﺿﺘﺎ ﲢﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﻫـﺎ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺤﺎﺭﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺧﱪ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻈﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺻﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻬﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺇﺣﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪.(١٢١: ٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻲﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌـﺆﺛﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﲦﻴﻨﺔ ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﻌـﺒﲑ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻪ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﳍﺎ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﻷﻫـﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭ)ﺩﻗﺮﻃﺔ( ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﺸﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺸ ‪‬ﻮﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﳌـﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﺘـﻀﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺴﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﲡﺴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻧﺰﻳﻬﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺄﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﺒﲎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ )‪.(Savigny, 2002:5‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺸﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﲰﻴـﹰﺎ‬

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‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﲟﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﰊ ﺇﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ )ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪.(٢٣٠ :٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﲢﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻠﺺ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﻧﻘﺎﺷـﻪ ﻭﻃﺮﺣـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻛﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﳏﻄـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﻭﺍ‪‬ـﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ) ‪.(Xigen, 1998: 355‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﻜﺜﺮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﱂ ﲢﻞ‬
‫ﳏﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻥ‪.( ٥٥:٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ ﺑﻮﺍﺳـﻄﺔ ﺍﳍـﺎﺗﻒ ﺍﶈﻤـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻘﻠﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﲤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻔﻮﺿﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﲝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﲡﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟـﻪ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﺪﺙ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ ﻭﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻣـﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻭﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫)‪(Savigny,2002:7‬؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺪ ﻭﻏﲑ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﻠﻮﻁ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏـﻢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻏﺒﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻤـﻖ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺇﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺒـﺪﻭ ﺿـﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﺣﺸﺪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﲨﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺪﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﰲ ﻏﲑ ﳏﻠﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺗﻐﻠﻐﻠﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻔﺤﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﺤﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘـﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﲔ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﻓﲑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣـﺎﻥ‪:٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫‪ .(١٧٤‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺴﺲ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪ ﲣﻔﻔﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻀﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ ﲢﻜﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻧﻔـﺲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻟﺘﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻸﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﰎ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ‪ ٧٠٠‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳍـﺎﺗﻒ ﻭﺷـﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻴﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺘﻠﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ )‪،(Stamoulis,2004:50‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﲢﻜﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻬﺪﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺑﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣـﻊ ﺍﻛﺘﻤـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﳍﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺑﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺑﺴﻌﺮ ﳏﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﳏﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﻌﺮ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﻌﺮ ﻋـﺎ ٍﻝ‬
‫ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ )‪. (Ibid :51‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻭﲰﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﻭﺍﶈﺪﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳـﺲ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻘـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﻴﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﳌـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﻨﺎﱄ ﻟﲑﺑﺰ ﺇﱃ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﻒﺀ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺸﻞ ﺃﻭ ﳒﺎﺡ ﻷﺣﺪ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻠـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ( ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻔﻬـﻮﻡ ﺍﳌـﻀﺎﺩ )ﺛـﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺣﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ( )‪.(Daniel,n.d:331‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻶﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻨـﻬﺎ‬

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‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻛﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺣﻞ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﲢﺮﻡ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫)ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ .(١٩٢ :١٩٩١،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﲎ ﻭﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﳚﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﻠﱯ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺒﲏ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻳﻨﻤﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﻓﻬـﻢ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ ﻣﻌﻬـﺎ )‪.(Conway,1985:20_21‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﻆ‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗـﺆﺩﻱ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺻـﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻌﻀﻮ ﰲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻌﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔـﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒـﺔ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺭﻋﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻧـﺸﻄﺔ ﳎـﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،(١٩٠ :١٩٨٩،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗـﻮﻓﲑ ﻗﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻣﻜﻲ‪.(٥٠ :١٩٩٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﲢﺎﺷـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﲡﻨﺒـﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﳛﺪﺙ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
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‫ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﳊﻘﻮﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻭﻗﺎﺋﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﶈﻴﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺛﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻐـﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﻭﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﺭﺟـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻳﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﺍﻟـﺬﺍﰐ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻼﺋﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻌـﺮﺽ ﳍـﺎ ﻭﺿـﻌﻒ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒـﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٢٢ :١٩٨٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﹸﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ – ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟـﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ )‪(Jason,1986:406‬؛ ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻮ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺭﳝﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﺰﺍﻝ ‪ Raymond Katzell‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٧‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ‪١٠٣‬‬
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‫ﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺴﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ‬
‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ‪‬ﻢ )‪،(Bruce,1981:35‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳛﻘﻘﻮﻥ‬
‫ﳒﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﺗﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴـﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺒـﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺭﺟـﺔ ﻛـﺒﲑﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ )‪(Conway,1985:22_ 23‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺫﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣـﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﻨـﺸﻐﻞ ﺑﺘﺤـﺴﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﺧﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺩﺧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺣﺘﻤﻴـﺔ ﻻﳔﻔـﺎﺽ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺪﱐ ﻣﺴﺘـﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴـﺔ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪،(٥٤ : ١٩٨١ ،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌ ﹼﻄﺮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﲟﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪ ...‬ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺃﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻳﺪﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻫـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ؛ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﺗﻘﻨﲔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ؛ ﻓﻔـﻲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻛﺠﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑﻩ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ )ﻏﺎﱄ‪.(٦٤ : ٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﻘﻒ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻂ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲣﺘﻠـﻒ ﻣﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﻜﻢ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺗﺒـﺎﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲝﺴﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺑﺢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﺮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﻟﺘـﺰﺍﻡ ﺑـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘـﺬﻭﻕ‬

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‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺬﻭﻕ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﳕﻄﹰﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﺇﺻﺒﻊ ‪ .(٣٠٤ :١٩٩٩ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﲨﺎﻋﺘـﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﻘﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﻣﺪﺭﻛﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ )ﺇﻣﺎﻡ‪. (٨٨ :١٩٨١،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﳒﺪ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴـﺔ )ﺭﻏﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﲟﻴﺰﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ( ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﻌﻠﻪ ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺧﱪﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻘﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺛﻘﺘﻪ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﲏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﳘﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻏﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺄﻯ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻠﻤـﺎ ﺿـﻌﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺻﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺒﻨﻴﻬﺎ )ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪:١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٧١_٢٧٠‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﻭﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪.(١٩٧ : ١٩٨١ ،‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌـﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺑـﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻚ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ" ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻌـﺪ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﰲ ﳜﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺃﻏﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺝ ﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ )ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٥٩:٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﻴـﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟـﺚ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺗـﺴﻴﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺻـﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .(٦٠:‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺻﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﺒﲑ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﳍﻴﻤﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺘﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺫﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺪﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻼﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﳐﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﻔﺰﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻧـﺸﺮ ﻣﺒـﺪﺃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻞ ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻞ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻣﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻛﺘﻠـﺔ ﻣﺘـﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﱯ ﻟﻠﻤـﻀﺎﻣﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺪﺓ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﲟـﺎ ﻳﻼﺋـﻢ‬
‫ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﻂ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﲢﻮﻳﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺇﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﳕﻂ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺣﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺣـﻞ ﺣﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺱ ﲟﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﲟﱰﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.(٦٧ :‬‬
‫ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻹﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻼﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﰲ ﻭﻃﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﲞﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺭﻫﻴﻨﺔ ﻟـﺮﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﲤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﻳﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳛﺪﺙ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻛﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺯﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺜﻤﺔ ﺗﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺷـﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻋـﺎﺑﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﲨﺎﻋﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺒﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣـﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟـﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺑـﺪﺃ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﺅﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﰲ ﻗﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻷﻣـﲏ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇ ﹼﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﲡﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﰲ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٦٤٨‬ﻡ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ )ﻋﺮﺍﰊ‪ .(٨٢ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻞ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗـﺆﺛﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﺘـﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺛﺮﳘـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﱄ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺓ‬
‫)ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ‪.(٣٠ :١٩٩٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻬﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﻤــﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬــﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﰲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﱁ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺘﻼﺕ؛ ﻓﺎ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺑـﺪﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰒ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ ﺃﻋﻤـﺎﳍﺎ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺪﺓ )ﺍﻟﻌﻮﰲ‪.(١٧١ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺷﺠﻊ ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺿﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺛﺮ‬
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‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺴﺎﺭﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺬﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻋﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺣﻜﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺴﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺿﺤﺖ ﻏﲑ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻛﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓـﺈﻥ ﳒـﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺴﻬﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﺭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨـﺴﺠﻢ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﻲ‪(١٤٠:٢٠٠٢ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﳘﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺭﺋﻴـﺴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺳـﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ‪‬ﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﻳـﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﲢﻴﻴـﺪ ﺍﻷﻋـﺪﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻇﺮﻳﻦ ﳍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺴﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﱄ ﲤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻸﻣﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻬﺎ )ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،(٤٨ :١٩٩٢،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﺎﺱ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺬ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﲤﺘﻊ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﲤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‪ ...‬ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﺿﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻏﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﺳـﻄﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ؛ ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺮﺍﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺩ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻣﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺻـﻨﻊ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳜﻔﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﺘﺘﺒﻮﺃﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪.(٣٢:‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺗﻮﻇﻒ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋـﱪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﱪ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻨﻮﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺧﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ )ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪.(٢٢٩ :٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻼ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻗﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﳎﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺳﻠﱯ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴـﺔ ﻣـﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺄﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﳘﺰﺓ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻣﺄﺳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻫﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑـﺪﺃﺕ ﲟﻘـﺎﻝ ﰲ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜـﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ )ﺳﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪.(٣٢: ١٩٩٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﳍﻢ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻬﻮﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻄﺌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﻛﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺕ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻀﺨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺣـﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠـﻴﺞ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ‪ ،CNN‬ﰲ ﺇﻳـﺼﺎﻝ ﺭﺳـﺎﺋﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﺒﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ )ﻧﺪﺍ‪(١٣٣:٢٠٠٤،‬؛ ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﲟﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﻲ‪.(١٣٥:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻂ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺳﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﲝﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻧﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲪﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺛﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬﺎ )ﻧﺪﺍ‪.(١٤٢:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﲤﺪ ﻣﺘﺨﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑـﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺗﻔـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﳘﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲜﻤـﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،Public Diplomacy‬ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﻇﻔـﺖ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﰲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻓﻌﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ﻋﱪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌـﺎﺭﻑ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻤﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺎﺿـﺮ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺘﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺇﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﺻـﻮﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺗﺄﻳﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻤﻢ ﻟﺘﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﲢﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﳐﺮﺟﺎ‪‬ـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﲑﺕ‪.(٧١_٦٩:٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺳﻠﻂ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧـﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳏﻄﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﶈﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﻮﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻌﺒﻪ ﳏﻄﺔ ‪ CNN‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﳏﻄﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻞ ﺭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟـﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﻷﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻐﲑ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ )‪ .(Hafez,2002:121‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺗﻮﺳﻄﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟـﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ؛ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﺩ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻨﻒ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ )‪ (Ibid,:121_122‬ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ‪ ، Glocalization‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻳﻌﲏ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﻣﺞ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺗﺼﺎ ﹰﻻ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻳﹰﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﻴﻔﺘﺢ ﺃﻓﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻄﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳـﻂ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﻄﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻟﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﺿﻒ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﲢﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺧﻄﻄﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺇﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﲢﺴﻨﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺧﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻨﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ‪ ، Institutionalization‬ﺇﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻄـﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓ؛ ﻓﻬـﻲ ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺳﺲ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ_ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ_‬
‫ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﳎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺗﺘﺄﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ‪ ، Informatization‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻓـﺈﻥ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻕ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺗﺼﺎ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ ﻭﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﺪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﺗـﺸﻜﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﺘﻈﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺣﱴ ﺃﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﺍﳌﱰﱄ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻌﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱄ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺤﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﶈﺪﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻨﱪ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﺿﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﻼﺕ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ؛ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗـﺒﲏ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲣـﺪﻡ ﻣـﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤـﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫)ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ‪.(٤١: ١٩٩٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻮﺿﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻔﻮﺿﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻔـﻰ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﲢﺠﺐ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ‪‬ﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺳـﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺯﻣﻼﺋﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻧـﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻮﻃﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺎﻳﻠﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻓﺮﺿﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ )ﺳﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪.(٣٣: ١٩٩٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺴﺲ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴـﺔ ﻭﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺘﻨـﺰﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﳎﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﻗﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳏﻄـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﳏﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺎﺳﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔـﺎﻛﺲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳍﻮﺍﺗﻒ ﺍﶈﻤﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﻪ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺸﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺸﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻻ ﳋﻤﺲ ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﲟﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺯﻋﲔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ )ﻋﻴﺪ‪.(٥٤ :٢٠٠١،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺮﺍﻛـﺰ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﱪﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﳏـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﳏﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻫﻮ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬
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‫ﻛﻠﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺃﻟﻒ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑـﺪﺃﺕ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﲢﻞ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﱪﺍﻃﻮﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘـﺰﺍﻭﺝ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﻨـﺼﺐ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻟﻒ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺃﺿﺤﻰ ﻳﺴﲑ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﺗﻌﱪ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ؛ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﲢﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﻣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﺰﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﻭﺗﻘﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ )‪(%١‬‬
‫ﲤﺴﻚ ﲟﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺤﻮﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺴﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻭﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻟﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺴﲑ ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﳝﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻳﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ )ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﻲ‪.(٧٣:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻭﺻـﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﳝﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﲔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺍﳊﺼﺺ )ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،(٢٥٢ :١٩٩٧،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺳﻢ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺁﻟﻴـﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺸﺌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺷﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜـﺔ ﺑـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺗﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻇﺮﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻨﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻟﻮﻻ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌـﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲢﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﲢﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺗـﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺿـﻮﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻳـﺘﻢ ﺇﻳـﺼﺎﳍﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌـﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﶈـﺪﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻛـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲡﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ‪ :‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﱂ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﻜـﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﻮﰲ‪(١٧٦ :١٩٩٨ ،‬؛‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﲡﺎﻫـﹰﺎ ﳓـﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻳﺮﺍﻋﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲞﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﲝﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﻘﺴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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 ‫ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲟﻮﺭﻭﺙ ﺩﻳﲏ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺿﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻗﺪﺍﺳ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻃﻬﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﺑﺮﻛ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﺘـﺴﺐ ﺃﻫﻠـﻬﺎ ﺍﳍـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻟـﻰ‪} :‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺖٍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺬﻱ ﺑﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺎﹰ ﻭﻫﺪﻯ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ{‬
‫)ﺁﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،(٩٦:‬ﻭﻧﺎﳍﻢ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎﺀ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻌـﺎﱃ‪} :‬ﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺟﻌﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﹰ ﺁﻣﻨﺎﹰ ﻭﺍﺭﺯﻕ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻤـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﺁﻣـﻦ ﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﺑـﺎﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴـﻮﻡ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮ{‪،‬‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺮﺓ‪ ،(١٢٦:‬ﰒ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺜﺔ ﺧﺎﰎ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺳﻠﲔ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﻟﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑـﺪﺃﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠـﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﳉﺬﻭﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻋـﺎﺵ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳒﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺧﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﺴﻮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺍﻧﺘـﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﳐﺘﻠـﻒ ﺃﳓـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻤﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﲨﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺃﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺃﻧﺒﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻬﻮﻯ ﺃﻓﺌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻈﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﲬﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻀﺮﺏ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﻧـﺸﺄﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١١٥٧‬ﻫـ ‪١٧٤٤ /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﺇﻟﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺴﺐ )ﺃﺑﻮﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪(١٩ :١٩٩١،‬؛ ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻃﻬﺮ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﻋﻠﻖ ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺪﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﴰﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻗﻞ ﻣﺜﻴﻠـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪ ‪‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ .‬ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﲝﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲣﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻭﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌـﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪١٢٤٠‬ﻫـ ‪١٨٣٠ /‬ﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻣـﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﱂ ﺗﻜﺘﻒ ﲟﻠﻚ ﳎﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺑـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﷲ )ﺍﻟﺰﻧﻴـﺪﻱ‪:١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٧٢‬‬
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‫ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒـﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳـﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٥١‬ﻫـ ‪١٩٣٢ /‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﻟـﻚ‪:١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫‪ ،(١٥‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻷﻣﺔ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻄـﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻖ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇ‪‬ﺎﺀ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳒﺢ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﺍﳌﺒـﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺿﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﷲ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺣﻴـﺎﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﺘﻤﻌﺖ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷـﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﶈﺒـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺋـﺎﻡ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺻﻔﻮﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﰲ ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻩ )ﺁﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪.(١٥٥ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻬﺞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳـﺔ ﻭ‪‬ﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺜﻲ؛ ﺇﺫ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻨﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﲢﺘﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻨـﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﶈﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﱂ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺑﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﺍ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻧﺴﻖ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗـﹰﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻔﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﲡﺮﺑﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺿﻤﻦ ﳕﻮﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺴﺎﺭﻉ ﻭﺗﲑ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﲞﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺜـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻨﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻗـﻮﻉ ﰲ‬
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‫ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻻﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻮﻩ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ؛ ﻓـﺎﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﱂ ﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ‪‬ﺠﻪ ﲟﺎ‬
‫ﳜﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻟـﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺪﺛﺖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﳌﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﻐـﻼﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺭﻭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺼﺤﺐ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻟﻴﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺨﻼﺻﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﶈﺼﻠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﳍﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻄـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ )ﲪﺪ‪.(٩٩ _٩٨ :١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﳍﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻣﺘﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺍﻃﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴـﺚ ﺗﺒـﺪﻭ‬
‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺟﻨﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻬـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(٦٩ :١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﲤﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺀﻣﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺛﻮﺍﺑﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺭﻗﻲ )ﺁﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،(١٥٣ :١٩٩٨ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻬﻤـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﲔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻓﻬﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٤١٢‬ﻫـ ‪١٩٩٢ /‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،(١٣٤ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﳛـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﺴﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ؛ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﺳﻊ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﺎﺡ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺎﻣﲔ؛ ﻟﻴﺤﺪﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺼﻎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺻﻴﻐﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴـﺔ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﻷﳕـﺎﻁ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ )ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ‪ ،(٧٩ :١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﺘﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﻳﻀﺒﻂ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻭﲨﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺷـﻄﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﳎﺎﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﲤﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﳎﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﺫ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺛﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﻼﻗﻪ؛ ﻓﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳊﻜـﻢ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻴﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﰉ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ ﷲ ﻭﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﻟﻮﱄ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘـﺮﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﺘﺎﺭﳜﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺮﺱ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﳛﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺃﻭﺍﺻﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻜﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻏﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﺶﺀ ﻭﺇﻛـﺴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﻬـﺎﺭﺍﺕ؛‬
‫ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﲔ ﻭﻧﺎﻓﻌﲔ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ)‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻟـﻪ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ‬
‫)ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪ (٢٠٩_٢٠٨ :٢٠٠٢،‬ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ :‬ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻀﺮﺏ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺟﻌـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﹰﺎ ﻟﻌﺒﻖ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺃﺻﺎﻟﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻪ ﺻﻼﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﳊﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﳉﺬﻭﺭ ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪‬ﺞ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣـﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻬـﺎ ﺛﻘﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻣﺴﻠﻜﹰﺎ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪.١٣،١٢،١١،١٠،٩‬‬

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‫ﻭﻭﻻﺀﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻮﺩ ﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﳉﺎﺭ ﺍﷲ‪.(٧٧ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺋﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳊﻴﺰ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﱂ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻐـﻴﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٢١ :‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﲨﻊ ﺁﺑﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺟﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻴـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻷﺻﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻘﻊ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻐﺰﻭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺣـﺘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻨﱯ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻭﺇﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻃﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻖ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ؛ ﻓﻬﻢ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﻢ ﺑﺄﺭﺿﻬﻢ ﻭﻭﻃﻨـﻬﻢ ﺃﻗـﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻤـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ؛ ﻓﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﲣـﻀﻊ ﻷﻱ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺻﻠﺐ ﻭﺻﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﻮﺥ ﻷﻱ ﻧﻔـﻮﺫ ﺃﻭ ﺳـﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ )ﺩﺣﻼﻥ‪.(٩٢ :١٩٨٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻱ ﻧﻈﺎ ‪‬ﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﰊ ﻳﻨﺘﻤـﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺄﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤ ‪‬ﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩ ‪‬‬
‫ﺑﺼﻔﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺮﻭﺑﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ ﻭﻣﺪﺩ؛ ﻓﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ ﻭﲰﺎﺗﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻧﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻜﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺫﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﲡﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺒﲑ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺂﻟﻒ ﻭﻧﺒﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﻭﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺔ )ﺑﻦ ﺑـﺎﺯ‪:٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٦٢‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﳌﺆﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻮﻥ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ )ﺃﺭﺍﺳﻠﻲ‪ .(٤٠ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳊـﻀﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ )‪ ،( %١٠‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻐﲑ‬
‫ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ )ﺍﳍﺠﺮ( ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳍـﺮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻀﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ )ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺍﷲ‪ :٢٠٠٢،‬ﻙ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﲤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭ ﻭﺍﳊﻀﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳍﺠﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻠﺰﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﳍﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﲝﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﲢﺴﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺃ ‪‬ﺩﻳﺎ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺮ ﰲ ﺇﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﻣﻜـﺎﱐ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺛـﺮﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺋﺾ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻮﻓﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺻﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﺑﻄﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﻗﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﳍﺎ‬
‫ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﺍﳋﻤـﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﺰﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ...‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﻟﺘـﻮﳚﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٥٦ :٢٠٠١‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٥٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ )‪ ( %٢‬ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻗﺎﺭﺑﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٠‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫)‪) ،(%٨٠‬ﺃﺭﺍﺳﻠﻲ‪ ،(١٦٧ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬـﺎ ﻓﺎﻗـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﲎ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺭﺛﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﺳﺮﻉ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻋﹰﺎ )ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺍﷲ‪.(٧٦_٧٥ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﱂ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﲢﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻛﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﳒﺤﺖ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﻘﹰﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻀﺎﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻳﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ؛ ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺪﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﺪﻣـﺔ ﺑﻼﺩﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺧﻮﺓ ﻭﳏﺒﺔ ﻭﺗﺂﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﲡﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﻨﺪﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ‪،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳋﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﻌـﺚ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺑـﺬﻝ ﺍﻟـﺼﺪﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﱪﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺮﺍﺣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ‪ ...‬ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻊ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻻﺯﺍﻝ ﳏﺎﻓﻈﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ )ﺁﻝ ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪:١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫‪.(١٥٤‬‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﳏﺘﻔﻈﹰﺎ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﺃﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﻳﲏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﰲ‪ :‬ﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻷﻗﺮﺑﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻟﻪ ﲤﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻـﺮﺓ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪(٣١ :١٩٩٩ ،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﺘﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻔﺨﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﻫﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻐﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲰﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ ﻭﺷﺮﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﲪﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﲟﻔﻬﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﻲ ﺑﻜﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗـﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺟﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﱂ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﻣﻼﳏﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ )ﺍﳋﻠﻒ‪.(١٨ :١٩٩٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺋﺪﻱ )ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ( ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺬﻱ ﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﺘـﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﻭﻣـﺼﺪﺭ ﲨﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﲡﺪ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﹰﺎ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻪ‬
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‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻨﺔ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﻈﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ)‪(١‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻴـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﶈﺘﻢ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺭﻓﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﻭﻋﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻪ ﰲ ﲤﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ ﻳﺆﻛﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﲤﺎﺳﻚ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺑﻴﻮﻣﻲ‪ (٣٢٢ :١٩٨٥ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳـﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺭﲰﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺪ ﲰﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳊﻔـﺎﻅ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺃﻛﻠﻬﻢ ﻭﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﲢﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻇـﺎﻫﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﲜﻼﺀ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺮﺻﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻮﱄ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﳋﺮﺍﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺟﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺋـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ ﻭﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻜﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ‪.(١٥٦ :١٩٩٧،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﺭﺍﺋﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﻕ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﶈﻜﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻫﻴﺄ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻘﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀﻩ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻄﻮﻥ ﺑﺼﻼﺕ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻣﻮﺍﳍﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﺮﺍﺿﻬﻢ ﻭﻋﻘﻮﳍﻢ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ‪‬ﻴﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ ﻭﻃﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻫﺮ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻼﺡ )ﺁﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪: ١٩٩٨،‬‬
‫‪.(١٥١‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻼﺣﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳـﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺩﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻣﺜﻞ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﳜﺼﺺ‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٧‬‬

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‫ﳎﻠﺲ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﺳﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺅﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺟﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻜـﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٣٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣـﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘـﺎﺡ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳛﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻃﻴﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻢ ﺃﺭﻛﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﲣـﺎﺫ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﳝﺲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﺷﺮﻋﹰﺎ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﹰﺎ)‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﺳﺴﺖ ﻭﻋﻤﻘﺖ ﺟﺬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻭﲟﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺘﱪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻈـﻢ ﺍﻷﺳـﺲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻟﺪﻋﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘـﺪﻡ ﰲ ﲨﻴـﻊ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺃﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﻌﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌـﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳚﺎﰊ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪.(٨٥ :٢٠٠٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﻱ )ﺍﳉﻬـﲏ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(١٧٧ :٢٠٠١‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؛ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻭﻻﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻨﻄﻠـﻖ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﲟﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺒﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘــﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻟﻘﻮﻟـﻪ ﺗﻌــﺎﱃ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٧‬‬

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‫}ﻭﺃﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ{‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ .(٣٨ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺳﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘـﻮﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )‪ ،(١‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺭﲰﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﶈﻜـﻮﻣﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻣـﺖ ﺍﻟـﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺕ ﳎﺎﻟﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﲟﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٣٤٦‬ﻫــ‪/‬‬
‫‪١٩٢٧‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍﱐ‪ (٢٧ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤١٢‬ﻫـ‪/‬‬
‫‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺅﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﳑﺜﻠﺔ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ)‪ ،(٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺣﺠـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍ‪‬ﻠـﺲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﳝﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ‪‬ـﺪﻑ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺠﻼﺀ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﺇﻃﻼﻋﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﺘﺮﺣﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻪ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ .(٤٥ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺃﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺰﺍﻳـﺪ ﺍﻟـﺼﻼﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﺇﱃ ‪ ١٥٠‬ﻋﻀﻮﹰﺍ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٨‬‬

‫)‪ (٢‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٢‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ)‪ ،(١‬ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﳏﺎﻓﻈﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻳـﺴﻤﻰ ﺑـﺎ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻫﻠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺸﺄ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٣٤٣‬ﻫـ‪١٩٢٤/‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍﱐ‪(١٢ : ٢٠٠٢،‬؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌـﻞ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺲ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺷﺆﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺍ ﻣﺆﻫﻠﲔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﳐﺘﻠـﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎﺑﲔ ﺷﻬﺮ‪١٤٢٥/١٠‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻬﺮ ‪١٤٢٦/٣‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻪ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫــ‪،‬‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﺓ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﳔﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻃﻴﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﺌﻮﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺃﻧﺸﺌﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٥‬ﻫـ ﺑﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻃﻠـﺐ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﲨﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﲎ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺓ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻌﻜﺲ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﻛﻠـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻭﳕـﺎﺫﺝ‬
‫ﳌﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜـﻞ ﻗـﻮﺍﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﻧﻄﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٩‬‬

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‫ﻭﻻ ﺭﻳﺐ ﺃﻥ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲪﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻻﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻇﻠـﻬﺎ؛‬
‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻣﻦ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺮ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻻ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘـﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫)ﻣﲑﻝ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻟﻒ‪.(٢٢٩ :١٩٨٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﱪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺿـﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺃﻳﺪﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻔﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﻔﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻸﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻨـﺸﺄ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻼﳏﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﻇﻠﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺱ ﰲ ﲤﻴـﺰ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ‬
‫ﳏﺪﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ‬
‫ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺆﺳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ )ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻌﺎﻥ‪.(١٦٢ :١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﳎﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳉﺮﻱﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻤﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺃﺭﺟﺎﺀ ﺷﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬

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 ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻓﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺛﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﻞ ﻳﻮﺻﻠﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﻴﻮﻝ ﻭﳓﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺃﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺃﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻄﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﻭﺃﻣﺜﺎﳍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺃﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﺼﻖ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ ﺭﺋﻴـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺇﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﳌﺪﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻌﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺷـﻬﺮ‬
‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ )ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪ .(١٥ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘـﺼﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻳﺔ )ﻓﺼﺤﻰ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺔ ( ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﻌﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺧﻄﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ ﻭﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﻨﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺒﻠﻲ‪.(١٩ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻃﺒﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺳﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﻘـﻞ )ﺳـﻜﻚ ﺍﳊﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ(‪،‬ﱂ ﲡﻠﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﰲ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ )ﻣﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺟـﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻄـﺎﺋﻒ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ )ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ ﺍﳌـﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﻳﺪﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺮﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٠٠‬ﻫــ‪١٨٨٣ /‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻇﻔﺖ ﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻟﻸﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻇﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﳒﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻠﻘﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﲬﺴﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻐﺮﻕ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺛﲔ ﻹﺭﺳﺎﳍﻢ ﰲ ﻛـﻞ ﺍﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٩ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺳﺘﺘﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻨﺔ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﺷﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ )ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪ .(٥ :١٩٩٩ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﻟﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
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‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘـﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ ﻋﻤﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺁﺭﺍﺋﻪ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٣٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟـﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧـﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﱵ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﲟﱰﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﲑﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﳍﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٤٣‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻣـﲏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﳚﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧـﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣـﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ )ﺍﳊـﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٢‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺮﻣﺔ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٣٤٣‬ﻫـ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻖ ‪١٩٢٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ }ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻭﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴـﻚ ﻗﺮﺁﻧـﺎﹰ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺎﹰ ﻟﺘﻨﺬﺭ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻬـﺎ{‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ .(٧ :‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﳝﺔ ﺍﲣﺬﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺻـﻼﺡ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﲏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﳌﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪.(١١٥،١١٣ :١٩٨٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﲡﺎﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﺑـﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺁﺫﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﺪﺀ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ )ﺍﻟـﺸﺎﻣﺦ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(١٤٩ :١٩٨٢‬ﻭﺃﻭﺟﺪ ﺟﻮﹰﺍ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﻷﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﺭﺣﺐ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﴰﻮ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺤﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺷـﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪(١٣٠،١٨٠ :‬؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺻـﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻬـﺪ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻴﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻣﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﲡﺎﺭ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻼ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٦٨‬ﻫـ ‪١٩٤٩ /‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﻛـﺮﱘ‪.(٨٧ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻺﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺑﺜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﳏﻞ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺍﻋﻰ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴـﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﲢﺘﺮﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺜﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺴﲔ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ )ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .(٥٣ :١٩٩٢ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺰﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﳊﺞ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٢٢٧ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺬﺍﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﱪﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻺﺫﺍﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ‪ :‬ﺇﺣﺎﻃﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﲟﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ )ﺇﺑـﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .(٥١ :١٩٩٢‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻝ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺰﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒـﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳـﺰ )ﺍﻟـﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٢٤ :١٩٩٩‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٥٣‬ﻭﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٥٤‬ﻫـ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .(٢٠٦‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﳌﺴﺠﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ )ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪ .(٢٣ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣـﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺧﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ‪١١٣‬ﺭﻳﺎﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟـﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٢٢٣ :١٩٩٩‬ﳑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺟﺎﺫﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻲ‪،(٤٧ :١٩٨٧ ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٣٨٥‬ﻫــ ‪١٩٦٥ /‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺣﺒﻴـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ (١٦٥ : ٢٠٠١ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴـﻪ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺜﻘﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻤﺎ ﳜﺎﻟﻒ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻳﲏ‪ .(١١٧ :١٩٨٤ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﻮﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻭﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﳊﺞ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٥٤ :١٩٩٤‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻘـﺪﻡ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻸﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﳏﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻗﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺟﻬــﺰﺓ ﺍﻹﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻮﺳــﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ )ﺻﺒﻴﺤﻲ‪.(٣٢ :١٩٨٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﺍﺱ( ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٩٠‬ﻫـ‪١٩٧١ /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﺳﺎ ٍﻡ ﺣـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻞﺀ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻹﺧﺒـﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ )ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .(٤ :٢٠٠٣‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﺭﺗﻘـﺎﺀ ﺑﺄﺳـﻠﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻛﻤﺎﺧﻲ‪ ،(٢١ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺟﺖ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٢‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺘـﻮﱘ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٢٤ :١٤٢١‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺒﻜﺮﺓ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺩﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻘﻘﻪ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺣـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳـﺰ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺵ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ ﳌﻤﺜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٤٥‬ﻫـ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﲢﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ )ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ( ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﺓ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲜﻼﻟﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺟـﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺃﻛﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣـﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻈﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.(٧٣ :١٤٢٦ ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺪﻭﺑﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﺫﺍﻋﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ )ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ( ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳎﻠـﺔ )ﻻﻳـﻒ(‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ)ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ( ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ)ﺍﳌﻘﻄﻢ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻮﺭ( ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬
‫)ﺑﻼﺩﻧﺎ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ( ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ‬
‫ﰲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪﹰﺍ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺼﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗـﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﲰﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎ‪‬ﺎ )ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٦٣_٦٢ :٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻟﺘﺘﻮﱃ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﲜﻮﻻﺕ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻊ ﺇﻧـﺸﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻺﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٧٤‬ﻫـ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،(٢١ :١٤٢٣ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻧـﺸﺌﺖ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﻧـﺸﺌﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٨٢‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺛﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.(٧٤ :١٤٢٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻣﻮﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﱂ‬
‫ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﳌﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌـﺎﺭﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﲪﻠﺖ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﰲ‬
‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﳊﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻪ‪" :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛـﻞ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﳛﺲ ﻇﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻌﺚ ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﻘﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﱪﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻭﻟـﻮ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﻔﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﱵ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺜﲏ ﺃﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻴﺨﻔﻒ ﻣﻦ ﳍﺠﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﻮﻗﻊ‬
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‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﰲ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ‪" :‬ﺣ‪‬ﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺻﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻓﻠﻴﻨﺎﺻﺤﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ"‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﺴﻲ‪.(٢٦٧ :١٩٨٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻠﺤﻆ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺍﻛﺘـﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻭﺃﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻼﳏﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓـﻊ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺗﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟـﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٦ :١٩٩٩‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻳﻠﺤﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺘﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻤﻪ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٣٠٨ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﲑ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻻﺑـﺪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺎﻍ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﴰﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓـﺮﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﰲ ﺃﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﻨﻊ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﹰﺎ ﻗﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠـﺖ ﳐﺘﻠـﻒ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﳎﻤﻮﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﲡﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺀﻣﺔ ﻧﻈـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺺ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﳊـﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪:٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫‪.(١٨٧‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺻﻴﺎﻏ ﹰﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺃﻋﺮﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﻤﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺋﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺋﻪ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﺰﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﱪﺍﳎـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺧﻄﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫‪. (٩ :١٤٢٣‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﹰﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺣﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﲤﺎﺳﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ )ﺍﻟﺘﻮﱘ‪.(١٠٩ :١٤٢١ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﻗﻀﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺳﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﳊﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺈﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺣﺒﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻌﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺮ ﳍﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺷﱴ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺤﻜـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺷﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﱪﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣ ‪‬ﻦ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﹰﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ )‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﳛﻘﻖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻜﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺟﻮﺍﺀ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﳏﻤﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﲤﻨﻊ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺪﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﰲ‬
‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺧﺬ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ )‪ ،(٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺸﺮﻩ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﲤﻨﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪.٥،٤،٢،١‬‬

‫)‪ (٢‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ‪.٢٤،٣١‬‬
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‫ﻓﻀﺎ ًﺀ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﻻ ﳛﺪﻩ ﺇﻻ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ ﲤﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ )ﻋﺒﻴﺪ‪.(٥ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬـﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺎﰿ ﺛﻐﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﲎ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﲝﻴﺚ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺷﺮﻃﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭﲤﺘﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻦ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺇﻋﻔﺎﺀ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺣـﻖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ)‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺼﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺼﻮﳍﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻀﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻗﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻭﺭ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﲨﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻧﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ)‪. (٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺮﺩ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺈﺟﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﲏ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑـﺎﳋﱪﺍﺀ‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.١١‬‬

‫)‪ (٢‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‪.٨٤،٩٠‬‬

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 ‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮﺽ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻫﺎ)‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻭﻣﺒـﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﺿـﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺃﺻـﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﳌﻼﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.(٣١ :١٩٩٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﰲ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠـﱯ ﺍﳊﺎﺟـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻣﺆﻃﺮﺓ ﺑﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﺍﳊﺜﻴﺚ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﳉﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺗـﺄﺛﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ‪‬ﻴﺌـﺔ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﻜﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻮﺍﺋﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﹰﺎ ﻭﻧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﲟﺮﺍﺟﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺠﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻔـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﳍـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﲢﺪﻳﺜﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﺍﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿـﺢ ﻟﻠﻨـﻬﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﳛﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪.١٢،١٣،١٤،١٥،١٧‬‬

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 ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻇﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺑﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﲞﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻧﻈـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﻔﻈﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺼﺺ ﻧﺸﺮﻩ ﻟﻺﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٣٠٥ : ٢٠٠٢،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﰲ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﻐﲑ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﳏﻠﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻋﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﲤﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﻻﺩﺓ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﲔ ﺣـﺪﻳﺜﲔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﳘﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﺻـﻼﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﺠـﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﳌﺘﺤـﺮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻭﻟﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﺼﻌـﻮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻨـﺎﻓﺮﺓ‬
‫)‪.(Ayish, 2002: 138‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ‪،‬ﻛﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ‪ ،CNN‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓـﺬﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﺛﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻭﺟﻴﺰﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ؛ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﹰﺍ ﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻌـﲔ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺃﺩﺧﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻮﺍﻟﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﳑﻴﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨـﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺒﺚ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﲰﻲ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭﻣﻠﻞ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﻃﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻳـﻀﺎﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﳉﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﺍﳌﺘـﺄﺛﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﲤﺘﻠﺊ ﲞﻄﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺯﻳـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﺗﻮﻛﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﳍﻢ‪ ...‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺹ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻـﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﲨﻬـﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﺴﻴـﻄﺮﺓ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫) ‪.( Ibid:138‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺙ ﺗﻐﲑ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺰﻭﻍ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﲜﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﹰﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲤﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻜﺒﻮﺗﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﳒﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ‬
‫ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺭﺩﻳﻔﹰﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﻭ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﺘﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺗﻴﺤﺖ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﳜﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺮﻯ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎﺥ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎﺥ‬
‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﻻﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎﺥ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﳋﻼﻑ ﻭﺗﻀﺨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻴﺪ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻮﺧﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳍﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﱯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪ ...‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﻈﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻌﻒ ﻓﺎﻋﻠـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘـﺒﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﻈـﻮﺭ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪.(٨ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻤﻮﺣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺴﻠﺤﲔ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﰲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺪﺩ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺟﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﲣﺼﺼﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﲔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﲔ ﺑﺄﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﲰﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ )‪ (Ayish,2002:139,142‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﻭﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺻﺎﺭﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﲢﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺒﲎ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﲤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻘـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﲢﺖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﻤﲔ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺗﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣـﺴﺐ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻟﻸﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﻳﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺣـﺪﺙ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳉﻴﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻨﻘﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻘﻞ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳍﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﻢ ﰲ ﻃـﺮﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻠﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﻳـﺎ ﺍﳋﻄـﻮﻁ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻤﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﲢﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺒﲏ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺗﺘﺤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺗﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻋﻮﺿﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻱ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻟﺪﻳـﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻷﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌـﻴﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩﺓ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﳑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻓﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺄﺛﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻷﺳـﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﺓ ﲢـﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻓﺴﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻊ‬
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‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﻭﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺃﺻـﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﰲ ﺧﻀﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺈﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻤﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﲢﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻟـﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘـﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜـﺲ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺍﻛﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟـﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺒﲏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺈﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﺝ ﳌﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺘﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻘﺐ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺗﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٣٠٦ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻊ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺇﳕﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﳊﺲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺰﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﻛﺴﺐ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﱪﺓ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻫﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻟﺘﻮﱄ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .(٢٣ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺻﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺃﺱ ﻣﺎﳍﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺧﻴﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪ .(١٠ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻟﻌﺐ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺰﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﰲ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ‬
‫ﲝﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ )ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺎﺵ‪.(١ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻄﺒﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪١٠٠٠‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻉ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻹﺻـﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(٩٣ ،٨٩ ،٣٦ :٢٠٠٠،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ؛ ﺇﺫ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﺮﺻﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺩﻣﺞ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﳎﻠـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺖ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺞ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻼﰲ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(١١٣ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻔﻬـﻮﻡ ﺣـﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﻎ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﲝﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺷﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﺛﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻘﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻄﺒـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ـﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑـ ‪ ١٩٦‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ‪) ١٦٨٣‬ﻋﺮﰊ‪) ،(٧١٤‬ﻭﺃﺟﻨﱯ ‪ .∗(٩٢٤‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪﺕ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟـﻚ ﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲟﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺧﺬ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻔـﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﱄ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪:١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٣١،٢٩‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٦٩‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ )‪ .(%٩‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﺆﻫﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ (%٦٣‬ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ )‪) ،(%٣٠‬ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪.(١٢٢ ،١٢٠ ،١٢٥ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﺠﺪﺓ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗـﻮﺍﻓﺮﺕ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﱐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺧـﺬﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻼﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﰲ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺻـﻔﺤﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬

‫∗ ﲝﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪١٤٢٦ ،‬ﻫـ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻠﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﱐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪﺕ ﺃﻋـﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ‪ ٦٤٦٩‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﳛﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﱐ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻳﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(١٥٩:٢٠٠٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ (%٥٠‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﳌـﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﻊ ﰲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪:١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٩٢،٩٥،٣٣‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻞ ﳍﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﳑﻴﺰﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺻﻢ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇـﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﺪ ﻣﻨﺪﻭﺑﲔ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٣٨ :١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﲝـﺎﺙ ﻭﻧـﺸﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻧﺸﺄ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻢ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﲢـﺎﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺇﺻـﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟـﺬﺍﰐ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.(٤٥،٤٤ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘـﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻄـﺎﻉ ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﻪ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻟﻼﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻨﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻋﲏ ﺑﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﲟﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻛﻤـﻞ ﻭﺟـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻌﺎﺷﹰﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﲣﺬ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺃﺷﻜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﳌﻨـﺴﻮﰊ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺃﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘـﻞ ﺍﳉـﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴـﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴـﹰﺎ )ﺍﻟﻌـﺴﻜﺮ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٧٣ :١٤٢٣‬ﻭﺇﻋﻔﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻭﺃﺣﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻠﺰﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﳎﺎﻧﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﻣـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ )ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪.(٣١ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻣﻨـﺬ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٩٢‬ﻫـ‪) ،‬ﺍﳊﻤﻮﺩ‪(٧:٢٠٠٥،‬؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻗـﺴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﻋـﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻧـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻋـﺎﻡ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺿﻤﺖ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،(١٠٨:٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﻜﺮﻳﹰﺎ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻛﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺘـﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ )‪.(١‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺸﻜﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟـﻨﻘﺺ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ )ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪ ،(٢٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﱐ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﱄ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﻫﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲜﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫)‪ (١‬ﻧﻘ ﹰ‬
‫‪١٤٢٧/٦/٤‬ﻫـ ‪.‬‬
‫‪194‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺧﺮﳚﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺆﻫﻠـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﲏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺧﺮﳚﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺪﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﳌﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﻭﺿـﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ )ﺍﳊﻤﻮﺩ‪.(٩:٢٠٠٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳍﺠﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﺯﺩﻳـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﳌـﺆﻟﻔﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳﻨﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﺯﺩﻫـﺎﺭ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺈﺻﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﻭﺷﺠﻌﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﳌﻼﺋﻢ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﻟـﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﻟﻔﲔ ﺑﺸﺮﺍﺀ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﳍﻢ ﺃﻭ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻧﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻠـﻎ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺧﺺ ﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ ١٠٠٠‬ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺒﺎﺕ ‪ ٤٣٠٠‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﻓﻴﻄﺒﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ‪١٨٠٠‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ )ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪.(٤٠،٣٩ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ )ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺎﺕ( ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺑﺄﻗﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺟﻴﺎﳍﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺃﲨﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺑﻄﻪ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑـﺒﻌﺾ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪(٣١١ :٢٠٠٣،‬؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﻋـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺑـﺪﺃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٦‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻊ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻠﺴﺎﺕ( ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٣٦,٦٦‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣـﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ‪.(٧ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﲢﻤﻠﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﲪﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴـﺪﺓ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
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‫ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﲣﻄﻲ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠـﺔ ﰲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻔﺸﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺻﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺗﺒﻠـﻎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺘﻪ‪ ٢,٣‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ )ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ .(١١٥ :١٩٩٨ ،‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻃـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻬﺪﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﻖ ﺃﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻬﺎ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١١٦ :‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻴـﻪ ﻳـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳐﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺌﺎﺗﻪ ﲟـﺎ ﻳﻠـﱯ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻌﹰﺎ ﳍﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.(٨٢ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺧﱪﺍﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﲤﻜﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺕ ﲟﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺷﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠـﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌـﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺳﺖ ﺇﺫﺍﻋـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺚ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺜﻼﺙ ﻋـﺸﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻐـﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،(١٧ :١٤٢٣ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﻫـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﳍﻨﺪﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺘﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻭ ‪‬ﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ )ﺍﳊـﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(١٩٩ :٢٠٠٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺜﻔﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﻌﲔ‬
‫ﻟﱪﺍﳎﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﹰﺍ ﻻ ﺑﺄﺱ ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻔﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻌــﺪ ﲡﺮﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺯﻡ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻭﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺎﻳﲔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‬
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‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ( ﺳﺘﺘﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻦ ﲣﺮﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻌﺒﻪ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﻓﻮﺽ ﳑﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﺜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﳝﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺮﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ )ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪.(١٢ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻄﻄﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،(٤٨ :١٩٨٧ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻧﺸﺌﺖ ﺃﻭﻝ ﳏﻄﺘﲔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻔﺎﺯ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﻭﺟـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﱃ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻵﻫﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﲦﺎﻧﲔ ﻭﻣﺌﺔ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﻳﺘﺠـﺎﻭﺯ ﻭﻗـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺕ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳉﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﺍﳎﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﰎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﻠﻎ ‪١٢٣‬ﳏﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﰒ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﳌﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٣٩٦‬ﻫـ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٢١٤ :١٤٢١ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻟﻴﻠﱯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺒﺚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺈﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻬـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ )‪ ،(%٧٥‬ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ )ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪ .(٢٠٩ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺄﰐ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ )ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ( ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺆﻛﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﳏﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﻄﺎﺕ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲢﻜـﻢ ﻋﻤﻠـﻬﺎ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪.(١٥_١٤ :١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺗﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﲜﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﺔ ﺑﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٠٣‬ﻫـ ‪١٩٨٣ /‬ﻡ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻲ‪.(٥٩ :١٩٨٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﺚ ‪ ٦٣‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﺳـﺒﻮﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ‪ ٣١٩٥‬ﺳﺎﻋــﺔ ﺳـﻨﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﹰﺎ‬
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‫)ﺍﳉﺎﺑﺮ‪ .(٣٠ :٢٠٠٠،‬ﻭﻟﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣـﺴﺎﻋﺪ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻊ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺑﻘﻨﺎﺗﻴـﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﰒ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﺒـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٠٦‬ﻫـ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺪﺩﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘـﺰﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺜﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳏﻘﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﻣﺸﻴﺦ‪ .(١٠٨: ١٩٩٩ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﻄﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳـﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻧـﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻧﺸﺌﺖ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٣‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺑﺜﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫـ‪٢٠٠٤ /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻳﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﻜﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﻐﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﰎ ﺑﺜﻬﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﻲ ﻻ ﺗـﺰﺍﻝ‬
‫ﲢﻤﻞ ﺻﺒﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋ‪‬ﺮﻓﺖ ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠـﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺃﲨﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﳐﺎﻃﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻨﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺛﻲ )ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪.(٥ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻠﺤﻆ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﲤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻷﺭﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻷﺭﺿﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﻜﻨﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻇﻞ ﻳﺮﻭﺍﺡ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪ .(١٤ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪.(٢٠ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻘﺼﲑﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﳎﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﶈﺘﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻵﻟﻴـﺎﺕ ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘـﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﺍﳎﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺣﻜـﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﺮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻟـﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗـﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻭﺩﻋـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗـﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﺿﺨﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪.(٤ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻏﲑ ﻛﺎﻑٍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﳋﻄﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻼﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﳘﺎ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﻷﲰﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ؛ ﻓﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻄﺪﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺃﲜﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠـﻲ )ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٤ :٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﳚﺐ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﻧﻐﻔﻞ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﺍﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﳐﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٣١ :‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠـﺎﺭﺏ ﻫـﺪﻓﺖ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﺣﻀﺎﺭﺗﻨﺎ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﻃﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﺰﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﺍﺱ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻸﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺔ ﻭﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗـﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻳﺪﻭﻳﹰﺎ ﺑﺄﺧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻠﱯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﹰﺎ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺳـﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﳌﻴﹰﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﺬﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻲ ﻋﱪﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺮﺕ )ﻭﺍﺱ( ﺑﻌﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻛﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺑﺚ‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﺭﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻴﺰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺃﻗﺴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ )ﻭﻛﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،(٤ : ٢٠٠٣،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﻤﻠـﺖ ﺑـﻼ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﳒﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺮﳎﺔ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(١٣٨ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ )ﻭﺍﺱ( ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﻜﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫــ‪) ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .(٦ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺬ ﺑﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳊـﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳊﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳـﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻮﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﺑﺮﺱ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤـﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٢٥ :‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﻭﻛﱪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺗﻴﺤﺖ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﺄﺧﲑ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ )ﺍﳉﺒﲑ‪ .(١٥ :١٤٢٦ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﻌﻴ ﹰ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﳍﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ )‪ (%١٤٠‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،(٨٦ :‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ ﲤﺜـﻞ‬
‫)‪ (%١٧,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(٢٤ :١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺟﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻋﺎﺋﻘﹰﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼـﺼﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺣﺜﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﶈﺮﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺇﻧـﺸﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺪ ﺳـﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺎﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﳍﺎﻡ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪.(٨ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﺟﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﺘﺺ ﺑﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌـﲏ ﺑﺎﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﲔ ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘـﺮﻭﺀﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺧﻼﻕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ )ﺍﳉﺎﺑﺮ‪.(٤٥_٤٤ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﻜﻤـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻘﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﻼﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻜﻞ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺛﺒﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﲢﻈﻰ ﲟﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﻕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﱄ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻦ‬
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‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﺯ (؛ ﺑﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣـﻀﺎﻣﲔ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،(٦٩ :١٤٢٦ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻌﺒﲔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻉ ﻳﺸﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺋﻪ ﻭﻳﺬﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٥،٤ :‬ﻭﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﱄ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻻﲣـﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﱪﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻄـﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﱐ ﻭﺍﻹﻧـﺴﺎﱐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴـﺔ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺎﺭﻙ‪.(١٥:٢٠٠٦،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﲰﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﱪﺯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺇﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺻﻌﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﳐﺎﻃﺒﺔ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﰲ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗـﺮﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ )ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪.(٦٨ :١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ؛ ﻓﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ؛‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺻﻮﺭﻩ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﻳﺬﺍﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﰎ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﱪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺻﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻮﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻓﻘـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻓـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺰﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﲟﻬﺎﻡ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﳊـﺞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴـﻼﺕ ﳍﻢ ﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺇﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻬﺎ )ﺍﳉﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،(٦٦ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ‪) ٢١٠‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.(٩٣ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻏﺮﺍﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻮﻥ ﲰﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﲢﺴﲔ ﺻﻮﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫)ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٦١ :‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻃﻴـﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻀﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜـﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺍﳉﺎﺑﺮ‪.(٥٩ :٢٠٠٠ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺘﻀﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ )ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .(٨٣ :١٤٢٦ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﻃﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻭﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ )‪ (%٨٤‬ﻳـﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٤٥ ،٢٢٩ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ )ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ( ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٤١,٩‬ﰒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ )‪ ،(%٢٩‬ﻭﻳﺄﰐ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺛﺎﻟﺜـﹰﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٠,٧‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ )‪.(%٤,٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﻔﺰﺓ ﻛﱪﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺻﺮﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٩٧,٤‬ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﲝﺎﺟـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﺩﺍﺋـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .(١٥٦،٦،١٨٦:‬ﻭﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪.(١٩ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.(٩٧ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﳓﺴﺎﺭ ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊـﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﻋﺖ ﳌﻠﺌﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(٩٨ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﳚـﺎﰊ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺣﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﲪﻼﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
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‫ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ‪ ١١‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺇﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﰊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ ٧٠٠‬ﺻﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ‪ ٤٠‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﹰﺎ ﺣﱴ ﻣﻨﺘـﺼﻒ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ )ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪.(١٧ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﻔﺬﺕ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺍﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬
‫ﳍﺎ ﲟﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﻬﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ـﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.( ٩٩ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬‫ﻭﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﻘ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﱂ ﻳﺮﻕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻜـﺸﻔﺖ ﻣﻈـﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﻭﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻪ ‪ -‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺃﻭ ﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ )ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺰ‪ ،(٢ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻘﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻓﻌﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗـﺪﻓﻖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﰐ ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳏﺘﺮﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﲣﻄﻮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٥ :٢٠٠٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺗﻔﻜﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻗﻴـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﲡﺎﺭﻱ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻜﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﻓﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،(١٦ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝ ﹼﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺬﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺑﻘـﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﳏﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺜﻘﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(١٩٤ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﻫﺎﻣﺸﹰﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺿﻄﻼﻉ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳـﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ ﺑـﺎﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻌﺖ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﶈﺮﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺑﻘـﺪﺭ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻃﺮﺣﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗـﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﻔﺖ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﲟﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﱯ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(٣٥ :١٤٢٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻐﻠﺒﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻌـﻞ ﺍﳌﺘـﺄﺧﺮﺓ‬
‫‪ Delayed Time Reaction‬ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻃﺮﻓﺎ ًﻓﻴﻬـﺎ –‬
‫ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺧﱪ ﻛﺎﺭﺛﺔ ﻏﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ ‪ -‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﲤﺘﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﳉﻮﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻓﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺔ )ﻣـﺪﻛﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(٢٧ :٢٠٠٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﲑﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲝﻀﻮﺭ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻤﲔ ﰲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻴﺔ(‬
‫)ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪.(١٨ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺅﻳـﺔ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺅﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ ﻭﺗـﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺴﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﳑﺎﺭﺳـﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
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‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﲣﺬﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺼﻔﺘﻪ ﺟـﺰﺀﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﺻﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺃﻥ )‪(%٩٢,٧‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗـﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺘﺴﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴـﺔ ﻭﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺅﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺗﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﻗﻴـﺎﺩﻳﻲ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﳋﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ )ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪.(٣٠٥،٢٩٦:١٤٢٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‬
‫ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻌﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻬﺪ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑـﺪﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﹰﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﺋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ (%٧٧,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٣٠٢:‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﺑﺘﺒﲏ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺮﺣﺖ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺭﺿﺎﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ )‪ (%٥٠‬ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻏﲑ ﺭﺍﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺿﺎ )‪) ،(%٣٣,٣‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٢٢،١٨ :٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻴﺢ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻘﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺣﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﲡﺎﻩ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﳍﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲟﺎ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٥٤‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺆﻛﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﳍﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٤٤‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ )‪ (%٢١‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻻ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ )ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ ‪.(٧٥ :٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺘﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﳍﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻓﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ .(٨٩ :١٤٢٣ ،‬ﻭﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺶ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺗﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﲟﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﺄﻣﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٣‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺪﻯ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻮﻯ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻴﺎﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ )ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻴﻞ‪ .(٣:٢٠٠٥،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﱪﳎﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬
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‫ﺃﺟﻞ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺷﻌﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻻ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﺰﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺫﻱ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﲔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺫﺑﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﱪ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﱯ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻹﻳﻘﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﳌﺎ ﲤﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﺻﻮﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓﺬﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺜﻘﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺇﱁ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﰐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﲟﻼﳏﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻠﺺ ﺣﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳌﻜـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻤﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ؛ ﻓﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺘﻌﺪﻯ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺄﻛـﺪ ﺣـﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺆﺳـﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﻮﻇﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲟﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻜﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻏﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ )ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،(٣٢ :١٩٩٤ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺣـﻀﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺡ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ؛ ﻓﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺒﲏ ﺁﺭﺍﺀﻩ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻـﺔ ﳌﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﳝﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﺻـﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﲑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻃﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺷﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﻃﺎﺵ‪.(٨ :١٩٨٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﳍﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺒﻊ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎﹰ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲢﻤﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺹ )ﺻﺎﱀ‪.(١٧٦ :٢٠٠٢ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﻠﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﻟﺘﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺫﻫﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟـﺴﺒﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺿـﺂﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺗـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻔﻜﲑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻟﻌـﺐ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﺒﲏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺸﻴﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻄـﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪،(٢٦١ :١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ ﺃﺳـﻬﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺄﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﲨﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻔﺮﻏﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻟﻔﻜـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﺠﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺻﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻮﺗﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺷﱴ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﳕﻂ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﳑﺎ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ‪‬ﻀﺔ ﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻭﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﴰﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﺴﲑﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺤﲔ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺄﻗﺼﻰ ﺳـﺮﻋﺔ ﺣـﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻗﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹰﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿـﻮﺡ‬
‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ )ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.(٤٠ :١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺴﺖ ﻭﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺒﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ‪ -‬ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺣﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﲡـﺎﻩ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻴﺴﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺰ‪.(١٥ : ٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳊﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺂﺯﺭ ﺑـﲔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﺄﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻭﻃﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﺃﺭﺿﹰﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺒﺼﲑ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﳜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﲡﺎﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺃﻭﺍﺻﺮ ﺍﻹﺧﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺂﺯﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑﻂ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻌـﻀﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺒﺼﲑ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻭ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺗﺂﺯﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﲑ ﻳﻌﻤﻬﺎ ﲨﻴﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺗـﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻭ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻠﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻜﻚ ﺃﻭﺍﺻﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋـﻦ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺬﻛﲑ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒـﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﰲ ﺻﻼ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻃﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﲜﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ )‪.(١‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺒﲑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺎﺗﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺜﲑ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﺎﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﻮﻗﻆ ﺍﻟﻔـﱳ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻘـﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ)‪ ،(٢‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌـﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﶈﺴﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﳜﺼﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒـﺬﻝ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﲟﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ )‪.(٣‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪.٢٧،٢١،٢٠،٧،٦‬‬

‫)‪ (٢‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ‪.٢٧،٢٦‬‬
‫)‪ (٣‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.٢٤‬‬

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‫ﻭﻻﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣـﺼﲑﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﺰﹰﺍ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﲑ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳـﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺮﺻﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺛﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﳍﺎ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﹰﺎ ﻳﺘﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﲏ ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﻟـﺪﻭﺭﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳝﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻹﳝـﺎﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺳـﻌﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﲤﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ ﺣﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﺖ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﳊﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻷﳘﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺗﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺭﺑـﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﲟﺎﺿﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺇﺣﺴﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﲑﹰﺍ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣـﱴ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺜﻘﻴﻒ‬
‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺲ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻮﺧﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﲔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ؛‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﻴﻌﻲ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ‬
‫)ﻃﺎﺵ‪.(٩:١٩٨٨،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﰲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪.(١٢: ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﻬﻲ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻇﻞ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺀ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻧـﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻭﳏﻈﻮﺭﺍﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲨﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﴰﻠﺖ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﲤﺲ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺟـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺋـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﳏﺎﻓﻈﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻀﺮﺭ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﻨﻤﻮﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧـﺸﻄﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﲢﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺃﺿﺤﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮﺍﱂ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﲰﻬﺎ ﳍﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪.(٢٦٣: ١٩٩٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳـﺼﻔﻮﻥ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﳌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﺣﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﻳـﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻐﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻮﺿـﺢ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳﻨﻈﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻣﺘﻔﺤﺼﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺒﻪ )ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ .(٣١: ٢٠٠٤،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﳏﺒﻮﺑﹰﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﺪ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺻـﺪﺍﻗﺘﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﲜﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻈﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺩﻳﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪.(٣٤:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﳊﺮﻛـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻀﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(١٢: ١٤٢٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻄﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺃﻓﺮﺯ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﳎـﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲣﻄﻰ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺗﻌـﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﻭﻭﻓﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺳـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻄﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻟـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﺗﺘﻴﺤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻣـﺘﻼﻙ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻷﺟﻬـﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ )‪،(%٩٩‬‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ (٢٢: ١٩٩٧،‬ﻭﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٨١‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺭﻋﺖ ﺑﺈﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺒﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺗـﺄﺛﺮﹰﺍ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﻗﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﱯ‪.(١٥،٤٢٩:٢٠٠٤،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﻛﱪ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﱰﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺒﻘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠـﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻮﺍﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻧﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻥ ﳛـﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺫﺭﻭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺰ‪.(١١:٢٠٠٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ )ﺍﻟـﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،(٢٨٠: ١٩٩٧،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻀﻠﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻌﺘـﻴﱯ‪ ،(٤٨٧: ٢٠٠٤،‬ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،(٢٠: ٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ )‪ ،(%٦٠‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻔﺎﺭﻕ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ )‪ ،(%٢٣,٨‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١١,٤‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫)‪) ،(%١,٧‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،(٢٠: ٢٠٠٤،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺧﻮﳍﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺗﻪ ﻟﻪ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ )‪ ،(%٣٣‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ )ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﱯ‪.(١٥: ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﰐ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﺗـﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ )‪،(%٧٢‬‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪(٢١:١٩٩٧،‬؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮﺓ ﳏﻠﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻓﺮﺓ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﺍﳎﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ )ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﱯ‪.(٥٠٩: ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﰊ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ )‪ ،(%٤٨‬ﻳﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ )‪ .(%٢٥‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪.(٩،٧ : ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳔﺐ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﴰﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎً‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻮﻫـﺎ ﻋـﱪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻤﻮﺩ‪.(٢١،١٩: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺧﻮﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔـﻮﻕ‬
‫‪ ٨٠٠٠‬ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺧﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﺍﳉـﺒﲑ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(٨٨: ١٤٢٦‬‬

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‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪(%٤٤,٥‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,٧‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ (%١٦,٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(٢٥٦:‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﹰﺎ ﻗﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻼ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ )‪ ،(%٦٣,٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟـﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٧٢,٦‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮﺓ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﺎﻭﺯ )ﻓﻠﺘﺮﺓ( ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﶈﺠﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺮﺹ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﳎﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.(٢٨٠،١٥٧،١٢٢،٣٠،٢٦١ :‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﻌﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(١٦٣:٢٠٠٥،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺯﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٥٠٠,٠٠٠‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪ ،(٧: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌـﺎﺩﻝ ‪٢٤‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ‪ ١٠٠٠‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﺳـﺘﺤﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳊﺎﺳـﺐ ﺍﻵﱄ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻷﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﺉ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻌﺚ ﺑﺘﻌﻘﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪.(٢١،١٨،١٥:‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻲ ﺗﺄﺧـﺬ ﻣﻜﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻼﺋﻖ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﳎﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﲟﺎ ﳛﻘﻖ‬
‫ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳊـﺎﻟﺘﲔ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺪ ﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﳏﺎﺫﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻴﺶ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻴﲔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،(١٨: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﻼﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻲ ﳌﺘﻠﻘـﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ )ﻛـﺮﱘ‪،(١٢ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻓﺤﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻭﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻳﺘﻄﻠـﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﲢﺴﲔ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺬ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﳊﺮ ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣـﺔ ﻋـﱪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻀﺠﹰﺎ ﻭﺟﺮﺃﺓ ﻭﻭﺿﻮﺣﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﲟﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺄﻟﻮﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻃﻼﻉ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻼ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻳﺴﻲﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳـﺜﲑ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﻌـﺎﺽ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳋﱪ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺒﻖ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬
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 ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﱐ )ﺍﻟـﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ .(٢٧٨ :١٩٩٩ ،‬ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻨﺘـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻭﻳﻼﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲝﺜـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﱪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻔـﺎﺀﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﶈﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪.(٢٨٦:‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺤﻆ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻴﺎﺡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﺒﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺘﺤﺴﺲ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻮﻯ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺛﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻬﺮ ﲢﺴﻦ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺳﺒﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻻ ﲣﻠـﻮ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻐـﺰﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﳘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﺃﻋﻤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻋـﱪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻼﰲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ‪.(٢٩٢،٢٨٧ :‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻊ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣـﺔ ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ‪ -‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳕﻮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﲢﺪﻳﺚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﺮﺃﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺳﻌﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺑﻜﻞ ﲢﻮﻃﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﳐﺎﻭﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻧﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳊﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﲟﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ )‪ (%٧٠‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻳـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،(١٢: ١٤٢٥ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺠـﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﱯ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺗـﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺭﺅﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫)‪ (%٧٥,٧٨‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﲟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ )‪) ،(%٢٤,٢٢‬ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪.(٣٠٧,٣٠٦:١٤٢٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺄﰐ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٠,٤٩‬ﻭﻳﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﳝﺜﻞ ﻣـﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪) ،(%٢١,٩٥‬ﺍﳊﺒـﺎﺏ‪٢٠٠١ ،‬‬
‫‪.(١٠٨:‬‬
‫ﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨـﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٧,٥٠‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨـﻬﻤﺎ ‪،‬ﰒ ﻣﻼﺣﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ )‪) ،(%٢٠‬ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.(١٠٩:‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺸﺮﻩ ﳊﺎﺟـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻌـﺪﺩ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ )ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪.(٢٩٣:١٤٢٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﶈﺮﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌـﺼﻤﻤﲔ ﻭﺍﳌـﺼﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٢‬ﻭﺗﺄﰐ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﱄ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٤‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪ ،(%٢٠‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﳏﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﺪﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺇﻗﺒﺎﳍﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﲢﺪﻳـﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺗـﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﻴﻮﳍﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻌـﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﺍﳌﺮﺟـﻊ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ‪.(١١١:‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﻟﻠﻬﺎﻣﺶ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﻓﺮﺹ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺅﺍﻫﻢ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺆﻛـﺪ‬
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 ‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﳊـﺴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﲣﻠﻮ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(٤٨: ٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ...‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﲟﺎ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺿـﻄﻼﻉ ﲟـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻑ )ﺍﻟﻌـﺴﻜﺮ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(١٥: ١٤٢٥‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻳﻄـﺮﺡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﳎﺎﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﹰﺎ ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﻏﲑ ﳕﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻬﻴﺊ ﳍﺎ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬـﺎ‪...‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(٤: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻠﺤﻆ ﻣﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﲤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﻹﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﺎﺿـﻲ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣـﱴ ﺻـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﳝﺜﻞ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪.(٢٨٩: ١٩٩٩ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﻃﺊ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﳏﺼﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺭﺙ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺜﺎﱄ ﻣﱰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴـﹰﺎ‬
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‫ﺑﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺹ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻫﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﲢﺼﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﺮﻋﺔ ﺇﳚـﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻠـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﹰﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮ ﹰﻻ ﻭﻋﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﺿﺤﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲰﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑﻂ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧـﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺬﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗـﻊ ﺃﻥ ﳑﺎﺭﺳـﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻇﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺷﺒﺢ ﺍﶈﺎﺫﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﲢﻮﻱ ﺳﺠ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻄﻞ ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﺭﻛﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﲤﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﶈﺎﺫﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ .‬ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻼ ﺃﺩﱏ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﲝﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺷﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳌـﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺘـﺎﺡ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺅﻯ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﲝﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺣﻖ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﻩ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺣ ‪‬ﺪﺕ ﻭﻗﻴﺪﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪.(١٥: ١٤٢٥ ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﶈـﺪﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﻗـﺔ ﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠـﻒ ﺷـﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻔﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﲟﺴﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٨٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳛﺮﺻـﻮﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ )ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪ ،(٨١: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺃ‪‬ـﻢ ﻳـﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳘﻮﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺸﻒ ﻣـﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺼﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻨﱪ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﺄﰐ‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺘـﺄﺧﺮﺓ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .(١٣٥،١٣: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﲢﻮ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳔﻔﺎﺿﹰﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑـﻮﻇﻴﻔﱵ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻛﻤﺎ ﳚﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨـﺪﻣﺞ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﺿـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲟﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺣـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﻛﺮﱘ‪.(١١٤:٢٠٠٥،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﲤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻤﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺤﺎﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲣﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻟﺘﻄﻠﻌﺎﺗـﻪ ﻭﺗﻠـﱯ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ‪ ...‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺗـﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗـﻪ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﳚـﺐ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺘﻮﱘ‪ ،(٤٠١: ١٤٢١،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ )‪ (%٦٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻉ ﻭﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻙ )ﺍﳌﻄـﲑﻱ‪ ،(٧٩: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺼﻞ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳉﻮﺀﻩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘـﻮﱘ‪١٤٢١،‬‬
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‫‪ ،(٤٠٦:‬ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ )ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪(٣٠٩: ١٩٩٧،‬؛ ﻓﻜﻠﻤـﺎ ﺍﺗـﺴﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺗﻘﻠﺼﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺋﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﲑ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪.(٣: ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻘﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺒﲑ )ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪ ،(٧٨: ٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﺐ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﰐ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻔـﺎﻉ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬
‫ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﲤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﲎ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲟﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻔـﺴﲑﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﲎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴـﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠـﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺍﳊﻘـﺎﺋﻖ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﲜﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ؛ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺸـﺄ‪‬ﺎ )ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،(٢١٠:١٩٩٤،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻤﻠﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣـﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻜﺘﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﺻﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ survey‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﲨﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍﺗﲔ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﰲ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺿﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﰎ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﴰﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‪،‬‬

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‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜـﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﲢﻮﻳﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻨﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺷـﺘﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﻠﻘﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤـﻮﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﻑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﳌـﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳎﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﱪ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻒ ﻭﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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 ‫ﺃ_ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻜﺎﻅ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﱵ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﻭﻋﻜﺎﻅ ﳊﺼﻮﳍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻴﲔ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،(٣٦٠:١٤١٧،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺻـﺤﻴﻔﺘﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﳘﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﳘﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﳑﺜﻠﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺣﺠﻢ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﲟﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻘـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﲑﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﲢﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﳏﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺠﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻـﻐﺮ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﲨﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫)ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ .( ٧٦٤:١٤١٠،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﻧﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﳎﲔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﲤﻴﺰﺍ ﲞﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻭﺟﻬﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﻌﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺴﺒﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻭﺃﺳـﺎﺗﺬﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑـﺎﻋﻲ ﳌﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻋﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (١٠٠٠‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ‪ ٢٥٠‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ‪ ٢٥٠‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ‪ ٢٥٠‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ‪ ٢٥٠‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ )‪ (٥٠٦‬ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻤﻤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻪ )ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،(٥٥:١٩٩٨،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﻂ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺗـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻـﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﳑﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ ‪ - Face Validity -‬ﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﻤﻮﻋـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺗﺬﺓ‬
‫)‬
‫ﺍﶈﻜﻤﲔ *ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﲔ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ‬

‫* ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﻮﻥ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑـﻦ ﺳـﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﲪﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﲜﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑـﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﶈﻜﹼﻤـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺅﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻮﻇﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻓﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ‪‬ﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨـﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﺴـــﱵ ‪ Holsti‬ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ‬
‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%٩٥‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﻳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﶈﻜﻤﲔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻓﻘﺮﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﲡﺮﻳـﱯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﱵ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ )‪.(٠,٨٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﻭﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺸﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺟـﺐ ﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﺭﺑـﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ‪ ٢٤٠‬ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ٦٠‬ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﺭﺋﻴـﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫‪١٤‬ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﻟﻠﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﰎ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄــﻘﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٦‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳋﺮﻋﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٧‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﳏﻤﻮﺩ ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٨‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٩‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﳏﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﳏﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻫـﻮ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﳍﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻵﱄ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ "ﺍﳊﺰﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ"‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ‪ SPSS‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻟـ‪Statistical Package for the Social Sciences :‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ‪ Pearson Correlation Coefficient‬ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺷـﺪﺓ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ‪Interval Or‬‬
‫‪.Ratio‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺮﺗـﺐ ﻟـﺴﺒﲑﻣﺎﻥ ‪Spearman Correlation Coefficient‬‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻴﲔ ‪.Ordinal‬‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺒـﺎﺭ )ﺕ( ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ‪Independent-Samples T-Test‬‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﲔ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻴﲔ ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.Interval Or Ratio‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ‪ Oneway Analysis of Variance‬ﺍﳌﻌـﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ‪ ANOVA‬ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻄﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪. (Interval Or Ratio‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟ‪‬ﺒ ‪‬ﻌﺪﻳﺔ ‪ Post Hoc Tests‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ‪LSD: Least‬‬ ‫‪-٧‬‬
‫‪ Significance Difference‬ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ‪ ANOVA‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺛﻘﺔ ‪ %٩٥‬ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬
‫‪ ٠,٠٥‬ﻓﺄﻗﻞ ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲟﻦ ﳝﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺻﺤﻒ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﰎ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﴰﻠﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳉﺄ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻌﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴـﺔ ﻟﻜـﻞ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺗﻜﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪.(١٧٧:١٩٩٣،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ ٩٥١٧‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٣٠,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟـﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣١,٧٣‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ‪ ٤٥‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٢,٧‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧـﲑﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ‪ ٤٨‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻜﺎﻅ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﻧﺴﱯ ﺿﺌﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ (%٠,٣‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﻧﺴﱯ ﺑﻠـﻎ )‪ .(%٧,٦٢‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺑﻠـﻎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻜﺎﻅ ‪٦٨‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬

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 ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ*‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫‪٣١,٧٣‬‬ ‫‪١٧٢٧٨٥,٥٠‬‬ ‫‪٣٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٢٩٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫‪٢٦,٧٠‬‬ ‫‪١٤٥٣٧٤,٥٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٢,٤‬‬ ‫‪٢١٣١‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﻅ‬
‫‪٢٢,٤٩‬‬ ‫‪١٢٢٤٢٩‬‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٢٨٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‬
‫‪١٩,٠٨‬‬ ‫‪١٠٣٨٦٦,٨٣‬‬ ‫‪٢٢,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢١٥٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٤٤٤٥٥,٨٣‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬
‫* ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻨﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨـﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﻮﻣﻴـﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ ‪١٧٠٩٦٤‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ ٢٨٧٩,٧‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤـﻮﺩ ﻳﻮﻣﻴـﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺻـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻜـﺎﻅ‬
‫‪ ٢٤٢٢,٩‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ‪ ٢٠٤٠,٥‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴـﻮﻡ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ‪١٧٣١‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺻﺤﻒ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ(‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﻌﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻭﺟﻬﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺷـﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٦٧,١٢‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ )‪ (%٣٢,٢‬ﻣﻮﺯﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﳎﲔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ‪ ١٦٣٩‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ ٢٧‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﺍﳌـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪ ٨٠٣‬ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ‪٥٧‬‬
‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﲝﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ ٢,٧٧‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠـﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳـﺔ ‪٣٢‬‬
‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻔﻬـﻢ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ ٢٤٤٢‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻭ‪ ٤٢‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ )‪ (%٩٥,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻋﺎﳉﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ )‪ (% ٤,١‬ﻓﻘﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ*‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٦٧٫١٢‬‬ ‫‪١٦٣٩‬‬ ‫‪٩٥٫٩‬‬ ‫‪٥٩١‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٣٢٫٨٨‬‬ ‫‪٨٠٣‬‬ ‫‪٤٫١‬‬ ‫‪٢٥‬‬

‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫* ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٢‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻛـﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻟﻸﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻﺣﻆ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏـﻢ ﺃﳘﻴﺘـﻬﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﲢﺘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ‪‬ﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳋﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻈﻬـﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲡﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﲦﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﺿﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪:(٣‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫‪84.20‬‬ ‫‪465842.85‬‬ ‫‪٨٦,٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٣٢٨‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪55353.5‬‬ ‫‪٩,٦‬‬ ‫‪٩٢٩‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫‪2.19‬‬ ‫‪12119.2‬‬ ‫‪١,٦‬‬ ‫‪١٥١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫‪1.48‬‬ ‫‪8208‬‬ ‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪٧٦‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‬
‫‪0.60‬‬ ‫‪3315‬‬ ‫‪٠,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.56‬‬ ‫‪3097.7‬‬ ‫‪٠,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣٨‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.50‬‬ ‫‪2792.88‬‬ ‫‪٠,٥‬‬ ‫‪٥٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ‬
‫‪0.45‬‬ ‫‪2510‬‬ ‫‪٠,٣‬‬ ‫‪٣١‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪553239.13‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٦٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺴﱯ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻻﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋـﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﳕﻂ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(% ٨٤,٢٠‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺃﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻸﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﳝﺜـﻞ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﰲ‬
‫‪240‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻣﺎ ﲢﺘﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻘـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳎﺮﺩﺓ؛ ﻓﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﳚﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻨﻮﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﲢﻠﻴﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬـﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮﻩ ﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﻣﻠﺤـﻮﻅ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٠‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺴﻴﲑ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺃﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ )‪ ،(%٢,١٩‬ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔـﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋـﻪ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١,٤٨‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٠,٥٩‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺐ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺣـﻞ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٠,٥٦‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗـﺪ ﳛـﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٠,٥٠‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪.(%٠,٤٥‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٤‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬

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 ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫‪٣٤,١٢‬‬ ‫‪١٧٩٧‬‬ ‫‪٥٢,١٥‬‬ ‫‪٤١٢‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫‪23.22‬‬ ‫‪١٢٢٣‬‬ ‫‪٢٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫‪16.88‬‬ ‫‪٨٨٩‬‬ ‫‪١٩,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٥٤‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‬
‫‪8.35‬‬ ‫‪٤٤٠‬‬ ‫‪٢,١٥‬‬ ‫‪١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ‬
‫‪6.59‬‬ ‫‪٣٤٧‬‬ ‫‪١,٧٧‬‬ ‫‪١٤‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٥,٢٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٧٦‬‬ ‫‪٠,٦٣‬‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫‪٣,٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٨٠‬‬ ‫‪٢,١٥‬‬ ‫‪١٧‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.18‬‬ ‫‪١١٥‬‬ ‫‪٠,٧٥‬‬ ‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٥٢٦٧‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٧٩٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺣﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ( ﻣـﻊ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٣٤,١٢‬ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭ)‪ (%٥٢,١٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫)‪ .(%٢٣,٢٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋـﻪ ﺛﺎﻟﺜـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٦,٨٨‬‬
‫ﻋﻜﺴﺖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺠﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻌـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻏﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﺹ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠـﻎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ (%٨٦,٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫)‪ (%٥٢,١٥‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﻓﺴﺢ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺃﻋﻠـﻰ ﳑـﺎ ﻇﻬـﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ؛ ﻓﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ )‪ (%٢٠,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﱂ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺳﻮﻯ )‪ (%٩,٦‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﲟﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺣﻘـﻖ )‪،(% ١,٧٧‬‬
‫)‪ (%٠,٤‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١,٦) ،(%٠,٦٣‬ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ )‪.(%٠,٣) ،(%٠,٧٥‬‬
‫ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﲦﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﳓﻮ )‪ (%٧٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﳓـﻮ )‪ (%٩٦‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﳘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٥‬ﻷﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻄﺎﻉ؛ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪13.5‬‬ ‫‪73732.98‬‬ ‫‪١٣,٢‬‬ ‫‪١٢٥٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪13.5‬‬ ‫‪73731.10‬‬ ‫‪١١,٦‬‬ ‫‪١١٠٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫‪13.4‬‬ ‫‪72688.55‬‬ ‫‪١٥,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٤٧٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪11.2‬‬ ‫‪61165.30‬‬ ‫‪١٢,٥‬‬ ‫‪١١٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬
‫‪7.7‬‬ ‫‪42168.80‬‬ ‫‪٧,٥‬‬ ‫‪٧١٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫‪6.0‬‬ ‫‪32857.80‬‬ ‫‪٥,٨‬‬ ‫‪٥٥٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪4.3‬‬ ‫‪23639.50‬‬ ‫‪٣,٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٦٩‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪3.2‬‬ ‫‪17175‬‬ ‫‪٤,٦‬‬ ‫‪٤٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪3.1‬‬ ‫‪16710‬‬ ‫‪٣,٣‬‬ ‫‪٣١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫‪3.0‬‬ ‫‪16507.50‬‬ ‫‪٣,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٦٤‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.4‬‬ ‫‪12975.50‬‬ ‫‪١,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٧٦‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.4‬‬ ‫‪12887.30‬‬ ‫‪١,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٤٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.3‬‬ ‫‪12613‬‬ ‫‪٣,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٩٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪12124.50‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٥٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.7‬‬ ‫‪9135.40‬‬ ‫‪١,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٣٩‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫‪1.6‬‬ ‫‪8726.50‬‬ ‫‪١,٣‬‬ ‫‪١٢٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫‪1.5‬‬ ‫‪8155.40‬‬ ‫‪١,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٧٤‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ‬
‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪7546‬‬ ‫‪٠,٦‬‬ ‫‪٥٩‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪6423‬‬ ‫‪١,٢‬‬ ‫‪١١٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬
‫‪٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪4909‬‬ ‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪٧٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫‪0.7‬‬ ‫‪3732‬‬ ‫‪٠,٧‬‬ ‫‪٦٩‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2.7‬‬ ‫‪14851.70‬‬ ‫‪٢,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٠١‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪544455.83‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗـﻀﻴﱵ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻧﺎ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٢٦,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ )‪ (%٢٨,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼـﺼﺔ ﳍـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫)‪ (%٣٢,٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ )‪ (%٣١,٦‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺕ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﻊ ﺍﻵﻣﻨﲔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺑﺮﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٨,٩‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ )‪(%١٠,٧‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ )‪(%٤,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺭﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٤,١‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼـﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺻﻼﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٥,٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻷﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﳉﺰﺀ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﻳﻮﺿـﺤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪:(٦‬‬
‫ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺮﺍﺭ )‪ (%١٤‬ﻭﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١٢,٩‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫)‪ (%١٠,٤‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ )‪ .(%٩,٩‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﲔ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%٦,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ )‪ (%٩,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺘﲔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﱵ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺼﺪﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺴﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﰲ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺗﻘﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﳘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻼ‪‬ﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﳌﻮﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳍﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳـﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺃﻣﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﻊ ﺳﻜﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳍﺠﻤـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺟﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﻠـﻎ )‪،(٣,٦٧‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠـﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ (٣,٧٨‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ )‪ (٥,٨٧‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻤﻘـﹰﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺎﺕ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%١٨,٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟـﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٢٥,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﲞـﻼﻑ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪ ،(% ٧,٦‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺿﻴﻔﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ )‪ (%٢٥,٨‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٦‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪12.9‬‬ ‫‪٣١٦‬‬ ‫‪14.0‬‬ ‫‪٨٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9.9‬‬ ‫‪242‬‬ ‫‪10.4‬‬ ‫‪٦٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9.9‬‬ ‫‪٢٤١‬‬ ‫‪6.7‬‬ ‫‪٤١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬
‫‪8.6‬‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫‪5.5‬‬ ‫‪٣٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪7.4‬‬ ‫‪182‬‬ ‫‪6.7‬‬ ‫‪٤١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫‪7.0‬‬ ‫‪172‬‬ ‫‪7.6‬‬ ‫‪٤٧‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪6.6‬‬ ‫‪160‬‬ ‫‪٩,٧‬‬ ‫‪٦٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪6.4‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬ ‫‪2.9‬‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫‪4.0‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪10.1‬‬ ‫‪٦٢‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪3.2‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫‪١,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪٣,٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪3.1‬‬ ‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪4.4‬‬ ‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪4.9‬‬ ‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬
‫‪0.9‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪2.1‬‬ ‫‪١٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪0.5‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪1.6‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪17.2‬‬ ‫‪420‬‬ ‫‪٥,٢‬‬ ‫‪٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٩,٦‬ﻣﻦ ﳎﻤـﻮﻉ ﺗﻜـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٩,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬ ‫‪-٧‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ )‪ (%٠,١‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻢ ﲬﺲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺑﺄﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻠﻮﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ – ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ( ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـ‪ ،١٦‬ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪.(٦‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﳘﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴـﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺮﻛﺰﺕ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻠﺤـﻆ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺷـﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﻗـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺏ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻪ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺃﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﻜﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬـﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫‪250‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ ﺗﻔـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ ﺗﻜﺘـﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٧‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺮﺍﺭ )‪ (%٦٠,٢‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٢,٩‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٤٧,١‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭ )‪ (%٣٩,٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺣﻠـﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٧‬‬

‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪52.9‬‬ ‫‪288071.53‬‬ ‫‪٦٠,٢‬‬ ‫‪٥٧٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪47.1‬‬ ‫‪256384.30‬‬ ‫‪٣٩,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٧٨٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪544455.83‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﹰﺍ ﳌﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٨‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬
‫)‪ (%٦٢,٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭ )‪ (%٣١,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ )‪ (%٣٧,٧‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺮﺍﺭ )‪ ،(%٦٨,٥‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ‪ ١٩٤‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋـﺪﺩﻫﺎ‬

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‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻒ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺎﰿ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺷﺆﻭﻧﹰﺎ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻔـﺴﺢ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻝ ﻟـﻶﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﻠﻞ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺼﲑﺓ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٨‬‬

‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪62.3‬‬ ‫‪١٥٢١‬‬ ‫‪٣١,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪37.7‬‬ ‫‪٩٢١‬‬ ‫‪٦٨,٥‬‬ ‫‪٤٢٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﺭﺅﻳﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﲢﺮﺹ ﻛﱪﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳـﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺻـﻢ ﺍﻟﻜـﱪﻯ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺼﺒﺢ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٩‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺎﺩ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ‪:‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٩‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪60.5‬‬ ‫‪329187.48‬‬ ‫‪٥٠,٥‬‬ ‫‪٤٨٠٧‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪23.4‬‬ ‫‪127287.55‬‬ ‫‪٣٢,١‬‬ ‫‪٣٠٥٣‬‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪7.5‬‬ ‫‪40660.10‬‬ ‫‪٨,١‬‬ ‫‪٧٧٣‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺱ‬
‫‪5.3‬‬ ‫‪28747.70‬‬ ‫‪٦,٥‬‬ ‫‪٦١٩‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪3.4‬‬ ‫‪١٨٥٧٣‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪٢٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٥٤٤٤٥٥,٨٣‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺪﻭﺑﲔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﲔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﻗﺘﲔ ﻭﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﰲ )‪ (%٦٠,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٥٠,٥‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻨﺤﻮ )‪ (%٧,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٥,٣‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٣,٤‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﳍﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ )‪ (%٣,٤‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒـﻬﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬

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‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٠‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٧٨,٥‬ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٤٦,٣‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ )‪ (%٨,٥‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠـﺎﻭﺯ )‪،(%١,٢‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻛﻤـﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺿﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٠‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪78.5‬‬ ‫‪١٩١٩‬‬ ‫‪٤٦,٣‬‬ ‫‪٢٨٥‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪8.5‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٨‬‬ ‫‪١٩,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٢٢‬‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪5.9‬‬ ‫‪١٤٥‬‬ ‫‪٧,٨‬‬ ‫‪٤٨‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺱ‬
‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪٢٩‬‬ ‫‪٤,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٩‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪5.8‬‬ ‫‪١٤١‬‬ ‫‪٢١,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

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‫ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﰲ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﺘﻨـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺣـﺮﺹ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﲤﺜﻠـﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺴﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١١‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻜـﺲ ﰲ‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﺣـﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٣٥,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٣٥,٤‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٣,٤‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﶈﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ )‪.(%٣٠,٧‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١١‬‬

‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬
‫‪٣٥,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٩٥٣٢٤,٦٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٥,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣٣٦٧‬‬ ‫ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣٣,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٨٢٠٣٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٣١,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٠٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣٠,٧‬‬ ‫‪١٦٧١٠٠,٢٥‬‬ ‫‪٣٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣١٢٣‬‬ ‫ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٤٤٤٥٥,٨٣‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

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‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﺭﺗﻔـﺎﻉ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺎﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻊ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ ﻟﻠﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺖ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﻟﻨﻈﲑ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﳓﻮ )‪ (%٥٠,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٣٨,١‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼـﺼﺔ ﻟﻼﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﺎﻳـﺪﺓ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٣٠,٨‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٨,٥‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺑﻴﻨـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪.(١٢‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٢‬‬
‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬
‫‪50.7‬‬ ‫‪١٢٣٩‬‬ ‫‪٣٨,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٣٥‬‬ ‫ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪30.8‬‬ ‫‪٧٥٢‬‬ ‫‪٣٦,٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٢٥‬‬ ‫ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ‬
‫‪18.5‬‬ ‫‪٤٥١‬‬ ‫‪٢٥,٣‬‬ ‫‪١٥٦‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪:‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻪ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﲟﺎ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﳝﻨﻊ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳊـﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﻜﺘـﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﲔ ﳘﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲢﻈﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﲪﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻗﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ ﺟـﺰﺀﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٣‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﰲ ﻋـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ‪:‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٣‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫‪50.47‬‬ ‫‪278479.33‬‬ ‫‪٥٨,٠‬‬ ‫‪5574‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪27.34‬‬ ‫‪150870.4‬‬ ‫‪٢٤,٥‬‬ ‫‪2351‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬
‫‪9.70‬‬ ‫‪53539.8‬‬ ‫‪٩,٢‬‬ ‫‪883‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﲰﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪4.66‬‬ ‫‪25712.2‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧‬‬ ‫‪255‬‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪1.83‬‬ ‫‪10090.7‬‬ ‫‪١,٢‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫‪1.75‬‬ ‫‪9647.8‬‬ ‫‪١,٥‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.74‬‬ ‫‪9617‬‬ ‫‪١,٠‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫‪1.39‬‬ ‫‪7668‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫‪0.82‬‬ ‫‪4512‬‬ ‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﲏ‬
‫‪0.30‬‬ ‫‪1683.5‬‬ ‫‪٠,٢‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪551820.73‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪9617‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫*‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﴰﻠﺖ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٨‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ .(%٥٠,٤٧‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺜﻔـﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺓ ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻺﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜـﻞ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%٢٧,٣٤‬ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٤,٥‬ﻟﻠﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪ ٦٤‬ﺳـﻢ‪/‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ‪ ٦٠,٦‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﺑﻨـﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ )‪ ،(%٩١,٧‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﱂ‬

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‫ﲢﻆ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٨,٣‬ﻣـﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ؛ ﻓﺎﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘـﺸﻬﺎﺩ ‪‬ـﻢ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٤,٦٦‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١,٧٥‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١,٣٩‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٠,٨٢‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٠,٣٠‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٤‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺻﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٥,٧٢‬ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻭ)‪ (%٤٠,٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼـﺼﺔ ﳍـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪ ٤‬ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١٣,٣٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭ )‪ (%١١,٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٧‬ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌـﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%١٣,٣٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭ)‪ (%٦,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ‪١٢‬‬
‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﲔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻟـﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘـﺸﻬﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ؛‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%٦,٨٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪ (%٢,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٤‬‬

‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫‪25.72‬‬ ‫‪١٧٧٥‬‬ ‫‪٤٠,٢ ٤٣٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬

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 ‫‪13.37‬‬ ‫‪٩٢٣‬‬ ‫‪١١,٨ ١٢٧‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﲰﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪13.35‬‬ ‫‪٩٢١‬‬ ‫‪6.9 74‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪12.01‬‬ ‫‪٨٢٩‬‬ ‫‪2.8‬‬ ‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫‪9.13‬‬ ‫‪٦٣٠‬‬ ‫‪4.4‬‬ ‫‪٤٨‬‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪8.87‬‬ ‫‪٦١٢‬‬ ‫‪26.9 ٢٩١‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪6.88‬‬ ‫‪٤٧٥‬‬ ‫‪2.9 ٣١‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫‪4.68‬‬ ‫‪٣٢٣‬‬ ‫‪0.7‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪4.23‬‬ ‫‪٢٩٢‬‬ ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫‪1.72‬‬ ‫‪١١٩‬‬ ‫‪1.7‬‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﲏ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٦٨٩٩‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠ ١٠٨٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫*ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟـﺎﺀ ﺃﺳـﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘـﺸﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ ﺣـﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﺳـﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑـﺂﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃ ﹼﻻ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗـﺼﺒﺢ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻫﺪﻓﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﺗـﺼﺎ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٥‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﱐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻮﻯ )‪ (%٦,١‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻋﻦ )‪ (%٥,٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻻ‪‬ﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٩٣,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٥‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫‪٦,١‬‬ ‫‪٣٢٩٥٤,٦‬‬ ‫‪٥,٥‬‬ ‫‪٥٢٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٩٣,٩‬‬ ‫‪٥١١٥٠١,٢٣‬‬ ‫‪٩٤,٥‬‬ ‫‪٨٩٩٢‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪544455.83‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١٠,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﻢ )‪ ،(%٨٩,١‬ﻭﺑﻠﻎ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﲟﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٤,٩‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺿﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﳉـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﱄ ﺭﻗـﻢ‬
‫)‪.(١٦‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٦‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬

‫‪261‬‬
 ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫‪١٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٣٩٥‬‬ ‫‪١٤,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٨٩,١‬‬ ‫‪٣٢٣١‬‬ ‫‪٨٥,١‬‬ ‫‪٧٧٦‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻪ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٣٦٢٦‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩١٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫*ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻨـﻬﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٧‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬
‫‪٤,٣‬‬ ‫‪٢٣٦١٥,٧‬‬ ‫‪١,٦‬‬ ‫‪١٥٦‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ‬
‫‪٩٥,٧‬‬ ‫‪٥٢٠٨٤٠,١٣‬‬ ‫‪٩٨,٤‬‬ ‫‪٩٣٦١‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪544455.83‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٧‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ (%٤,٣‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻦ )‪.(%١,٦‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (١٨‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬
‫)‪ (%٢١,١‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺟـﻪ ﻋـﺎﻡ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻃـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪262‬‬
 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٨‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫‪21.1‬‬ ‫‪٧٦٥‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ‬
‫‪78.9‬‬ ‫‪٢٨٦١‬‬ ‫‪٩٨‬‬ ‫‪٨٩٤‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪٣٦٢٦‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩١٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫*ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺎﺷﺮﹰﺍ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻌﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﱪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺗﺎﺣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﰲ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )‪ (%٣٥,٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ )‪(%١٩,١‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﺿﺤﻪ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪.(١٩‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(١٩‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫‪٣٥,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٩٤٨٣٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٩,١‬‬ ‫‪١٨٢٢‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬
‫‪٦٤,٢‬‬ ‫‪٣٤٩٦٢٣,٠٣‬‬ ‫‪٨٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٧٦٩٥‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٤٤٤٥٥,٨٣‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٥١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﱂ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ )‪ ،(%٦٤،٢‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺭﺃﻳﹰﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺣﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺗﺎﺣﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ )‪ (%٥٤,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﺿﺤﻪ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗـﻢ )‪ .(٢٠‬ﻭﻳـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋـﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٤٥,١‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣـﻮﺍﺩ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٠‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫‪٥٤,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩١‬‬ ‫‪٣٥,٥‬‬ ‫‪٣٢٤‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻙ‬
‫‪٤٥,١‬‬ ‫‪١٦٣٥‬‬ ‫‪٦٤,٥‬‬ ‫‪٥٨٨‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٣٦٢٦‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩١٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ*‬
‫*ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ؛ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ_ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٢١‬ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻇﻬـﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘـﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ‪ ٩٤٢٢‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٩,٩‬ﻭﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,١‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٦,٨‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٦,٥‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪ ،(%٣٤,٤٥‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢١‬‬

‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٥٩,٨‬‬ ‫‪٥٦٤٥‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢١,١‬‬ ‫‪١٩٨٧‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٦,٨‬‬ ‫‪٦٣٨‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫‪٦,٥‬‬ ‫‪٦١١‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪٣,٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٩٧‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫‪٢,٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٧‬‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪٠,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣٧‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٩٤٢٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

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 ‫ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣,٢‬ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢,٢‬ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٠,٨‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻖ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ_ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺳـﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٢٢‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٦٢,٨‬ﺗﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١١,٤‬ﻓﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴـﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(%١٠,٥‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٩,١‬ﻭﺗـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﻘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺖ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٢‬‬

‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﴰﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٦٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪٤٩٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١١,٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٩‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪١٠,٥‬‬ ‫‪٨٢‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫‪٩,١‬‬ ‫‪٧١‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫‪١,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫‪١,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٤‬‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٧٨٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﰎ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻌـﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈـﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺗﻪ ﳓﻮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﻫـﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺗﺸﲑ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪ (٢٣‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺜﹼﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ ،(%٥٧,٣‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ )‪ (%٤٢,٧‬ﻟﻺﻧﺎﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﲤﺜﻴﻠـﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌـﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٣‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫‪٥٧,٣‬‬ ‫‪٢٩٠‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ‬
‫‪٤٢,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢١٦‬‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺜﻰ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﺎﻉ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪،(%٦٩,٢‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﺮﻭﺍﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ‪ ٤٠-٢١‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﱐ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢١‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١١,١‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ‪ ٢١‬ﺇﱃ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﻗﻊ )‪ ،(%٤٣,٧‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣـﻦ ‪ ٣١‬ﺇﱃ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٢٥,٥‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤١‬ﺇﱃ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٦‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ‪ ٥١‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻠﻢ ﺗـﺰﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻦ )‪.(%٢,٨‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫‪١١,١‬‬ ‫‪٥٦‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪٢١‬‬
‫‪٤٣,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٢١‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢١‬ﺇﱃ‪٣٠‬‬
‫‪٢٥,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٢٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٣١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٤٠‬‬
‫‪١٦‬‬ ‫‪٨١‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٥٠‬‬
‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٥١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٦٠‬‬
‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ‪٦٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ‬
‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ )‪ (٢٤‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﺌﺔ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻓﺄﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٥٤,٨‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺷـﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺳـﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﲤﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٢٩,٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪.(٢٥‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٤٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‬
‫‪٢٦,١‬‬ ‫‪١٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥,٧‬‬ ‫‪١٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٨,٨‬‬ ‫‪٩٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

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‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٨,٨‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘـﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺘﲔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﳘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪،(%٢٥,٧) ،(%٢٦,١) :‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٢٦‬ﺃﻥ ﻛ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﰲ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ )‪.(%٧٣,١‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٦‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫‪٣٥,٢‬‬ ‫‪١٧٨‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫‪٣٧,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٩٢‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫‪٢٤,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٢٦‬‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫‪١,٢‬‬ ‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٧,٩‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٣٥,٢‬ﻓﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ )ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻭﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ( ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٤,٩‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤـﺎ ﻓﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻋﻦ )‪ .(%٠,٨‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﳚﻴﺒـﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%١,٢‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬

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‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ )ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ( ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )‪ ،(%٢٩,١‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪.(٢٧‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٧‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫‪٢٨,٩‬‬ ‫‪١٤٦‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫‪٢٠,٦‬‬ ‫‪١٠٤‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ‬
‫‪٢١,٣‬‬ ‫‪١٠٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫‪٢٩,١‬‬ ‫‪١٤٧‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٢‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٨,٩‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﺌﺘﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺘﲔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﳘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪.(%٢٠,٦) ،(%٢١,٣) :‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٢٨‬ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﱂ ﺃﺳﺎﻓﺮ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺐ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻌﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺘﲔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٤٣,١‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٨‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺘﲔ‬
‫‪٤٣,١‬‬ ‫‪٢١٨‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺃﺳﺎﻓﺮ‬
‫‪٢٩,١‬‬ ‫‪١٤٧‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ‬
‫‪١٣,٤‬‬ ‫‪٦٨‬‬ ‫ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ‬
‫‪١٢,٥‬‬ ‫‪٦٣‬‬ ‫ﲬﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

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‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,١‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(%٢٥,٩‬ﻭﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻐﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﳛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺘـﺎ‬
‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺧ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺩﺧ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ )‪ (%١٨,٤‬ﻭ)‪ ،(%١٩,٢‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٢٩‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ*‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‬
‫‪١٨,٤‬‬ ‫‪٩٣‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪١٥٠٠‬‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫‪٧٦‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥٠٠‬ﺇﱃ ‪٤٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫‪٧٦‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ٤٠٠١‬ﺇﱃ‪٦٥٠٠‬‬
‫‪١١,٩‬‬ ‫‪٦٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٦٥٠١‬ﺇﱃ‪٩٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪١٤,٦‬‬ ‫‪٧٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪٩٠٠١‬ﺇﱃ‪١١٥٠٠‬‬
‫‪١٩,٢‬‬ ‫‪٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١١٥٠٠‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬
‫‪٥,٩‬‬ ‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬
‫*‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٢٩‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣـﺼﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥٠٠‬ﺣﱴ ‪ ٦٥٠٠‬ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ ،(%١٥‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟـﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻣـﻦ ‪ ٩٠٠١‬ﺇﱃ‬
‫‪ ١١٥٠٠‬ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ )‪ .(%١٤,٦‬ﻭﱂ ﻳ‪‬ﺠﺐ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ )‪ (%٥,٩‬ﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻷﻗـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫‪ ،١٥٠٠‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
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‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪ .-‬ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٣٠‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٠‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬
‫‪1.291‬‬ ‫‪3.52‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫‪1.251‬‬ ‫‪3.22‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫‪1.133‬‬ ‫‪3.09‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.295‬‬ ‫‪3.04‬‬ ‫ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‬
‫‪1.148‬‬ ‫‪2.97‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.289‬‬ ‫‪2.82‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫‪1.110‬‬ ‫‪2.68‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪1.031‬‬ ‫‪2.68‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.103‬‬ ‫‪2.64‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫‪1.162‬‬ ‫‪2.36‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﲏ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫‪1.245‬‬ ‫‪2.30‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﳊﻴﺎﰐ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.206‬‬ ‫‪2.25‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘـﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺍﻭﺣﺖ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﲡﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺳـﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﻓﻌﲔ ﺍﺛﻨﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﳘﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌـﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
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 ‫ﻭﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ ،(٣,٢٢‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ ﺍﺣﺘـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪.(٢,٢٥‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑـﲔ ﲨﻴـﻊ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌـﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺑـﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ .(٣,٥٢‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٣,٠٩‬ﻓﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄـﺔ‬
‫)‪ (٣,٠٤‬ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪.(٢,٣٠‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﲡﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﻄـﺔ ﻭﻳﻨـﺮ )‪ (Wenner,1985:176‬ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺈﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ‪Orientational‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬـﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ‪ Para-orientational‬ﻭﲤﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟـﺪﻋﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳـﺰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻮ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ Social‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﳕﻄﲔ ﳘـﺎ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﲏ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﳊﻴﺎﰐ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ Para – Social‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﱴ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﳏﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺎﻳﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲟﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻛﻠﻮﻳـﺪ ﻭﺑﻴﻜـﺮ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﺰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺣﺴﻦ‪.(٢٣:١٩٩١،‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣١‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﱂ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪172‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪46‬‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪12.6 16.4 34 26.7 9.1‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪64 111 173 112 42‬‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪0.8‬‬ ‫‪12.6 21.9 34.2 22.1 8.3‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪68 177 167 58‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.6‬‬ ‫‪5.5 13.4 35‬‬ ‫‪33 11.5 %‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪63 172 145 81‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.4‬‬ ‫‪6.5 12.5 34 28.7 16‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪77 161 146 76‬‬

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 ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.8‬‬ ‫‪6.3‬‬ ‫‪15.2 31.8 28.9‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪48 126 151 137‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.8‬‬ ‫‪5.9‬‬ ‫‪9.5 24.9 29.8 27.1 %‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪21.3 24.7‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪8.7‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪108 154‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.6 19.4 21.3 30.4 16.4 10.9‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪82 139 114 66‬‬ ‫ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.8‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪16.2 27.5 22.5‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪66 142 123‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.8 14.2‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪28.1 24.3 17.6‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪107 141 167‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪3.4‬‬ ‫‪6.7‬‬ ‫‪7.9‬‬ ‫‪21.1 27.9 33‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪96 157 158‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.6‬‬ ‫‪8.9‬‬ ‫‪7.3‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪31.2‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﳊﻴﺎﰐ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ )‪ (٣١‬ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﳊﻔـﺎﻅ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٩,٤‬ﻭﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,٣‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﱂ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٠,٩‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻗـﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﲢﻘﻖ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ )‪ ،(%٦,٧‬ﻭﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٧,٩‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪(%٣٣‬؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺟـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤـﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﲢﻘﻖ )‪ (%٣٠‬ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٢١,٣‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٨,٧‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟـﺎﺀ ﻓﻬـﻢ‬

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‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١٢,٦‬ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻓﺌـﺔ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١،٩‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٨,٣‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺟـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١٨‬ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١٦,٢‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٣‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٢,٦‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٢,٦‬ﻭﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ )‪ ،(%١٦,٤‬ﻭﺑﺪﺭﺟـﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻄﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٣٤‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٢٦,٧‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٩,١‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٤,٢‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ )‪ ،(%١٣‬ﻭﰲ ﻓﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٨,١‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٤,٣‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘـﻖ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(%١٧,٦‬ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺌـﺔ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟـﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٥,٥‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ )‪ ،(%١٣,٤‬ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٥‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٣‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١١,٥‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟـﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٦,٧‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٧,٩‬ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,١‬ﻭﺿـﻌﻴﻒ‬
‫)‪ (%٢٧,٩‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑـ)‪.(%٣٣‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ )‪ (%١٨‬ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟـﺪﹰﺍ‪ (%١٦,٢) ،‬ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ‪،‬‬
‫)‪ (%٢٧,٥‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‪ (%٢٢,٥) ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ (%١٣) ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮﻳﻦ )‪ (%٦,٣‬ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟـﺪﹰﺍ‪،‬‬
‫)‪ (%١٥,٢‬ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‪ (%٣١,٨) ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‪ (%٢٨,٩) ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪(%١٥) ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘـﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ )‪،(%٥,٩‬‬
‫)‪ (%٢٩,٨) ،(%٢٤,٩) ،(%٩,٥‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٢٧,١‬ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ )‪ ،(%٨,٩‬ﻭﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ )‪،(%٧,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ )‪ ،(%١٩‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ )‪ ،(%٣١‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٣١,٢‬‬
‫‪277‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟـﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٠‬ﻭﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ )‪،(%٢١،٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ ،(%٢٤,٧‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ )‪ ،(%١٣‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٨,٧‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )‪،(%٢١,٣) ،(%١٩,٤‬‬
‫)‪ ،(%١٦,٤ ،(%٣٠,٤‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٠,٩‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﳍﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻭﳍﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪،(%٣٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٣١,٢‬ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ )‪ ،(%٢٧,١‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪.(%١٧،٦‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪،(٣٢‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٢‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺭﺅﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫‪22.8 153‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬
‫‪19.4‬‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫‪13.9‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‬
‫‪9.3‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪7.8‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬
‫‪6.7‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪5.4‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫‪278‬‬
 ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪100 *670‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬
‫* ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ )‪ (٥٠٦‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺫﻭ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ )‪ (%٦٠,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٣,٣‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%٦‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺄﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٢,٨‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺇﺟـﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳌﻮﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳍﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴـﺔ ﺃﺑـﺮﺯﺕ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٩,٣‬ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﺍﻧﺘـﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٧,٨‬ﻓﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘـﺮ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٧‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻓﻠـﺴﻄﲔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%١٩,٤‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫)‪ (%١٣,٩‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﱪﺭ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﳘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﳍـﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺘﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍ‪‬ﻤﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﺭﻋﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٦‬ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳋﺎﺿﻊ ﺍﻵﻥ ﳍﻴﻤﻨـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄـﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍـﺎ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠـﺴﻄﲔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺿـﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟـﺔ ﻓﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟـﺖ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺿـﻤﺖ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻝ ﻭﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﳍﺎ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ ﺍﳍﺠﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ‪١١‬‬
‫ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻤﲔ ﻭﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺸﲑ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻛﻠﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳓﺼﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻔﻜﲑ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﳏﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﲔ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻪ )ﺩﻟﻴﻮ‪ .(٦١:٢٠٠٣،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٣‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺼـﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬
‫‪1.146‬‬ ‫‪3.72‬‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.159‬‬ ‫‪3.37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.431‬‬ ‫‪3.04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫‪1.218‬‬ ‫‪2.91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.051‬‬ ‫‪2.89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪1.126‬‬ ‫‪2.74‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.235‬‬ ‫‪2.64‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.161‬‬ ‫‪2.47‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‬
‫‪1.339‬‬ ‫‪2.47‬‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.172‬‬ ‫‪2.44‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.293‬‬ ‫‪2.14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪1.211‬‬ ‫‪2.04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗـﻢ )‪ (٣٣‬ﺇﱃ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠـﻎ )‪ ،(٣,٧٢‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(٣,٣٧‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻔﺰ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﻗﺪﺭﻩ )‪ ،(٣,٠٤‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻓﺠﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻮﻗﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺣﻼ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﺑﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ )‪ ،(٢,١٤‬ﻭﺃﺧـﲑﹰﺍ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٢,٠٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٣٤‬ﻳﺒﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﻻ ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ "ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﻫﻲ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٢٠,٢‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%١٨,٨‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪.(%١٠,٧‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻛﺄﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﳌﻦ ﺃﺟﺎﺑﻮﺍ ﺑـ " ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ " ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٢,٨‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,١‬ﺗﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,٩‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴـﺖ‬
‫)‪.(%٢٠,٩‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺓ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﻭ" ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ "‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ " ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻤﻨـﺘﻬﺎ ﻓـﺌﺔ‬
‫" ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ "‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٤‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪143‬‬ ‫‪149‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ‬
‫‪100 0.4‬‬ ‫‪6.3‬‬ ‫‪11.9‬‬ ‫‪28.3‬‬ ‫‪29.4‬‬ ‫‪23.7‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‬
‫‪506 3‬‬ ‫‪149‬‬ ‫‪166‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100 0.6‬‬ ‫‪29.4‬‬ ‫‪32.8‬‬ ‫‪22.9‬‬ ‫‪8.5‬‬ ‫‪5.7‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506 5‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪8.1‬‬ ‫‪17.2‬‬ ‫‪22.5‬‬ ‫‪16.4‬‬ ‫‪34.8‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪147‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100 0.4‬‬ ‫‪18.8‬‬ ‫‪29.1‬‬ ‫‪29.2‬‬ ‫‪15.6‬‬ ‫‪6.9‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 6‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪140‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100 1.2‬‬ ‫‪4.9‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪27.7‬‬ ‫‪25.5‬‬ ‫‪26.7‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 4‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100 0.8‬‬ ‫‪6.1‬‬ ‫‪18.2‬‬ ‫‪34.8‬‬ ‫‪23.5‬‬ ‫‪16.6‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 5‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪244‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪3.6‬‬ ‫‪11.9‬‬ ‫‪17.4‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪48.2‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪127‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100 0.6‬‬ ‫‪7.7‬‬ ‫‪18.8‬‬ ‫‪25.5‬‬ ‫‪25.1‬‬ ‫‪22.3‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 3‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100 0.6‬‬ ‫‪10.7‬‬ ‫‪21.9‬‬ ‫‪30.8‬‬ ‫‪20.2‬‬ ‫‪15.8‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 8‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪231‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100 1.6‬‬ ‫‪5.7‬‬ ‫‪13.4‬‬ ‫‪15.2‬‬ ‫‪18.4‬‬ ‫‪45.7‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 3‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫‪100 0.6‬‬ ‫‪20.2‬‬ ‫‪20.9‬‬ ‫‪22.5‬‬ ‫‪13.8‬‬ ‫‪21.9‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506 5‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫‪186‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪6.5‬‬ ‫‪20.8‬‬ ‫‪36.8‬‬ ‫‪25.5‬‬ ‫‪9.5‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٦,٨‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٤,٨‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٣٠,٨‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪.(%٢٩,٣‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(٢٩,٤٥‬ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٥,٥‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪.(%٢٥,١‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ "ﱂ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ " ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ )‪ ،(%٤٨,٢‬ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٤٥،٧‬ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ )‪ ،(%٣٤,٨‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍ‪‬ـﻼﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%٢٦,٧‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻯ )‪ ،(%٣‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺳﻴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٥‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫‪٠,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣,١٣‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١,٤٣١‬‬ ‫‪٣,٠٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫‪١,٠٥١‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٣‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١,٠٩٧٣٨‬‬ ‫‪٢,٢١‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪ ،(٣٥‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣،١٣‬ﻳﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ )‪ ،(٣،٠٤‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ )‪ ،(٢،٨٩‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٢،٧٣‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ )‪.(٢،٢١‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺭﻗﻢ‬
‫)‪ :(٣٦‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣،٣٧‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ )‪ ،(٢،٦٤‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫)‪ ،(٢،٤٧‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪.(٢،٤٤‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٦‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١,١٥٩‬‬ ‫‪٣,٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫‪١,٢٣٥‬‬ ‫‪٢,٦٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪١,١٦١‬‬ ‫‪٢,٤٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ _ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‬
‫‪١,١٧٢‬‬ ‫‪٢,٤٤‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﲬﺎﺳﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗـﺼﺪ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,١٧‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑـﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔـﺴﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪،(٣,٠٤‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,٠٢‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳛﻔﺰﱐ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺩﻋـﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴــﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ ،(٢,٨٢‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ )‪ ،(٢,٧١‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗـﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻـﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ (٢,٦٢‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ‬

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 ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ )‪ ،(٢,٤٠‬ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ )‪ ،(٢,٢٠‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺃﻗﻞ )‪ (٢,١١‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٣٧‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ " ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٧,٨‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ .(%١٦,٨‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١١,٥‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ " ﻓﺘﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٢٥,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٤,٥‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪.(%٢٣,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ " ﺣﻠﺖ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣـﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳛﻔﺰﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,٨‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٩,٦‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢٥,١‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٧‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬

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 ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫‪128‬‬ ‫‪127‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪17.8 25.3‬‬ ‫‪25.1‬‬ ‫‪15.6 14.4 %‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪85 118‬‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪105 82‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪16.8 23.3‬‬ ‫‪21.7‬‬ ‫‪20.8 16.2 %‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪58 124‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪103 64‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪11.5 24.5‬‬ ‫‪29.6‬‬ ‫‪20.4 12.6‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ‬
‫‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪151‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳛﻔﺰﱐ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.4‬‬ ‫‪9.3‬‬ ‫‪19.4‬‬ ‫‪29.8‬‬ ‫‪22.7 16.4 %‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪115 114‬‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪9.5‬‬ ‫‪20.4‬‬ ‫‪23.5‬‬ ‫‪22.7 22.5 %‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪92 146‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪10.1 18.4‬‬ ‫‪22.7‬‬ ‫‪18.2 28.9 %‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪122‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪136 145‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪5.7‬‬ ‫‪13.2‬‬ ‫‪24.1‬‬ ‫‪26.9 28.7 %‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪132 180‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.4‬‬ ‫‪4.9‬‬ ‫‪9.1‬‬ ‫‪21.9‬‬ ‫‪26.1 35.6‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪2٠9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪4.9‬‬ ‫‪9.1‬‬ ‫‪19.6‬‬ ‫‪23.1 41.3‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ " ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ " ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﻫـﺎ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٢٦,٩‬ﰒ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﱵ ‪‬ﻤـﲏ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ )‪ ،(%٢٦,١‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢٣,١‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ " ﱂ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ " ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻭﻻﻫﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٤١,٣‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٣٥,٦‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫)‪.(%٢٨,٩‬‬
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 ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓـﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺍﻓـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺪ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭﺗﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻻﳘﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﲟـﺎ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ ،(٣,٥٧‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ )‪ .(٣,٤١‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺄﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ )‪ .(٢,٨٨‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٢,٢٨‬ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻞ ﲢﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﳐﺘﻠـﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ )‪ ،(٢,٢٢‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ ،(١,٩٧‬ﻓﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ ،(١,٧٦‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪.(١,٧٢‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٨‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪170‬‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.6 33.6 22.1‬‬ ‫‪20.2‬‬ ‫‪11.7 10.9 %‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪13 139 113‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪67‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.6 27.5 22.3‬‬ ‫‪23.5‬‬ ‫‪10.9 13.2‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪٥٢‬‬ ‫‪٩٨‬‬ ‫‪١٦٠‬‬ ‫‪١١٩‬‬ ‫‪٧٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.0 ١٠,٣‬‬ ‫‪١٩,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣١,٦‬‬ ‫‪٢٣,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٤.٢‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪10 36‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫‪١٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪7.1‬‬ ‫‪13.4‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪21.1 38.3 %‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪142 177‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪5.5‬‬ ‫‪10.5‬‬ ‫‪19.2‬‬ ‫‪28.1‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻞ ﲢﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬ ‫‪214‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3.6‬‬ ‫‪6.9‬‬ ‫‪15.2‬‬ ‫‪30 42.3 %‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪122 273‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪5.9‬‬ ‫‪11.7‬‬ ‫‪24.1 54‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪109 290‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪7.1‬‬ ‫‪10.1‬‬ ‫‪21.5 57.3‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪ ،(٣٨‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ "ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻮﺍ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٣,٦‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٧,٥‬ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜـﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ )‪.(%١٠,٣‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﻛﻤﺎ " ﻭﺍﻓﻖ " ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٢٢,٣‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ )‪ ،(%٢٢،١‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٩,٤‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ " ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺟـﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣١,٦‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )‪ ،(%٢٣,٥‬ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢٠,٢‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ " ﻓﺘﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ ،(%٣٠‬ﰒ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٨,١‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪.(%٢٤,١‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ " ﱂ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ " ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٥٧,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٥٤‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳـﻪ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪.(%٤٢,٣‬‬

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 ‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻠﺒﺖ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻭﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﲔ ﻓﺮﻋﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻻﻥ ﳘﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٣٩‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٠,٦‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ )‪ ،(%٥,٩‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺼﺤﻮﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٧‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﻬﺘﻤﻮﺍ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺅﺍ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ؛ ﺇﺫ‬
‫ﺣﺼﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ )‪.(%٥,٥‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٣٩‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬

‫‪50.6‬‬ ‫‪256‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪5.9‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪187‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪5.5‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﲔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪506‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪290‬‬
‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻞ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٤٠‬ﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ )‪،(٣,٧٠‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ )‪ ،(٣,٦٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(٣,٤٦‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ .(٢,٣٦‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٠‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬
‫‪1.123‬‬ ‫‪3.70‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪1.312‬‬ ‫‪3.64‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.352‬‬ ‫‪3.46‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.321‬‬ ‫‪2.36‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ )‪ ،(٤١‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣،٨١‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ )‪ ،(٣،٦٩‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪.(٣,٤٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻇﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻂ‬

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‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ .(٢,٣٩‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻜﺮﺭ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤١‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫‪1.309‬‬ ‫‪3.81‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.137‬‬ ‫‪3.69‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪1.387‬‬ ‫‪3.44‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1.373‬‬ ‫‪2.39‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﻌﺮﺽ ﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓـﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪(٤٢‬؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪140‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪51‬‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪2 32.6‬‬ ‫‪27.7 17.6 10.1 10.1 %‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪15 134‬‬ ‫‪145 91‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪66‬‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪3 26.5‬‬ ‫‪28.7 18 10.9 13‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪30 30‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪82 103 73 188‬‬
‫‪100 5.9 5.9‬‬ ‫‪16.2 20.4 14.4 37.2 %‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮ‬
‫‪506 18 129‬‬ ‫‪183 105 43‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪100 3.6 25.5 36.2 20.8‬‬ ‫‪8.5‬‬ ‫‪5.5‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬

‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
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‫)‪ ،(%٣٢,٦‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪،(%٢٦,٥‬‬
‫ﻓﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٥,٥‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻳﻈـﻞ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪.(%٥,٩‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﻦ ﺃﺟﺎﺑﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺑـ " ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٦,٢‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ )‪ ،(%٢٨,٧‬ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٧,٧‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ )‪.(%١٦,٢‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻮﺍ " ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑـﺔ )‪ (%٢٠,٤) ،(%٢,٨‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ )‪.(%١٧,٦) ،(%١٨‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺿﻌﻴﻒ " ﺣﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٤,٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%١٠,٩‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻩ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )‪،(%٨,٥‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪.(%١٠,١‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ " ﻻﻳﻮﺍﻓﻘﻮﺍ " ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻨـﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻈﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ )‪ (%٣٧,٢‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪،(%١٣‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%١٠,١‬ﰒ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )‪.(%٥,٥‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫)‪ (٤٣‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٣‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪٦٥‬‬ ‫‪٦٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪28.7 24.7 17.6 ١٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٣,٢‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪18 199 129 72‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪٤٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪100 3.6 39.3 25.5 14.2‬‬ ‫‪8.3‬‬ ‫‪٩,١‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪١٨٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤـﻮﻣﹰﺎ‬
‫‪100 7.1‬‬ ‫‪7.9‬‬ ‫‪15.6 18.4‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪٣٧‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬
‫‪506‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫‪157‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪٢٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪27.5‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪23.1‬‬ ‫‪9.5‬‬ ‫‪٤,٩‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬

‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ " ﺑﻘﻮﺓ " ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫)‪ ،(%٣٩,٣‬ﻭﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٨,٧‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓـﺮﺹ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )‪ ،(%٢٧,٥‬ﻭﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ )‪ (%٧,٩‬ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﺟﺎﺑﻮﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ " ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ " ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﳌﻦ ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ ﻓـﺮﺹ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )‪ ،(%٣١‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٥,٥‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٤,٧‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﱂ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٥,٦‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻـﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺷـﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٣,١‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣـﻦ ﻳﻈـﻞ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%١٨,٤‬ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻬﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘـﻮﺍﱄ )‪،(%١٧,٦‬‬
‫)‪.(%١٤,٢‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﺟﺎﺑﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ " ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ " ﻣﻦ ﻇﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ )‪ ،(%١٤‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%١٢,٨‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧـﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٩,٥‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٨,٣‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ " ﱂ ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻘﻮﺍ " ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻇﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻓﺤﺼﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﻄــﻘﻴﺔ )‪٣٧‬‬
‫‪ ،(%‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪،(%١٣,٢‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(%٩,١‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺐ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﳌﻦ ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )‪.(%٤,٩‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﲎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٤‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬
‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪٢٢‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬
‫‪٢٠‬‬ ‫‪١١‬‬ ‫‪٧‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١١‬‬ ‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫‪٨‬‬ ‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٠‬‬ ‫‪١٦‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫‪٨‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫‪١٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫‪١١‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺭﺙ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ =)‪(٠,٥٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ =)‪(٠,٥٦‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٤٤‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺛﺎﻧﻴـﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘـﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳍﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﱂ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﻢ ﺗﺸﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺪ ﻟﺒﺖ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﻠﹼﺖ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﺷـﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻟﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻲ ﰎ ﺩﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠـﺴﻞ ﺍﻟـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ )ﺕ( ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ ،(٤٥‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻟﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ )‪ (٢,٨٠‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ )‪ (٢,٧٠‬ﻟﻠﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ )ﺕ( ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﻋـﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ(‪ (١,١٥١-) ،‬ﻭﲟـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﻻﻟـﺔ ﻗـﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫)‪ (٠,٢٥‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٥‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﺕ(‬ ‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬

‫‪٠,٩٩‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬

‫‪٠,٢٥٠‬‬ ‫‪١,١٥١-‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩٣‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨٠‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﺮ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ )ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢١‬ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ( ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ )ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٦٠‬ﻋﺎﻣـﹰﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (٠,٠٣-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ‪ ANOVA‬ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﰎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ )‪ (٤٦‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ (٢,٨٨‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٢,٨١‬ﻓﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٢,٧٥‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﻩ )‪.(٢,٥٧‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٦‬‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺮﺑﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺮﺑﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ‬ ‫)ﻑ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬
‫‪٠,٩١‬‬ ‫‪٢,٥٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‬
‫‪١,٠٧‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٤٢ ٢,٧٥٤‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩٩٢‬‬ ‫‪٢,٥٤‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩٥‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٩٣‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤـﺔ )ﻑ(‪(٢,٧٥٤) ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠٥‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ )‪ ،(LSD‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﲤﻴﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺔ )ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻞ( ﺣﱴ ﻓﺌﺔ )ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (٠,٠٥٦-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ‪ ANOVA‬ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ(‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٧‬‬

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 ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳌﺮﺑﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ‬ ‫)ﻑ(‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺑﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٢‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٩٨‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٧‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ‬
‫‪٠,٩٧٩ ٠,٠٦٣‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩٣٩‬‬ ‫‪٠,٠٥٩‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩٢‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٤‬‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٩٥‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٣‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺑﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺒﻬﺎ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٢,٧٧‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉـﺎﻣﻌﻴﲔ )‪،(٢,٧٤‬‬
‫ﻓﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ )‪ ،(٢,٧٣‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺍﻷﻗـﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳـﻂ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ .(٢,٧٢‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ )ﻑ( )‪ (٠,٠٦٣‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗـﻢ‬
‫)‪.(٤٧‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ )ﱂ ﺃﺳﺎﻓﺮ( ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ )ﲬﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌـﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻗﻴﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (٠,١٣٢-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ) ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪١٥٠٠‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ( ﺣﱴ ﻓﺌﺔ )ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ،(١١٥٠٠‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫)‪ (٠,١١٥-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠٥‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺪﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘـﺔ ﰲ ﻣـﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻃﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘـﺔ ﰲ ﻣـﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (٠,٨‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪ .(٠,٠١‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺛﻘـﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٨‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫**‪٠,٣٠٥‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫**‪٠,٢٧٤‬‬ ‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫**‪٠,٢٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫**‪٠,٢٠٢‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫**‪٠,١٨٥‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺔ‬

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‫‪٠,٠٠١‬‬ ‫**‪٠,١٥٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٤‬‬ ‫**‪٠,١٢٩‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,٠٠٨‬‬ ‫**‪٠,١١٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٥٠٦‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‬
‫** ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺒﻬﺎ ﲝﺴﺐ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٤٨‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻗـﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ (٠,٣٠٥‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ ،(٠,٢٧٤‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﻞ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗـﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫)‪ ،(٠,٢٣٠‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﻗـﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫)‪ ،(٠,٢٠٢‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ )‪ ،(٠,١٨٥‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ ،(٠,١٥٤‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺗﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻜـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﲟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺫﻱ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗـﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫)‪ (٠,١٢٩‬ﻭ )‪ (٠,١١٨‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪.(٠,٠١‬‬
‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤـﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻃﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ؛ ﺇﺫ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ) ‪ ،(٠,٤١٧‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪ .(٠,٠١‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﺿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫـ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲑﺳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣـﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ )‪ ،(٠,١٧٦-‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ )‪ .(٠,٠١‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪ (٤٩‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ )‪ ،(% ٨٩,٥‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪.(%١٠,٥‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٤٩‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪٦٢,٣‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٤٧,١‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪٨٩,٥‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣٧,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪٥٢,٩‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪١٠,٥‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨــﺎﱄ‬

‫ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٤٧,١‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٢,٩‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٦٢,٣‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٣٧,٧‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺑﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﱴ ﳛﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﲨﻴﻌـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ؟‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ؟‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ؟‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗـﻢ )‪(٥٠‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٣٢,١‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٣,٨‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢٩,٢‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%١٨,٨) ،(%١٦,٦‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢٨‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٩,٩‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴـﺔ )‪(%١٥,٢‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ )‪.(%١٢,٤‬‬

‫ﺍﳉﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ )‪(٥٠‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬

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 ‫‪٢٩,٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٧‬‬ ‫‪٩,٩‬‬ ‫‪٧١‬‬ ‫‪١١,٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫‪١٢,٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٣,٨‬‬ ‫‪٢٤١‬‬ ‫‪١٥,٢‬‬ ‫‪١١٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢,٣‬‬ ‫‪١٦‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫‪٦٤‬‬ ‫‪٣,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٨‬‬ ‫‪١٩٨‬‬ ‫‪٩,٨‬‬ ‫‪٧٠‬‬ ‫‪٣٢,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٥١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٣,٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٦‬‬ ‫‪١,٣‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫‪٣,٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪٢٠‬‬ ‫‪٤,٣‬‬ ‫‪٣١‬‬ ‫‪٣,٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١,٣‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫‪٣,٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٥‬‬ ‫‪١,٥‬‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٦,٦‬‬ ‫‪٤٧‬‬ ‫‪٢,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٧‬‬ ‫‪٣,٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪١,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٣‬‬ ‫‪٣,٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫‪٢,٨‬‬ ‫‪٢٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١,٤‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪٢,٩‬‬ ‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫‪١,٤‬‬ ‫‪١١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٥,٦‬‬ ‫‪٤٠‬‬ ‫‪١٨,٨‬‬ ‫‪١٣٤‬‬ ‫‪١٦,٦‬‬ ‫‪١٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫‪٣,١‬‬ ‫‪٢٢‬‬ ‫‪٠,٧‬‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫‪٤,٦‬‬ ‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪٠,٤‬‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪٠,٩‬‬ ‫‪٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪٠,١‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪١,١‬‬ ‫‪٨‬‬ ‫‪٠,١‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٠,١‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪---‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٧٠٨‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٧١٤‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٧٨٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨﺎﱄ‬

‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ )‪ (%١١,٤‬ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬

‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ ﺑــ )‪.(%٩,٨‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪.(%٦,٦‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﳘﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻓﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ )ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻓﺠﺎﺀ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٤,٦‬ﰲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٩‬‬
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‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬
‫)‪.(%٥,٦‬‬
‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٤,٣) ،(%٣,٨‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻔﻬـﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٣,٧‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٣,٤‬‬ ‫‪-٧‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲟﻘـﺪﺍﺭ )‪ .(%٣,٥‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٣,١‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ ﺑـ )‪ (%٣,٢‬ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭ‬ ‫‪-٨‬‬
‫)‪ (%٣,٤‬ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%٢,٨‬‬
‫ﻳﺄﰐ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻠﻲ )‪ (%٣,١‬ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٩‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺟﻲ )‪ .(%٢,٩‬ﻭﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ ﻟﻔﻬـﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ )‪.(%٢,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺟﻲ )‪ (%٢,٤‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ )‪ (%٢,٨‬ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻠـﻲ‬ ‫‪-١٠‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )‪.(%١,٨‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳـﺔ ﻟﻠﺨـﺎﺭﺟﻲ )‪ ،(%١,٣‬ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ـﻼﺕ‬ ‫‪-١١‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻠﻲ )‪ .(%١,٥‬ﰒ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫)‪.(%١,٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪-١٢‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٠,٧‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻠﻲ )‪ ،(%١,٤‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺃﻣـﺎ ﻟﻔﻬـﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻓﺤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١,٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪-١٣‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻲ )‪ ،(%٠,٩‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٠,١‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﻗـﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ )‪ ،(%١,١‬ﺍﻟﻜﺘـﺐ ﻭﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٠,٤‬ﻭﺧﻄﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ )‪.(%٠,١‬‬
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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﳛﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬

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 ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺴﻊ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؟‬
‫ﺗﺸﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺴﱯ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻃﻔﻴﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻟﻸﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺗﻀﻢ ﲦﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺘﲔ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﺧـﺘﻼﻑ ﰱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪،(%٨٤,٢٠‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%١٠‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳍﺪﻓﲔ ﺍﺣﺘﻼ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺫﺍ‪‬ـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٣٤,١٢‬ﻭﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ )‪ ،(%٢٣,٢٢‬ﳑﺎ ﻳـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﳍﻤﺎ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﺔ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣـﺚ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ -‬ﺗﺪﺧ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪ (١٤٢٦،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬

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 ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ‪‬ـﺬﺍ ﺍﳍـﺪﻑ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﱯ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺘﲔ )‪ ( %١٣,٢٢‬ﻟـﺼﺎﱀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭﺧـﻀﻮﻋﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﺭﲰﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ " ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ " )‪ (%٢,١٩‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍـﺪﻑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .( %٥,٢٤‬ﻭﻭﻓﻖ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﳍﺪﻑ " ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ " ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%١,٤٨‬ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪.(%١٦,٨٨‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄﳘﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﻻ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻻ ﺑﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴـﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﻃﲏ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻷﺟﻨـﺪﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﺣﺘـﻞ ﻫـﺪﻑ "‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ " ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (%٢,١٨) ،(%٠,٤٥‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺿـﻌﻒ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻟﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻬﻢ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﺽ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻠﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﳜﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻴـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣـﺸﺎﻫﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﳉﺰﺀ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﹰﺎ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺿـﺤﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ ﻗـﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪ (%٣٤,٩٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭ‬
‫)‪ (%١١,٠٦‬ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ؛ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﱯ ﻋﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺴﻮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰱ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﻌﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻭﻇـﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻧـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻔـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺤـﻮﻅ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺪﻑ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪-‬‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﻼ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ؛ ﻓﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻢ ﲬﺲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄـﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘــﻮﺍﱄ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‬
‫ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ) ‪ ،(%٩,٩) ،(%١٢,٩‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻤﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑـﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑـﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١٣,٥‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺻـﻠﻮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (١٩٩٦‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﱪﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؛ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻛﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻭﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺼﻨﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﻭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﳘـﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣـﺮﺕ ‪‬ـﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﻊ ﺍﻵﻣﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺑﺮﺯ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
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‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﳝﺜﻠﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﺟﻨـﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٤‬ﻣـﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺃﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ ،(%٤,٣‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ )‪ (%٩,٧‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؛‬
‫ﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟـﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ )‪ (%١٨,٢‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻻ ﲢﻘـﻖ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ؛ ﻓﺘﻘـﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻓﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﺴﺎﺅ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺰﻡ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﳎﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺑﻼﺩﻩ؟ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﻰ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﻋﺎﳉﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺿﻔﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻼ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺑﺪﻳ ﹰ‬
‫ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺴﱯ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺩﻳﻨﺲ‪ ،(٢٠٠٠،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗﻔـﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ (٢٠٠٣،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻡ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳍﺮﻭﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﳓﺴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨـﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺡ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﲟﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﲤﻨﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺟـﺬﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﱪﺯ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺒﺬ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻐﲑ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ ﻳﻔـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳚﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺑﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫـﺎ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻠﻐـﺖ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ )‪ ،(%٧٨,٥‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﶈﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺧﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳـﻊ‬‫ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺻﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﻭﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ )‪ (%٦٠,٥‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
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‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺗﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺘـﻀﻲ ﺫﻛـﺮ ﺍﳌـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﱪﺕ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪(%٢٣,٤) ،(%٨,٥‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﳍﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﺍﺱ( ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻨﺤـﻮ )‪ (%٧,٥‬ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ )‪ ،(%٥,٩‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣـﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٥,٣‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١,٢‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘـﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﻋﱪ ﺷﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻧـﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﻭﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﻧـﺼﻒ‬
‫ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٠,٧‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ﻣـﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫)‪ (%٣٥,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺌﺔ ﳏﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺣﻴﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧـﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﲔ‪ :‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﱪﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻛﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﱪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﺇﳚﺎﰊ ﻟﻠﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺖ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺮﺟﺢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺤﲔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻊ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٦٢,٣‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻧـﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ ،(%٣٧,٧‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٥٢,٩‬ﻭﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(%٤٧,١‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﲢﻜﻤﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻧﻄـﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳـﻊ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬

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 ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﲝﻜﻢ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ (٢٥,٣٥‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼـﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ (٢٥٦٣٨٤‬ﺳﻢ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ ﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺿـﻮﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﺧ‪‬ﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺘﻌﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ؛ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺧﺼـﺼﺖ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻠـﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﲝﻜﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﳎـﺎ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﲑﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗـﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨـﻬﺎ ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،(١٩٩٧،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‪ (١٩٩٤،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﰲ ﺻـﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢٥,٧٢‬ﻓﺎﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ ﺑـ )‪ ،(%١٣,٣٧‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%١٣,٣٥‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻳـﱪﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ )‪ .(% ٥٠,٤٧‬ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬
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‫ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷـﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘـﺸﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣـﻞ ﺛﺎﻧﻴـﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﺤﻒ ﺑــ‬
‫)‪ .(%٢٧,٣٤‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﳌﺘـﺄﺧﺮ‬
‫ﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄـﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ )‪ (%٦,١‬ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻥ )‪ (%٩٣,٩‬ﻣﻦ ﻣـﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﲟﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﺗﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻔـﺎﺀﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳉﺬﺏ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﲢﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺓ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﺄ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﳍﺎ ﻟﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ‪‬ﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬
‫)‪ ،(%١٠,٩‬ﻭﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲟﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲟﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪.(%٨٩,١‬‬

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‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﲔ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،(١٤٢٦،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻮﺻـﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ (٢٠٠٣،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺍﳔﻔﺾ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺣﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ )‪ (% ٥٠‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ )‪ (%٢٢‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ‪ ١١‬ﺳـﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﳓﺴﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ( ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪(%٤,٣‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﲟﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ .(%٩٥,٧‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٢١,١‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺣﲔ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﲟﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ .(%٧٨,٩‬ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺃﺿﻌﺎﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﳏﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٥,٨‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٦٤,٢‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺷـﺎﺭﻙ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ )‪ ،(%٥٤,٩‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﲟﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ (%٤٥,١‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧـﺎﻗﺶ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺆﻛﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛـﱪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻦ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ ﲟﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ؟‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺑﻄﹰﺎ ﺑـﲔ ﺩﻭﺍﻓـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﲡﺎﻧﺲ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪:‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻋﺖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻔﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻃﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠـﻎ ﻋـﺪﺩ‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻡ )‪ ،(٢,٨١‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻡ )‪ (٢,٧٤‬ﳘـﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﻔـﺎﻅ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ ،(٣,٢٢‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺍﺣﺘﻞ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﲟﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺑﻠـﻎ‬
‫)‪ .(٢,٢٥‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳍﺪﻓﲔ ﻻ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﺑـﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ - ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؛‬
‫ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄـﺔ ﲟﺤﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑـﲔ ﲨﻴـﻊ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗـﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃـﹰﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ )‪ .(٣,٥٢‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ )‪ ،(٣,٠٩‬ﻓﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴـﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ )‪ ( ٣,٠٤‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺔ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗـﺪﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )‪.(٢,٣٠‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃـﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﳏﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻪ ﲟﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ ﶈﺘـﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻓﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ‪ -‬ﲢﺬﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗـﺪ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﺍﺳـﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺪﺙ ﺃﺛﺮﹰﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻇﻬﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺈﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻡ )‪ .(٣,٦٢‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﰐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻡ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻮ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋـﺎﻡ )‪ (٢,٢٥‬ﻭﺟـﺎﺀ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﳕﻄﲔ ﳘﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳍﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻠﻎ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ )‪ (٢,٦‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻡ )‪ (٣,٣٧‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺍ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؟‬
‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ؛ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
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‫ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﳍﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﳍـﺎ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺣﺪﺩﺕ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺑـﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٩,٣‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺧﻀﻊ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠـﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﺄﺛﺮﺗﺎ ﻭﺣـﺪﳘﺎ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫)‪ (%٣٣,٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻄـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺮﺷﺪ ﺑـﻪ‬‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﱐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﺰﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺎﳉﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻬـﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﳎﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺧﺼﺒﹰﺎ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻳـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﻗﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺩﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﻓﲑ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻛﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪،(٣,٧٢‬‬
‫ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ ،(٣,٣٧‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﻔﺰﺕ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳـﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
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‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴــﱯ‪ ،(٢٠٠٤،‬ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺧﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﲨﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻞ ﻛـﺜﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺻﻠﻮﻱ‪ .(١٩٩٦ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻨﻒ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ )‪ (MBC‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺆﻛـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪.(١٩٩٨،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻃﺮﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳊﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋـﱪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺘﻞ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺗﻔـﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻄـﺮﺩ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺗﺪﱐ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋـﺸﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﳍﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﳓﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻣﺘﻘـﺪﻣﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺮﺟـﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻧﺎﻗﻠﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺗﺒﺜﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﱪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,١٧‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـ )‪ ،(٣,٠٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪.(٣,٠٢‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳒﺤﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﳚـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟـﺎﺀ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺑـﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺃﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﱂ ﲢﻆ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ (%٣,٨‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﲨـﺎﱄ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؟‬

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‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﲟﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‬
‫ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺒﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,٤٩‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﻗﺪﺭﻩ )‪.(١,٧٤‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨـﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ )ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻌﺪ‪ (١٩٨٩،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺓ ﻛﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻘﻮﺓ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻐﲏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻭﻻ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻓﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻ ﳝﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺛﻘﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻫﺘﻢ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٥٠,٦‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﺰﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻦ )‪.(%٥,٩‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﰊ ‪ -‬ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺑـ )‪ ،(٣,٧٠‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,٦٤‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪ .(٣,٤٦‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٣,٨١‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺯﻣـﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(٣,٦٩‬ﻭﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴـﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺪ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻳﱪﺭﻩ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗـﻮﻓﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻑ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﳋﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﳛﺮﺹ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ "ﺑﻘﻮﺓ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﺛﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ(‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﲔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺤـﺺ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﲝﻮﺙ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄـﺮﻓﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌـﺪ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺮﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺛﺮ ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮﻳﺔ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﲤﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ‬

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 ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳍﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﻳﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﻧـﺎﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻃﻔﻴﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﻺﻧﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﳌﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪ (١٩٩٤ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺮﺻﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﻘـﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﰊ ﺑﻠﻎ )‪ ،(٢،٨٨‬ﺗﻼﻫﻢ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺷـﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﲤﻴﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ .(١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺳـﺒﺒﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﳝﻀﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﹰﺎ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑـﺎﳌﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ )‪،(٢,٧٧‬‬
‫ﰒ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩﹰﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗـﺸﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﶈـﺪﺩﺓ ﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﲑﺓ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﱪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬

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‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻧﻮﻉ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﲟﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺗﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻃﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻬـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌـﺮﺽ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﲏ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﲏ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻗـﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ ﺑﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺒﲑﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩﻳـﹰﺎ‬
‫)ﺭ=‪ .(٠,٥٦‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺩﻳﹰﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ )ﺭ=‪ (٠,٥٨‬ﳑﺎ ﻳـﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﳑﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑـﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘـﻬﻤﺎ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻘﺘﺮﺏ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺣﻠﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴـﹰﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺤﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬

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‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ؛ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺗـﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺑﻨـﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٨٤,٢٠‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ ،(%٣٤,١٢‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻻ ﲢﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻄـﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ ﲢﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻳﻠﱯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺗـﻪ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺿـﻤﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﳕﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻏـﲑ ﻛـﺎﻑ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﳔﻔـﺎﺽ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻠﻎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ (%١٥,٨‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫)‪ .(%٦٥,٨٨‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠـﻴﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻠﻼﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﺪ ﻟﺒﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﱂ‬
‫ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﲤﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ؛ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺐ‬
‫ﲨﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻧﺘـﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻛـﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺘـﺎﺝ‬
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‫ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﻋﺎﳌﻴـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﳍﺪﻓﲔ‪ :‬ﺃﻭﳍﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗـﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﳌﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻻ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ ،(%٦,١‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪ .(%١٠,٩‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﱐ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﱐ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ؟‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﻛـﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺍﳊﺠـﻢ ﺫﺍﺗـﻪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ ﺃﻣـﺮ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻷﻛﺜـﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻜﺎﻅ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨـﻬﺎ ﺟـﺎﺀﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏـﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺃﻛﱪ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺓ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﳌـﺎ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؛ ﻓﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻛـﺜﲑﺓ ﺗﻨـﻀﻢ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻤﺎ ﳜﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﻓﺮﺩﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﻳﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳏﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺮﺑﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﳌﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ؛ ﻓـﻼ ﻳـﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﳝﺜﻞ ﻭﻋﺎ ًﺀ ﺣﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺃﺳﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﺎﺡ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺒﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٨٩,٥‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ )‪(%١٠,٥‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ )‪ ،(%٥٢,٩‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ )‪ ،(%٤٧,١‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ )‪ ،(%٦٢,٣‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ )‪.(%٣٧,٧‬‬
‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺔ؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﲟﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ )‪ ،(%٥٠,٧‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ )‪(%٣٥,٩‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﰲ ﳎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻳﻔﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳊﻜـﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ )‪ (%١٨,٥‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ ،(%٣٣,٤‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﳕﻂ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺔ؛‬
‫ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓـﺮﺹ ﺗـﺼﺤﻴﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﳕﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺄﺑﻌـﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻗﺎﰊ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﻌﻄﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﱯ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﳋـﺎﺗـﻤﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺗـﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﰲ ﺗﻘﻮﱘ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻮﺓ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﺇﻋﻼﻣـﻲ ﻳﻌﻜـﺲ ﺍﻟـﺒﲎ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﳏﻮﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻩ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺟـﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻃـﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺻﻌﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗـﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﲢﺪﺩﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﰲ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺿﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻨـﻪ ﲤﻬﻴـﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻬﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ‬
‫ﺣﱴ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺓ ﲰﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬
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‫ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳـﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﱪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﺿـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﲑ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪١٩٥٦‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻸﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﲡﺎﺭﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨـﺸﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻋـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﲝﺴﺐ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲢﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﻧﻔـﻮﺫ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﲣﻀﻊ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﲨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﲜﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﱪﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺄﺣﺪ ﺃﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺗﻄﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻇـﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺜﻠﺖ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣـﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻨـﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺘﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﺧﺼﺺ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻷﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩ ﺃﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ـﺎﻟﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺄﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳜﻀﻊ ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﻔﻞ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻠـﻮﺍﺋﺢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﳕـﻂ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﺠﻪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﻤﺒـﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻦ ﺃﳘﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﺜـﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﴰﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬـﻮﺭ ﺗﺘﻤﺜـﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺧـﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺗـﻀﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺃﺻـﺎﻟﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴـﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺋﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻧﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌـﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺋﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﳝﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻼﺣﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﲔ ﻭﻻﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟـﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺮﺕ ﺑﺄﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬
‫ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﺪﻳـﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻛﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ ﻋﻤﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٢٤‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﲑ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﴰﻮﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻭﺳـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﹰﺎ ﻛـﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
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‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﻨـﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺧﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿﻢ ﲬﺴﺔ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻓﻔـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﲨﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻋﻴﻨﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺟـﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﲏ ﻭﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﳌﺴﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺸﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﱐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﰎ ﻣﺴﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ )‪ ،(٥٠٦‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺿﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﰎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻓﺨﺼﺺ ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺴﱯ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳌـﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺇﱃ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻭﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﲔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‬
‫)‪ ،(%٧٨,٥‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ )‪ ،(%٦٠,٥‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﺳﺎﺋﺪﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﳏﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﳌـﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔـﻮﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﳒﺤﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻑ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺘﻐﲑﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳌـﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﳘﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﻐﲑﺍ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟـﺸﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻴﺔ ﻃﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻧـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﳜﺘﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﻷﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻬـﲏ ﻭﺍﻟـﻮﻃﲏ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-١‬‬
‫ﻛﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺒـﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺢ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﻣﺸﹰﺎ ﺃﻛـﱪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺇﺑﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﲑ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﺍﳊـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪-٢‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺻـﻼﺡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪-٤‬‬
‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑـﲔ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺗﺄﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﲝﻖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-٥‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺪﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲢﺴﻦ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﺳـﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲟﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪ ﳑﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﳉﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﳌـﺴﺆﻭﻝ‪،‬‬
‫‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑـﺎ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗـﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﺩﻑ ﻭﻋﻘﻼﱐ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﳑﺜﻠـﺔ‬ ‫‪-٦‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﱪﺓ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﲝﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﳊﻠـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪-٧‬‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺩﻋـﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪-٨‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟـﺼﺪﺩ ﻳﻮﺻـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﺎ ﳝ ﹼﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﶈﺎﺿﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲡﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﲝـﻮﺙ‬ ‫‪-٩‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﲟﺎ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺔ ﻳـﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻮﱄ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔـﺴﲑ ﻟﻜﺎﻓـﺔ‬ ‫‪-١٠‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃ ﹼﻻ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺨﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟـﺎ ﳝﻜﹼـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ ﺑﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬ ‫‪-١١‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﺎ ﳛﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺩ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻛـﻮﺍﺩﺭ‬
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‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺜﻴـﻞ ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣــﻼﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳــﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒـﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫"ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ"‬
‫ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ‪..‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﻭﺭﲪﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﳜﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺻﺤﻒ – ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ – ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ ..‬ﺍﱁ( ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻷﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺄﰐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﺘﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﳒﺎﺡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﻀﻠﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻷﻏـﺮﺍﺽ‬
‫( ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﲝﺘﻪ ﲣﺪﻡ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻏـﺎﻟﺐ ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ )‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﺳﻴﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﻣﻘﺪﺭﹰﺍ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻜﻢ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺃﺧﻮﻛﻢ‬
‫ﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻦ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﶈﺎﺿﺮ ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ ﺹ‪.‬ﺏ ‪ ٥٣٦٨٣‬ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺰ ‪١١٥٥٣‬‬

‫‪١٤٢٤‬ﻫـ‬

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 ‫‪ -١‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ؟‬
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‫‪ -٢‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﺀ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﻚ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ( ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟــﺔ ﺿــﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟــﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﻘــﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟــﺔ ﺿــﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟــﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺪ ﺑﻘــﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﱁ‪: ..‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪........................................................................................................... :‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

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‫‪ -٣‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻚ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻚ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ؟‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻭﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺜﲑﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ‪........................................................................................................... :‬‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬

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 ‫‪ -٤‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﲢﻘﻖ ﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ‬ ‫ﺒﺩﺭﺠــﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺩﺭﺠــﺔ‬ ‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ـﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺜﻴــ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ‬ ‫ﺠﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﲏ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪١‬ﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﳍﻤﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﳊﻴﺎﰐ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫‪.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -٥‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻧﺎﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ - ٦‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -٧‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺜﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻧﺎﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -٨‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﺟﺪﹰﺍ‬
‫‪ -٩‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ؟‬
‫‪......................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -١٠‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ؟‬
‫‪......................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ - ١١‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ؟‬
‫‪......................................................................................................... .............‬‬

‫ﻼ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -١٢‬ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻫﺘﻢ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

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 ‫‪ -١٣‬ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﳊﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ؟‬
‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪......................................................................................... :‬‬

‫‪ -١٤‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

‫‪ -١٥‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﲣﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻚ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

‫‪ -١٦‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﺀ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

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 ‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﲏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳛﻔﺰﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻭﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

‫‪ -١٧‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﺀ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻞ ﲢﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪‬ﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﻻﺭ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ‬

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 ‫‪ -١٨‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ‪) :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ(‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻧﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﺲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ‪٤١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٥٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪٣١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٤٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪٢١‬ﺇﱃ‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ‪٦٠‬ﺳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪٥١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٦٠‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺃﻭﺃﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣـﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤـــﻞ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﱂ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺘﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﲬﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ‪٤٠٠١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٦٥٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥٠٠‬ﺇﱃ ‪٤٠٠٠‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪١٥٠٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١١٥٠٠‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٩٠٠١‬ﺇﱃ ‪١١٥٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٦٥٠١‬ﺇﱃ ‪٩٠٠٠‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀــﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﳏﻠﻲ‬

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 ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫــﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‬

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 ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﲏ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﲑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﱪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻻ‪‬ﻢ‬ ‫ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬

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 ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﲏ‬ ‫ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺭﲰﻴﻮﻥ‬

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 ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ(‬

‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓــﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀــﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‬

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‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﳏﻠﻲ‬

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‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫــﺪﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ‬
‫ﳛﺪﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‬

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 ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻮﺅﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﲏ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﲰﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬

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 ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﲏ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﳏﺎﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﱪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ‬
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‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣـﻴﺰ‬
 ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻭ ﲟﻦ ﳝﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫‪ -١‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٦‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٧‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٨‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٩‬ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١٠‬ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١١‬ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ /‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ ‪‬ـﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻨﻘﺴﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﻘـﺎﺋﻖ ﺣـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠـﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘـﺰﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺑﺘﺎﺭﳜﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺫﻛـﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤـﺴﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﳍﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻄﻄﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﳌﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻹﺷـﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳌﺎ ﺗﺘﺨﺬﻩ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ( ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺻﺪ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻠـﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﳝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﲑﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻼ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑـﺸﺄ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﲟﺎ ﳜﺪﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺋﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑـﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺇﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧـﺔ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﶈﻴﻄﲔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬
‫‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳛﺪﺙ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻟـﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﻳﲏ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜـﺮﱘ ﻭﺍﻟـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﱪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟـﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﳏﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﲰﻴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻷﻱ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺂﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘـﱪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﻭﺍﳊـﺪﻳﺚ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺁﺧﺮ ﱂ ﻳﺮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺪﻭﺑﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺱ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬ﻛﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٦‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﳏﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻭﻗـﻊ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ - ٧‬ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳚﺎﰊ‪ :‬ﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﻠﱯ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﳏﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺠﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٨‬ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ :‬ﳊﺴﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‪ ٣٠‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ :‬ﳊﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻨﺘﻤﺘﺮ‪ /‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١٠‬ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١١‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭﺑﺚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١٢‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ‪ :‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١٣‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١٤‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ‪ :‬ﻳﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻠﻲ ﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﺭﻭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
Conclusion:-

The nature of the existing connection between the political regime of the
State and other forces represented by the members of the society is one of the
significant criteria in assessing the level of political stability, and the ability of
the political regime itself to achieve the goals of the society. With the
development of the latest political regimes, the political power has not been as
the only influential power, but also, the public opinion has appeared to be as an
important element to be considered when taking decisions, and when
determining the public policies of the society. All these matters could not be
achieved without existence of an effective communicative media system that
may reflect the political and social structure of the society, and that may play an
axial role in briefing the public, setting the bridges of communication to
exchanging the information between the political decisions makers and the
public, for the sake of finding solutions, and promoting the performance level of
the governmental bodies and members of the society in all fields.
As the concept, freedom of communication and role of media is different
from one political regime to another. The political regime in the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia is considered to be as a special case among the existing political
regimes in terms of adopting the Islamic Laws (Sharia) as the source of all
authorities. Also Islamic Laws are considered to be the ideological reference
that represent the general frame of the policies inside the society. This indicates
that this regime is different from the other political regimes in the world, whose
ideological frames are based on human-made concepts and theories.
The case of the study has been limited to the following:-
1- Knowing the nature of political content of the mass media in the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia and its sources.
2- Knowing the nature of political issues and views of the public and its
relation with the Saudi communication media.
3- Knowing to what extent the Saudi media meet the political concerns of
the public and the influential factors.
The first chapter has been specified for the theoretical part of the study.
The first section of the first chapter contains an introduction and four
researching points. The introduction of the study handles the theoretical
approaches for studying political communication since the emersion of the first
humanitarian groupings, and its connection with the social and political structure
of the individual, and his interaction with his political environment. We can say
that the political thought from the old Greek era until the end of the middle ages,
has got so many characteristics such as: Focusing only on the peak of the
political regime; not taking care of the political communication between the
State and members of society; the impressive methodology is dominant studying
the political issues and related to the philosophic theorization or speculation.
With the beginning of the renaissance era, a new phase started in the social and
political thought via some views presented by philosophers that reflected the
social political, and cognitive changes in Europe. These changes were based on
the principles of democracy, liberty, and equality.
The first chapter of the study handles the levels of the political
communication in terms of the number of participants, and the official dealing
of the communication channels. The official communication means that,
communication organizations should be governmental or semi-governmental
organizations. The important non-governmental means of communication is the
political parties, or lobby groups. This matter includes pursuer groups, such as
personal contacts, meetings and social occasions. Also, the political rumors are
the most dangerous type of non-governmental means of communication.
The second researching part of the study handles the prominent traditional
and modern trends that determine functions of communication. The study
quoted the modern researches and scientific theories that determine the political
functions of communication.
Functions of communication are as follows: news task, political nurturing,
political marketing, impact on the trends of public opinion, censorship on
government, helping in making decisions, supporting the legality of the political
regime, ascertaining the patriotic identity, and handling the political conflicts.
The second researching part of the study indicated the functions of
political addressing via the media, impact of political regime on nature of
functions of communicative system by discussing the traditional media theories,
such as theory of authority, authority of freedom, authority of social liability,
Soviet or Socialist theory, developmental theory, theory of democratic
participation, and Islamic vision.

The third researching part of the study handles the theories of political
impact of the mass media and its trends. This part manifested the important
theories that try to explain the political impacts of media means such as the
dependency theory, theory of uses &gratifications theory of agenda setting,
theory of knowledge gap and theory of spiral of silence.
The fourth researching part of the study handles the influential factors on
the political communication. The said factors include: First, the characteristics
of political regime, including the political systems that determine the frame of
relation between the media and authority from one side, and between the media
and members of society on the other side. Also, the factors include the political
climate prevailing in the society, which represents the view of the vision of
authority for the role of citizen and how far the public and factional
organizations as well as the various parliamentary councils are available. Also, it
includes the vision of authority about the media system. Secondly, the nature of
media system as one of the basic components of the existing political authority
of State.
This media system is subject to a set of factors and pressures such as
regulations, and licenses of issuance, intellectual property law that maintains the
rights and freedom as well as the rules organizing the media institutions. This is
in addition to the sources of finance, style of administrative and organizational
thought. This factor also contains the reporting policy trends of media means,
qualifications of those working in the media, political uses of internet which is
considered as a force commensurate to the ability of the traditional means in
connection with arranging the priorities of modern public. Thirdly, social,
economic and cultural factors, whereas the ideologies represent the basis of
public principles of the countries' policies. This is in addition to the values,
traditions and customs prevailing in the society. Also, the raising of the
individual’s income, number of population and practical experiences help in
increasing the participation in the social and political activities.
Fourth, external factors, such as the informative revolution. The
informative revolution is the basis on which the globalization’s goal is based.
The goal of the globalization is to remove the barriers and borders between the
societies. The reflections of the technological revolution that covers all phases of
media and communication link, have deteriorated because of the State’s role.
Other groupings have appeared and formulated the regional or local
organizations and groupings.
The second section of the theoretical base of the study handles the
political communication in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The second section
contains three parts. The first part focuses on the characteristics of the Saudi
society and its relation to the political communication. The said characteristics
are as follows: First the Saudi history, which is deeply rooted in the past, is a
reflection of the originality of the Islamic Arab past. Second, the absence of the
negative colonial influences on the social, political and religious environment of
Saudi Arabia. Third, is the social melting and interaction which differentiates
the Saudi society from other societies.
Fourth is the religious harmony in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which is
represented in the Islamic religion as the only source of legislation. Fifth, is the
cohesion or adherence between the political leadership and the public as well as
the easy political communication between the peak and bottom – known as the
open door policy. This open door policy is an ancient practice of Rule Traditions
in Islam and a support to the Rule in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Sixth, the
behaviors of normal consultation which is regularly and continuously conducted
between the leaders and those educated citizens who have wide knowledge and
experience.

The second researching part of the study also handles the relation between
the political regime and the media. The said relation had four phases such as
follows:- Phase of communication and political regime before the emersion of
Saudi media means. The available communication means were primitive and
being used since many centuries ago. The philosophy of communication for the
unifier of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia late King Abdulaziz, was based on the
direct contact with the people and adopting the open door policy, as a practice
for the political communication with the members of the society, even after the
introduction of the media. This type of direct public contact, was the first
effective media means being used by the late King for disseminating his
policies. The second phase is the political regime’s role in establishing the
media system. The political regime is keen on establishing media institutions, as
this matter being adopted for other economic, social and political institutions.
Um AL-Qura newspaper is considered as the first official newspaper being
issued in the Saudi Era by the year 1924. The phase for institutionalizing the
media has come to change the political trends and features that had been
steering the media at the beginning, when the media was looked as general and
comprehensive, via formulating the media policy and enacting the regulations
organizing the media work. Then after this came the phase of media openness
and its influence on the connection between the political regime and media
system. The period of nineties of the previous century was characterized by not
only the emersion of the cross-borders transmission, or public abandoning the
local media but also by the emersion of new styles of political communication.
The said period witnessed a tremendous media development at the local,
regional and international level.
The third part of the study handles the connection between the media and
Saudi public, which is based on a group of principles and basics that are related
to the religious values and prevailing social cultural traditions. Also this part
shows the development of the public consumption for the Saudi media that has
witnessed many developments in terms of adopting the international changes
and supporting the public freedom. Some developments are in terms of the
political reform policy and tendency towards the transparency and public
channels participation, increasing the opportunities of expression and discussing
the issues through the awareness space being provided for the members of the
Saudi society.
The Second Chapter has been specified for the results of the field analytic
study. This Second Chapter contains five sections. In the first section, the
systematic procedures of the study were reviewed. The systematic procedures
contain the type of study, its methodology, information tools of data collection,
sample of the study, performing the credibility test, geographical and time frame
of the study samples, and the statistical processing of the data.
The researcher uses in this study the survey and analytic method. A
sample of 506 people was surveyed. Also, the content of media sample was
analyzed, including the newspapers and television.
In the second, third and fourth sections the results of the field analytic
study had been explained and discussed. The fifth section has been specified for
the replying the questions of the study and discussing its results.
Results of the analytic study show a relative harmony and compatibility in
the goals which the political content of the Saudi media tries to achieve.
Also, results show a consensus over the issues addressed by the television and
newspapers. Results of the study revealed how far the Saudi media depends on
its local sources in obtaining the political knowledge by 78% for the television,
and by 60.5% for the newspapers. The results show the participation of the
government officials in the discussion of the political issues by more percentage
than the percentage of the public’s participation.
Concerning the results of the field study, they indicated that the important
goals which the public tries to achieve are of local nature. The results show that
the local issues are topping the list of public issues. This matter indicates that the
local public concerns are dominating the scene.
On the other hand, the Arab satellite television channels have topped the
list of the political knowledge of the public, followed by the newspapers,
internet, and personal contact that had outperformed the Saudi media such as
television and magazine. In connection with the order of the local media as seen
by the public, the newspapers come first and then followed by the broadcasting,
television and magazines.
Results of the study also show decrees in the role played by the Saudi
media in providing preliminary information taken by the political regime before
being issued, and in taking part in making the local decisions related to the
political regime. The Saudi media contribute in disseminating the political
knowledge at the local level more than at the external level. Despite this matter,
the public has no sufficient confidence in the political content presented by the
media.
Results show existence of a statistical link between two of the
demographic variables of the study sample, and between the reliance on the
Saudi media in obtaining the political knowledge. These two variables are as
follows: the variable of the number of people traveling abroad and the variable
of the monthly income.
Finally, results revealed that there is a statistical significance between the
confidence in the content of the Saudi media and type of issues & personal
contact, and between the reliance of the public on the Saudi media in obtaining
the political knowledge.
‫ﻣـﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
 ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﺮ )‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘـﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﳎﺪﻻﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﺇﺻﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﳎﺪﻻﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﻮﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺮﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺴﲑ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ :‬ﲢﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻤـﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﳎـﺪﻻﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﳏﺎﺿﺮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌـﺮﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺭﺍﺳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻃﻔﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﻨﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻻﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﳓﻮ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﱄ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪١٩٨١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﳒﻠﻮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺲ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺣﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﻮﺳـﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳـﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻟـﺖ‬
‫ﺭﻳﻨﻬﻨﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻳﺎﺏ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ ) ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪١٩٧٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻫﺠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﻮﱐ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ‬
‫‪‬ﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪ .(١٩٩٤‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳـﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺮﳚﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺪ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺇﺷﺒﻴﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻥ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﲔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﳐﺘﺎﺭ )‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺩﰊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﲜﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﳚﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳـﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ )‪١٤١٨‬ﻫـ (‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﲔ ﻣ‪‬ﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻀﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺣـﺴﺎﺀ‪:‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﻴﺔ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺇﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ ﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﳒﺎﰐ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﺮﻳﱪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺲ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺃﺳﻌﺪ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻟﺒﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﲑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﲑﺕ ﻋﻴﺎﺩ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺻـﻼﺡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﻬﲏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺪ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺘﻨﺮ )‪١٩٨٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﳋﻄﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻢ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺘﺒﻌﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺄﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ )‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺟـﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺷـﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰ‪‬ـﺎ‪ .‬ﺟـﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪﳝﹰﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺠـﺮ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻳﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﻋﻤ‪‬ﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﲎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪١٩٨٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﻳﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﲪﺪﻱ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﻮﻳﻚ ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﲪﺪﻱ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﲰﲑ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻀﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﻮﱐ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫‪‬ﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲪﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﲑﻳﺔ ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺰﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﳎﺎﻻ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳋﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬـﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳋﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﺓ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻄﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻞ ﺟﻴﻪ )‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺃﲪﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺪﻭﺑﺔ ﻭﳏﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﳉﺒﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﲑ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﺣﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ )‪١٩٨٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺟـﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻴﻜﺎﻥ )‪١٩٨٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨـﺔ ﻓـﺎﺋﻖ ﻓﻬـﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ )‪٢٠٠٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻴﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﻣﻴﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﱪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺃﺳﻌﺪ ﺃﺑﻮﻟﺒﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻤـﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﲑ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺩﻳﻔﻠﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﲝـﺚ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﱐ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﺷﱵ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻬﺎﻥ ) ‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﺭﺷﱵ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻴﺎﻥ )‪١٩٨٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﶈﺴﻦ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺰﻧﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺁﺛـﺎﺭﻩ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﺤﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺘﻮﺭ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑـﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﲑﻭﺕ ﺍﶈﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻒ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬـﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﲑﻓﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﻮﻥ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻏﻨـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﲢﻠﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳋﺮﳚـﻲ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﺦ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺃﲝﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﳓﻮ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ :‬ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﻭﳏﺎﺿـﺮﺍﺕ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻟﺒـﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺷﺮ‪‬ﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺟﻲ )‪١٩٨٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺷﻠﱯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻡ )‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳋﱪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﻭﺿﻮﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ )‪ .(١٩٩٣‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ )‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳـﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌـﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻋـﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘـﺐ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﻨﻘﻴﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺻﺎﱀ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ﺍﻟﻐﻨـﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺻﺒﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻲ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻃﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍ ﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍ ﷲ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ( ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﳕﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺔ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻓﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻭﺟﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳـﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻗﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻃﻒ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻃﻒ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ )‪١٩٨٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﻮﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺭﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺑﺮ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ )‪١٩٨١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺒﻪ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺳـﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳌﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻤ‪‬ﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﳎﺪﻻﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺓ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻃﻒ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻃﻒ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻃﻒ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺓ )‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻼﱐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﲑ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻋﻬـﺪ ﺍﻹﻣـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﳝﺎﻥ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻨﻄـﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌـﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺴﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﺴﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪١٤٢٣‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﳊـﺮﻣﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﲪﺪ )‪١٤٠٦‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺒﺜﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﲝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ )‪١٩٨٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻮﺓ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺻـﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻘـﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻤـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺃﲪﺪ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻐﺎﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﺎﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﰲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻳﲏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻮ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻳﲏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﳍـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻳﻴﲏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺟـﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻨـﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻨـﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ )‪١٩٨٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳـﺚ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻐﻔﻮﺭ ﻟﻪ ﺟﻼﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺸﻌﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺸﺮﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ‪‬ﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺛﺮﺍﺀ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ )‪١٩٨٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ‪‬ﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺆﺍﺩ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﺍﺱ(‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺣﺎﺯﻡ ﺻﺎﻏﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﱯ‪ :‬ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻒ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﺱ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﶈﺴﻦ )‪٢٠٠٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻛﱪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪١٩٨١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻭﻋﺎﱂ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﻏﺪﹰﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ‬
‫ﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٤٢٢‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺸ‪‬ﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻷﲝﺎﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﲪﺪﺍﻥ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺋـﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺼﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻌﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ )‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟـﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌـﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟـﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌـﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺲ )‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﺍﺗﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﺜﻤــﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳـﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻨـﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺳﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺳﺠﻞ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﲟﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌـﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺎﻡ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﱐ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﲑﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﻟﻒ ﻟﻮﻳﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ )‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳊﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﺦ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﺸﺎﻳﻦ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻈـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳒﻮ ﺷﻮﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﳝﻦ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻼ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﻲ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧـﺎﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ )‪١٩٩٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )‪١٤٢٣‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﻧﺼﻮﺹ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )‪١٤١٣‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻢ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ( ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﺍﺱ( ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺇﳒﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﺭ )‪١٩٨٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٨٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻭﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘـﺮﺓ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫‪١٩٨١-١٩٧٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﺮﺍﻫﻘﲔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﴰﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﲔ ﴰﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﺎﳊﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﱂ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒــﻲ ﳓـﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﱘ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ )‪١٤٢١‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٤٢٦‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣـﺎﻡ ﳏﻤـﺪ ﺑـﻦ ﺳـﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪١٤٢٧‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑـﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳋﺎﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ) ‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ (‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﻮﱐ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘـﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﲪﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﻮﱐ )‪١٩٨٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﰲ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺋﺸﺔ )‪ .(١٩٩٤‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٤٢٣‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﳝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﳝﻦ ) ‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪١٤٢٦‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟـﺴﺘﲑ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺯﻏﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻤﺎﺀ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ (‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﲡﺎﻫـﺎﺕ ﻃـﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ )‪١٤١٩‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﳌﻴﺎﺀ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺁﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ )‪١٩٩٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻣـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﳝﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺷﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨـﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺻﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﻆ )‪١٩٩٦‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪﺪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﳝﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﰊ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﳎﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻋﲔ ﴰﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﻮﺩ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣـﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺘﲔ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴـﱯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺷـﺒﺎﻋﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺮﺍﰊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻇـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪١٤١١‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳـﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪١٤١٧‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ ﰲ ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺰﰊ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺩﻳـﻮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﻴﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ )‪٢٠٠١‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻊ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻭﻣـﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨـﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻨﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺀ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺘﲔ ﺍﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻏﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﳏﺮﺯ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٧‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ ﰲ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺴﺤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺎﰲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﳏﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ )‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻓﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﳏﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ )‪١٩٩٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﲢﻘﻘـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻄﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ )‪١٩٩٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ) ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ (‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠـﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ‪.٥٠‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٧٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺑﻮﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪.٥٨‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﲪﻮﺩ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘـﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﺠﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤـﻮﻱ ﻭﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪.١٩٨‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﲪﺰﺓ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻔﺢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﲪﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﲪﺰﻩ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺮﻭﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺎﺩﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳉﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ) ‪١٩٩٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﲝﻮﺙ ﻣـﺆﲤﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺮﺝ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺃﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳊﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪١١‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ )‪١٩٨٩‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪.٦٠‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳋﺮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺮﺍﺀﺓ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟـﺴﻨﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺧﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻳﺐ )‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪.٩٩‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ )‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺑـﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻗﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪١٩٩٠‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﲔ )‪١٩٩٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ )‪١٤٢١‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺳﺠﻞ ﺳﻨﻮﻱ ﻷﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﻲ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ )‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﳎﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ‪.١٤٢ :‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺤﻼﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﲎ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋـﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ) ‪١٩٨٨‬ﻡ (‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺗﻐﲑ ﺃﻡ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺒﺤـﻮﺙ ﺍﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻠـﻚ ﺳـﻌﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨـﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨـﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﲨﻌﺔ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ( ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪١٤٢٥‬ﻫـ(‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﳊﻤﻮﺩ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘـﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺪ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﲝﻖ ﺍﻹﻧـﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺆﺗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﲑ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﲢﺴﲔ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ )‪ .(٢٠٠٣‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﲎ )‪٢٠٠٢‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺔ ﺍﳌـﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﺤـﻮﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪.١٦‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﶈﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ )‪٢٠٠٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻗﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻋﻲ )‪٢٠٠٤‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )‪١٩٨٣‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﺳﻠـﺴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺭﻗﻢ ‪.٤‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ )‪٢٠٠٥‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴـﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻯ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
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 ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﺇﻫـﺪﺍﺀ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬
‫‪١١-٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫‪٣١-١١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬
‫‪٣١‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٣٢-٣١‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٣٣-٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٣٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٣٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٣٩-٣٦‬‬ ‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٤٠-٣٩‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٤١-٤٠‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٤٣-٤١‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٤٦-٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٤٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٥٣-٤٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ‬
‫‪٥٥-٥٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪٥٨-٥٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫‪٦٤-٥٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٦٨-٦٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٦٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫‪٧٠-٦٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٧٢- ٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٧٥-٧٢‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٧٧-٧٥‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪٧٩-٧٧‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫‪٨١-٧٩‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪٨٣-٨١‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻋﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٨٤-٨٣‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٨٥-٨٤‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٨٩-٨٦‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٩٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫‪٩٠‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫‪٩١-٩٠‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٩١‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٩٢-٩١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٩٣-٩٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٩٤-٩٣‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٩٥-٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٩٩ -٩٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪١٠٠-٩٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‬
‫‪١٠٥-١٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪١١٢-١٠٥‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪١١٨-١١٣‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫‪١٢٢-١١٨‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٢٦-١٢٢‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‬
‫‪١٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪١٣٦-١٢٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪١٤٣-١٣٦‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫‪١٤٦-١٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫‪١٥٠-١٤٦‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪١٦٠-١٥٠‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١٦١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪١٧٤-١٦٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪١٧٦-١٧٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪١٧٨-١٧٦‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪١٨٢-١٧٨‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫‪١٨٥-١٨٢‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٠٩ -١٨٦‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫‪٢١٥-٢١٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٢٢٦-٢١٥‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٢٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٣٥-٢٢٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٣٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٤٠-٢٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪٢٤٤-٢٤٠‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٥٠-٢٤٤‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٥٢-٢٥٠‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٥-٢٥٢‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٧-٢٥٥‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٦٠-٢٥٧‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٢-٢٦١‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٦٣-٢٦٢‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٦٤-٢٦٣‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﺮﹰﺍ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٦-٢٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٧٢-٢٦٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﺟﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٧٥-٢٧٣‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٧٩-٢٧٥‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺷﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﶈﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٢٨١-٢٧٩‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻈﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٢٨٥-٢٨١‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴًﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٨٨-٢٨٥‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٠-٢٨٨‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻣﻨﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪٢٩٦-٢٩١‬‬
‫‪٢٩٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٩-٢٩٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣٠٦-٢٩٩‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣١٠-٣٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣١١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫‪٣٢٤-٣١٢‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﲟﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫‪٣٣٢-٣٢٤‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣٤١-٣٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣٤٩-٣٤٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﲤﺔ‬
‫‪٣٥٣-٣٥٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫‪٣٥٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻖ‬
‫‪٣٦١-٣٥٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣٦٥-٣٦٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫‪٣٦٩-٣٦٦‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫‪٣٧٤-٣٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫‪٣٨١-٣٧٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٤٠٥-٣٨٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬
‫‪٤١٠-٤٠٦‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫‪٤١٢-٤١١‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫‪٢٣٨‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬
‫‪٢٣٩‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬
‫‪٢٤٠‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٤٢‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٤٥‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٤٩‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥١‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٥٨‬‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٠‬‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦١‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٦‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٦٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫‪٢٦٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫‪٢٦٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫‪٢٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫‪٢٧١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫‪٢٧١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫‪٢٧٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‬
‫‪٢٧٣‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٢٧٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪٢٧٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫‪٢٨١‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫‪٢٨٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫‪٢٨٤‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٢٨٥‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٢٨٧‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٢٨٩‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩١‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪٢٩٢‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٣‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٩٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪٣٠٠‬‬
‫‪٣٠١‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫‪٣٠٢‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫‪٣٠٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣٠٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫‪٣٠٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬