Nominal Accentuation in Balto-Slavic - Illich-Svitych

~ o m i n l
Accentuation
in Baltic
and Slavic /
/
The MIT Press
Cambridge,
Massachusetts,
and
London,
England
V. M. Illich-Svitych
,
Translated
by
Richard L. Leed
and
Ronald F. Feldstein
Copyright 1979 by
The Massachusetts Institute of Technology
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or
by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording,
or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publisher.
Printed and bound by The Alpine Press, Inc.
in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Illich-Svitych, Vladislav Markovich.
Nominal accentuation in Baltic and Slavic.
Translation of lmennaia aktsentuatsiia v
baltiiskom i slavianskom.
Bibliography: p.
Includes indexes.
1. Baltic languages-Accents and accentuation.
2. Slavic languages-Accents and accentuation.
I. Title.
PG8032.1413 491.8 78-4524
ISBN 0-262-09018-X
Contents
Translators' Note vii
Abbreviations ix
Author's Note xm
Introduction
Part I
Proto-Indo-European Accentual Paradigms of Nominals in Baltic 7
Nominals with Short Roots 19
A-Stems 19
Masculine 0-Stems 25
Neuter 0- and S-Stems 33
Other Types of Stems 42
Nominals with Long Roots 51
The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Baltic 65
Part II
Proto-Indo European Accentual Paradigms of Nominals in Slavic 75
Nominals with Short Roots 82
vi Contents
A-Stems 82
Masculine 0-Stems 94
Neuter 0-Stems 104
Other Stem Types 123
Nominals with Long Roots 132
The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Slavic 140
Conclusion 145
Notes 149
Key to Bibliographical References 169
Word Index 181
Index of Lithuanian Populated Areas 187
Map of Lithuanian Populated Areas 189
Translators' Note
We offer this translation as a tribute to one of the finest scholars in our
field of linguistics, Vladislav Markovich Illich-Svitych, whose tragic
death in 1966 interrupted a brilliant career. The work originally ap-
peared as Imennaja akcentuacija v baltijskom i slavjanskom; sud'ba ak-
centuacionnyx paradigm, Institut Slavjanovedenija, AN SSSR, Moskva,
1963.
The translators have, for typographical reasons, used an abbreviated,
idiosyncratic set of symbols for bibliographical references in the discus-
sions of cognates. In addition to saving space, this procedure, it is
hoped, has made the other information in the discussions more readable
and accessible. We apologize for any inconvenience the departure from
standard abbreviations for journals, books and authors may cause the
reader. The full key to these references can be found at the end of the
book.
Certain portions of the text have been abbreviated; modest excisions
have been made only in bibliographical references within lists of cognates
where finely detailed information on specific locations of forms in old
texts and dialects is given. We assume that the Baltic or Slavic specialist
who can use this information will have the original book at his or her
disposal, while the less specialized reader using this translation will not
need information in such detail.
viii Translators' Note
Two systems for Cyrillic are used: the modified
Library of Congress transliteration is used in the bibliography and
footnotes and the standard linguistic transliteration in the main body of
the book where linguistic forms are cited.
The section numbers and the footnote numbers of the original work
have been retained in the translated versions, so that citations of either
edition can be made with equal validity. Footnote numbers, however,
must be cited with either section number or part number, as they begin
anew with each part of the book.
The terminology referring to reconstructed languages is the one
usually employed in the American linguistic tradition: the term Proto-X
(rather than Common-X) refers to a reconstructed language X before
dialect division takes place, and the term Pre- X to any prior state of the
language.
Both translators worked on all parts of the manuscript; the original
draft of the main body of the book was made by Leed and the notes by
Feldstein.
This translation would not have been possible without the fine
editorial assistance of Kathleen Parthe Babby, to whom we express our
deepest gratitude. We would also like to thank the Committee on Soviet
Studies of Cornell University for providing clerical assistance.
Abbreviations
For accent types the following are used:
AP accentual paradigm
bar. barytone
ox. oxytone
mob. mobile
m-ox. mobile-oxytone
Abbreviations for language names are listed below.
Arm. Armenian
A vest. A vestan
Bait. Baltic
Big. Bulgarian
BRus. Belorussian
Cz. Czech
EBalt. East Baltic
ELatv. East Latvian
ESI. East Slavic
Est. Estonian
Finn. Finnish
Gk. Greek
Gmc. Germanic
The abbreviations for
gender, case, and
number are the usual
ones.
X
Goth. Gothic
Ir. Irish
Karel. Karelian
Kash. Kashubian
Lat. Latin
Latv. Latvian
Lith. Lithuanian
Abbreviations
LSorb. Lower Sorbian
MLG Middle Low German
NGR North Great Russian
Norw. Norwegian
OCS Old Church Slavic
OCz. Old Czech
OE Old English
OFris. Old Frisian
OHG Old High German
Olr. Old Irish
OLith. Old Lithuanian
ON Old Norse
OPrus. Old Prussian
OSax. Old Saxon
OSwed. Old Swedish
PIE Proto-Indo-European
Pol. Polish
PSI. Proto-Slavic
Rus. Russian
SC Serbo-Croatian
SEst. South Estonian
SGR South Great Russian
Skt. Sanskrit
Slk. Slovak
Sin. Slovenian
Snc. Slovincian
SSI. South Slavic
Std. Lith. Standard Lithuanian
Std. Rus. Standard Russian
Swed. Swedish
Ukr. Ukrainian
USorb. Upper Sorbian
XI
Veps. Vepsian
WB!g. West Bulgarian
WLatv. West Latvian
WSI. West Slavic
Abbreviations
Author's Note
It would be difficult to find an ax:ea of Baltic and Slavic linguistics in
which differences of opinion between individual investigators are more
significant than in the area of accentology. The reason for this is clear:
although the Proto-Baltic and Proto-Slavic accentual systems have been
reconstructed in their general outlines, and although very fine details of
their structure have often been explained, the basic question remains
unanswered, that is, the question of the origin of these systems. My own
experience has convinced me that to ignore the Proto-Indo-European
basis of Baltic and Slavic accentuation (which has become quite fashion-
able in recent years) will lead to serious misconceptions and will result
in illusory constructs. This book is an attempt to find the Proto-Indo-
European basis for the system of nominal accentual paradigms.
While working on this book, I had the constant friendly support of
V. A. Dybo; many issues were clarified during discussions with him. I
am deeply grateful to my teacher, S. B. Bernshtein, and also to V. N.
Toporov and V. V. Ivanov, who read the book in manuscript and who
made a number of important observations; I thank the members of the
Linguistics Sector of the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Lan-
guage, who made it possible for me to use the materials of the card
files of the Lithuanian Dictionary and the Lithuanian Dialect Atlas.
Introduction
Of the wide range of problems of Baltic and Slavic accentology, the
present investigation will be concerned primarily with the question of
the relationship of the system of nominal accentual paradigms
1
(hence-
forth AP) in Baltic and Slavic with comparable systems of other Indo-
European languages and with the protosystem which is reconstructable
on the basis of data from these Indo-European languages. The import-
ance of this question is obvious: it is part of the cardinal problem of
Baltic and Slavic accentology, namely the relationship between Baltic
and Slavic accentual systems on the one hand, and the Proto-Indo-
European accentual system on the other.
Leaving aside Baltic and Slavic data, whose relationship to Proto-
Indo-European data will be the object of Iily investigation, the Proto-
Indo-European system of accentual paradigms can be reconstructed only
on the basis of material from Sanskrit and Greek (the evidence of ac-
cented texts and grammatical treatises) and Germanic (the various re-
flexes of Proto-Indo-European voiceless consonants conditioned by the
position of the original accent-Verner's Law). These sources permit us
to reconstruct, for the majority of nominal stems, two contrasting ac-
centual paradigms which are usually reflected in Sanskrit and Greek as
a columnar barytone paradigm and a columnar oxytone paradigm.
A number of relic phenomena allow us to reconstruct in Proto-Indo-
2 Introduction
European, for certain nominal stems (apparently, for stems with apo-
phonic alternations in the stem component), the contrast of a columnar
barytone versus a mobile accentual paradigm. I have in mind the fol-
lowing: the accent shift in certain classes of Sanskrit word formations
with oxytonesis of the first member of the formation (i-, u-, or r-stems),
relics of mobile accent in Greek ia-stems, and the reconstruction of
forms with accentual doublets for many Germanic i- and u-stems. With-
out attempting to specify the precise distribution of mobile and oxy-
tone paradigms in Proto-Indo-European, I only indicate the existence of
a relationship of complementary distribution between these two para-
digms: in each type of nominal stems there is only a two-way contrast,
that is, a barytone accentual paradigm versus an oxytone accentual
paradigm, or a barytone accentual paradigm versus a mobile accentual
paradigm. Thus, the Proto-Indo-European paradigm which stands in
contrast to the barytone can be provisionally labeled the mobile-oxytone
accentual paradigm.
The Proto-Indo-European distribution of nominals with respect to the
two contrasting accentual paradigms turns out to be, in many respects,
identical in Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic;
2
this fact is briefly illus-
trated in table I.
In order to establish the relationship between the Balto-Slavic systems
of APs and the Proto-Indo-European system outlined above, a simple
comparison is apparently insufficient: it is not at all clear in this case
which parts of the systems should be compared, since the nature of the
changes which took place in these systems is unknown. A more fruitful
approach is to compare the Baltic and Slavic accentuation of individual
nominals of Proto-Indo-European origin with their accentuation in
other Indo-European languages. This type of comparison can yield re-
gular accentual correspondences within groups of nominals and can
indicate which parts of the systems in question should be compared. The
criterion for membership in a set of correspondences must be, of course,
identity of formation, that is, the forms being compared must be re-
flexes of a single Proto-Indo-European word. In practice, this presup-
poses not only the identity of the root but also the original identity of
the nominal stem, 3 the absence of essential differences in the vocalism
of the root, and the absence of essential semantic differences.
4
There are few exact correspondences of this sort. For my correspond-
ences I have depended mainly on comparisons sanctioned by the stand-
ard etymological dictionaries, and only in certain cases have I attempted
3 Introduction
Table 1
Stems Barytone AP
Gk. Skt. OHG
a- peza 'foot' padya 'stride'
o- masc. g6mphos 'nail' jambhas 'tooth'
o- neut. meson madhyam 'middle'
o- adj. navas 'new'
i- 6is avis 'sheep'
ii- genus hanus 'jaw'
on/en- akmon 'anvil' asma 'rock'
torfter- phrliter bhrlita bruoder 'brother'
Mobile-Oxytone AP
Gk. Skt. OHG Goth.
a- snur
'daughter-
in-law'
o- masc. thUm6s dhumas
'ardor' 'smoke'
o- neut. hekat6n sat am hund
'hundred'
o- adj. om6s amas 'damp'
i- empis 'gnat' imbi 'bee'
ii- ketus 'light, haidus 'way, means'
image'
onfen- agk5n an go
'elbow' 'thorn'
tor/ter- pitli fater 'father'
to introduce new etymological interpretations. The main task in my ap-
plication of the comparative method was the specification of the original
accentual paradigm in Baltic and in Slavic; with this goal in mind I
relied heavily upon data from dialects, accented texts, and indirect evi-
dence of various kinds.
In this work, the investigation of the Baltic materials precedes that of
Slavic. This order of presentation was chosen because of the gr.eater
simplicity of the Baltic AP system and its greater similarity to the
Proto-Indo-European system. In the second (Slavic) part of the work
<"
4 Introduction
Baltic materials are used as evidence for certain Indo-European accen-
tual relationships. Certain characteristics of the Baltic and Slavic re-
flexes of PIE nominals with long vowels or long diphthongs in the root
have made it necessary that such nouns be treated separately from those
having a short vowel or a short diphthong in the root.
Part I
Proto-
Indo-European
Accentual
Paradigms
of Nominals
in Baltic
1. The Lithuanian AP System in Nominals: Its Study and Interpretation
The Baltic nominal AP system is most fully reflected in Lithuanian.
Latvian data provide evidence for paradigmatic distribution of accent
only in the case of long vowel roots; although evidence from Old Prus-
sian texts can be used as supplementary material, it is too meager in
itself to serve as a basis for comparison with other Indo-European lan-
guages. It is only in Lithuanian that, for the majority of nominal stems,
we find a clear-cut opposition of the four APs which can be investigated j_
for a possible connection with Proto-Indo-European accentual para-
digms.
In a synchronic analysis of contemporary Lithuanian it is possible
no set up one barytone AP and three each of which has i'is
1
I, own type of accentual curve ("curve" in the sense of distribution of 1( ,) n \
' word accent throughout the members of the paradigm). Disyllabic I
: nominals with acute (') tone on the root are found in the I and 3 AP,
and disyllabic nominals with circumflex (-) or short C) tone in the root
1 belong to the 2 or 4 AP.
5
For nouns with a greater number of
\,
there exist other relationships between tone of the root and the AP.
Thus, for a-stems
6
the possible instances showing the relationship be-
tween the tone of the root and the AP can be represented by the words
in Table 2:
8 Nominal Accentuation in Baltic
Table 2
Position of Stress in the Stem
Tone 1 AP 2AP
-!-- ......!,..., ..!.---...-
siena anyta dargana
iisara viet a lydeka
kupeta skuja lapija
Position of Stress in the Stem
Tone 3 AP 4AP
"-t-------_-:-!:---
---------
galva uodega
leteml alga
nuganl liga
In the singular the AP for a-stems looks like the one in Table 3.
Table 3
2 3 4
Nom. siena vi eta galva alga
Gen. sienos vietos galvos algos
Dat. sienai vietai galvai algai
Ace.
In st. siena vi eta galva alga
Loc. sienoje vietoje galvoje algoje
Ill. sienon vieton gal von algon

In analyzing nominal paradigms one can distinguish four groups of
case forms: (1) case forms which are barytone (nondesinential accent)
in all APs (for example, dative singular and accusative singular of a-
stems); (2) case forms which are barytone only in the 1 and 2 AP (for
example, genitive, locative, and illative singular of a-stems); (3) case
forms which are barytone only in the 1 and 3 AP (for example, accusa-
tive plural of a-stems: sienas, vietas, algas); (4) case forms which
are barytone in the 1 AP (for example, nominative and instrumental
singular, of a-stems). The accentual relationships in other of no-
minal stems are similar to those just described.
Since there are no Lithuanian dialects which fail to distinguish four
APs (although the distribution of individual types of stems and of in-
dividual words within each type varies considerably by dialect) and since
the accentual curve of each paradigm, as a rule, is the same for all
9 Proto-Indo-European Accentual Paradigms
dialects,
7
the four-way AP contrast must be considered a Prato-
Lithuanian phenomenon. After F. Kurschat's detailed description of the
system of Lithuanian APss, investigators of Lithuanian accentuation were
faced with the problems of discerning the internal regularities which
have determined the characteristics of this system and of explaining its
relationship to the well-known accentual systems of other Indo-European
languages.
Ferdinand de Saussure took a decisive step in this direction. His
short article ("Accentuation lituanienne," IF 6 Anzeiger, pp 157-166,
1896) determined the direction of research into Baltic accentuation for
many decades. De Saussure deliberately refrained from comparing
Lithuanian materials with data from other Indo-European languages.
9
He employed the method of internal reconstruction in analyzing Lithu-
anian nominal accentual paradigms and created an airtight construct to
explain the difference in position of accent in various accentual paradigms.
One of de Saussure's most important observations was that the two
paradigms nominals with circumflex or short ton; '1
in the root (2 and 4 AP) were distinguished from the two paradigms of I
disyllabic nominals with acute tone of the root (1 and 3 AP) by
of a shift from root accent to final accent in one and the same group of
case forms (group 3 in the aforementioned classification, that is, case
forms with barytone only in the 1 and 3 AP). These case forms have
sb,ort en_dings (for example, the accusative plural of a-stems is -as),
which go back to long endings with acute tone according to the rule
by Leskien (1881).1 the .. differencein
positionofaccent in this group of cases with the difference of tone in
the root, .and he observed a similar relationship in other forms (for
example, infinitives in -yti: raizyti 'to cut' with third person present
tense raizo, but laikyti 'to hold' with third person present laiko). He
formulated the rule which was also discovered by Fortunatov and
Leskien and which is now called the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure:
"At a certain predialectal stage ... stress regularly shifts one syllable
towards the end of the word if it originally fell on a circumflex (douce)
syllable [including short tone-VI.] which in turn was followed by an
acute (rude) syllable."ll
It follows from this statement that the four APs for nominals can be
reduced to two basic paradigms: barytone and mobile;
12
the original
accentual curve of these paradigms is preserved in the Lithuanian 1 and
3 AP, where there was no stress shift.
De Saussure then took up the problem of explaining the connection
opposition of the barytone AP (I and 2) versus
the mobile AP (3 and 4) on the one hand, and the Proto-Indo-European
opposTiion--oTthe barytone AP versus the oxytone AP on the other.I3
Since the first members of these oppositions have a common charac-
teristic (barytonesis), it was natural to consider them to be historically
identical and, consequently, to identify the Lithuanian mobile AP with
the Proto-Indo-European oxytone AP. Considering the Greek and
Sanskrit pattern of columnar oxytonesis to be older than the Lithuanian
mobile stress, de Saussure advanced a very clever hypothesis to explain
the change from columnar oxytone AP to mobile AP. He proposed that
/this change first took place in consonant stems in which the number of
syllables per word within the paradigm does not remain constant. Stress
which in the so-called strong cases (cases with normal grade vocalism in
': the suffix) falls on an internal syllable of a trisyllabic word, is shifted in
i Lithuanian to the preceding (initial) syllable. For example, the Ace.
' Sing. *dukterin (cf. Gk. thugatera) becomes Lith. dukterf, with preserva-
tion of the old position of stress in the Nom. Sing. dukte from dukt-kr. In
the opinion of de Saussure, mobile stress in other types of stems did not
develop from oxytones phonetically but rather under the influence of
the mobile pattern which already existed in consonant stems.
De S!l\l_Ssure was well aware that his explanation of the Lithuanian
1
niobile pattern-as coming from the Proto-Indo-European columnar
oxytone pattern was the weakest point of his theory. In a footnote to the
passage in which he formulates the rule on stress retraction ("any stress
which falls on an internal syllable is shifted to the initial syllable, while
final stress ... retains its original position")
14
he makes the following
remark " ... unfortunately, it is difficult to determine the exact char-
acter of this law because its reformulation as a purely phonetic law
(loi phonetiquepure et simple) is impeded by a number of circum-
stances." It seems to me that the most successful of the many later
attempts to specify the conditions under which this stress retraction
15
/took place is that of (1933), who pointed out that there is a
J tendency toward the of a c<;>t1_tr;:1st and initial
aC(;t<nt If we accept the fact that mobile accent is
original, at least in radical stems where the syllable preceding the ending
is at the same time the initial syllable, it is quite reasonable to assume a
morphological reidentification of every nonfinal accented syllable as
initial.l
6
The assumption of a wider domain for the mobile pattern in
Proto-Indo-European and the reconstruction of an original mobile-
oxytone paradigm simplifies the explanation of the Baltic situation con-
siderably; in this way, one can propose simply that the mobile-oxytone
pattern which already existed in some nominal classes spread to all types
of stems.
In any case, for our purposes, this second, most hypothetical part of
de Saussure's theory is not the most essential part. It merely comple-
,ments de Saussure's basic thesis concerning the correspondence of the
[
, of barytone AP versus mobile AP to the opposi- I
1
tion of barytone AP versus mobile-oxytone AP in other Indo-European.J
! languages. It is this thesis which establishes the structural identity of the
,_,nLithuanian system and other Indo-European accentual systems. It is
this thesis which requires substantiation from Baltic data as well as
from external comparative materials. Further research has generally
proceeded in these two directions.
The analysis of other Baltic languages has at least partly confirmed
the Proto-Baltic nature of the barytone versus mobile opposition. Thus,
the works of Endzelin demonstrated that the existence of two accentual
paradigms in nominals with long roots is reflected in Latvian; the AP
opposition in this case has been transformed into an opposition of tone
in the initial syllable (for details see Section 26). Consequently, it is rea-
sonable to assume the existence of a similar opposition in Proto-Latvian
for words with short vowel roots as well, although in this case it is not
reflected as an opposition of tone. On the other hand, Endzelin's re-
search in Latvian has enabled us to conclude that in Lithuanian the con-
trast in accentual paradigms was lost in more recent times in a number
of nominal categories (for example: for adjective o- and a-stems). This
conclusion was subsequently confirmed by the analysis of Old Lithu-
anian accented texts, in which this opposition has been partially pre-
served. The accentual analysis of the writing system of the Old Prussian
Enchiridium, proposed by Fortunatov and Berneker (see Section 35),
indicated that Old Prussian had two contrasting APs, at least in nominals
with circumflex tone on the root vowel.
Thus, data from within Baltic have confirmed the antiquity of the
Lithuanian distribution studied by de Saussure. However, the connec-
tion of this distribution to the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two
accentual paradigms could obviously be proven only by means of direct
comparison of the accentuation of Baltic nominals of Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean origin with the accentuation of corresponding nominals in other
Indo-European languages. Such comparisons had been made by Hirt
and Bezzenberger. However, Bezzenberger, who, independently of de
Saussure, had simultaneously reconstructed the two Lithuanian APs,
was not able to give a satisfactory account of the connection between
the Baltic and Proto-Indo-European paradigms on the basis of external
comparison (no date).l7 Hirt's success was limited to an acceptable ex-
planation of the barytonesis of a group of nominals corresponding to
oxytones in other Indo-European languages (see Section 31). In the
majority of cases, however, he based his conclusion on isolated, arbitra-
rily selected facts. The growth of accentual studies in the first quarter
of the twentieth century did not lead to any important advances in the
area which concerns us here. Above all, there was no significant increase
in the amount of material for external comparison. For example, the
work of Endzelin (1916) was limited to the examination of a very small
number of words which led him to the pessimistic conclusion: " ... we
are unable to show the preservation of the old contrast between oxytone
and barytone in the Baltic languages by means of comparison with re-
lated languages."lB Van Wijk (1923) came to a similar conclusion: " ..
we find that it is impossible to establish any exact connection between
the individual Lithuanian paradigms and the accentual classes of other
Indo-European languages."
19
In a similar vein, Nieminen (no date): "ex-
cept for individual items in which one can speak of Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean accentual contrast, the Lithuanian distribution of a-stems between
barytone and mobile accentual classes is based on a prehistorical redi-
stribution of lexical items which had a completely different distribution
in Proto-Indo-European." Similarly, K. Buga (1924).
20
Thus, the leading Baltic accentologists of this period actually refrained
from any attempt to confirm the truth of de Saussure's theory by means
of comparison with other Indo-European languages. Besides Nieminen's
notion about the possibility of a Baltic accentual redistribution (it was
apparently assumed that it was impossible to establish any rules for this
redistribution), their basic argument depended on citing a number of
cases in which a lack of correspondence with respect to APs could be
observed in other Indo-European languages (of the type Gk. agr6s and
Skt. djras 'field'). It is clear that considerations of this sort do not carry
sufficient weight. All the above-mentioned authors reconstructed, fol-
lowing de Saussure, two Baltic APs-barytone and mobile (or oxytone ),
with the silent admission that this state of affairs is a reflection of a
similar Proto-Indo-European system; but they refrain from comparing
the accentuation of individual Proto-Indo-European forms in Baltic and
other Indo-European languages on the grounds that the system of each
language could in principle reflect a certain number of accentual innova-
tions which distinguish it from the Proto-Indo-European system (the case
in point here is the shift of individual words from one AP into another).
Moreover, they lost sight of the fact that an appropriate change
in viewpoint requires only that the notion of external comparison be
transferred to another plane: it has to be viewed as a comparison of
equivalent systems, rather than as a comparison of a primitive system
with a derivative one. The complete rejection of external comparison is
in fact tantamount to a refusal to defend the theory of de Saussure.
The repeatedly declared agnosticism of the representatives of classical
Baltic accentology in this question only led to the fuller use of external
comparison, now with the purpose of rejecting de Saussure's position.
I have in mind the accentual theory of Kurylowicz (in its most recent
form, KCZ 169-203). Endzelin, van Wijk, and Buga spoke about the
impossibility of proving the genetic relationship between the Proto-
Indo-European and Baltic systems of accentual paradigms by means of
external comparison; Kurylowicz makes such a comparison in order to
prove the absence of a genetic relationship: ". . . between the Proto- I
Indo-European opposition of oxytone stems vs. barytone stems and the I
Balta-Slavic inflection of nonderived stems there is a gap left by the _j
complete disappearance in Balta-Slavic of this Proto-Indo-European
opposition. "
21
Endzelin and Nieminen had failed to explain the reasons
for the accentual redistribution in Baltic;_K.:!J.!Y.l9_WiC? .. c!escribed in de-
tail the processes which, in his opinion, led to the elimination of the ')
Proto-Indo-European opposition of the two accentual paradigms in '
Balta-Slavic. The theoretical uncertainty which attended research sub-
sequent to the publication of de Saussure's theory and the refusal to
substantiate this theory by a detailed external comparison led to the
creation of a theory which is directly opposed to it.
I shall summarize briefly the basic ideas o[Kurylowicz on the pro-
blem under discussion here. While modifying de S a u s s u r ~ s hypothesis,
he accepts the retraction of accent from internal syllables with short
vowels in the strong cases of oxytone consonant stems. Since, according
to Kurylowicz, the accentuation of barytone consonant stems is based
(est fondee) on the accentuation of oxytonic stems, and the accentuation
of words with long vowel roots is based on the accentuation of words
with short vowel roots, the Proto-Indo-European opposition of barytone
AP versus oxytone AP is replaced in Balto-Siavic by the genetically un-
of mobile AP in short root nominals versus-b-aryfone
AP in long root nominals. "Here is an entire area in which Balto-Siavic
yields no information whatever on the accentuation of the Proto-Indo-
European prototypes."
22
Vowel stems underwent similar reshapings. The accentual curve of the
mobile paradigm in vowel stems is said to have been originally distinct
from the accentual curve of consonant stems; since vowel stems are
based (sont fondees) on consonant stems, they took up the accentual
curve of the latter. Thus, here also ". . . all of the distinctions between
the old oxytone and barytone have been erased."
2
3 Neuter nouns, being
based (fondes) on masculine nouns, are also distributed between the two
paradigms in accordance with the structure of the root (short or long
root); in this category the mobile AP was originally distinct from the
masculine and feminine mobile paradigms, having barytonesis in the
nominative singular. Thus, nonderived Balto-Slavic nominals were
transferred to the barytone accentual type in the case of long roots, and
into the mobile accentual type in the case of short roots. Nominals with
short roots and the barytone AP regularly reflect derived formations;
nominals with long roots and the mobile AP are originally derived oxy-
tone formations which lost their derived status before the time of the
operation of the Fortunatov-de Saussure Law in Lithuanian and have
, transferred to the mobile accentual type since this law took effect.
24
, ' I have said above that Kurylowicz cited a significant amount of fac-
,' tual material in support of his-hypothesis. However, his comparisons
are generally based on accentual data from the Lithuanian literary lan-
guage and therefore require thorough examination. Nor has the hypo-
thesis of de Saussure ever been subjecte_<,U!:J.Il
, ison of the Baltic words with cognate forms. from other
languages. A decision in favor of either theory (or a re-
theories) is possible only after such a cross-comparison
has been made. Without anticipating the results of the comparisons to
which the first part of this work is devoted, I will merely remind the
reader of what kind of distribution would be expected to occur in Lith-
uanian according to de Saussure's hypothesis, on the one hand, and to
that of Kurylowicz, on the other. In the former case (the hypothesis of de
Saussure) we would expect the majority of Lithuanian nominals having
the barytone AP (1 and 2 AP) to correspond to barytone forms of
other Indo-European languages, and we would expect the majority of
I

I
I

nominals with the mobile AP (3 and 4 AP) to correspond to mobile-
oxytone AP forms in related languages. In the second case (the hypo-
thesis of Kurylowicz) Lithuanian nominals with mobile AP and short
roots (4 AP or 3 AP for polysyllabic words) and nominals with the
barytone AP and long roots (1 be expected to correspond
equally to barytone and oxytone forms in other Indo-European lan-
guages; Lithuanian nominals with the barytone AP and short roots (2
AP and I AP for polysyllabic words) and nouns with the mobile AP
and long roots (3 AP) would be expected to be, as a rule, Balto-Slavic
or Baltic derivatives without exact correspondences in othf'r Indo-
European languages.
2. Accentuation in Lithuanian Texts
The dialect data on the accentuation of a given word are extremely
important for establishing the original accentual paradigm in Lithuanian,
since the evidence of the literary language (based on the southern varie-
ties of the western Aukstaitis dialect) is by no means always indicative
of the original state of affairs. It was noted above that the distribution
of individual words within the accentual paradigms of Lithuanian often
varies throughout the dialects. Analysis of this type of variation reveals
the existence of an accentual innovation involving the spread of the
mobile AP at the expense of barytone AP. In certain types of nominal
stems (for example adjective o-ja-stems) the mobile accentual class
has completely replaced the barytone over the whole Lithuanian area;
in other cases this process has covered a significant portion of the dia-
lects (consider, for example, the absence of words with barytone AP in
f-stems and consonant stems with short roots in many dialects). Ap-
parently, the innovations favoring the spread of the mobile AP began
in the southeast section of the Lithuanian linguistic area (the modern
southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects); they spread primarily to the eastern
Aukstaitis, central Aukstaitis, and western Aukstaitis dialects, which
adjoin this area on the northeast, north, and west. The most archaic
state of affairs has been preserved in the adjacent northwestern and
western Zemaitis dialects (and also in the now extinct western Aukstaitis
dialects of former Prussian Lithuania) on the one hand, and on the
other hand in the bordering eastern Aukstaitis and east Lithuanian Dzuk
dialects. It is no coincidence that it is precisely in these regions that the
barytone AP in adjective ii-/1-stems has been preserved up to the
present time. The dialects upon which the literary language is based are
therefore among those which display a significant amount of accentual
innovation, although they are not extreme in this respect. In determining
the original accentual paradigm of a given Lithuanian word I will, of
course, be guided mainly by dialects with the archaic accentuation.
25
Dialectal data on the accentuation of nominals are scattered throughout
a rather large number of descriptions of individual dialects and tran-
scriptions of dialects. Aside from these materials, I have made partial
use of the data from the card files of the Lithuanian Dictionary and the
Lithuanian Dialect Atlas, with the kind permission of my colleagues in
the Lithuanian Institute of Language and Literature.
26
A large number of dictionaries and grammars serve as sources for the
accentuation of the Lithuanian literary language. The most complete
normative editions of this sort are the Lietuviy kalbos rasybos zodynas
(Kaunas, 1948) and Dabartines lietuviy kalbos zodynas (Vilnius, 1954).
Evidence from the literary language is of particular importance in cases
where data from dialects and accented texts are lacking. The literary
accentuation by grammarians and lexicographers whose works preserve
some degree of dialectal influence is, of course, of special interest, for it
is precisely in accentuation that dialect features are most firmly main-
tained and least likely to be erased by normalizing tendencies. In this
sense the data from the grammars and dictionaries of the following
scholars are extremely important: F. Kurschat (the Tilsit region [TiW:],
the western Aukstaitis dialect of former Prussian Lithuania), A. Bara-
nowski (the Anyksciai region, central eastern Aukstaitis dialect), K.
Jaunis (the Kvedarna region, southeastern Zemaitis dialect), A. Juskewicz
(the Veliuona region, central western Aukstaitis dialect), J. Jablonski
(the Griskabudis region, south western Aukstaitis dialect), J. Slapelis
(dialects of southeastern Lithuania).
In determining the original accentual paradigm of Lithuanian words,
the Old Lithuanian accented texts constitute a source of primary impor-
tance. First and foremost among these, with respect to their antiquity as
well as to the wealth of material, are the translations of M. Dauksa, the
Katechismas (Vilnius, 1595) and in particular the Pastil/a Catholicka
(Vilnius, 1599). These texts are unique among the Old Lithuanian mate-
rials in having complete accentual markings. The importance of the
evidence provided by Dauksa's translations is made even greater by the
fact that they reflect not only the accentual system of his native central
Aukstaitis dialect, which has been subject to a significant amount of in-
novation, but also the much more archaic Zemaitis accentuation. Data
on the distribution of nominals according to their accentual paradigms
in his language were exhaustively collected by P. Skardzius (DaukSos
akcentologija, Kaunas, 1935). I have made frequent use of the materials
from this work. The system of accentual markings Dauksa used (com-
plete accentual markings, using the symbols ' and independent of the
tone of the accented syllable) was also used in the anonymous Catechism
of 1605, reflecting the accentuation of the southeastern dialects (Bystron,
J., ed., Katechizm Ledezmy w przekladzie wschodnio-litewskim z wydania
wilenskiego z r. 1605, Krakow, 1890). A certain amount of data on ac-
centuation in the central Aukstaitis dialects with frequent retraction of
accent
27
is contained in the anonymous grammar of 1737 (Rozwadowski,
J., ed., Universitas linguarum magni ducatus Lituaniae, Cracoviae, 1896).
This is the earliest document in which tone differences are systematically
marked: accented long e, o, u, i, with circumflex tone are marked with
the accented semilong e, a, u, i occurring either as monoph-
thongs or in diphthon.gs with circumflex tone are marked with the sym-
bol ' (apparently this signifies mid-intonation-vidurine priegaide-ob-
served in many dialects; the symbol ' also indicates a short stressed
vowel in final syllables); stressed long e, a, u, i with acute intonation and
the vowels e, a, u, i in acute diphthongs are marked with a special cur-
sive symbol, the anti qua (Rozwadowski 1896: 236).
The accented texts of Pruss ian Lithuanian, published in Konigsberg
(Karaliaucius), are more numerous. The first edition of this sort is ap-
parently the grammar of D. Klein of 1653 (Vilnius, 1957): accented
books were published in Konigsberg in the course of the following two
centuries. In all of these documents the accentual marking is sporadic.
As a rule, the accent mark ' was placed only over accented e and a as
monophthongs and also as members of acute diphthongs.
2
8 Thus only
accented long e and a (the short e and a which are lengthened in Lithu-
anian and the long e and a as first members of diphthongs with falling
tone) are marked with the symbol' .29 In most cases, nominals with the
barytone AP are recognizable through this means of accentual marking.
In a number of Konigsberg editions, short (unlengthened) a and e are
marked in the writing system by the doubling of the consonant letter
after the vowel, for example, Ace. Sing. rdsq ( = rasq), but Gen. Sing.
rass8s
30
( = rasos) in the Prayer Book of 1705.31 Since short a and e usu-
ally occur in unaccented syllables, texts of this sort can be used to iden-
tify oxytone forms of words with a and e in the root; this somewhat
compensates for the one-sidedness of the data obtained from the analysis
of the distribution of the symbol '. Thus it is possible to reconstruct the
2 AP on the basis of the Gen. Plur. pddu ( = piid1f) and the 4 AP on the
basis of the Gen. Plur. naggu ( = nagfi). The large number of accented
texts from Prussian Lithuania
32
can provide fairly precise information
on accentuation over a significant dialect area,33 some of whose dialects
preserved the older accentual relationships up to the end of the eigh-
teenth century (for example, the Konigsberg texts attest the partial pres-
ervation of barytone AP in adjectives with a-fa-stems). These documents
make it possible for us to trace the gradual and, in a number of cases,
very recent dissemination of accentual innovations (the introduction of
the mobile paradigms at the expense of the barytone). Thus, the nouns
zenklas, veidas, ddiktas, and others, which are recorded as having mobile
AP in the dialects of Prussian Lithuania in the middle of the nineteenth
century (according to Kurschat's data), are generally attested as having
barytone AP in the texts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Data from the dialects, from the literary language, and from accented
texts are the basic sources for the reconstruction of the original AP of a
given Lithuanian word. Important supplementary information can be
obtained from the study of the accentuation of derivatives and of forms
which split off from the paradigm at an early stage (adverbial forms). In
these instances accentual features lost in the original nominal paradigm
itself have often been preserved. One must bear in mind, however, that
only some of the derivational affixes in the modern language yield deri-
vatives in which the position of accent is dependent upon the AP of the
base word. The number of such affixes is greater in Old Lithuanian (for
example, in the language of Dauksa) and in a number of peripheral dia-
lects. Root accent in derivatives of this type indicates a base word with
barytone AP, whereas accent on the derivational morpheme (at least in
some cases) indicates a base word with mobile AP.
We will limit ourselves here to a brief review of the Lithuanian data,
since only Lithuanian data will be examined in the first sections of this
monograph. Information on the Latvian and Old Prussian materials
which are relevant for the reconstruction of accentual paradigms will be
given below (Sections 26 and 35).
A-Stems
3. Accentual Distribution
Nominals
with
Short Roots
The Proto-Indo-European opposition of a-stems with barytone AP -- \
versus a-stems with mobile-oxtyone AP is preserved in Lithuanian as rl
an opposition of nouns with barytone AP versus nouns with mobile AP.
In some of the dialects (as well as in the literary language in a number
of cases) some of the originally barytone nouns have been transferred to
the mobile accentual class. As a rule, however, the original state of
affairs has been preserved over a significant territory. Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean nouns with mobile-oxytone AP are represented v r y w h r ~ in Lith-
uanian by the mobile AP. _ -
4. Lithuanian Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European
Barytone Forms
Lith. asva (obs.) 'mare', also OLith. esva 2 AP according to available
dictionaries: cf. TR BS 72, LKR, DLK. The same accentuation on the
Zemaitis hydronym Asva, see SK LK 13.1 From PIE ekya 'mare'; Skt.
(RV) dsva 'mare'. The corresponding masc. form was also bar. Skt.
(RV) dsvas 'horse', Gmc. *ehwaz 'horse' (ON jar, OE eoh).
Lith. liauka 'gland, tonsil', Plur. liaukos 'glandular disease in swine' 2
AP in northwestern Aukstaitis dialect of the Sakyna region (KSL). The
same accentuation is the literary standard; see KAM, LKR, DLK. In
Zemaitis and eastern Aukstaitis dialects the word is generally transferred
to the 4 AP (according to the data of KSL), which is reflected in some
dictionaries; cf. S LL, NS (4 or 2 AP). From *leukii 'tumor'; Gk. leuke
'skin disease'.
Lith. vieta 'place' 2 AP in Dauksa (15 x, see SK 86
2
) and in the 1605
Catechism (Loc. Sing. wietoy 40; see BYS 51). The same accentuation in
Donelaitis (3 x ; see ACD 44), everywhere in dialects (see DOR 64) and
in the standard language (KT GL 179, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM,
LKR, DLK). From PIE u6itii 'cattle pasture'; Gmc. *wdipo 'pasture;
game land' (OHG weida, OE wiip 'hunt').
Lith. duja 'fine granular soil, dust; drizzle', Plur. dujos 'gas' 2 AP in
dialects (LK). Also 4 AP seen in Dauksa (Loc. Sing. dujoje, see LK II
558), in the majority of dialects, and in the standard language (S LR,
KAM, NS, DLK); the form duja, -os noted by Kurschat (KT LD) is
apparently the result of contamination of duja with the secondary e-
stern duje, which occurs in dialects. From PIE dhuia(from *dhUHii)
'dust, fine particles'; Gk. thua, (Ion.) thUe 'fragrant smoke, incense', thUii
(Theophrastus), 'African thuja (wood burned for incense),' the original
meaning of the Greek word being 'fragrant dust.'
Lith. ranka 'hand, arm' 2 AP in Dauksa (6 x, see SK 86), Donelaitis
(3 x, see ACD 44), everywhere in dialects (see LKK III 181) and in the
standard language (KT GL 179, GL 92, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK).3 From PIE yr6nkii 'something bent, crooked'; Gmc.
*wrdnho 'corner' (ON rt;i, rii, OSwed. vrii, Dan. vraa); in Gmc. there is
also an oxytone form w r a n ~ o (ON r(Jng 'frame').
4
Lith. muse, musit'l 'fly' 2 AP in many dialects (KSL); the same in Std.
Lith. (KAM, LKR, DLK). A variant in the 4 AP in certain dialects
(KT LD, NS, S LL).
5
From PIE musjii 'fly, midge'; Gk. muia, (Ion.)
muie 'fly.'
Lith. mig/a 'mist' 2 AP (KSL); indicated also by the secondary e-stern
migle with 2 AP and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.). SeeS LL, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK.6 From PIE mighlii 'mist'; Gk. (Hom.) omikhle 'mist'.
Lith. sula 'sap/wine from birch or maple' 2 and 4 AP. The evidence for
21 Nominals with Short Roots
an original barytone (2 AP) is based on the accentuation of the derived
sutinis (see SK LK 247); cf. the contrast between eglinis, vistinis, kiau-
linis, druskinis, leiitinis (from the nouns with 2 AP egle, vista, kiaule,
druska, lentil) and siksninis, kaktinis, dieninis, skarinis, meskinis (from
the nouns with 4 AP Siksna, kakta, diena, skara, me'Ska). The word sula
has been transferred to 4 AP in all of the dialects (KSL), including Std.
Lith. (KT GL 178, GL 92, JAB I 75, KAM, NS, DLK). From PIE sulii
'a kind of beverage'; Skt. sura 'intoxicating beverage'.
Lith. blusa 'flea' 2 AP in Dauksa (lx; see SK 85), Donelaitis (lx; see
ACD 41), everywhere in dialects (KSL) and in Std. Lith. (KT LD, S
LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE bhlusii 'flea'; Gk. psulla 'flea'
from *phsUlsii;
7
possibly by metathesis from *sphlusii, going back to
*sbhlusii with mob. s- parallel to *bhlusii.
Lith. kupra 'back' 2 AP (in most dialects, usual in Std. Lith.; see LKK
III 166, SK 89) and 4 AP (see KSL, KT GL 178, KT LD, S LL, KAM,
NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kuprii 'hump'; Gmc. *hUfraz 'hump; back'
(OHG havar) from *kupras.s
5. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
European Forms with Mobile Oxytone AP
Lith. alga 'payment' 4 AP in Dauksa (3 x ; see SK 87), Donelaitis (3 x ;
see ACD 44), in Nesselmann's dictionary, in dialects (see LIT II 318,
LM 32, 81), and in Std. Lith. (KT GL 177, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75,
KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE afgwhti 'payment, reward'; Gk.
alpM 'wages'.
Lith. kaina 'price' 4 AP (SEN 84, KSL, S LL) and I AP (kdina) (includ-
ing Std. Lith.: see LS, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). The variant with the 1
AP has the same type of metatony as vafnas 'raven': varna 'crow' fre-
quent in a-stems (the corresponding masc. a-stem is preserved in Latv.
ciens 'honor, respect') and must be considered secondary. From PIE
kainli 'fine, payment, price'; Gk. paine 'ransom, fine; penalty'.
Lith. zala 'harm, damage', vandens zala 'dropsy' 4 AP in Dauksa (4 X,
see SK 88), in dialects (see LK), and in Std. Lith. (S LL, KAM, LKR,
DLK). From PIE ghalli 'bile; something spoiled, unpleasant, harmful';
Gk. khate 'bile; poison; spite'.
Lith. lenta 'board' 4 AP in dialects (see KSL) and Std. Lith. (KT GL
I77, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE lentli
'soft wood; board'; Gmc. linili5 'linden' (OHG linta, OSax. linda, OE
lind) from *lentli.
Lith. tauta 'people' 4 AP in Dauksa (5 x, see SK 88) and in Std. Lith.
(S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE teutli or toutli, Gmc. Piuili5
'people' (Goth. Piuda, OHG diota, OSax. thioda, OFris. thiade, OE
Peod) from *teutli.
Lith. srava (dial.) 'flow' 4 AP (S LL, SK LK 38, LKR). From PIE
*sroljli 'flow'; Gk. rhof! 'stream, flow' from *sroiJii.
Lith. samda 'rent' 4 AP in dialects and Std. Lith. (see SK 54, LK, S LL,
NS, DLK). From PIE somdhli from somdhHii 'agreement'; Skt. samdhli
'agreement, promise; intention'.
Lith. saka 'tale, legend, story' 4 AP (S LL, NS, DLK). From PIE sokli
'narration'; Gmc. * sa1i5 'story' (OHG saga, OE sagu; cf. ON saga from
*sa1Bn, fern.).
Lith. rasa 'dew' 4 AP in Dauksa (1 x ; see SK 88, GS I685, GS 1705,
GB I685, B I735
9
); the same in dialects, Std. Lith. (KSL, KT GL 178,
GL 92, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE rosli 'moisture, dew';
Skt. (RV) rasli 'mythical river; moisture' from *resli.
Lith. skala 'splinter, lath, chips' 4 AP in dialects (KSL) and Std. Lith.
(KT LD, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE sko!Hii 'something
split, chipped'; Skt. (RV) kalli 'small part, piece' from *ka!Hfilo (cor-
responding to the Baltic form with mobiles).
Lith. tarpa 'harvest, growth' 4 AP (the usual form in the dialects and
in Std. Lith.; see KSL, KT LD, KAM, LKR, DLK)ll and I AP (noted
as in free variation with 4 AP by S LL). From PIE torpli 'need, lack; some-
thing needed, useful'; Gmc. *ParoJ 'need, lack' (Goth. Parba, OHG darba).
Lith. vieka (dial.) 'strength, energy' 4 AP (KT LD 495) and, more often,
I AP (vieka) (BUG II 647) as a result of metatony.12 From PIE IJOikli
'life force'; Gmc. *wai3i5 (ON veig, fern. 'force; strong beverage').
Lith. spauda 'pressure; seal' 4 AP in dialects (KSL) and Std. Lith. (KT
LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE spoud!i 'pressure, tension';
Gk. spoudf! 'effort, zeal; haste'.
Lith. branka 'swelling (of seeds)' 4 AP in dialects (see LK I 819) and
Std. Lith. (KT LD, S LR, TR BS 36, NS, DLK). From PIE bhronkli
'swelling, pressing'; Gmc. *bran1i5n, fern. (ON branga 'clamp'), probably
a Germanic new formation from and old a-stem *bhronkli.
6. Exceptions
There are a number of apparent exceptions which are merely due to
imprecise comparisons. Thus, Skt. (A V) talpa 'place for lying down,
bed' is a nomen instrumenti, and may be distinguished accentually from
the nomen actionis, which shows up in Lithuanian as talpa 'capacity'
(4 AP in the dialect and in the standard language).1
3
The identification
of Lith. kanka 'torture' (4 AP) with Gmc. *hdnho, reconstructed on the
basis of the Old Norse verb ha 'torture' from *hanhon (WAL I, 401), is
false, for this verb can, with an equal degree of probability, be derived
from the masculine or neuter a-stems *hdnha(z). Similarly, OE Proh
'envy' may possibly derive not from Germanic *Prdnho, comparable to
Lithuanian tr{lsa 'manure' (4 AP in the dialects and in the literary lan-
guage), but from a masculine or neuter form-the Old English word is
attested only in glosses and its gender is unknown.
The frequently stated identification of Lith. saka, 'branch' (4 AP in
the texts of Prussian Lithuania,I4 in all of the dialects, and in the stand-
ard language; see KT GL 178, GL 92, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK) with
Skt. (RV) slikha 'branch', likewise constitutes a false comparison. The
voiceless aspirate -kh- at the end of the stem points to a combination of
-k- and -H-, taken from the oblique cases of the paradigm of stems in
-eH- of the type pdnthas, genitive pathds (cf. Section 25).
True exceptions from the accentual distribution described above can
be found in the following cases: gija, 'warp threads', 2 AP and 4 AP
(including Std. Lith.; see LKK III 166, KSL, KT GR 177, GL 92, S
LR, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). If 2 AP is the original one, the Lithuanian
data do not agree with the evidence from Sanskrit, which shows an
oxytone paradigm injili 'bow-string' (cf.jili-vayas 'having the quickness
of a bow-string').
Lith. krusa (also kriusa) 'hail' 4 AP (KSL, KT LD, GL 92, S LL,
KAM, LKR, DLK). The Lithuanian data do not agree with the evi-
dence from the Germanic languages, where one can reconstruct a femi-
nine barytone *hruson (OHG rosa 'ice', OE hruse 'land'), which prob-
ably represents a new a-stem.
It is clear that isolated exceptions of this sort cast no doubt on the
correctness of the principle of accentual distribution proposed above.
7. Later Analogical Leveling of Accentual Paradigms in Lithuanian
We have seen above that the Proto-Indo-European opposition of bary-
tone AP versus mobile-oxytone AP in a-stems was preserved in Lithu-
anian as an opposition of barytone AP versus mobile AP. Before the
operation of the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure, columnar barytonesis
contrasted here with mobility. A system such as this cannot be described
as a stable one, since the opposition of the two accentual paradigms was
neutralized in case forms having barytonesis within the mobile para-
digm (for example, 4 AP Dat. Sing. riisai and Ace. Sing. rasq, like 2 AP
iisvai and iisvq). Apparently, in a number of dialects, it was during this
period that the process of merging the two APs and generalizing the
mobile AP began. As a result of the shift of accent to the acute syllable, /
the number of case forms with the same accentuation in both paradigms
increased (cf. Nom. Sing. asva from *asva, like Nom. Sing. rasa from rasa);
and, more important, oxytone case forms arose within the barytone AP.
At this point the neutralization of the two APs was not solely dependent
upon barytonesis of the case form. This circumstance must have further
hastened the process of merging the two paradigms.
There exist Lithuanian dialects which reflect a number of the stages
of displacement of the barytone AP. This process began in the singular,
where the AP opposition is neutralized in four case forms (nominative,
dative, accusative, and instrumental: asva, iisvai, iisv{l, asva, like rasa,
riisai, riisq, rasa), and only later spread to the plural, where there are
only two such forms (nominative and accusative: asvas, as vas, like riisas,
rasas). Thus, in the western Aukstaitis dialects of the Mitu river basin,
according to the data published by Grinaveckiene (LKK III, 1960, p.
162), the following stages of the process are represented:
I. egle 'fir' Sing. 2 AP, more rarely 4 AP; Plur. 2 AP.
2. musia 'fly' Sing. 4 AP; Plur. 2 AP.
3. virve 'rope', ieva 'bird-cherry' Sing. 4 AP; Plur. 2 or 4 AP.
In the southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialect of the Marcinkonys region, the
word zvaigZde 'star' belongs to 4 AP in the singular but 2 AP in the
plural (DOR CCXXXVI); a similar situation for the word duja 'dust'
has been noted in the southern Dzuk dialect of the Nocia region and for
the word dirva 'grainfield' in the western Aukstaitis dialect of the Gei-
starai region (KSL).
From the material presented above it can be seen that the area in
which the original accentual relationships are maintained varies from
word to word. Apparently the direction of each such isogloss has been
determined to a great extent by semantic and derivational connections,
as well as by the text frequency of each individual word.
Masculine 0-Stems
Masculine a-stems in the eastern Baltic languages are, of course, reflexes
of Proto-Indo-European masculines and neuters. These two categories
were still distinguished in the dialect of the Old Prussian Elbing diction-
ary as nouns with final -(i)s and -an, respectively. The loss of the neuter
gender in the east Baltic dialects was not yet complete in the period of
Balto-Finnic contacts. Old neuter words borrowed by Finnic speakers in
the Baltic area have, as a rule, final -a (for more details see section 13),
while old masculine words regularly have final -as. For example:
Finn. taivas 'sky' rvLith. dievas 'God', OPrus. Deywis (EV 1)
Finn. vannas 'plowshare' rvOPrus. Wagnis (EV 244)
Finn. tarvas 'fantastic animal' rvLith. tafiras 'bull', OPrus. Tauris (EV
648)
Since neuter a-stems in Indo-European have certain peculiarities of
their own, it seems advisable to examine them separately from masculine
a-stems.
Lithuanian a-stems which derive from original masculines have pre-
served the Indo-European opposition of two APs; they are represented
in Lithuanian as an opposition between barytone and mobile APs.
Barytone Forms
Lith. zambas 'edge, border; skirt' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (variation be-
tween 2 AP and 4 AP in Std. Lith.; see S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From
PIE g6mbhas 'protruding edge; tooth'; Skt. (R V) jdmbhas 'tooth'; Gk.
g6mphas 'nail, thorn'. That the Baltic word was originally masculine is
attested by Finn. hammas and Veps. hambas 'tooth' with final -as.
Lith. ratas 'wheel; circle, rim' 2 AP in Dauksa (1 x, see SK 32, also R
DL, ACD 15, NES), dialects (LKK III 184) and Std. Lith. (KT GL 153,
S LL, JAB I 197, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE r6tHas 'wheel';
Skt. rdthas (masc.) 'vehicle'; Gmc. *rdpa (neut.) 'wheel' (OHG rad, ON
rath, OFris. reth). Original masculine gender in Baltic is attested by Finn.
ratas 'wheel', Karel. ratas, Est. ratas.
Lith. saikas 'vessel for dry measure' 2 AP in Dauksa (I x, see SK 32),
and certain dialects (SK 37) and 4 AP (incl. Std. Lith.; see KSL, KT
GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE s6ikos 'ves-
sel'; Gmc. *stiihaz 'tub' (ON sar, OE sa [masc.]).
Lith. kailkas 'house spirit; soul of an unchristened child; evil power'
2 AP and 4 AP (both in Std. Lith.: see LS, S LL, FUL, LKR, DLK,
KAM, NS). From PIE k6ukos 'evil spirit'; Skt. (RV) k6ka-yiitus 'evil
spirit (yatus) in the form of an animal called *k6kas.'l5 Original mascu-
line gender in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Cawx (EV II) 'devil.'
Lith. siipas 'straw, blade of grass' 2 AP (NES 513, KSL) and 4 AP (both
in Std. Lith.: see KT GL 154, GL 86, KAM, LKR, S LL, DLK). From
PIE k6pos 'something fragmented, shattered'; Skt. (RV) sapas 'drift-
wood'.
Lith. ardai (Plur.) 'pokes for drying flax' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (includ-
ing Std. Lith.; see KT LD, S LR, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE 6rdhos
'something separated, chipped off; side, half'; Skt. (RV) drdhas 'side,
place'.
16
Lith. javai (Plur.) 'grain' 2 AP (see B 1735, B 1755, PVG 411, NES) and
4 AP (in Dauksa; see SK 34, also GB 1685, R DL, MAG; in all mod-
ern dialects and in Std. Lith.; see LM 22, 310, 350, 431 and KT GL
152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE j6yos from *i6uHos
'cereal'; Skt. (RV) yavas 'bread, cereal grain; grain field'P
Lith. siipnas 'dream' 2 AP (NES) and 4 AP. Aside from direct attesta-
tions of 2 AP, an original bar. AP (2) is evidenced by the derivative
siipnininkas (dial.) 'interpreter of dreams' (N 1701, NES, KT LD). If the
original accentuation had been mobile AP (4), the derived noun would
have had the accentuation sapninifikas, as in Std. Lith.; cf. the opposi-
tion in Kurschat's description (KT GL 157-160): balniniiikas (balnas,
4 AP), kakliniflkas (kiiklas, 4 AP), samdiniiikas (samda, 4 AP) versus
girininkas (giria, 2 AP), knygininkas (knyga, 2 AP), dafiininkas (dafias
[dial.] 2 AP). Std. Lith. (see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR,
DLK) has the secondary 4 AP (for Dauksa see SK 34; for dialects see
KSL). From PIE S!f6pnos; Skt. (R V) svdpnas 'dream'. Original masc.
gender is indicated by Avest. xvqfna-(masc.) and Lat. somnus.
Lith. vii/as 'horse hair; rope of horse hair' 2 AP (NES, KSL) and 4 AP
(including Std. Lith.; see KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From
PIE !!6los 'horse hair'; Skt. (RV) varas 'horse tail hair.'
Lith. vijsas 'hook' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT
GL 153, GL 88, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE 6nkos 'hook'lB; Gk.
6gkos 'barb of an arrow'.
Lith. tanas (dial.) 'tumor' 2 AP (NES) and 4 AP (R DL, MDL, KSL,
LKR). From PIE t6nos 'something stretched, swollen'; Gk. t6nos
'(stretched) string; tension'.
Lith. kafpas 'torn piece of cloth; notch, groove; scar' 2 AP (KSL, LKR)
and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see GL 86, LS, S LL, NS, DLK). From
PIE k6rpos 'something torn off, broken off'; Gmc. * sktirfaz from * sk6r-
pos (with mobile s).
Lith. lailkas 'field' 4 AP; evidence of previous 2 AP. The evidence for an
original barytone AP (2) is the accentuation of the adverb lailkan 'out-
side' (originally an illative singular form); in the dialects this form is
found together with the oxytone laukafi. It is significant that the accen-
tuation of lailkan is preserved mainly in the Zemaitis and western
Aukstaitis dialects, where illative forms are lost and where laukan is per-
ceived as an adverb unconnected with the paradigm of the noun laukas.
The occurrence of the form lailkan in the dialects of Prussian Lithuania
is confirmed by the data of Donelaitis (ACD 17) and Kurschat (KT LD).
In the eastern Aukstaitis dialects, where illative forms have been pre-
served, the connection with the paradigm was perceived and the form
laukafl was oxytone as the ordinary illative of the noun lailkas, 4 AP.
Laukas itself is mobile AP (4) in the modern dialects (including Zemaitis
and eastern Aukstaitis; see LM 250, 359, 370, 86, 102, 104) and in the
standard language (see KT GL 152, GL 87, JAB I 73, S LL, NS, LKR,
DLK). From PIE l6ukos 'open space, field'; Gmc. *lduhaz 'meadow,
bushy area' (OHG loh, masc.; OSax. lo, masc.; OE leah, masc.), along
with *lduha, neut. (OHG loh, neut.; OSax. lo, neut.). Original masculine
gender is indicated by Lat. Iucus 'sacred grove'J9
Lith. sulas 'wooden post, stave' 4 AP; evidence of previous 2 AP. An
original barytone AP (2) is evidenced by the derivatives suline (Zemaitis
28 Nominal Accentuation in Blatic
dialects; see SK 77) and sulinis (dialects of Prussian Lithuania; see DOR
74) 'well'; actually, 'made of boards' (with a secondary transference to
mobile AP in eastern Aukstaitis sulinys, sulnys). From an original mobile
AP we would expect * sulinis; cf. skalinis (skala, 4 AP), skarinis (skara,
4 AP) versus pusinis (puse, 2 AP), raistinis (raistas, 2 AP); see SK LK
257. The word sulas itself has become 4 AP in all the dialects (KSL),
including Std. Lith. (KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK).
From PIE ksU!os 'wooden post, log'; Gk. (Hom.) ksU!on 'stump, post'
from *ksU!om (cf. also Gk. ksulinos: Lith. sulinis). In Baltic, in contrast
to Greek, the noun is masculine; cf. OPrus. Sufis 'stave' (EV 196).
Lith. nafsas (fury, rage' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see
KT GL 152, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE nartsos 'emotional
excitement'; Gk. nasas 'ailment, suffering' from *nartsas. 2o
Lith. viikaras 'evening', Plur. vakarai 'evenings; west' 1 AP (SK 42, 109;
GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735, B 1735 and 1755, HAA, MAG, NES, R
DL, ACD 23, SK 45, GL 20, KT WL I 5) and 4 AP (including Std.
Lith.; see KT GL 158, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE yakaras
'evening'; Gk. (Hom.) hesperas 'evening' from *yeskeras. 21
Lith. alkas 'sacred grove (obs.); wooded hill'; 2 AP varies with 4 AP in
the dialects and in Std. Lith. (see KSL, NS, LKR, DLK, FUL). From
PIE dlkas 'sacred grove, temple'; Gmc. *dlhaz 'temple' (OHG alah, OE
ealh).
22
Lith. kiipas 'grave, burial mound', Plur. kapai 'cemetery' 2 AP (R DL,
M LD, NES, R LD) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see GS 1685, N
1735, HAA, KSL, KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR,
DLK). From PIE k!Jpas 'something dug, excavated'; Gk. skdphas 'time
for digging vinyards,' probably from *skdpas (skdpto 'I dig') with ph
under the influence of taphai (Piur.) 'burial': thdpto 'I bury' (see BQ
870-871, WAL II 560). Greek has a form with mobiles. Original Baltic
masculine gender is supported by Est. kliiibas 'burial mound', Finn.
kiiiipas 'islet in a bog', if this is a borrowing from Baltic.
Lith. kviipas 'breath; smell, spirit' 2 AP (ACD 15, LM 319, 446) and 4
AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK). From PIE kyJpas 'puff, breath (masc. a-stem or neut. es-/
as-stem; cf. Hesychius gloss [HAL II, 408] kdpaspsukhe, pneuma 'breath,
puff').
10. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP
Lith. aulas 'boot top' 4 AP (for dialects see LK and KSL; for Std. Lith.
see KT GL 151, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE
aulas 'hollow rod, tube'; Gk. aulas 'tube, hollow rod; whistle, flute.'
Original masculine gender in Baltic is supported by OPrus. Au/is (EV
141) 'shin bone'.
Lith. sakai (Piur.) 'resin' 4 AP (see B 1735, B 1755, R LD, NES; for
dialects see KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM,
NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE syakas 'sap';
2
3 Gk. apas 'fermenting
juice' from *hapas (cf. hopontion in inscriptions; see BQ 708) from *syokYas.
Original masculine gender in Baltic is supported by OPrus. Sackis (EV
598) 'resin'.
Lith. dievas 'god' 4 AP (see SK 34 and 133,
24
BYS 51, LM 107; for Std.
Lith. see KT GL 151, GL 86, S LL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
From PIE deiyas 'god'; Skt. (RV) devds 'god'. Original masculine gen-
der in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Deywis (EV 1) 'god' and Finn. taivas
'sky', with final -as.
Lith. miegas 'sleep' 4 AP (for dialects see TAU III 405; for Std. Lith.
see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE
meighas 'something foggy, unclear'; Skt. (RV) meghds 'cloud'.
Lith. valkas (dial.) 'support for drying skins' 4 AP (see KSL and DLK).
From PIE yalkas 'something for stretching'; Gk. holkas 'windlass',
Plur., holkai, 'reins' from *syolkas (with mob. s).
Lith. striizdas 'thrush' 4 AP (see ACD 17, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT
GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE strozdhas 'small
bird'; Gk. strauthas, masculine and fern. 'swallow' *strasthas, with dis-
similative loss of sand compensatory lengthening.25 Original masculine
gender in Baltic is supported by Finn. rastas 'thrush'.
Lith. giinas (dial.) 'herdsman' 4 AP (LKR). PIE ghanHas 'a person who
beats or drives; an instrument for beating or driving'; Skt. (RV) ghands
'destroyer; cudgel'.26
Lith. raupai (Piur.) 'smallpox' 4 AP (Std. Lith:, see S LL, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK) and, secondarily, 3 AP (OTR I 219) in the southern Lithu-
anian Dzuk dialect of the Tverecius region (see below for a similar
variant to the word stambas). From PIE roup6s 'something ruined, taken
by force; result of destruction, disease'; Gmc. *rauodz (OHG roub
'plunder; loot'.)
Lith. stambas 'stalk, stump' 4 AP (KSL) and 3 AP. 4 AP has been noted
in the western Aukstaitis and Dzuk dialects. Since the variant with 3 AP
is generally found in dialects which are located outside the zone with
partial retraction of accent, but not far from this zone, this variant can
be explained as an interdialectal borrowing. The 4 AP word in dialects
with partial accent retraction (Nom. Plur. stambai, Ace. Plur. stambus
from *stambus) was perceived by the borrowing dialects lacking accent
as 3 AP (Nom. Plur. stambai, Ace. Plur. stambus to stdmbus). The
variant with 4 AP was apparently known to Kurschat (KT LD 402). The
standard language has 3 AP (S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE
stomb6s 'stalk'; Skt. stambds 'bush' (BOH VII 200).
Lith. maisas 'sack' 4 AP (SK 34, KSL; for Std. Lith. see S LL, KAM,
NS, LKR, DLK) and 3 AP (in Prussian Lithuania; seeM DL, NES,
KT LD). The 3 AP variant can be explained as a borrowing from dia-
lects with partial retraction of accent (like stdmbas, above) or, following
Baga, more likely due to the influence of the feminine form mdisa 'hay
rack' (KT WL I 636b), mdise 'large bag', where metatony is normal.
From PIE mois6s 'sheep skin; pelt sack'; Skt. (RV) me.yds 'sheep' ( orig-
inally sheep skin). 27
Lith. baiigas (dial.) 'downpour' 4 AP (LK I 524, KSL, DLK).
2
B From
PIE bhong6s 'destruction; something that brings destruction'; Skt.
bhangds 'breakage; wave' (BOH R V 175-176).
Lith. zarais 'helter-skelter' (KT LD), originally an instrumental plural
of *ziiras 4 AP (cf. NES: Zaras 'order; direction') From PIE ghor6s
'order (in moving)'; Gk. khor6s 'round dance'.
Lith. dagas 'heat of day; harvest' 4 AP (KT GL 151, NS, LK, LKR).
From PIE dhogWh6s 'hot weather'; Skt. (SB) nidaghds 'hot season'.
Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Dagis (EV
13) 'summer'.
11. Exceptions
Apparent exceptions include the comparison of Lith. beiidras 'friend;
participator' (2 AP including Std. Lith.) with Gk. penther6s 'father-
in-law; brother-in-law' (originally 'related'); the oxytone accent of the
Greek word evidently arose relatively late by analogy with some other
formation (probably hekur6s 'father-in-law' or pentherd 'mother-in-law'),
since an original oxytone *penther6s would have been changed by Wheel-
er's law into *pentheros. Lith. badas 'hunger' (2 AP according to tex-
tual evidence; see N 1701 and 1735; 4 AP usually in the modern language),
probably must be compared not with Skt. (RV) badhds 'oppression', but
with Skt. (according to lexicographical data) btidhas 'pressure, force'
(BOH IV 220). The difference in accentuation between Lith. tvaiikas
'stuffy air' (2 AP in variation with 4 AP in the dialects and in the literary
language) and Gmc. *Pwan'ldz 'pressure' (OHG thuang, OFris. thwong,
MLG dwank) is apparently to be explained by the tendency to contrast
nomina acti and nomina actionis by position of stress. Finally, Lith. tauras
'wild bull' (4 AP) can scarcely be directly compared with Gk. tauros
'bull', as the latter word was apparently borrowed from a pre-Greek
Indo-European language (as is shown by -au- instead of the expected
-ou-: cf. -eu- in Gmc. *piuraz, Old Scandinavian piorr) and does not
reflect a proper Greek accent.
29
True exceptions usually include cases in which Lithuanian has nouns
with 4 AP in correspondence with barytone forms in other Indo-Euro-
pean languages. In all such cases one must keep in mind the tendency
toward the early generalization of the mobile AP in masculine a-stems;
traces of the original accentuation can be completely wiped out, partic-
ularly if data from accented texts are lacking.
Lith. viikas 'wolf' 4 AP (for dialects see SK 35, ACD 18, LM 328, OTR
I 216; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK).
This accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. (RV)
vfkas 'wolf'; Gk. lukos (with metathesis from *yfk'!os) 'wolf'.
Lith. mazgas 'knot' 4 AP (KT WL 697a, S LL, KAM, NS, FUL, LKR,
DLK). This accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent of
Gk. moskhos 'sprout'.
Lith. sesuras 'father-in-law' 3 AP (KAM, LKR, DLK). The Lithuanian
accent does not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. svdsuras 'father-
in-law', Gmc. *swehuraz (OHG swehur, OE sweor). The parallel dis-
crepancy in Gk. hekur6s 'father-in-law' is usually explained by the in-
fluence of hekurd 'mother-in-law' (see WH 59).
12. Late Analogical Leveling of Accentual Paradigms in Lithuanian
The original distribution of masculine a-stems into two accentual para-
digms reflected the corresponding Indo-European distribution and was
identical to the distribution of a-stems. The late leveling processes affect-
ing the two accentual paradigms of masculine nouns were very strong
and resulted in a greater number of variants with mobile AP than in
the case of a-stems. I noted above that in a number of cases the original
barytone AP was retained only in accented texts; in the overwhelming
majority of cases this accentuation has been lost in many dialects and
in the literary language.
The intensity of these leveling processes, namely in a-stems, becomes
understandable if we take into account that a complete accentual coale-
scence of barytone and mobile AP took place in the singular of a-stems
with short roots (if we exclude the secondary case forms which are
absent in many dialects). With respect to the position of accent in the
singular cases the two paradigms originally contrasted in the instru-
mental singular and the nominative singular: in the mobile AP these
forms were oxytone. Oxytone accent in the instrumental singular of a-
stems in the mobile AP is preserved in nouns with acute roots in a num-
ber of dialects (darbe, 3 AP, but kdule, I AP).
3
0 After the accent shift
by the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure this contrast was neutralized in
nouns with short roots (zambe, like au/e). The original state of affairs
in the nominative singular has been maintained in iio-stems (e.g., gaidys,
3 AP from *gaidiias, but kaftis, 2 AP from *kaftiias) and in masculine
definite adjectives (piktasis from *piktasjis). In both cases contraction
took place before the accent was shifted from -a- in the final syllable
to the preceding syllable (*dievas to dievas, *piktas to piktas). This
process of retraction, established by E. Nieminen (NIE 155), should
probably be considered a phonetic process. It took place fairly early-
before the shortening of final acute vowels CZiemd from *ziemli preserves
oxytone accent, but *dievas to dievas) and before the lengthening of
e and a under accent (*dagas to dagas to diigas with lengthening).
One can assume that it is precisely this process, having eliminated the
accentual opposition of the two paradigms in an important case form
(nominative singular) and having led to an almost complete coalescence
of these two paradigms in the singular, which played an important role
in the hastening of the leveling processes which are characteristic for
original masculine a-stem nouns in Lithuanian.
Neuter 0- and S-Stems
13. The Fate of Neuter 0- and S-Stems in Baltic
Original a-stem neuter forms in Baltic can be identified by examining
the data from Old Prussian and Balto-Finnic languages. In the Elbing
dictionary Old Prussian neuters are attested with the nominative-accusa-
tive singular ending -an (from *-om), while masculines have the nomina-
tive singular ending -(i)s (from *-os). Balto-Finnic borrowed East Baltic
neuter a-stems with the ending -a, in contrast to masculine a-stems
which show up with the ending -as (cf. Section 8): cf. Finnish lunka
'remnants of bark', Lith. lunkas 'bast', OPrus. Lunkan (EV 644); Finn.
kela 'reel, spool', OPrus. Kelan (EV 295) 'wheel'; Finn. heinii 'hay',
Lith. sienas, PSI. *seno; Finn. vaha 'wax', Lith. viiskas, Gmc. *wahsa
(neut.), Finn. kaula 'neck', Lith. kiiklas, Skt. cakrdm 'wheel'; Finn. silta
'bridge', Lith. tiltas, Skt. trrthdm 'ford'.31
The data from the Balto-Finnic languages permit us to assume that
in East Baltic the ending for the nominative-accusative singular of neu-
ter a-stems was, unlike the Old Prussian form, -a (final -an would
have been retained in Finnish: cf. Finn. paimen 'shepherd', East Baltic
*paimen-, Lith. piemuo, piemenes). The ending -a is preserved in Modern
Lithuanian in neuter adjectives: OPrus. labban
(cf. sta ast labban in the Enchiridium). A direct reflection of final -a in
nouns can be seen in forms of type type lizda fern. 'nest' (from *lizda,
neut. from *nizdom; in Lithuanian usually lizdas, masc.), preserved in
the border dialect of fishermen in Prussian Lithuania (cf. GER 28).
Apparently one must accept E. Nieminen's hypothesis, according to
which -a comes from the pronominal ending -od, which at on early
stage replaced the original -om (NIE 2-3; cf. also R. Garbe Szyrwid's
Punkty Kazan [Punktay Sakimu] vom Jahre 1629, Gottingen, 1885, p.
xli). This hypothesis permitted Nieminen. to explain in a satisfactory
way the process of the replacement of o-stem neuter nouns by masculine
nouns in East Baltic. As soon as the shortening of the final acute vowels
took place, the forms of the nominative-accusative singular and the
nominative-accusative plural of neuters coalesced phonetically (nomina-
tive-accusative singular *lizda and nominative-accusative plural *lizda
from *lizda). The old forms of the nominative-accusative singular were
therefore replaced by the corresponding forms of the masculine which
led to the abolition of the neuter category, first in a-stem nouns and
then in other types of stems. 32
At a fairly early stage of development some of the neuter nouns
with a stem in -osf-es, a class completely lost in all of the Baltic lan-
guages, entered the class of neuter o-stem nouns. The rest of the nouns
of this class, as is well known, were transformed into !-stems (and fur-
ther, into fa-stems); cf. Lith. debesis 'sky', puvesis 'rotten wood', griuve-
siai 'ruins', etc. Supposedly, the transfer into the i-stem class was con-
nected with the generalization of the suffix -es- in oblique cases, while
the transfer into the a-stem class was based on the form of the nomina-
tive-accusative singular with the suffix -os (Bait. -as). In any case, some
neuter s-stems in East Baltic were included in the neuter o-stem class
and, together with all of the other a-stems, were transferred into the
category of masculine a-stems; cf. Lith. pafSas (masc.) 'piglet' from
EBalt. *parsa (a form reconstructable on the basis of SEst. parh from
*parha) from *p6rkos (neut.), Gmc. *fdrhaz (neut.). Thus, for our pre-
sent purposes, we can consider neuter s-stems and o-stems as one class.
The relatively recent transfer of neuter a-stems into the masculine
category is confirmed by the different reflexes of original neuter and
masculine stems in -ijo. Here old masculine nouns undergo contraction
in the nominative singular in -ifas and in the accusative singular in -ifan
(*gaidijas to gaidis, *gaidijan to gaidln; cf. Lith. gaidys, gaidi). In
the nominative-accusative singular neuter in -ifa no such contraction
took place (*medija to media), so that when the neuter nouns were
later transferred into the masculine category they came to be phoneti-
cally distinct from the original masculine nouns (medzias, medzig, but
gaidys, gaidi).
33
The contrast between two Proto-Indo-European accentual paradigms in
neuter o-stems is preserved better than in masculine o-stems. In the case
of neuters most of the Lithuanian dialects have barytone AP; analogical
processes toward the merging of the two barytone paradigms developed
very weakly in this category. It is therefore not surprising that neuter
a-stems have turned out to be the only class of nouns which could suc-
cessfully be used to establish a connection between the Lithuanian and
Proto-Indo-European distribution of nouns in accentual paradigms.
Taking advantage of the conclusions reached by Nieminen, who found
that a significant number of Lithuanian o-stems with barytone AP go
back to old neuters (NIE 140-142, 167-170), G. Bonfante in 1931 for-
mulated the following rule: "Proto-Indo-European barytone nouns
of neuter gender retain barytone accent in Lithuanian; ... Proto-
Indo-European oxytone nouns of neuter gender remain oxytone in
Lithuani-an." (G. Bonfante "Una nuovaformulazione della Iegge
de F. de Saussure," BAL vol. I, 1931, p. 88). The inexactness of this
formulation (one should speak of Lithuanian mobile rather than of
oxytone AP) and the unconvincing nature of a number of Bonfante's
correspondences apparently prevented many scholars from accepting
this rule. In 1934, J. Kurylowicz, who at that time apparently was not
acquainted with Bonfante's work,
34
came to a conclusion practically
identical to that of the Italian scholar: "Thus, neuter o-stems retained
their former accentuation. Old barytone disyllabic forms, as a rule,
belong to 2 AP, and oxytone disyllabic forms to 4 AP." (J. Kurylowicz,
Slady rzeczownik6w n(jakich w litewskim, Biuletyn Polskiego
4 [1934], p. 21). In his book L'accentuation
des langues indo-europeennes (pp. 195-196) Kurylowicz rejected this
conclusion not because of the presence of any new data but because of
the general conception underlying his work. Since he assumed a coale-
scence of Proto-Indo-European barytone and oxytone formations (un-
derived in Baltic) into one (mobile) accentual class, Kurylowicz was
forced to accept a similar coalescence for neuter nouns. Neuter had, in
his opinion, a special type of mobile paradigm with barytonesis in the
nominative-accusative singular; after the loss of the neuter category the
barytone accent of the nominative singular was responsible for the
transformation of this paradigm into a barytone paradigm (he thus
retains Nieminen's notion that the majority of old neuters are barytone).
Kurylowicz thus has no explanation for the presence of original neuter
nouns in the mobile AP: " ... no matter how one explains the differ-
ence between [old] neuter 2 AP nouns and neuter 4 AP nouns, for ex-
ample by a chronological difference in the change neuter to masculine,
it is clear that one cannot give a satisfactory explanation of each indi-
vidual case" (p. 196).
The data adduced below demonstrate that the rejection of the "Bon-
fante-Kurylowicz rule" is unfounded. Neuter o-stems (including those
stems in -osf-es which have merged into this class) reflect quite well the
Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual paradigms.
Forms
Lith. saitas 'tether, rope bucket handle', OLith. saitai (Piur.) 'jai1'
35
2 AP (SK 32, SK 38, KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith., S LL, SK
LK 321, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE s6itom 'tether'; Gmc.
*sdipa, OHG seid 'cord' (neuter). Evidence for original neuter in Baltic:
OPrus. Largasaytan (EV 446).
Lith. medzias 'forest', medis 'tree' 2 AP (SK 76 and 82, BYS 43, UNI 7,
KG 13, 64 and 154, KC 13 and 107, GS 1685 and 1705, N 1701, B
1735, HAA, ACD 30; for dialects see DOR CCXXIV; for Std. Lith.
see KT GL 163, GL 97, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
According to Frrenkel's quite reasonable supposition the original neu-
ter formation *medhiom with a collective meaning 'forest' was conta-
minated with the masculine formation *medhios 'tree' in Lithuanian
(E. Frrenkel, "Morphologisches und Etymologisches," LIN, t. 4, 1953,
p. 90; also FRA 425).
3
6 Originally, these two formations were probably
distinguished also by accent: bar. *mediia (neut.) vs. mob. *medii as
(masc.). The latter form explains the oxytonesis of the locative singular
and illative singular in a number of dialects (see LM 147 and 184, LKK
III 186, LM 459, BAR 6; MADA 1(4), 1958, 200 and KDA). (Mobile
AP in the original form is also indicated by the derivative medinis 'wooden'
in dialects which distinguish two accentual types in derivatives in -inis;
see OTR I 175 and LKK III 37). From PIE medhiom 'middle'; Skt.
(RV) mddhyam 'middle', Gk. meson, messon 'middle'. Evidence for
original neuter in Baltic: OPrus. Median (EV 586) and the absence of
contraction in Lith. medzias, Latv. mezs 'forest' from medias. The seem-
ingly unusual semantic shift 'middle' to 'forest, tree' is confirmed by a
parallel noted by Buga (BUG II, 252): Gmc. *wiiluz 'forest, tree', ON
viilr. OE widu, but Lith. vidus 'interior' (BUG II, 252). It may be that
this shift is based on the fact that forests have long been natural borders
(Russian cognate me2:a); cf. WAL I, 314.37
Lith. sapnis, sapnys 'sleep, dream' 2 AP (KSL, GL 82, KT WL II 156a)
varies with 4 AP in the dialects. (LM 367 and 376, KSL) and in Std.
Lith. (NS, LKR). From PIE SIJOpniom 'dream'; Skt. (A V) svdpnyam
'dream, vision'. Evidence for original neuter: Gk. enupnion 'dream',
Lat. somnium 'sleep'. We would expect *sapnias in the neuter formation
in Lithuanian. The form in-is, following Endzelin, can be explained by
the influence of the plural forms of the paradigm (cf. n. 33).
Lith. tiiiklas 'net, seine' 2 AP (SK 32; KT WL I 440, S LL, KAM,
DLK for Std. Lith.) and 4 AP (SK 38, ACD 18). From PIE t ~ t o m
'something stretched'; Skt. (RV) tdntram 'loom' from *tent/om. Evi-
dence for original neuter in.Baltic: OPrus. Sasitinldo (EV 697) 'rabbit-
snares', probably a nominative-accusative plural of a neuter noun.
Lith. piidas 'sole; clay floor beneath stove' 2 AP (B 1735 and 1755, NES
275; for dialects and Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 86, S LL, JAB I
73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE p6dom 'part of the foot touch-
ing the ground; ground under "the foot'; Gk. pi!don 'soil, earth' from
*pedom (but Skt. [RV] paddm 'step; trace; place' goes back to an oxy-
tone variant *ped6m). Evidence for original neuter: A vest. piioa- (neut.)
'step; place' from *podom, Lat. oppidum 'locality'.
Lith. pafSas 'piglet', dial. 'hog' 2 AP (ACD 15, KSL; for Std. Lith. see
KT GL 153, GL 87, S LL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK; variation
with 4 AP only in a southern Dzuk dialect; LKK III 198). From PIE
parkas (neuter) 'piglet, hog'; Gmc. *fdrhaz (neut.) 'pig', OHG farah,
farh (neut.), Plur.farhir; transfer to masc. in OEfearh (cf. BBR II,
KL NS 42). Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: SEst. pahr 'hog'
from *parha with final -a (KAL 145).38
Lith.jaukas 'bait, lure' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (KSL; S LR, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK for Std. Lith.). From PIE eukos (neut.) 'something plea-
sant, usual'; Skt. (RV) 6kas (neut.) 'pleasure; pleasant place for dwell-
ing, dwelling.'
Lith. kutas (dial.) 'garment hem', more frequently Plur. kutai 'let down
hems' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (NS, DLK). From PIE kutos (neut.)
'cover'; Gk. kutos (neut.) 'receptacle, cover; protuberance; cavity'.
Lith. liipas 'leaf' 2 AP in OLith. texts (R LD, R DL, ACD 15, NES,
39
KSL) and in Std. Lith. (KT GL 153, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR,
DLK). From PIE 16pos (neut.) 'leaf, petal, plant tissue'; Gk. lepos
(neut.) 'pod'. The existence of a similar s-stem in Slavic is indicated by
the derivative *lepestu, 'petal'. In Baltic the root vocalism has been
changed, probably under the influence of a corresponding masculine a-
stem (cf. Gk. 16pos 'peel, husk').
16. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
European Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP
Lith. kraujas 'blood' 4 AP (SK 76, ACD 33, PVG 283, KSL; for Std.
Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From
PIE kroui6m 'blood, something bloody, raw meat'; Skt. kravydm 'car-
cass, raw meat' (BOH II I 14;) oxytone accent is also indicated by the
absence of accent on the first member of the compound kravya-wihanas
'carrying corpses'. Evidence for neuter in Baltic: Nom. Sing. -ias and
OPrus. Crauyo (EV 160) 'blood' (probably a nominative plural neuter
form equating with Lith. kraujal, Plur., 'blood'; cf. NIE 174).
Lith. lalkas 'time, term; end, death' (as in laikt;J rado 'died') 4 AP (KSL;
for Std. Lith. see S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE loikY6m
'something remaining'; Gk. loip6n 'remaining part (e.g. remaining
term), rest, remainder'. 40
Lith. sliikas 'drop; spot' 4 AP (SK 35, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL
152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE sklok6m or klok6m
(variant with s-mobile) 'accumulation of liquid'; Gmc. *slaM, ON slag
(neut.) 'rainwater' from *sklok6m (WAL II 602).
Lith. sparnas 'wing' 4 AP (SK 34, ACD 17, LKK III 63, LM 339, 51
and 81; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 84, S LL, KAM, LKR,
DLK). From PIE sporn6m 'wing, quill'; Skt. (RV) pan:uim 'wing' from
*porn6m (variant without s-mobile). Evidence for original neuter.: A vest.
parna- (neut.) 'quill, wing'.
Lith. lizdas 'nest' 4 AP (LM 411; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87,
KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).41 From PIE nisd6m 'nest' with a replacement
of n by I; Skt. nujdm (also niqas, masc.; the gender of the word in the
Rig Veda is impossible to determine; cf. GRA 741) 'resting place for
cattle, nest'. Evidence for original neuter: Gmc. *nesta 'nest', OHG
nest (neut.), OE nest (neut.), and Slavic *gnezdo (but Lat. nidus, masc.,
'nest').
Lith. kiiklas 'neck' 4 AP (SK 34,
42
OTR I 176; for Std. Lith. see KT
GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kYokY/6m
'something that turns; wheel';
4
3 Skt. (RV) cakrdm 'wheel'. Evidence for
original neuter in Baltic: Finn. kaula, (dial.) kakla 'neck', with final
-a.44
Lith. niigas 'nail' 4 AP (B 1735, R DL, ACD 17, LM 372,421 and 82;
for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
From PIE nogh6m 'nail'; Skt. nakhdm (also nakhds, masc.; it is impos-
sible to determine the gender of the word in the Rig Veda) 'nail', with
an inexplicable voiceless aspirate (cf. Skt. [RV] naghamiirds 'mangy' with
the expected -gh-) from *negh6m or *noghH6m.
Lith. simtas 'hundred' 2 AP and 4 AP in variation in OLith. and in
Std. Lith. (SK 35 and 41, R DL 104a; for Std. Lith. KT GL 263, GL
156, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK, JAB I 88, BUT). There is a similar varia-
tion between 2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects. The LKDA materials
(question 11281 B of the Atlas program is devoted to the accentuation of
the word simtas) not only permit us to establish the geographic distri-
bution of both variants, 45 but also give definite indications as to the
original significance of the accentual difference. At a number of points
on the border of zones with 2 AP (Piur. simtai) and 4 AP (Plur. simtal),
the word simtas has 2 AP in compound numerals containing "hundred,"
but it has 4 AP when used as a noun (a group of one hundred). Cf.
Sudargas (490): devyni simtai, butjy te(n) Simtal 'there are one hundred
of them there'; Slavikai (510); du, trys simtai, butjy te(n) simtal; Pano-
siskes (614): simtal, Gen. Plur. simt(i, but, in counting, simty; Zverynas
(633): Simtal, and also simtai, where the latter is encountered only in
rapid counting. I noted a similar distribution among natives of the
central Aukstaitis region of Kaisiadorys and of the eastern Aukstaitis
region of Dusetos. The above dialects, in all probablility, preserve the
original accentual distribution; the generalization of 4 or 2 AP in both
positions is secondary. Thus, the claim can be made that the ancient
accentuation of the noun Simtas is 4 AP, while 2 AP, characteristic for
the combinations du (trys, keturi, etc.) simtai, probably reflects the
accentuation of the neuter plural, which was opposed to singular by
position of accent (cf. Section 18). From PIE kf!1t6m 'hundred'; Skt.
(RV) satdm 'hundred', Gmc. *humid 'hundred', Goth. hunda (neut. Plur.)
OHG hunt (neut.), OSax. hund (neut.). Evidence for original neuter:
SI. *siito, Lat. centum, GK. hekat6n, Avest. sata-, neut.
17. Exceptions
There are a number of apparent exceptions. Thus, Lith. butas 'passage,
summer kitchen, dwelling' (2 AP), which reflects an old neuter (cf.
OPrus. Ruttan 'house' EV 193), cannot be compared directly with Gk.
phut6n 'plant' sprout; creation', since in the first case we have a nomen
actionis ('existence' to 'dwelling'), and in the second case a nomen
agentis ('something which exists, which grows'). Lith. vazis, vazys 'sleigh
with a seat' (2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects) is not comparable with Skt.
vahydm 'pack saddle', since Baltic reflects an old masculine form (cf.
OPrus. Wessis 'sleigh' EV 308). Finally, Lith. pliikas 'an armful of hay
taken up by the rake' (2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects) is not connected
with Gmc. *flaM (Norwegian dialect .flag, neut., 'open sea'), but is
rather a derivative of Lith. plakti 'to beat, blow about' (the Norwegian
word is connected with Norwegian.flaa 'open', cf. FAL I 231).
The number of true exceptions is small.
Lith. pifstas 'finger; prongs'. 2 AP occurs throughout the dialects and
the literary language (DOR CCXXVI; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL
86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DKL). Evidence for original neuter: OPrus.
Pirsten 'finger' (EV 115). The Lithuanian accent does not agree with the
Skt. (RV) Ox. 'spine'.
Lith. skietas 'reed (in loom)'. 2 AP is represented in the dialects (along
with 4 AP) and in the standard language (GL 86, KAM, LKR, DLK);
it occurs also with 1 AP (S LL), skietas, with secondary metatony, re-
flected also in Latvian s/j;iets. Evidence for original neuter: OPrus.
Staytan (EV 423) (instead of Scaytan). The Lithuanian accentuation
does not agree with the Gmc. ox. *skiad (neut.) 'log' (OHG sci!, OFris.
skid, OE scid) from *skeitom.
Lith. gufnas 'ankle'. 4 AP is represented in the dialects (KSL) and in the
literary language (NS, LKR, DLK). This accentuation does not agree
with the barytone accent in the gloss of Hesychius gdrnon- to eso tes
ho ton tiksona tribei 'a piece of iron within the hub,
rubbing against the axle' (cf. HAL I 416).
18. The Accentuation of Neuter Plural Forms
Data from the Greek, Sanskrit, and, in part, the Germanic languages
provide evidence that collective forms in -ii, which in Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean were used as plural forms for neuter a-stems, were opposed to the
singular forms by the position of accent (cf. Skt. cakrtim vs. Gk. kukla;
Gk. neuron 'tendon' vs. Gk. neurti 'bowstring'; for more details see HI
243-246). We have noted above that traces of this sort of opposition
have been preserved in Lithuanian in the word simtas: the original
barytone accent of the plural forms contrasting with the oxytone accent
of the singular was retained in compound numerals of the sort trys
simtai. A similar relic is apparently the paradigm medis (Sing,) 2 AP vs.
meie from *medziai (Piur.J 4 AP in certain Zemaitis dialects (cf. TAU
IV 105). In the Western Aukstaitis dialects of the former Prussian Lithu-
ania and neighboring regions (Marijamtoli:) we find the paradigm spalys
'a hair from combings' (Sing.) 4 AP vs. spiiliai 'combings, tow' (Piur.)
2 AP (see KT WLI 441a, KTLD, KSL, KAM).
46
Here Lithuanian
reflects the Proto-Indo-European opposition Sing. *spoliom (cf. Lat.
spolium 'ragged hide'). vs. Plur. *spolia ( cf. Hesychius spolia ta para til-
/omena eridia apo ton skelonton probdton 'wool shorn from the feet of a
sheep', HAL IV 67.)
It is understandable that examples of this sort would show up only
as relics. The replacement of neuters by masculines inevitably led to the
elimination of the accentual opposition singular versus plural. As we
have seen, the accentuation of the singular, as a rule, spread to the
whole paradigm. However, in cases where the singular was lost before
the replacement of neuters by masculines in East Baltic, the original
accentuation of the plural was retained. Thus, the accentual paradigms
of pluralia tantum in Lithuanian (old neuter) correspond directly to the
accentual paradigms of plural a-stem neuters in Proto-Indo-European
and inversely to the accentual paradigms of corresponding singular
nouns.
Lith. linai (Plur.) 'flax' 4 AP (R LD, DOR CCXXIII, KTGL 152, GL
87, SLL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) from PIE !ina (Piur. of
*Iinam); Gk. linon 'flax'. The antiquity of the neuter plurale tantum
form in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Iynna from *!ina (TR AP II
371).47
Lith. plausai 'bast' 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT LD, S LL, KAM,
NS, LKR, DLK). In the western Aukstaitis dialect of Seredzius, 3AP
has been noted (KSL), which is probably to be explained by borrowing
from neighboring dialects with partial retraction of accent (cf. Section
10, stambas). From PIE plousa, Plur. of plousom 'fibrous surface'; Gmc.
*fiiusa (neut.) 'fleece', OHG vlius (neut.), OE.fleos (neut.) from *pleusom.
Lith. paiSai 'soot', 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT WL II 1396; KAM
NS, DLK). From Bait. *paisa, Plur. of *paiSa (neut.). From PIE
poikos (neut.) 'coloring matter'; Skt. (RV) pesas (neut.) 'paint; aspect,
form'.
Lith. lipai (Plur.) 'glue' 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. seeS LL, NS, LKR,
DLK). From Bait. *lip!i, Plur. of *lipa. From PIE lipos (neut.) 'sticky
substance'; Gk. lipos (neut.) 'fat, lard'.
Lith. namai (Piur.) 'dwelling'. Both 2 AP and 4 AP are represented in
old texts (BYS 35, GS 1685, GB 1685, I 1750, N 1735, B 1735, HAA,
R LD, ACD 17, NES, SK 34, 133).48 Most of the modern dialects, as
well as Std. Lith., have 4 AP (LM 355 and 393, LIT II 368, OTR I 220;
for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
From PIE noma, Plur. of nom6m; Gk. nomos (masc.) 'dwelling place;
pasture' from *nomos. Original Bait. neut. Plur. *nama is supported by
the Ill. Plur. namon from *namii-na (cf. J. Schmidt, Die Pluralbildung der
indogermanischen Neutra, Weimar, 1889, p. 39).
Lith. laupai (Plur.) 'torn off rind, bark' 2 AP according to the DLK
(the Sing. laupas is also entered in this dictionary; probably a back for-
mation from the plural). From PIE l6upii, Plur. of *loup6m 'plant tissue';
Gmc. *lauod 'foliage', OHG loub (neut.), OSax. lof(neut.), alongside
*lauodz 'leaf'; Goth. laufs, Gen. laubis.
19. Late Analogical Levelings of APs in Lithuanian
We have already pointed out that old neuter a-stems in Lithuanian pre-
serve the original accentual paradigm better than masculine a-stems. It
seems likely that during the period when neuter nouns were transferred
into the masculine category the process of generalizing mobile AP in
old masculine nouns was already taking place in a number of dialects;
old a-stem neuters were partially affected by this process only after their
transfer into the masculine a-stem category. It can be assumed that prior
to their inclusion into the masculine class, neuter a-stems retained an
opposition of columnar paradigms-oxytone versus barytone-in the
singular. In other words, the neuter a-stem pattern "oxytone singular-
barytone plural" corresponded to the mobile paradigm in masculine
a-stems; the neuter a-stem pattern "barytone singular-oxytone plural"
corresponded to the barytone paradigm for masculine a-stems. This
state of affairs corresponds quite well with the evidence from the Slavic
languages (cf. Section 47).
Other Types of Stems
Grouping together the remaining stem types is justified by the fact that
in all of these types the process of analogical replacement of barytone
by mobile accentuation has been carried out to the fullest extent: in
many dialects and in the literary language the barytone class has been
completely eliminated. However, even in this case, data from a number
!
' !
i
l
r
i.
of peripheral dialects and from accented texts furnish sufficient informa-
tion to establish a set of correspondences for barytone nominals which
reflect the Proto-Indo-European barytone forms. Since generalization
has been in the direction of mobile AP, mere retention of Proto-Indo-
European barytone accent is, of course, relevant. Nominals which have
mobile AP reflect Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP
or are the result of the later introduction of mobile AP in originally
barytone forms.
21. Adjectives with 0/A Stems
In this category of nominals the mobile AP has been generalized over
the whole territory of modern Lithuanian. However, in accented texts
(in Dauksa and in particular in Konigsberg editions), the opposition of
two accentual paradigms has been preserved. The texts of Prussian Lith-
uania reflect quite well the gradual elimination of the barytone AP, at
first in the indefinite, and then in the definite forms of the adjective. This
process can be traced oh the basis of the accentuation of the high fre-
quency adjective geras 'good' (cf. GS 1685: ind. masc. forms Dat. Sing.
gerram 541s, Loc. Sing. gerrame 28817, 33616, masc. def. forms Nom.
Sing. gerasis 277, 58311, gerassis 707, Gen. Plur. gerruju 5864, Inst. Plur.
geraiseis 3149, the adv. gerray 821, 23311, 255, etc., geray 23521, 38h, 399,
etc.; GB 1685: ind. masc. forms Loc. Sing. gerrame 991
4
, Gen. Plur.
gerru 1706, Inst. Plur. gerrais 162, the masc. def. forms gerassis 13917;
N 1735: ind. Gen. Plur. gerru 20b, lOa, 304a, 315b, Loc. Plur. gbuse
213b, the adv. gerray 204, 320b; B 1735: ind. forms Gen. Sing. fern.
gerros 13lb, 132a, 174b, geros 174b, 175a, Dat. Plur. fern. gerams 156a;
the Gramota of 1738: Gen. Plur. geruju [LVG 124], etc.). Comparable
data from accented texts allow us to set up an original barytone AP
for a number of adjectives which go back to Proto-Indo-European forms.
Lith. senas 'old.' Barytone AP occurs in old Lithuanian accented texts
along with mobile AP (SK 165, 149, 175, and 63; GS 1685 and 1705;
GB 1685; KAT, N 1735; B 1735 and 1755; I 1750; ACD 70).49 From
PIE senos 'old'; Skt. (RV) sdnas 'old', Gk. henos 'last year's'.
Lith. aiitras, dial. afitaras 'other, second'. Barytone AP is preserved in
Dauksa (II times along with 9 forms pointing to mobile AP, cf. SK 183-
184). The reconstruction of an original barytone AP is confirmed by the
adverb pusafitros 'one and a half', a form which is widespread in the di-
alects; it is a compound which contains the Gen. Sing. fern. antros, 2 AP
(pusantros, reflecting mobile AP, is also known in the dialects). Barytone
AP is still retained in the adjective antaras, occurring in the southeastern
Dzuk dialects; cf. Nom. Sing. fern. antara (Diveniskes), (Ger-
veciai) (cf. AR 22, 18). From PIE 6nt(o)ros 'other, second'; Skt. (SB)
dntaras 'other, different', Gmc. *dnparaz 'other, second' (Goth. anpar, ON
annarr, OHG andar, OSax. oaar, OE oaer).
Lith. nailjas 'new'. Loc. Sing. nduieme is evidence for 2 AP (noted once
in Dauksa, along with two occurrences of nauiame, cf. SK 149). From
PIE n6uios or neufos 'new'; Skt. (RV) ndvyas 'new', Gk. (Ion.) neios
from *ne!!ios.
Lith. desinas 'right'. Original barytone AP is indicated by the accentua-
tion of the derivative de Sine 'right hand' in the texts of Prussian Lithuania
(GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735, HAA, R LD). In modern dialects and in Std.
Lith. the accentuation ddine is secondary. From PIE deksinos 'right';
Skt. (RV) 'right; southern'.
Lith. sekmas 'seventh'. Original barytone AP is indicated by Loc. Sing.
sekmame, occurring twice in the 1735 Bible. From PIE septmos 'seventh';
Gk. hebdomos 'seventh' from *septmos with voicing and vowel insertion
(FRI 435).50
Lith. astras, OLith. 'sharp'. A barytone u-(t-stem astrus (a form which
replaced the original a-stem) is presupposed by the adverb dsstrey, in the
Ruhig dictionary (R DL 131b). The oxytone already occurs in Donelai-
tis; Inst. Plur. asstrdis (one occurrence, see SK 148); cf. the adverb
* astrei in Donelaitis (four occurrences, see ACD 117). From PIE dkros
'sharp'; Gk. dkros 'extreme, upper'.
On the other hand, it should be pointed out that, for example, Lith.
tidcias 'empty', which reflects PIE ox. tuskj6s (cf. Skt. (RV) tucchyds
'empty, insignificant'), occurs only with 4 AP forms in Dauksa (2 occur-
rences; see SK 149).
Lith. sventas 'holy' is an exception to the above accentual distribu-
tion. Barytone forms of this word occur in Dauksa (8 occurrences along
with 9 forms with mobile AP, see SK 150, 164, 175; in the Catechism of
1605 we have only Gen. Sing. sswint6s 20, 30, 33; see BYS 41, 45, 59).
The data from a number of editions from Prussian Lithuania have bary-
tone AP (cf. GB 1685: Nom. Sing. masc. sswentassis 1323, 872 (but GS
45
Nominals with Short Roots
1685: Dat. Sing. masc. sswentdm 11224 ; Donelaitis: Gen. Plur. * sventil,
Dat. Plur. fern. * svent6ms 2 X ' ACD 70); cf. HAA: sswentasis 237). The
symbol' in texts of this type regularly indicates acute diphthongs (cf. Sec-
tion 2), thus justifying a reconstruction of OLith. * sventas, I AP, as against
the modern sventas, 4 AP. The form with acute tone in the root may be
original, on a parallel with Skt. (RV) svantds 'friendly', where a recons-
truction with a long syllable in the root is admissible, in which case Lith.
* sventas falls in with other examples of retraction of accent to a long root
(see Section 31).
22. /-stems
Stems in + have been transferred into the mobile accentual type in most
of the dialects and in the standard language; in old texts and in anum-
ber of dialects, however, they retain the barytone AP or a mixed AP with
barytonesis in the oblique cases. Thus, the term for 'thistle', which
is 4 AP in the standard language, Nom. Sing. usnis, Gen. usnies, Dat.
usniai, ... , Plur. usnys, Gen. usn(i)fi, etc. (KT LD, KAM, LKR, DLK),
occurs in many Western Aukstaitis and Eastern Aukstaitis dialects with a
mixed AP, Nom. Sing. usnis, but Gen. Sing. usnies, Gen. usn(i)IJ (SK
118); according to Slapelis (S LL), in Eastern Aukstaitis dialects a com-
plete barytone AP occurs, Nom. Sing. usnis, Gen. usnies; the existence
of a barytone AP is supported also by the Dauksa material (2 occur-
rences of Gen. Plur. usni and I occurrence of vsnilj, SK 117). On the
basis of facts of this sort one can distinguish a number of original bary-
tone !-stem nouns in Lithuanian which reflect Proto-Indo-European bary-
tone forms.
Lith. pi/is (fern.) 'castle'. Barytone AP Nom. Sing. pi/is, Gen. pities occurs
in the Eastorn Aukstaitis dialect of Dusetos (BUG II 187). Mixed AP of
the type Nom. Sing. pi/is, Gen. pities occurs in certain dialects of the for-
mer Prussian Lithuania (KT WL I, NS
5
1). The word has become 4 AP
in other dialects and in the Standard language (KT GL 196, KT LD, S
LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE p( t)/His 'fortified place'; Gk. (Cypr.)
pt6/is (fern.) 'city, citadeJ'.52
Lith. ddimtis (fern.) 'ten'. Barytone AP deSimtis, Gen. deSimties occurs
in Prussian Lithuanian texts right down to the early nineteenth century
(KC, N 1701, R LD, R DL, M DL, PVG 487, 499). Mixed AP deSimtis,
Gen. deSimties was known (as archaic and dialectal) to Kurschat (cf. KT
46
Nominal Accentuation in Baltic
GL 262, KT LD 85; in his own speech he used only the indeclinable
desimt); it was retained until recent times in some dialects of Prussian
Lithuania K S ~ ) and in the neighboring western Aukstaitis area (LKK
III 152). Also, 's LR accepts the variant desimtis along with de8imtis. The
transition to mobile AP (de8imtis, Gen. desimties) can already be obser-
ved in Dauksa (4 occurrences; cf. SK 120), and is reflected in most of
the dialects and in Standard Lithuanian (GL 156, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR,
DLK). From PIE dekf[ltis 'ten'; cf. Gmc. *tehundiz, ON tzund (fern.) 'ten'.
Lith. pats 'self,' dial. 'husband' from *patis. Barytone AP of the pronoun
occurs in Dauksa (I occurrence, along with 13 occurrences with mobile
AP, cf. SK 191). The antiquity of the barytone AP is supported by the
accentuation of the compound viespatis 'lord' in Dauksa; there are 12
occurrences of barytone forms *viespiitis, Gen. viespiities (along with
forms which presuppose *vie8patis, vie8paties, 3 AP, and *viespatis,
viespaties, 1 AP; cf. SK 121); Gen. Sing wiesspdtes occurs also in the
Catechism of 1605 (p. 86) along with the more usual wiesspates (cf. BYS
77, 35,-40, etc.). The transfer of the word *patis into 4 AP was made at
an early date and is already reflected in Dauksa, in the Catechism of
1605 (see above) and in the 1737 Universitas (pp. 20, 21). From PIE p6tis
'husband, master'; Skt. (RV) pdtis (masc.) 'master, ruler, protector', Gk.
p6sis (masc.) 'husband'.
Lith. naktis (fern.) 'night'. Barytone AP or mixed AP occurred in the
dialects of Prussian Lithuania ( cf. N 1735: Gen. Sing. ndkties 203Al6).
Traces of this accentuation show up in the adverbial form naktije 'at
night' (originally Loc. Sing.), having barytone accentuation in Dauksa
(SK 117), in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735,
B 1755, R DL, ACD 60), and in many eastern Aukstaitis and Eastern
Lithuanian Dzuk dialects (SK 119, LM 420, 79, 286, TAU IV 545, LIT
368, 386, 387). The word naktis itself had already shifted to 4 AP in
Dauksa (SK 117); 4 AP is found in the Universitas, the Ruhig Gram-
mar, in Donelaitis, everywhere in the dialects, and in the standard language
(KT LD, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE n6ktis 'night'; Skt. (RV)
ndkas, Nom. Plur. 'nights'.53
Lith. avis 'sheep'. Barytone AP forms occur in Dauksa (2 occurrences of
Gen. Plur. dwiy, 7 occurrences with mobile AP, cf. SK 117). The gener-
alization of mobile AP can be noted as early as the Universitas (p. 13),
in the editions of Prussian Lithuania (KG 64, HAA 237, R AL 30, ACD
59), in the modern dialects, and in the standard language. From PIE 6yis
'sheep; ram'; Skt. (RV) avis (fern. and masc.) 'sheep; ram', Gk. (Hom.)
6is (fern. and masc.) 'sheep; ram'.
Lith. kirmis (fern.) 'worm, snake (in fairy tales)'. The mixed paradigm
kirmis, Gen. kifmies, indicative of an original barytone, is preserved in
dialects (LS II 127). The word has been transferred to 4 AP in the standard
language, but in most of the dialects we find secondary -e- or -ijo-stems
(kifme or kirme; kifmis, Gen. kifmio ). From PIE kfmis 'worm snake'
Skt. (A V) kfmis 'worm, grub.' . ' '
To this list can be added those old neuter s-stems which in Baltic were
shifted to the !-stem category and which retain traces of barytone accent
characteristic for forms in -s-.
Lith. debesis (fern.) 'cloud'. Barytone AP (debesis, Gen. debesies) occurs
in a number of Prussian Lithuanian texts (KG, GS 1685, GB 1685, N
1701, R LD); in the later editions there are attestations of mobile AP
(N 1735, B 1735, B 1755, ACD 60). This accentuation can be found in
the Southeast Zemaitis and in the western dialects of the Eastern Auk-
staitis area (KDA). Mobile AP (debesis, Gen. debesies) has been gener-
alized in most of the dialects (KSL) and in the standard language ( KT
GL 197, GL 106, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From Bait. *debesis
from PIE nebhos (neut.) 'cloud; sky' with a replacement of initial n- by d-;
Skt. (RV) ndbhas (neut.) 'fog; cloud; dampness', Gk. nephos(neut.)'cloud'.
On the other hand traces of barytone AP are not found in Lithuanian
words which reflect Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone
AP; cf. Lith. mintis 'mind; opinion; (dial.) puzzle' (the Catechism of
1605: Gen. Sing. minties 56, cf. BYS 61) and Skt. (RV) matis (fern.)
'thought, mind'. Comparisons with Lithuanian words which are not
attested in accented texts are less conclusive; cf. Lith. kinis 'lair', grand is
'chain link' (4 AP in both cases) and Skt. khanfs (fern.) 'mine', Skt.
granthis (fern.) 'knot'.
There is a possible exception to this description: Lith. dalis 'part',
originally barytone AP (KG: ddlis 64; the Gramota of 1793: Loc. Sing.
ddlije (cf. PVG 356) but mob. AP in Dauksa (cf. SK 117, likewise UNI
12, N 1735 212a) and Skt. dalis; however, the Sanskrit word is only
mentioned by lexicographers (cf. MAY II 24), so that data on its ac-
centuation are unreliable. Of the words which are reflexes of Proto-
Indo-European barytone forms, only Lithuanian Slaunis 'thigh' preserves
no trace of barytone accent (cf. Skt. (RV) sr6nis (fern.) 'thigh; loins');
in view of the absence of dialectal and textual attestation it is impossible
to decide whether we are dealing here with a Baltic accentual paradigm
which differs from Skt. or with a late generalization of mobile AP in
Lithuanian.
23. if-Stems
For it-stems, which are in Proto-Indo-European a kind of analog to /-
stems, it is apparently possible to assume an original preservation of
Proto-Indo-European barytone AP in Lithuanian. And in fact, in a
number of Lithuanian dialects, we can find the same process of gradual
elimination of barytone AP in it-stems as we found above for barytone
!-stems. Thus, corresponding to the variant virsus, Gen. virsaiis 'top' (4
AP) in the standard language and in most of the dialects (this accentua-
tion already occurs in Dauksa; cf. SK 124), the mixed AP virfus, Gen.
vifsaus (cf. usnis, Gen. usnies) is attested in the dialects of the former
Prussian Lithuania and in neighboring western Aukstaitis dialects (JUR
59, DOR 38-39, SCH 129, 182, 203, 236 and 240, LES 165, KSL, ACD
61, KT WL I 154a). It can also be pointed out that in a number of
Zemaitis and eastern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects (cf. OTR I 257) the bary-
tone paradigm is preserved in it-stem adjectives.
At the same time the very few exact Proto-Indo-European correspond-
ences with Lithuanian it-stems do not provide sufficient reliable data to
confirm the extremely likely formula "Lithuanian barytone Proto-Indo-
European barytone." Thus, the accentuation of Lith. (archaic, dial.)
pekus 'cattle' (2 AP, occuring 4 times in Dauksa and also in the Southern
Dzuk dialect of the Zaseciai region; cf. SK 124, BUG II 223, SK LK
54, NS) corresponds to the barytone accent of Skt. (RV) pdsu (neut.)
'cattle',
54
Gmc. *jehu (neut.) 'cattle; money', Goth.faihu, ON .fe, OHG
fihu, OSax . .fehu, OE .feo; however, Lith. -k- instead of the regulars
from k requires that we consider the possibility of a borrowing into
Baltic from some centum language. On the other hand, the accentuation
of Lith. medus 'honey' (mobile AP in Dauksa and in the Prussian Lith-
uanian texts; see SK 124, GS 1685 327 6, GB I 685 I 16, N I 735 3 b, B
1735 310a, 802b, HAA 60, R AL 84, OST 25, PVG 289, NES 390) does
not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. (R V) mddhu 'sweet drink,
honey', Gk. mhhu 'wine, beer'. The lack of correspondence between
Lith. bebrus 'beaver'
55
and Skt. (RV) babhrus 'reddish brown, brown
can be explained, since in the first case we have a noun and in the second
an adjective.
24. Consonant Stems
Data from Lithuanian dialects and accented texts provide evidence for
the retention of the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual
paradigms in this category of stems. Proto-Indo-European barytone
forms leave traces of barytone AP in Lithuanian, in spite of the fact
that the tendency toward generalization of mobile AP is extremely strong
in consonant stems.
Lith. akmuo 'stone'. Barytone AP (iikmuo, Gen. iikmenes) occurs in
some dialects and old texts (SK 127, UNI, GS 1685, N I 701 and I 735,
B I 735, R AL 35, OST). Mobile AP (akmuo, Gen. akmenes, akmefzs)
has been generalized in most of the dialects and in the standard lan-
guage (BUG II 662, LIT 357, 373, SK 128, S LR, S LL, KSL; for Std.
Lith. see KT GL 205, GL 107, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE
akmon 'stone'; Skt. (RV) dsma (masc.) 'rock; stone hammer; anvil',
Gk. dkmon (masc.) 'anvil'.
Lith. sesuo 'sister'. Barytone AP occurs in Universitas 1737 (sesuo, Gen.
seseries I I). Original barytone AP underlies the mixed AP Nom. sesou,
Gen. seseres, which occurs in the eastern Lithuanian Dzuk dialect of the
region Kacergiske (Nom. seso from *sesuo, Gen. seseres; cf. KDA) and is
apparently reflected in the Ruhig Grammar: Sessu, Gen. Sesseries (35);
the latter form apparently represents * Seseries with a geminate -s- on
analogy with the Nominative Singular. A trace of barytone AP can also
be seen in the secondary e-stern sese, Gen. seses, which is known in the
western Aukstaitis dialects (MADA 2 (7), 169, GER 89) and in the
standard language (KT GL 207, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK); from sesuo,
sesefs we would expect *sese. The shift of the word sesuo into the mobile
AP can already be seen in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (N I 735, B
1735, B 1755) and it is reflected in modern dialects and in the standard
language. From PIE *syesor 'sister'; Skt. (R V) svdsii 'sister', Gk.
(Hesychius) eor thugdter anepsi6s 'daughter, female relative'56 (cf. HAL
II 131).
On the other hand, Lith. dukte 'daughter', which goes back to a Proto-
Indo-European oxytone form (cf. Skt. [RV] duhitli 'daughter', Gk. Gen.
Sing. thugatr6s
57
), shows no trace at all of barytone accent (4 AP occurs
in Donelaitis; cf. ACD 64). Early generalization of mobile AP in
consonant stems in Lithuanian accounts for the lack of accentual
correspondence in the following cases: Lith. melmuo 'sacrum' (more
frequently Plur. melmenys 'flesh surrounding the kidneys' with shift to
the i-stem category), 3 AP, and Skt. (RV) mdrma (neut.) 'unprotected
tender part of the body'; Lith. sraumuo, dial. sriaumuo 'deep swift stream',
3 AP, Gk. hrefima (neut.) 'stream, river'.
58
25. E-Stems
In this relic category (-e from eH; cf. Skt. pdnthiis, Gen. pathds from
*ponteH, Gen. piJtHes) one can find reflexes in Lithuanian of Proto-Indo-
European barytone forms.
Lith. mente 'mixer, stirrer; shovel, short oar; both 2 AP and 4 AP occur
in the dialects and are in variation in the standard language (LKK III
85, 162, SEN 89, GER 85; KT LD, KAM, NS, KT WL II 172a, S LL,
LKR, DLK). From PIE mente from *menteH 'mixer'; Skt. mdnthii,
Inst. mathfi from *menteH, Gen. m1;,1tHes; in Lithuanian the barytone
cases with full grade vocalism of the root have been generalized.
Lith. siike, usually Plur. siikes 'pitchfork' 2 AP (B 1735, R LD, ACD 51,
NES LKK III 185; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 186, GL 103, S LL, JAB
I 75: KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE k6ke from *k6keH 'bent branch';
Skt. (RV) sakha 'branch' from *k6keH with -kh- from the oblique case
forms.
Nominals
with
Long Roots
26. The Reflex of the East Baltic System of Accentual Paradigms in
Latvian
Nominals with long roots in Lithuanian have barytone or mobile AP;
in this group of nominals the Fortunatov-De Saussure accent shift did
not take place, so that the original character of the accentual curve of
both paradigms is preserved here.
For nominals with long roots our information on the accentual para-
digm of a word is not limited, however, to Lithuanian material. Ex-
tremely important evidence in this regard can be obtained from the tonal
characteristics of the initial syllable of the corresponding word in Lat-
vian. As early as 1899 J. Endzelin showed that the most archaic Latvian
accentual system, comparable to Lithuanian, is preserved in two uncon-
nected areas: a large region in the northeastern part of the central
Latvian dialect area (Vidzeme, the regions of Cesis, Valmiera, Sigulda,
Valka) and a smaller region on the border area of the Kurzeme and
central Latvian dialect (the border of Kurzeme and Zemgale, the
Blidiena region).
59
These two groups of dialects distinguish three tones
{- in initial syllable, originally long syllables having sustained - or broken
tone, and originally short syllables (with the structure "short vowel +
sonant") having, as a rule falling tone '. This system existed at one time
in all Latvian dialects. Later, in the dialects of western Latvia, the
falling tone 'merged with the broken In the eastern Latvian
dialects the sustained tone- "merged with the falling tone'. As Endzelin
showed (END 40), traces of the original distinction of three tones is
still preserved in certain western Latvian dialects where the sequences ar,
er with original falling and sustained tones are treated differently (*ar
to iir, but *af to af).
Endzelin established that in Latvian dialects with 3 tones, nominatives
and verbs with sustained tone - on the initial syllable regularly corres-
pond to Lithuanian nominals and verbs with long roots and barytone AP,
while nominatives and verbs with broken tone on the initial syllable
correspond to Lithuanian nominatives and verbs with long roots and
mobile AP. The broken tone (perhaps originally a rising tone) developed,
according to Endzelin, when the accent was retracted to a long syllable
in originally oxytone forms within the mobile AP; when the original
position of the accent was retained in Latvian, the sustained tone de-
veloped. Thus, in nouns with long roots and mobile AP there originally
must have been forms with both tones-sustained and broken; sub-
sequently, the broken tone was generalized throughout the whole para-
digm; in nouns with long roots and barytone AP, naturally, only the
sustained tone developed.
Criticism of Endzelin's theory has not been fruitful. The basic objec-
tion, voiced by Kurylowicz (KCZ 342), was that Endzelin, in positing a
special third tone upon retraction of accent only on the originally acute
syllable, assumed the existence of latent tones in unaccented syllables.
Kurylowicz was apparently not acquainted with the data from certain
northwestern Zemaitis dialects that have an opposition of two tones in
originally acute syllables (tones which arose as a result of accent re-
traction and tones on old accented syllables) and retain one tone in
initial - syllablesso; this sort of distribution, one which corresponds
completely to the distribution proposed by Endzelin for Latvian, refutes
the objection of Kurylowicz ipso facto. To explain the above-men-
tioned accentual systems, it is sufficient to posit length distinctions in
unaccented syllables having different origins without resorting to the
notion of "latent tones."
61
The process of accent retraction to the initial syllable in Latvian took
place at an early date; it is a proto-Latvian process, which embraced all
of the dialects. Consequently, the tone contrast of- and in initial sylla-
bles in Latvian reflects an older distribution of nominals by accent class
than does modern Lithuanian where, as we have seen, the analogical
53
Nominals with Long Roots
processes of merging the accentual paradigms have proceeded apace.
In Latvian, for example, we find reflexes of the contrast between bary-
tone AP and mobile AP in a-stem adjectives, which has been lost in all
of the Lithuanian dialects and is partially retained only in certain old
Lithuanian texts. Therefore, evidence from Latvian is decisive in filling
out sets of correspondences for nominatives with long roots.
27. East Baltic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European
Barytone Forms
Proto-Indo-European barytone forms, as a rule, retain barytone AP in
East Baltic; in Latvian these nominals have sustained tone- on the
initial syllable, and in Lithuanian (at least in some of the dialects) bary-
tone AP occurs.
Latv. vilna 'wool.'
62
Lith. vilna 'wool' 1 AP (KT LD, GL 79, S LL,
KAM LKR, DLK). from PIE yfna 'wool'; Skt. (RV) iln;a 'wool'.
Latv. ieva 'bird-cherry, Prunus pad us'. Lith. ieva 'bird-cherry'; the
dialects vary among I, 2, and 4 AP, the last occurring in the standard
language (LM 328, LKK III 162, KSL, KT GL 178, GL 92, LS, S LR,
KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). I AP must be considered the original
accentuation in Lithuanian. The transfer of this word into 2 AP be-
comes understandable if one takes into account the fact that an original
*ieva in most of the dialects should have given *jeva (from *jieva). This
form (jeva, Gen. jevos, I AP) is attested in the eastern Aukstaitis region
of Utena. In some of the dialects the form *jeva could have arisen before
the lengthening of short accented e, a.
Following the lengthening process the paradigm Gen. jevos (from
"'jeva, jevos) was, of course, transformed into an ordinary 2 AP (}eva,
Gen. jevos). The dialectal shift of this word into 4 AP took place later,
following the general tendency toward generalization of mobile AP.
From PIE oiya or 'tree with thin branches'; Gk. (Theophrastus) 6a,
(Ionic) 6e, or 6ie 'mountain ash' from *oiya.
Latv._i?ga 'thought, mind; wit'. In Lithuanian only the secondary ac-
centuation, 4 AP, occurs: jega 'strength, force' (KSL, LS, S LR, NS,
KAM, LKR, DLK).
From PIE 'maturity, the flourishing of powers'; Gk. Mbe 'youth-
ful power, youth'.
Lith. pieva 'meadow' 1 AP (ACD 40, LKK III 120, LKK II 222; for
Std. Lith. see KT GL 180, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, BUT, NS,
LKR, DLK). From PIE pBiya 'flood plain'; Gk. (Attic) p6a, (Epic)
pore, (Doric) poia 'meadow, pasture; grass' from *pBiya.
Latv. siirms 'alkali'. Lith. Sdrmas 'alkali'; only the secondary 3 AP is
attested in the dialects (KSL) and the standard language (S LL, LKR,
D LK). From PIE k6ramos 'type of clay; alkali'; Gk. keramos 'potter's
clay' from *keramos.
Lith. (dial.)jdzljas 'barn, granary' 1 AP (LM 384, KSL, DOR CXCII,
S LL, NS). From PIE [6uH(i)[os 'storage for grain'; Skt. (RV) ydvyas
'fruit supply'.
Lith. (dial.) gU/tas 'resting place for animals' 1 AP (LK III 717, NS);
the variant gultas recorded by Slapelis (S LR) is apparently secondary.
From PIE gultos 'place for animals to lie down' ;
63
Gmc. *kUlpaz,
OSwed. kolder, Swed. kull (masc.) 'the young from one litter, brood'
from ON *kollr (cf. WAL I 639, FAL I 532).
Latv. veids 'form, external appearance'. Lith. veidas 'face', Plur. veidai
'cheeks'; 1 AP occurs in old texts (SK 40, GB 1685, N 1701, N 1735)
and in some dialects (SK 40); this word has been shifted to 3 AP in
most of the dialects (with a variant in 4 AP also recorded) and in the
standard language (KT GL 154, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE
with secondary lengthening in the root6
4
from *yeidos (neut.)
'appearance; knowledge'; Skt. (RV) vedas (neut.) 'knowledge', Gk.
eidos (neut.) 'appearance'.
Lith. pirmas 'first.' I AP occurs in Dauksa (9 occurrences, along with
14 forms with 3 AP; cf. pirmiausis 2 x along with *pirmybe 1 x, cf.
SK 183, 170, 175). This accentuation is also indicated by the derivative
pirmininkas 'first in a row of reapers' recorded from western Aukstaitis
dialects (SK LK 141). The Latvian data are contradictory. The original
accentuation is reflected in Latv. (west.) pifmais 'first'; the reasons for
the appearance of other variants are not clear: Latv. (central) pirmais
(also Latv. (west,) pifmais, probably from *pirmais) and Latv. (east.)
pifmais. From PIE pfmos 'fore, first'; Skt. (R V) pur vas 'fore, former'
from *pfyos. 65
Latv. melns 'black'. From PIE melanos 'black'; Gk. *melanos, presumed
by me/as 'black' (apparently reformed on the fern. melaina; cf. BQ 622,
I
55
WAL II 293); Skt. malinds 'black' (with oxytonesis apparently taken
over from the fern. malini.)
Lith. 'crooked, crippled'. 1 AP occurs in Dauksa (6 x with 1
form having 3 AP, cf. SK 142, 164). From PIE yrBikos with secondary
lengthening (cf. the Lith. variant raiSas) from *ur6ikos 'curved defec-
tive'; Gmc. *v.wdihaz, Swed. (dial.) vra 'unfriendly, gloomy', wrah
'stubborn'; Gk. hroik6s 'crooked' reflects the oxytone variant *yroik6s.
Lith. antis 'duck' 1 AP (R LD, DOR CCXIV, KT GL 196, S LR,
KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE dnatis 'duck'; Gmc. dnuiliz, OE
ened 'duck'. 66
Lith. stomuo and stuomuo (with a secondary and puzzling -uo-; cf. FRA
II 933-934) 'stature, figure'. 1 AP occurs in the Mielcke dictionary (M
DL: St6mu 36) and in the eastern Aukstaitis dialect of the Pusalotas
region (KSL). In most of the dialects and in the standard language
(KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK) the word has taken on mobile AP.
From PIE stlimon 'base, support'; Gk. 'weaver's base' from
*stlimon, Skt. (RV) sthlima (neut.) 'place' from *stlim1,;1.
To this list can be added a case where a Proto-Indo-European bary-
tone form with long root has preserved barytone accent in Baltic
(judging from Lithuanian data), but which has, for unknown reasons,
circumflex tone in the root instead of the expected acute.
Lith. dirva 'grain field, arable land'. 2 AP occurs in Dauksa (7 x along
with I form having 4 AP; cf. SK 85) and in Donelaitis (I x ; cf. ACD
41). Variants with 2 and 4 AP are known in the dialects, 2 AP being
predominant in the Zemaitis dialects, the border eastern Aukstaitis
dialects, and parts of the western Aukstaitis dialect areas (SK 88, KSL).
There is variation between 2 AP (KT GL 130, LS, S LR, NS) and 4
AP in the standard language (KT LD, KT GL 177, KAM, BUT, LKR,
DLK).
From PIE dfiJii 'plowed field; grain growing in fields'; Skt. (RV)
durva 'a type of millet'.
28. The Double Reflex in Baltic of Proto-Indo-European Forms with
Long Roots Having Mobile-Oxytone AP
Judging by the correlations which obtained in nominals with short
roots, we would expect that Proto-Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP
forms with long roots would show up in Baltic as nominals with mobile
AP. In actuality, however, we find here, along with a small group of
words with mobile AP, a significant number of forms with barytone
AP. This second category of words requires a special explanation, since
the quantity of nominals in it excludes the possibility that they may be
accidental exceptions with respect to accentuation. The reasons for this
double reflex can be presented only after an analysis of the nominals
which comprise the two categories mentioned above.
29. East Baltic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
Evidence from Latvian is particularly significant in assigning a word to
this set, as the Lithuanian dialects in which original barytone forms have
been well preserved have quite a few cases of secondary shift of bary-
tone to the mobile AP (cf. Section 33).
Latv. (dial.) lauzs 'place in the forest with fallen trees'. Lith. lduzas
'fallen trees; pile of branches; campfire' 3 AP (S LL
67
, KAM, NS, LKR
OLK). From PIE louag6s 'something broken, smashed to pieces'; Skt.
(RV) logds 'clump of earth' from *lojds on analogy with roots showing
the alternation g: j ( cf. FRA 34 7).
Latv. (E.) p ~ s 'footprint'. Lith. pkdas 'track' 3 AP (KSL, LM 111, OTR
I 216; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 154, GL 85, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR,
OLK); only in the north central Aukstaitis dialect of the Dovydai re-
gion has a secondary I AP variant been recorded (SK 39). From PIE
ped6m 'step; blade'; Gk.ped6n 'oar blade'. Evidence for original neuter
in Baltic: OPrus. Pedan 'plow-share' (EV 245).
Latv. jugs 'yoke'. Lith. jungas 'yoke'; 3 AP occurs in Dauksa (SK 33)
and in the dialects (SK 39, KSL) along with variants with I and 2 AP.
A similar variation is present in the standard language (3 AP and I AP;
LS, S LR, S LL, NS, KAM, LKR, OLK). From Baltic *jungd (neut.)
with secondary infixation under the influence of the verb from the same
root; cf. Lith. jimgti 'to join' from PIE iug6m 'yoke'; Skt. (R V) yugdm
'yoke; ox harness', Gk. zug6n 'yoke; beam, crosspiece'.
68
Latv. tievs 'thin'69 from PIE ten:Jy6s 'stretched, thin, long'; Gk. tana6s
'long, high', possibly from tenaw6s with assimilation (cf. WAL 1 724).
Latv. viens 'one; only'. Lith. J'ienas 'one'; 3 AP occurs in the Catechism
57 Nominals with Long Roots
of 1605 (Oat. Sing. masc. wiendm 29, Nom. Sing. fern. wiend 30, cf. BYS
44, 45) and in the Ruhig Grammar (RAL: Oat. Sing. wiendm 52). In
Oauksa a variant with 3 AP is recorded along with a variant having 1
AP (38 occurrences of forms with 3 AP, 35 with I AP; cf. the derivatives
*vienumas 2 x, *vienybe 6 x, *vienjiste 2 x along with *vienumas I x,
*vienybe 5 x ; cf. SK 182, 58, 114). It can be assumed that barytone
forms existed in Oauksa's time in certain Zemaitis dialects; the introduc-
tion of this accentuation must be considered a secondary phenomenon
(cf. the variants jungas and pkdas with I AP). From PIE oin6s or oi:Jn6s
'one'; Gk. oin6s 'unit (on dice)'. 70
30. East Baltic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European
Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP
Cases of correspondence between Baltic nominals with barytone AP and
oxytone forms in other Indo-European languages attracted scholarly
attention a long time ago. A number of such correspondences were noticed
for the first time in 1895 by H. Hirt, who used only Lithuanian data (H
IA 94).
71
Subsequently, most scholarly efforts were directed not so much
toward increasing the amount of factual material for the correspond-
ence, but rather toward the explanation of the few examples current in
the literature; it may therefore be of some use to present a fuller list of
data for this correspondence.
Latv. duona 'hunk of bread'. Lith. duona 'bread' I AP (ACO 44, OOR
CCXVII; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 179, GL 90, JAB I 75, S LR, KAM,
NS, LKR, OLK).
72
From Bait. *dbna, bar. AP, but also PIE dhonb.
'cereal grain; bread'; Skt. (RV) dhanb.s (Plur.) 'grain'.
Latv. griva 'river mouth' from *griva, bar. AP from PIE grivb. 'neck';
Skt. (RV) grivb. 'nape of the neck'.
Latv. (Central) krauka, Latv. (W.) kraukas (Plur.), Latv. (E.) kraukas
(from *kraukas) 'phlegm' from Baltic *kraukii, bar. AP from PIE
kraukli 'moist discharge'; Gmc. *hro3i5, OE hrog (fern.) 'snivel' from
*kraukli, with loss of the second element of the long diphthong.
Latv. (W.) sniite, Latv. (E.) snate from *sniite 'linen shawl, cape' from
Baltic * snb.tiiii, bar. AP (possibly a secondary formation of an a-stem
*snlita) from PIE snatb. 'strip of cloth'; Gmc. *snoilb, OE snod (fern.)
'ribbon'.
Latv. virs 'man, husband; peasant'. Lith. vyras 'man, husband' 1 AP (SK
157, 171; N 1701, ACD 14, LKK III 122, 181 and 203; for Std. Lith.
see KT GL 155, GL 81, S LL, JAB I 173, KAM, BUT, LKR, DLK).
From Bait. *vfras, bar. AP from PIE yzr6s 'man, husband'; Skt. (RV)
vzrds 'man, hero'.
Latv. diimi (Plur.) 'smoke'. Lith. dilmai (Plur.) 'smoke' 1 AP (Gramota
1750 and 1755, PVG 200, 315, M LD, NES, LK I 585, LIT II 397; for
Std. Lith. see KT GL 154, GL 84, S LR, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK).
From Baltic *dilmai, bar. AP from PIE dhiim6s 'smoke'; Skt. (RV)
dhiimds 'smoke', Gk. thiim6s 'passionate desire; life force'. Evidence for
original masculine in Baltic: OPrus. Dumis 'smoke' (EV 39).
Latv. kaiils 'bone'. Lith. kdulas 'bone, stalk; staff'; 1 AP is attested in
old texts (GS 1685, GB 1685, N 1701, R LD, R DL, ACD 14, PVG 607,
SK 160), in most of the dialects, and in the standard language (see KT
GL 155, GL 84, LS, S LL, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK), with 3 AP
only in the southeastern border Dzuk dialects (Armoniskes, Dieveniskes,
Lazunai, SvenCioneliai) western Aukstaitis coastal dialects (Gilija) and
southeastern Zemaitis (Kelme) (cf. KSL, AR 30, KIN 491, GER 28, SK
18). From Baltic *kfiula (neut.) bar. AP from PIE kiiul6s 'core, stalk;
bone'; Gk. kaul6s 'stalk, core, staff'. Evidence for neuter in Baltic:
OPrus. Caulan (EV 155) 'leg'.
Latv. tilts 'bridge'. Lith. tiltas 'bridge'; 1 AP and 3 AP occur in the
dialects (see KSL, LKK III 164), 1 AP being characteristic of the
standard language (KT GL 155, GL 85, S LL, KAM, BUT, LKR, DLK).
From Baltic *ttlta (neut.) bar. AP from PIE t[tH6m 'plank flooring';
Skt. (RV) t!rthdm 'road to a watering place, ford'. Evidence for original
neuter in Baltic: Finn. silta 'bridge' with final -a-.
73
Latv. pilns 'full'. Lith. pilnas 'full'; traces of the original barytone accent
can still be found in Donelaitis (2 x ; cf. ACD 71) and in Dauksa (pilna-
sis 2 x, the derivative *pilnumas 2 x ), although mobile AP predomi-
nates in Dauksa (11 x; also *pilnidusias 1 x, pilnumas 7 x; cf. SK 164,
57, I 50, 17 5, 171); the shift to 3 AP is attested in the Catechism of 1605
(Nom. Sing. fern. pilna 2 x 47, 48; cf. BYS 55, 56). From Baltic *ptlnas,
bar. AP from PIE p[n6s 'full'; Skt. (RV) piinJds 'full'.
Latv. ilgs 'long'. Lith. ilgas 'long'; the accentuation of the adverb ilgai
in the Prusso-Lithuanian region of Kurschen points to an original I AP
(SCH 142) as well as the toponym ilginykai in the southern Lithuanian
59
Dzuk region of Merkine (SK LK 148). This word has been transferred
to 3 AP in Dauksa (the adverb *ilgai 6 x, the derivative *ilgumas 1 x ;
cf. SK 174, 62) and in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (N I 701: Dat.
Sing. ilgdm 34Ib27; R DL: Ilgas, -ga 47b; Donelaitis 2 x ; cf. ACD 71).
From Baltic *tlgas, bar. AP from PIE dJglz6s 'long'; Skt. (RV) dzrghds
'long'.
Latv. iitrs 'quick; sharp, hot; sudden, steep'. From Baltic *iltras, bar.
AP from *etr6s;
74
cf. Gmc. *:iHlrdz, OHG atar 'quick'.
Latv. (W.) jilts (!-stem) 'fork in the road; tendon at bone joints' (MU
EB I 570).
75
From Bait. *jilt is, bar. AP from PIE *iiitis 'connection
joining'; Skt. (Piil)ini) yiitis 'joining, unification' (BC>H R VI 178). '
Latv. znuots 'son-in-law', an o-stem which apparently goes back to an
!-stem; cf. Latv. (W.) znuotis 'son-in-law' (ijo-stem); evidence for the
existence of an !-stem in EBalt. can be found in Finn. nuode 'sister's
husband' (KAL 142). From Bait. *zniltis, bar. AP from PIE gnotis; Skt.
(RV)jiiiitis (masc.) 'close (blood) relative'.76
Lith. (dial.) uosis (!-stem) 'ash-tree' 1 AP occurs in eastern Aukstaitis
dialects (Gelvonai, Anyksciai; cf. LKK III 53, LM 457, BAR 6);
this accentuation is also given in KT GL 197.77 From Bait. *ilsis, bar.
AP from PIE osis 'ash-tree'; Gk. akherois (id-stem from an !-stem),
fern., 'silver poplar, Populus alba' from *-osis. 78
Lith. siinus 'son'. Barytone AP is attested in Old Lithuanian texts (SK
124 and 158, Catechism of 1605, BYS 85, 32, 88, 58, B 1755; for mobile
or mixed AP seeR LD, NES); 3 AP occurs in the modern dialects and
in the standard language. From Bait. *silnus, bar. AP from PIE siinus
'son'; Skt. (RV) siinus 'son'.
Latv. vejs 'wind'. Lith. vJjas 'wind'; I AP (SK 75, ACD 30; for dialect
and Std. Lith. see KT GL 155, GL 85, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, LKR,
DLK). There are traces of the original it-stem in Lithuanian; cf. dialect
forms Lac. Sing; vkjuje, Voc. Sing. vkjau (see MADA 9(2), 163; LKK
II 22). From Baltic v ~ j u s , bar. AP from PIE yejus 'wind'; Skt. (R V)
vayus 'wind, the god of wind'.
Lith. piemuo 'herdsman'; 1 AP occurs in Dauksa (4 x along with 15
forms having 3 AP; cf. SK 128). The transition to 3 AP is recorded in
UNI (Gen. Sing. piemenies 10 = *piemenies from *piemenes), in Done-
laitis (I x ; cf. ACD 64), and in Nesselmann's dictionary (NES: Gen.
60 Nominal Accentuation in Baliic
Sing. Pemenes 283); 3 AP predominates in the dialects (LM 348, 359)
and in the standard language (KT GL 207, GL 78, S LL, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK). From Bait. *p6imo(n) or bar. AP, and also PIE
'shepherd'; Gk. 'shepherd' from (cf. pail 'herd)'.
Latv. (W.) liemenis, Latv. (E.) liemenis from *liemenis 'swampy lowland';
the Latvian forms (iio-stem) are apparently reformed from a stem in
-man/men- *liemuo. From Bait. bar. AP, and also PIE leim6n
'damp place'; Gk. /eim6n 'damp meadow'.
Latv. mate 'mother'. Lith. (archaic, dial.) mote 'wife'; 1 AP in Old Lith-
uanian texts (SK 127, Catechism of 1605, BYS 79, 70 and 56, N 1701,
B 1735 and 1755, R LD, ACD 64; NS, DLK); this item has shifted to 3
AP (mote) in eastern Dzuk dialects (OTR I 249, KIN 140, KSL) and in
western Aukstaitis dialects (MADA 2(7), 170; KT GL 210).
79
From
Bait. *ml.i.te, bar. AP from PIE 'mother'; Skt. (R V) matl.i. 'mother',
Gk. Gen. Sing. metros (in the Nom. Sing. 'mother' bar. accent
is secondary), Gmc. *motler 'mother', OHG muoter, OSax. modar,
OFris. moder, OE modor.
Latv. dieveris (ifo-stem) 'brother-in-law'. Lith. dieveris (i-stem) 'brother-
in-law' 1 AP (KSL, LKR) and 3 AP (including the standard language;
see KT LD, S LR, KAM, FUL, NS, LKR). The Latvian and Lithuani-
an forms are re-formed from original r-stem (cf. Gen. Sing. dievefs along
with dieveries in KT LD 87). From Bait. dl.i.ive, bar. AP from PIE
'brother-in-law'; Skt. (RV) devl.i. '(younger) brother of the husband', Gk.
'brother-in-law' from (cf. SZW I 266).
Lith. menuo, Gen. menesio (i[o-stem in oblique cases) 'month' 1 AP (in-
cluding the standard language; see SK 125, R LD, DOR CCXXIV; KT
GL 205, GL 78, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) and 3 AP only in some
western Aukstaitis dixlects of the former Prussian Lithuania (DOR
CCXXIV, MADA 7(2), 169). Latv. meness 'month' (i-stem) reflects
generalization of the oblique stem in the nominative singular. The original
Baltic paradigm can be reconstructed as follows: Nom. Sing. *meno,
Gen. Sing. *meneses (es-stem in the oblique cases). From Bait.
bar. AP from PIE menbt 'month'; Gmc. 'month' with
generalization of the nominative singular formant in the paradigm, Goth.
menops, Dat. Plur. menopum, OHG mtinod, OFris. monath, OE monap.
The following two examples illustrate original barytone accent with a
change of tone in the root.
Lith. purai 'winter grain crops'. This word, which is known only in the
Zemaitis dialects, occurs with both 2 AP (NES 298, KSL, GL 84) and 4
AP; the standard language has 4 AP (S LL, LKR, DLK, KAM). Latv.
pilri (ito-stem) 'winter crops' indicates the original intonation of the root.
From Bait. *ptlrai, bar. AP from PIE pur6s 'cereal'; Gk. pur6s 'wheat'.
Lith. korys, OLith. koris 'honeycomb' 2 AP in old texts (UNI; IF VII,
3-4, p. 242; R DL; MDL; NES), 4 AP in the dialects (KSL) and in
the standard language (KT GL 162, GL 98, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
From PIE kl.i.rifom 'honeycombs'; Gk. kerion 'honeycombs, wax' from
keri6nB
0
with stress retraction by Wheeler's Law.
81
31. Accent Retraction to Long Syllable ("Hirt's Rule")
The large quantity of reliable correspondences of the type "Baltic long
root barytone Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP" makes the posi-
tion of investigators who accept no regularity here very tenuous. This is
obviously not merely a case of isolated examples to be explained by var-
iation in the position of stress in different Indo-European languages, as
claimed by Meillet,B2 van Wijk (WIJK 60), and Torbiornsson (TOR 52).
What we have here is a definite contradiction between the Baltic dis-
tribution of nominals with long roots and the corresponding data of
Sanskrit, Greek, and the Germanic languages. Since no such contradic-
tion is found in nominals with short roots, it is apparently necessary to
propose some kind of accentual innovation with respect to the structure
of the root syllable in one of the opposing language groups. The deci-
sion as to which language group the innovation can be proposed for can
be made only after investigating the distribution of nominals with differ-
ing root structures in the various accentual classes.
Hirt made an attempt to explain this contradiction in 1895. Taking as
his point of departure the view that the aggregate evidence from San-
skrit, Greek, and Germanic is sufficient for a reconstruction of the posi-
tion of accent in Proto-Indo-European, Hirt proposed that in Baltic, if
there was a long vowel in the root syllable (H lA 58), then a process of
accent retraction from the final syllable to the root syllable took place;
thus, a number of Proto-Indo-European oxytone forms were shifted to
the barytone accentual class in Baltic. In Hirt's opinion, original oxytone
nominals which show up in Baltic as mobile AP regularly contain a
sequence of short diphthong plus" primum in the root; these se-
quences were still bisyllabic in the period of accent retraction: the trans-
formation of -erat- into -ert-. took place when the process of accent
retraction to long vowel had ceased to be operative. This resulted in a
class of nominals with long roots and mobile AP.ss
The minimal number of reliable correspondences which Hirt had at
his disposal was to a great extent responsible for the subsequent fate of
this idea. The paucity of factual material always lent weight to objec-
tions of the sort raised by van Wijk, who maintained that the actual
distribution of nominals between the barytone and mobile accentual
classes does not correspond at all to their distribution with respect to
the opposition "long vowel root versus root with short diphthong + a"
(WIJK 56). This sort of reasoning finally forced Hirt himself to abandon
his original formulation in favor of a less precise but equally inconclu-
sive hypothesis: after the Baltic accent retraction to an acute root syl-
lable of any origin, some of the nominals with long roots re-entered the
oxytone (i.e., mobile) accentual class, on the pattern of the distribution
of short root nominals into two accentual classes (HI 172). This expla-
nation is in fact similar to the one proposed by Kurylowicz, who as-
sumes a coalescence of Proto-Indo-European barytone and oxytone
nominals with long roots as Baltic (Balto-Slavic) barytone forms and a
secondary introduction of oxytone accent in derived (Balto-Slavic) nom-
inals (KCZ 200, 341). Both Hirt's later view and the construct set up by
Kurylowicz virtually preclude the possibility of a rational answer to the
question of why certain Proto-Indo-European forms with long roots
have shifted into the mobile (oxytone) accentual class (for example, Latv.
tievs), while others retain barytone accent (for example, Latv. pilns).
Bonfante attempted to rehabilitate Hirt's earlier conception. On the
basis of extensive new material he tried to show that nominals having
mobile AP in Baltic have a sequence of short diphthong + a
84
or a long
apophonic vowel8
5
in the root syllable. Thus, according to Bonfante,
accent retraction took place only if the root contained a long non-
apophonic vowel (going back to a sequence of short vowel + laryn-
geal). Unfortunately, the correspondences supporting this idea were
not always satisfactory: his criterion for inclusion in correspondences
was that the words have a common root; but, as I have stated above
[in the Introduction], the only evidence that can be considered con-
clusive must come from the comparison of completely identical forma-
tions.
The data that I have presented above on the basis of a more strict
comparison make it possible to check the Hirt-Bonfante hypothesis to a
63
certain extent. Apparently, it can be asserted that the actual distribution
of Baltic nouns corresponding to oxytone forms in other Indo-European
languages with respect to accentual classes does not contradict this
hypothesis. Indeed, all nominals with barytone AP in Baltic for which,
according to Hirt and Bonfante, one must assume accent retraction to
the root syllable have a long nonapophonic vowel, a long resonant, or
a long diphthong (i.e., a sequence of long non-apophonic vowel + re-
sonant) in the root. The following Baltic items have nonapophonic long
vowels in the root: *di3na, *sntitifii, *i'itras, *zni3tis (or *zni3tas), *i3sis,
*v'kjus, *mtite, *m'kno;
86
the following Baltic items have long syllabic
resonants (from sequences of short syllabic resonant and laryngeal) in
the root:" *griva: *viras, d t i m ~ i , *paras, *tilta (from *tftom), *pilnas
(from *p{nos), *llgas (from *d{ghos), *jtltis, *stinus; the following Baltic
items have long diphthongs in the root: *krtiukii, *ktiula, *p'kimo (from
*pi3imo), *l'kimo, *dtiiue.
87
On the other hand, nouns with mobile AP
r:veal sequences of short diphthong + a in the root: *louagos (cf. Lith.
luzti 'break' from *lug- from *luHg-), *tenauos (cf. Gk. *tenawos, Lith.
tinti 'slow' from *ti;'i- from *t1)H-), and possibly *iunagom (Lith. jungas)
with the infix -na-; in one case (Baltic *peda, mobile AP) we find an
apophonic long vowel in the root ( cf. Lat. pes, Gen. pedis, Gk. pedon,
etc., root *ped-). Thus, Hirt's explanation can be accepted as a working
hypothesis. Although the number of precise correspondences with no
accent retraction is small, it is important that all of the forms in which
retraction does take place have identical root characteristics.
Thus, it can be claimed that the lack of accentual correspondence in
a number of words between Baltic on the one hand and Sanskrit Greek
and Germanic on the other is connected with the fact that the r;ots of '
these words contain a long nonapophonic syllabic element, i.e., a syllabic
element the length of which results from the loss of a laryngeal follow-
ing a syllabic segment (*dhonii from *dhoHnii, *grliJii from *griHTJii,
*kiiulos from *keHulos); in cases where the root contains an original
short element (*tenauos from *tenHuos, the laryngeal yielding a primum
after a nonsyllabic) or long apophonic element (*pedom), i.e., where no
new lengths arose, no lack of correspondence in accentuation exists. If
an accentual innovation has taken place in Baltic, one must assume
(along with Hirt and Bonfante) a retraction of accent to roots contain-
ing a long nonapophonic syllabic element; if, on the other hand, Baltic
has maintained the earlier state of affairs, it would be necessary to set
up a shift of accent from roots containing a long nonapophonic syllabic
element to the final syllable in Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic. How-
ever, the latter solution is unacceptable in view of the fact that there
exist cases of correspondence between Baltic barytone forms with long
nonapophonic syllabic elements and barytone forms in other Indo-
European languages, cf. for example Bait. *vilnii and Skt. UnJii from
*yfna from *yfHna. One must conclude therefore that the Baltic situa-
tion is the result of accent retraction.
32. A Further Limitation to Accent Retraction
In connecting the process of accent retraction with a particular structure
of the root syllable, we can except a priori that in cases where a syllable
capable of attracting accent is followed by an accented syllable of the
same structure (i.e., with a long nonapophonic syllabic element), no
shift in accent will take place. In the originally oxytone nominative
singular of a-stems, where this condition could have obtained, analogi-
cal leveling apparently took place at an early stage (cf. Latv. duona,
Lith. duona, like Gen. duonos, etc). On the other hand, the nominative-
accusative plural of neuter o-stems which were oxytone in the plural
had retained the original accentuation in the period preceding the fixa-
tion of accent on the initial syllable in Latvian. Thus, corresponding
with the oxytone *pulita, the plural of *piiliiom 'something spoiled,
rotten' (Skt. [RV] pillyam 'empty kernel') we find Latv. (W.) pu{i
(Plur.), 'smut' from *pu{i from *puliai without retraction of the accent
to the syllable with -u-. The Lithuanian data indicate that analogical
leveling took place on the model of case forms in which accent retrac-
tion took place (Gen. Plur. pUli!!, etc.): Lith. pU!iai 'pus', attested only
with 1 AP (R DL, Gramota 1769, PVG 281, 290, 283, 607; for Std.
Lith. seeS LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). After accent had been fixed in
initial position in Latvian the broken tone , which arose in the nomi-
native-accusative singular in original neuter nouns having oxytonesis
in the plural and barytonesis in the singular, spread throughout the
whole paradigm, as in all other cases of alternation of- and within
paradigms. In Lithuanian, barytone accent was generalized in all cases
of this sort. Cases of apparent noncorrespondence between Latvian and
Lithuanian accentuation in old neuter forms can be explained in this
way: cf. Latv. kauss 'ladle, scoop; skull' and Lith. kdusas 'scoop; skull',
1 AP, except in southern Dzuk dialects (evidence for original neuter
comes from Finn. kauha 'ladle, scoop', and for barytone accent from
l
1

t
1
'.
'
Skt. (RV) k6sas 'vessel, tub') ;
88
La tv. kr?sls 'chair' and Lith. kreslas
'chair', 1 AP and 3 AP in the dialects (neuter gender is indicated by
OPrus. Creslan, EV 217, 'chair with a back', Sl. *kreslo); Latv. siets
'sieve, reed' and Lith. sietas 'sieve', 1 AP and 3 AP (cf. Sl. *sito); Latv.
viiks 'covering' and Lith. v6kas 'eyelid; covering' 1 AP and 3 AP (cf.
Sl. *veko).
89
33. Late Analogical Leveling of APs in Lithuanian
The tendency of original barytone AP to be replaced by mobile AP in
Lithuanian shows up in nouns with long roots (cf., for example, the
variants with 3 AP for the words veidas, tiltas, kdulas). On the other
hand, in the Lithuanian dialects where barytone AP was well preserved,
this accentuation was taken over by a number of nominals belonging to
the mobile accentual class, which was originally rather small90 (cf. variants
with 1 AP in the words pJdas, jimgas, vienas).
These displacements in original class membership in Lithuanian
dialects have significantly reduced the value of Lithuanian data; the
absence of decisive Latvian material in many cases prevents us from
making a reliable reconstruction of the AP of a particular word in
Baltic. Thus, we cannot say with certainty whether, for example, Lith.
zentas 'brother-in-law' (1 or 3 AP) reflects barytone AP corresponding
to Gmc. *kinpa (neut.) 'child' (OHG kind; but OSax. kind from *kindd)
or whether Lith. urvas 'burrow' (1, 3, or 4 AP) represents a Baltic bary-
tone as the result of accent retraction to the root (Skt. [R V] urvds 'stall;
dungeon'). On the other hand, Lith. spitrgas 'bud; fringe' or juosmuo
'belt', attested only with 3 AP, still do not offer a sufficient basis for
setting up an original mobile AP, which would not correspond with the
barytonesis of Gk. aspdragos, (Attic) asphdragos 'young shoot; asparagus'
and Gk. zoma 'felt; protective military garment'.
34. The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Baltic
An examination of the accentuation of Lithuanian of nominals with
short roots leads to a conclusion which fully supports the hypothesis
of de Saussure: nominals with barytone AP in Proto-Indo-European
have barytone AP in Lithuanian and nominals with mobile-oxytone AP
in Proto-Indo-European have mobile AP in Lithuanian. This conclusion
is contrary to the hypothesis of Kury!owicz, according to which the two
Proto-Indo-European nominal paradigms with short roots fell together
Table 4 Short Roots
Proto-Indo-European Barytone
AP
asva
Iiauka
vi eta
duja
rank a
muse
migla
sula
blusa
kupra
zafubas
ratas
saikas
kaiikas
sa pas
ardai
javai
sapnas
val as
2
2/4
2/(4)
2/4
2
2/4
2/4
(2)/4
2
2/4
2/4
2
2/4
2/4
2/4
2/4
(2)/4
(2)/4
2/4
vijsas 2/4
tanas 2/4
kafpas 2/4
Iaiikas (2)/4
sulas 2/4
nafsas 2/4
vakaras 1/3
aikas 2/4
kapas 2/4
Skt. asva
Gk. Ieuke
OHG weida
Gk. thua
ON rij
Gk. muia
Gk. omikhle
Skt. sura
Gk. psulla
OHG hovar
Skt.
Skt.
ON
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
jamb has
rathas
sar
kokas
silpas
ardhas
yavas
svapnas
vilras
Gk. ogkos
Gk. t6nos
MHG scharf
OHG !Oh
Gk. ksulon
Gk. nosos
Gk. hesperos
OHG alah
Gk. skaphos
Proto-Indo-European
Mobile Oxytone AP
alga 4
kaina 4/1
zala 4
lent a
tauta
srava
samda
saka
rasa
skala
tarpa
vieka
spauda
branka
a ill as
sakai
dievas
miegas
vaikas
strazdas
ganas
raupai
stambas
maisas
bafigas
*zaras
dagas
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4/1
4/1
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4/3
4/3
4
4
4
Gk.
Gk.
Gk.
alpM

OHG linta
OHG diota
Gk.
Skt. samdhii
OHG saga
Skt. rasii
Skt. kalil
OHG darba
ON veig
Gk.
ON branga
Gk. aulos
Gk. opos
Skt. devas
Skt. megh:is
holkos
Gk. strouthos
Skt. ghanas
OHG roub
Skt. stambas
Skt. me$as
Skt. bhailgas
Gk. khoros
Skt. nidaghas
67
kvapas
saitas
medzias
sapnys
tifiklas
pad as
parsas
jaiikas
kutas
Ia pas
spaliai
namai
laiipai
sen as
afitaras
naiijas
desinas
sekmas
astras
pilis
desimtis
pats
naktis
avis
2/4
2/4
2/(4)
2/4
2/4
2
2/4
2/4
2/4
2
2
2/4
2
(2)/4
1/3
(2)/4
(1)/3
(2)/4
(2)/4
2J4
1/3
(2)/4
(2)/4
(2)/4
kirmis 2/4
debesis 1/3
pekus 2
akmuo 1/3
sesuo 1/3
mente 2/4
sake 2
-
Hes. kapos
OHG seid
Skt. madhyam
Skt. svapnyam
Skt. tantram
Gk. pedon
OHG farh
Skt. okas
Gk. kutos
Gk. lepos
Hes. spolia
[Gk. nomos]
[OHG loub]
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
Gk.
Gk.
Gk.
ON
Skt.
Skt.
Skt.
sanas
1

navyas
j
hebdomos
akros
polis
tiund
patis
naktis
avis
Skt. kfmis
Skt. nabhas
Skt. pasu
Skt. asma
Skt. svasa
Skt. mantha
Skt. sil.kha
kraiijas
laikas
slakas
sparnas
lizdas
kl'iklas
nagas
sifutas
Iinai
plausai
paisai
Iipai
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4/2
4
4
4
4
Skt.
Gk.
ON
Skt.
kravyam
loipon
slag
parQam
Skt. nigam
Skt. cakram
Skt. nakham
Skt. satam
[Gk. linon]
[MHG vlius]
[Skt. pesas]
[Gk. lipos]
mobile AP generalized in Lithuanian
mint is
kin is
gran dis
dukte
4
4
4
4
Skt. matis
Skt. khanis
Skt. granthis
Skt. duhitil
This summary may be compared with the corresponding summary in KCZ
198-199.
TableS Exceptions to Short Root Correspondences
Proto-Indo-European Barytone Proto-Indo-European
AP Mobile-Oxytone AP
2/4 Skt.
.!.
krusa 4 OHG rosa gija Jia
viikas 4 Skt. vfkas pirstas 2 Skt.
mazgas 4 Gk. m6skhos ski etas 2/4 OHG scit
sesuras 3 Skt. svasuras
gufnas 4 Hes. garnon
slaunis 4 Skt. sr6nis
medus 4 Skt. madhu
Table 6 Long Roots with Retraction
Latv. duona Skt. dhaniis
"
griva Skt. griva
"
snate OE snod
"
virs Skt. viras
"
diimi Skt. dhumas
"
kaiils Gk. kaul6s
"
tiits Skt. tirth!im
"
pi ins Skt. pilrQas
"
iigs Skt. dirghas
"
atrs OHG a tar
"
jiits Skt. yilt is
"
znuots Skt. jflatis
Lith. uosis Gk. akherols
"
sun us 1/3 Skt. sun us
Latv. vejs Skt. vayus
Lith. piemuo 1/3 Gk.
Latv. Iiemenis Gk. leim5n
"
mate Skt. matii
"
dieveris Skt. de vii
Lith. menuo 1/3 OHG manod
"
[purai 2/4 Gk. pur6s]
"
[korys 2/4 Gk. kerion]
69
Table 7
Long Roots without Retraction
Proto-Indo-European Barytone
Proto-Indo-European Mobile-
AP
OxytoneAP
La tv. vi Ina
Skt. UrQii Latv. lat1zs Skt. logas
La tv. ieva
Gk. 6;;:
"
Gk. ped6n
La tv.
Gk.
"
jugs Gk. zug6n
Lith. pi eva
Gk. p6a
"
tievs Gk. tana6s
La tv. sarms
Gk. keramos II vi ens Gk. oin6s
Lith. jaujas
Skt. yavias
Lith. gultas
OSwed. kolder
La tv. veids
Skt. vedas
Latv. pirmais Skt. pUrvas
La tv. me Ins
Gk. mel as
Lith. raisas l/3 OE wrah
Lith. antis
OE ened
Lith. stomuo 1/3 Skt. sthiima
Lith. [difVli 2/4 Skt. dUrva]
into one mobile paradigm. It is based on a fairly large number of cor-
respondence as shown in Tables 4 and 5.
Our analysis of the distribution of nominals with long roots in Lat-
vian and Lithuanian {Table 6) confirms Hirt's hypothesis on accent
retraction to a particular type of long syllable (one with a long non-
apophonic syllabic element). As a result of this process of accent retrac-
tion a number of Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP
show up with barytone accent in East Baltic.
Leaving aside this group of nominals, where the change in accentuation
is the result of an ancient process of retraction of accent (a process which,
as we shall see, does not operate only in Baltic), nominals with long roots
display the same distribution into accentual paradigms as do nominals
with short roots {Table 7).
35. Old Prussian Data
The accentual distribution of nominals described above for Lithuanian
and Latvian is very close to the comparable distribution in other Indo-
European languages and therefore it reflects to a great extent the situa-
tion of Proto-Baltic. This supposition is supported by the analysis of
the unfortunately very sparse data of Old Prussian.
70 Nominal Accentuation in Baliic
Accentological interpretations of the writing system of the Old Prus-
sian Enchiridium of 1561 were proposed long ago by F. F. Fortunatov,
E. Berneker, and R. Trautmann. In this document, accented long vowels
were marked with the symbol ....... ; long vowels included original long
vowels, lengthened short vowels as the first element of diphthongs with
falling tone, and long vowels as the second element of diphthongs which
had developed from 1 and u. 9
1
Accented short vowels were marked less
consistently: in such cases the following consonant was usually written
as a geminate; after pretonic and posttonic short vowels, consonants
were written either singly or as geminates (cf. TRA 196-197).
Nominals with a radical short diphthong in the Enchiridium fall into
two categories: some of the nominals (with the exception of misprints)
are consistently written with the length sign over the vowel in diphthong-
al sequences; the other group of nominals, as a rule, shows a short
vowel. Fortunatov was the first to note that the latter group of nominals
corresponds with Lithuanian nominals having mobile AP,
92
cf. OPrus.
deinan 'day', tautan 'country', deiws (deiwan) 'God', waix (waikan) 'ser-
vant' and Lith. diem1, tauta 'people', dievas, vaikas 'child', all4 AP.
On the other hand, corresponding to OPrus. weisin 'fruit', riinkan 'hand'
pfrstans 'fingers', swiiigstan 'radiance' we find Lith. vaisus, ranka, pirstas,
all with 2 AP, and zvaigZde 'star', 2 and 4 AP. There are some items
which do not fit this correspondence, particularly nominals with mixed
diphthongs inn, r, I, (cf. dangon 'sky', wargan 'evil', but Lith. dangus,
vafgas 'misfortune' with 2 AP in Dauksa, and, on the other hand, al-
gas, Gen. Sing. 'pay', but Lith. alga, 4 AP (van Wijk pointed out these
exceptions to the correspondences) ;
9
3 nevertheless, the overall identity
of the distribution of nominals into two accentual paradigms in Old
Prussian and Lithuanian is apparent.
There can be no doubt that the Old Prussian nominals with consistent
marking of length represent a columnar barytone paradigm. It is more
difficult to decide whether the class of nominals wiili no length marking
reflects mobile AP, as in East Baltic, or a columnar oxytone paradigm.
The absence of lengthening in case forms such as accusative singular
and accusative plural-forms which are barytone within the mobile AP
in Lithuanian-seems to point to preservation of columnar oxytone
accent in Old Prussian, e.g., OPrus. deiwan, deiwans as against Lith.
dievq, dievus from *dievo[n]s (cf. WIJK 45, STA 174). However, For-
tunatov94 had noted the presence of mobile AP in Old Prussian nominals
with long vowel in the root (cf. OPrus. Ace. Plur. svfrins, gfvans and
Latv. zvers, dzivs, where broken tone points to an original mobile AP);
this same accentuation, in his opinion, occurred in nominals with short
roots, while a new tone, differing from the usual falling tone, arose in
the barytone case forms within the mobile AP, thus accounting for the
lack of vowel lengthening. It can hardly be correct to see a direct re-
flection of the change "oxytone to mobile" in such a system (according
to this theory, a rising tone developed upon the retraction of accent
in barytone forms, cf. TRA 190). The development of a new tone should
rather be connected with the introduction of a short vowel in place of
the original long vowel under the influence of the oxytone forms in the
paradigm (*deinii, Ace. deinan to deinii, deinan).95
The material from the Enchiridium provides evidence for the existence
of two accentual paradigms also for nominals with long roots. Mobile
AP is clearly represented by the forms Nom. Sing. spigsnii, Ace. Sing.
spfgsnan 'ablution'; barytone AP is reflected by Nom. Plur. wijrai 'men',
Dat. Plur. wijrimans (cf. Lith. vyrai, vyrams, I AP). The latter example,
along with the Nom. Sing. form miiti 'mother' illustrates the operation
of the law of accent retraction to a nonapophonic long radical vowel
in Old Prussian. (cf. Lith. vyras, mote, 1 AP, versus Skt. vfrds, miita),
a law, therefore, which operated in Proto-Baltic.
96
In its main outlines
the entire system of accentual paradigms reconstructed on the basis of
Lithuanian and Latvian material is that of Proto-Baltic, judging from
the Old Prussian data.
Part II
Proto-
Indo-European
Accentual
Paradigms
ofNominals
in Slavic
36. Sources for the Reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic System of Nominal
Accentual Paradigms
The modern Slavic languages provide sufficient evidence for the recon-
struction of three accentual paradigms for most nominal stems: bary-
tone, mobile, and oxytone. Each of these paradigms is characterized not
only by a particular accentual curve, but also by a particular tone in the
root syllable. Therefore, important evidence for establishing the original
character of an accentual paradigm can be obtained not only from
Slavic languages which have retained free accent and tone contrasts
(Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian), but also from languages which have
retained only free accent (the East Slavic languages, Bulgarian, and
Southeast Serbian dialects), as well as languages for which only Proto-
Slavic tone can be reconstructed only on the basis of vocalic length distinc-
tions (most of the West Slavic languages).
The barytone AP is characterized not only by columnar barytone
accent, preserved in languages with free accent, but also by the acute
(rising) tone (") on the root syllable. Its reflex in Serbo-Croatian is
short falling accent (krava) and in Slovenian its reflex is a short falling
accent in closed syllable (brat) and long rising in open syllable (krava);
in the East Slavic languages the reflex of acute tone is stress on the
second syllable of so-called pleophonic sequences (that is, the disyllable
76 Nominal Accentuation in Slavic
reflex of PSI CefoRC, for example, Rus, kor6va), and in Czech its reflex
is length on the originally accented syllable in one- and two-syllable
words other than syllables with r and f (krdva); traces of the latter re-
flex in original sequences of the type CefoRC can be found in Upper
Sorbian (kr6wa); in Slovak, Lower Sorbian, and in the Lechitic lan-
guages, vowel length in acute accented syllables has been shortened (Slk.
krava, Pol. krowa, etc.).
Mobile AP is characterized not only by mobile accent, which is pre-
served in a number of languages, but also by long falling C) or short
falling (") tone on the root syllable. Falling tone on a long syllable-
the Slavic circumflex C)-is retained as such in Serbo-Croatian and in
monosyllable forms in Slovenian (SC rilku, Slov. griid); in Slovenian
the accent has shifted from syllables with this intonation to the follow-
ing syllable in polysyllabic words (Sin. Ace. Sing. rok9 from *rgk(J); in
the East Slavic languages falling intonation shows up as stress on the
first syllable of the reflex of CefoRC (g6rod). In all of the West Slavic
languages accented falling longs were shortened, the short vowel being
introduced, as a rule, also into those forms of the mobile AP in which
the long syllable was pretonic and should have retained its length phone-
netically (cf. Cz. ruku, ruka).l Falling tone on a short vowel (") was
retained in Serbo-Croatian in open syllables (vOdu, bOga), and length-
ened in closed syllables (bog); lengthening occurs in the same position
in Slovenian (b9g), while in other positions the accent shifted to the
following syllable (vod9 from *vOd(J, bogii from *bOga). In Russian dialects
which have a contrast between open and closed fof, the open /o/ is
represented in this case (Rjazan', Tot'ma, bog); a similar reflex of fo/ with
falling tone can be found in Slovak (bah). Mobile AP entails a shift of
accent to proclitics and enclitics in barytone case forms; cf. SC zfmu,
Rus. zimu: SC na zzmu, Rus. nd zimu, Rus. dial. zimus' 'this winter'
from *zim(Js'i.
Oxytone AP is retained in a number of Serbo-Croatian dialects and in
the East Slavic languages; when later accent retractions are taken into
account, it can be reconstructed for the majority of Serbo-Croatian
dialects. Older retractions of accent have led to the transformation of
oxytone AP nominals with long roots into barytone AP in a number of
stem types in Slovenian, Bulgarian, Slovincian, and Polabian. Retrac-
tion of accent to a short root syllable in these languages took place
later; in this case, too, the transformation of oxytone into barytone
took place in Bulgarian and in the majority of Slovenian dialects. AI-
most all stem types in Slavic have, within the oxytone AP, barytone case
forms which have arisen as a result of the retraction of accent from the
short vowels ii, f and from internal circumflex long vowels; in these forms
the neoacute (rising) tone occurs-long(') or short('). The neoacute tone
on long vowel (') shows up as a special rising tone in Serbo-Croatian
Cakavian and Posavian dialects (dren) and it retains its rising character
in Slovenian (brfst); in the majority of Serbo-Croatian dialects it has
become a falling tone (dren). The rising character of this tone is respon-
sible for stress on the second syllable in sequences of the type CORC in
East Slavic (R us. dial. deren); the reflex in all of the West Slavic lan-
guages is length in the syllable with neoacute tone and length in the pre-
tonic syllable,
2
so that the root syllable of nouns with an oxytone para-
digm always retains length or its reflex in the form of a specific vowel
quality. In Slovak and Slovincian a distinctive reflex of length is main-
tained for all Slavic vowel phonemes; in Czech rand! have lost the
contrast; in Polish dialects it is lost in the case of r. {, i, u, y (in some of
the dialects and in the literary languages also a, e), and in Upper-Sorbian
length is reflected only in original sequences of the type CORC. The
neoacute (rising) tone on a short vowel (') has become a falling tone in
Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian; there is no lengthening in a closed syl-
lable here (SC bOb, Sin. bOb). Russian dialects which distinguish open
and closed -o- have a closed vowel or diphthong in this case (Rjazan':
bOb); closed -o- ( uo) is reflected-less consistently-also in Slovak (Slk.
bOb); in some Slovenian dialects in certain positions e and o with nco-
acute tone are reflected as closed ,;> and (J.
An important source for reconstructing the original accentual paradigm
for a word in Slavic languages which preserve accentual mobility is the
accented texts of these languages. The evidence from Russian accented
texts is extremely valuable, the earliest of them going back to the middle of
the fourteenth century (Cudovskoj Navy} Zavet) ;3 the numerous Moscow
printed editions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries reflect quite
well the Russian system of accentuation, which is partially preserved at
the present time only in the peripheral North Russian dialects. Although
the accentuation of only a few of these documents has been studied in
detail ( cf. in particular Stang, La langue du livre" Uchenie i khitrost' rat-
nogo stroeniia" [1647], Oslo, 1952; the Konshinskii Domostroi and others
edited by Orlov, Bk. 1, Moscow 1908), the material from them has been
fully exploited in the works of L. L. Vasil'ev, who made a special study of
documents in which open and closed -o- were distinguished.
4
Certain other
78
Nominal Accentuation in Slavic
investigators have also used data from these documents.
5
A great deal of
material on the accentuation of nominals in Ukrainian and Belorussian
documents of the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries has been collected
by z. N. Veselovskii,6 who continued the investigations begun by I.
Ogienko and E. F. Karskii.
South Slavic accented texts reflect primarily the Bulgarian and East
Serbian accentual systems; those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
are the most significant ones, since in later texts a canonical system of
accentual marking has been established and it no longer reflects the actual
pronunciation. The almost complete absence of preliminary
on the accentuation of South Slavic texts requires extreme care m makmg
use of data from them (with the exception of certain works by P. A. Lavrov
and A. I. Jatsimirskii, which are not devoted specifically to accentolo-
gical questions, but nevertheless give a fair amount of attention to them).
As a rule we will limit ourselves to reliable examples taken from the most
texts with respect to accentuation, the most important of which
must be considered the work of Konstantin Kostenechskii, "0 pis'menekh"
(the edition by I. Iagich, Rassuzhdeniiajuzhna-slavianskai i russkai stariny a
tserkavna-slavianskam iazyke, pt. V: Issledavaniia pa russkamu iazyku,
t. 1, St. Petersburg 1885-1895, pp. 366-581). The important Serbo-Croa-
tian texts of later date are the accented works of Ju. Krizani6 (the second
half of the seventeenth century), who gave the first written evidence of the
distinct accent of the Kajkavian-Cakavian Serbo-Croatian dialects
7
and
grammars from the end of the eighteenth to the beginning of the nineteenth
centuries based on the Posavian and Slavonian dialects.
8
The study of
the Bulgarian accented damascenes of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries provides essential supplementary data (cf. P. A. Lavrov, Obzar
zvukavykh ifarmal'nykh asabennastei balgarskaga iazyka, Moscow 1893,
pp. 215-29). .
In a number of cases evidence for the original accentuation of a nommal
in Slavic can be obtained from an analysis of the accentuation of deriva-
tives. Thus van Wijk showed9 that the denominative verbs in -iti have
mobile AP,if they are formed from nouns with mobile AP (cf. Rus. galas iS',
galasit from go/as, g6lasa), and recessive AP if they are
with oxytone AP (Rus. sUdiS', sudit from sud, sudd).
10
Denved adJectives
also show a dependence upon the accentual paradigm of the base noun
(cf. Rus. muzskaj from muz, muza, muzej, mob. AP, but zenskijfrom zend,
zenu, ox. AP). When a secondary accentual change in the base word takes
place the data from derivatives become extremely important.
37. Historical Remarks on the Study of the Slavic System of Accentual
Paradigms
Hirt made the first attempt to connect the Slavic system of accentual
paradigms with Proto-Indo-European. He identified the Slavic oxytone
AP with the Proto-Indo-European oxytone, i.e., mobile oxytone, and the
Slavic mobile AP with the Proto-Indo-European barytone, admitting,
however, the possibility of exceptions in certain cases.
11
Hirt's attempt
cannot be considered successful. Although Hirt had a rather large number
of correspondences of the type "Slavic nominal with mobile AP Proto-
Indo-European barytone forms" (mainly masculine a- stems), he was
able to adduce only isolated examples for the preservation of Proto-Indo-
European oxytone in Proto-Slavic. As it turned out, Hirt's correspond-
ences were actually not subjected to verification, but his interpretation of
the Slavic oxytone class ofnominals was accepted by many investigators,
apparently because of the high degree of similarity between the oxytone
classes in Slavic, on the one hand, and Sanskrit and Greek, on the other.
Hirt's idea was modified by van Wijk, who proposed a partial transfer of
old oxytone forms into the mobile accentual class with the preservation of
oxytone accent in some of the nominals (WIJK 55).
Meillet gave a contradictory explanation of the Slavic system of accen-
tual paradigms.12 He discovered that the Slavic mobile accentual class was
identical to the one in Baltic.13 He also demonstrated this correspondence
for nominals with original acute intonation in the root-in this case, a
secondary circumflex tone arose in the mobile AP in Slavic (see Sections
62 and 66 for more detail). Since in Slavic the barytone class contains only
nominals with acute tone in the root, Meillet proposed that barytone
nominals with short roots developed mobile AP as soon as oxytone forms
appeared in the paradigm as a result of the stress shift according to the law
of Fortunatov-de Saussure. Since he considered the Slavic oxytone para-
digm to be original, Meillet derived the Slavic system from three accentual
paradigms in Proto-Indo-European, although in other Indo-European
languages, as a rule, there is only a two-way contrast (barytone versus
mobile or barytone versus oxytone ), and nowhere is there a three-way
contrast (barytone versus mobile versus oxytone ).
14
Stang, who extended
Meillet's notion to a-stems (Meillet, like other investigators of his time,
considered the mobile AP in masculine a-stems to be barytone, and there-
fore spoke of a two-way contrast in this type of stem in Slavic and in Proto-
Indo-European), retained without change all the weak aspects of Meillet's
theory (ST 174-178).
I
.!
li
II
:\
\I
tl
I
II
II
II
The arguments centering upon the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure
played an important role in the study of Slavic nominal accentuation. In
formulating the rule on accent shift, Fortunatov spoke of its operation in
"the Lithuano-Slavic language."15 Meillet made a more detailed examina-
tion of Slavic data which supported the notion of accent shift.l6 Meillet
was rather careful in listing cases of accent shift: thus, in describing the
transformation of the barytone class of a-stems into the mobile class, he
mentioned a phonetic stress shift only in the case of the nominative
singular in -a, and he viewed the complete mixing of the two classes as the
result of morphological leveling. Later, however, the environmental con-
ditions of the law ofFortunatov-de Saussure were extended in various ways.
The investigators who accepted Hirt's theory to the effect that Proto-Indo-
European barytone forms were retained as such in originally barytone
paradigms (from mob. AP) in Slavic, were forced to explain all cases of
non-root accent in the mobile AP as the result of accent shift to an acute
syllable. Various proposals were advanced: additional conditions for the
shift (Pedersen's idea on shift across a syllable), secondary acute or cir-
cumflex on a number of endings, etc.17 The complexity and the factual
arbitrariness of all such explanations was obvious. With the return to
Meillet's thyory of the identity of mobile paradigms in Baltic and Slavic,
these explanations were no longer necessary and the accent shift according
to the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure in Proto-Slavic could no longer be
demonstrated; this is the conclusion reached by Kurylowicz ("Le prob-
leme des intonations balto-slaves," Rocznik Slawistyczny T. X, 1931,
pp. 75-80) and Stang (ST 15-20). And in fact, the absence of a shift to
acute syllable in the Slavic paradigm (cf. Sl. *oba and Lith. abu from
*abo, Sl. Ace. Plur. *zfmu and Lith. ziemas from ziema[n]s) requires that
we reject the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure in its traditional formula-
tion. Only on the basis of a new interpretation of certain Slavic data
can we propose some type of stress shift for Proto-Slavic (see Section
68).
The Slavic system of accentual paradigms has been most fully x ~
mined in the recent comprehensive works of Kurylowicz and Stang. ~
Kurylowicz's point of view proceeds from his conception of Balto-Siavic
accentology (see Section 1). Slavic nominals with barytone AP must
reflect Proto-Indo-European and oxytone forms with long roots, while
Slavic nominals with mobile AP reflect Proto-Indo-European and oxy-
tone forms with short roots. According to Kurylowicz, nominals which
were derived in Balto-Slavic and which were later transferred into the
mobile AP in Lithuanian entered the oxytone class in Slavic (KCZ
300-301). Thus, the Slavic system of three accentual paradigms is viewed
as an older system than that of Lithuanian. At the same time, independ-
ent comparison of Slavic with Proto-Indo-European data is kept to a
minimum; Slavic/Baltic correlations are foremost in his comparative
work, so that his conclusions are primarily a result of analysis of the
Baltic facts. Since Kurylowicz's theory is not supported by the Baltic
data, it must be checked on the basis of Slavic material.
Stang developed and supplemented the hypothesis of Meillet which is
outlined above. Following Sedlacek, he showed that the accentual curve
of Slavic and Lithuanian mobile paradigms is almost identical in all
types of nominal stems (ST 62-64, 74-76, 81, 88). Stang established a
connection between each accentual paradigm and a particular tonal
characteristic of the root along with its original length feature: in the
mobile AP (falling tone in the root) were nominals with short and long
roots; in the barytone AP (acute tone in the root) were nominals with
long roots; in the oxytone AP (neoacute tone in the root under stress)
were nominals with short roots. This distribution combines the Slavic
barytone and oxytone (recessive in the case of verbs) paradigms, con-
trasting with the mobile AP, and at the same time excludes the possi-
bility of reconstructing three comparable paradigms in Proto-Indo-Euro-
pean (as Stang does, following Meillet), where the accentual paradigm
was not connected with the feature of length in the root syllable. V. A.
Dybo, in analyzing Stang's reconstructed system of three accentual
paradigms for the verb in Proto-Slavic, showed that the barytone and
recessive paradigms of the verb are in complementary distribution and
therefore can reflect one paradigm, whose split is connected with accen-
tual shifts which depend upon the structure of the root syllable.lS This
conclusion holds also for the accentual paradigms of nominals. The
question of whether barytone or oxytone is the original paradigm
(barytone vs. oxytone) from which the Slavic barytone and oxytone
paradigms developed can be answered only after an examination of the
data of external comparison.
A-Stems
Nominals
with
Short Roots
Nominals with a stem in -ii- and with short root are distributed in Slavic
among the mobile and oxytone accentual classes.
The opposition of mobile and oxytone AP is well preserved in many
Serbo-Croatian dialects (some of them having undergone retraction of
accent, some of them not):
Without retraction:
Nom. Sing. voda rUka} slUga
Ace. Sing. vOdu riiku vs. zenii slUgu
Nom.-Acc. Plur. vOde riike ene slUge
With retraction:
vOda ni.ka} E. i:na sluga
vodu riiku vs. zenu slugu
vOde riike .. ne sluge
In a number of dialects one can find a transfer of some nominals from
one class to another; and in other dialects, as in the standard language,
there arose a mixed AP, with columnar oxytonesis in the singular and
mobility in the plural:
sluga
slugu
slilge
The two paradigms coalesced in some Montenegrin dialects, in Slove-
nian, and in Bulgarian dialects.
83
Serbo-Croatian dialects
voda} {zena
=
vode zene
Slovenian
v6da} {zena
vod9 = zen/?

Bulgarian dialects
v6da llzena
=
vod1 zem
vodite zenite
In a number of Bulgarian dialects and in the standard language the
accent of the definite form has been generalized:
voda ) Jzena
vodata l = zenata
vodi f )zeni
vodite lzenite
Relics of the oxytone type can still be found in peripheral Bulgarian
dialects, as in the Rhodope dialects:
v6da } {zena
vodata = zenata
In the accented texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which
reflect the Middle Bulgarian system of accentuation, we can already note
the coalescence of the two paradigms into a mobile paradigm; however,
the shift of accent to prepositions is attested only in those nominals in
which the mobile AP is original (PISM: zena, zenu, zeny, xula, xulu, but
na xU!u vs. nd rosu).
The opposition of two accentual paradigms is well preserved in the
Moscow texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Columnar
oxytone accent in the plural of nominals in the oxytone paradigm (zen)/,
zendm, etc.) is retained in the language of Russian poets up to the end
of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century and is
still retained in peripheral North Great Russian dialects (for example,
in the Tot'ma dialect). In most of the Northern and Central Russian
dialects and in standard Russian the opposition of two accentual para-
digms has been retained in an altered form: the mobile AP underwent
no change, but nominals with oxytone AP retained the columnar oxy-
tone accent only in the singular; in the plural they became mobile (archaic
Russian in dialect forms zi!ny, zendm, zendx), and then columnar bary-
tone AP (zeny, zenam, zenax). A similar process took place over the
entire East Slavic territory, so that in the Ukrainian and Belorussian
texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries columnar oxytone accent
in the plural has been almost entirely eliminated. Only in the peripheral
Western Ukrainian dialects (Transcarpathia, in the Peremysl' region)
has the old oxytone accent been preserved (Nom. Plur. sestry, bidy,
etc.). The transformation of the oxytone paradigm into a mobile one
with barytone accent in the Plural in the East Slavic languages intensified
the process of merging the two paradigms. In the South Great Russian
dialect and in Belorussian this process resulted in the coalescence of the
two paradigms into an accentual paradigm with oxytone accent in the
singular and barytone in the plural (cf. Belorussian vada, vadu, vody,
like sjastra, sjastru, sestry); only a few words retain optional forms with
barytone in the accusative singular.
In the West Slavic languages the opposition of two accentual para-
digms can be found only in nominals with a Slavic long syllable in the
root (one not containing short o, ore or the reduced vowels u, i): nominals
with mobile AP display shortening of original length throughout the
whole paradigm, except for the genitive plural (Cz. ruka, ruku, ruky;
Slk. ruka, ruku, ruky; Pol. r(!ka, rf!kf!, r(!ky; Snc. rQkii, rQk{l, riikii);
nominals with oxytone AP preserve length (or traces of it) in the root
throughout the whole paradigm (Cz. trouba, troubu, trouby, Slk. truba,
trubu, truby; Pol. tr{lba, tr{lbf!, tr{lby; Snc. tro'tbii, tro'fb{l, tro1fbii). In
Slovincian, nominals with mobile AP, as a rule, have retained accentual
mobility; nominals with oxytone AP have been transferred partly to the
mobile and partly to the barytone AP, the reasons for this distribution
being unclear.
In reconstructing the Proto-Slavic accentual paradigm of ii-stems one
can, of course, make use of material only from those languages, dialects,
or texts in which the opposition of mobile versus oxytone AP has been
1
\
retained in one form or another. On the basis of these data the claim
can be made that the Proto-Indo-European opposition "barytone AP
versus mobile oxytone AP" has been retained in Proto-Slavic a-stems in
an altered form: "oxytone AP versus mobile AP." Proto-Slavic as well
as Baltic mobile AP correspond to the oxytone paradigm of Sanskrit,
Greek, and the Germanic languages; the Slavic oxytone AP corresponds
to the barytone AP of the other Indo-European languages (including
Baltic).
39. Slavic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
European Formations with Mobile-Oxytone AP
SC (dial.) piasa,p/iisu,piiisi 'treeless land' (SAW CL 531); cf. the toponym
Piiisa with a generalization of the accent of the Ace. Sing. (RSJ X 8);
Rus. (standard and NGR) polosa, poiosu, polosy, dial. zd polosu, nd
poiosu (OBN I 315, VV 34), and in U 1647, Nom. Plur. poiosy (STU 26);
85
Pol. plosa 'a measure of arable land'.19 A secondary oxytone AP occurs
in SC dial. piasa, plasu, piase (lOR XIV 2, 227) and, in all probability,
a secondary barytone AP in SC piasa 'clod of earth, piece of ice, a swell-
ing beneath the eyes', BRus. pal6sa 'strip, zone'. From Sl. *poisa (pois(J)
mob. AP 'plowed strip' from PIE poikti 'something plowed'; Gmc.
fai36 'plowed field', OHGfaig, OEfealg.
SC ofca, ofcu, ofce 'sheep' (Novi; see lOR XIV, 2, 226), 6vca, ovcu, ovce
with lengthening of fof in closed syllable (Dubrovnik, Podravina; see
RE 93, RAD CLXVIII 134; also permitted in the standard language;
see DAN 5), ovca, ovcu, ovce, with a generalization of the accent of the
accusative singular (Hvar, Lepetane, Prcan', Ozrinici, Kosovo, Zumberak;
see FIL XIV 27 and 66, RE 94 and 95, ZSP VI 354); Rus. ovca, ovcu,
ovcy occurs in texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (VV 22,
STU 26, SOR LXVI 7, 8; ASP XXXIX 287), in poetry of the eigh-
teenth and nineteenth centuries (BURL 159-160), and in dialects (OBN
I 272). Secondary variance: mixed AP in SC ovca, ovcu, ovce (N. Timok;
see SDZ II 397), ovca, ovcu, ovce (Pievlja; see SDZ II 137) and ovca,
ovcu, ovce (std. lang.); Rus. ovca, ovcu, ovcy, Ukr. vivcjd, vivcju, vivci
(also in seventeenth century documents: see V OV 45); oxytone AP
occurs in SC dialects, ovca, ovcu, ovce (Hvar, Brae; see FIL XIV 27,
SDZ X 44). From Sl. *ovica (ovic(J) mob. AP 'sheep' from PIE oyikli
'sheep'; Skt. (RV) avikli 'sheep'.
Rus. zold, zolu 'ashes' in the literary language of the nineteenth century
(BN 98) and in dialects (North Russia; OBN I 271), nd zolu in dialects
(VV 33). Secondary accentuation: Rus. zold, zolu, Ukr. zola, zolu. From
PSI. zola (zol(J) mob. AP from PIE gholti 'bile; something spoiled, un-
pleasant, harmful'; Gk. 'bile; poison; spite', Lith. zaia 'harm,
damage' (4 AP; see Section 5).
SC rosd, rosu, rose 'dew' (N. Timok; see SDZ II 397), rosa, rosu, rosi
(Istra; seeSAW CL 529), rosa, rosu, rose with lengthening (Susak; see
HDZ I 111), rosa, rosu, rose (std. lang.); Big. na rosu (PISM); Rus.
rosa, rosu, rosy in the documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies (VV 32, lAG 787) and in the poetry of the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries (OBN I 272, BN 99); cf. also Rus. orosit, which
points to mobile AP of the base word; Ukr. rosa, r6su, rosy (also in the
texts of the seventeenth century; see V OV 41). A secondary mixed AP
occurs in SC dialects rosa, rosu, rose (Lepetane, see FIL XIV 66), rosa,
rosu, rose (Knjazevac; see BE 347), Rus. rosa, rosu, rosy, Ukr. rosd,
rosu, rosy (POG). From PSI. rosa (rosg) mob. AP 'dew' from PIE rosfi
'moisture; dew' Skt. (R V) rasfi 'a mythical river flowing around the
universe; moisture' from *resfi, Lith. rasa (4 AP; see Section 5) 'dew'
from *rosfi.
sc (dial.) snii (from *snaha), snau, snae 'daughter-in-law' (Saptinovac,
Plevlja: see RAD LCXI 133, SDZ III 136-137), snii, snaju (Posavina;
see RAD CXCVII), snleho, Ace. snieho (also snehou, Bednja; see HDZ
I 302), snaha, snahu, snahe with leveling modeled on the Ace. Sing.
(Dubrovnik; see RE 92). The variant with oxytone AP must also be
considered to be ancient: SC (dial.) snahli, snahu, snahe (Novi; lOR
XIV, 2, 226), snau, snae (Knjazevac, N. Timok; see BE 347, SDZ II
397), Rus. snoxd, snoxu, snoxi (seventeenth century texts; see VV 34;
and NGR dialects; see OBN II 383), snoxd, snoxu (sn6xi) in the stand-
ard language. The introduction of the oxytone AP apparently goes back
to the period when the vowel /ii/ was reintroduced into the root by
analogy after the loss of weak jers:
I snuxa
II snxa
sniixQ
snXQ
sniixy
snxy
III snuxa snUXQ snuxy

From PSI. snuxa (sniixg) mob. AP 'daughter-in-law' from PIE snusfi
'daughter-in-law'; Skt. (A V) 'daughter-in-law', Gmc. *snuziJ
'daughter-in-law', ON snor, sniJr, OE snoru, OHG snura from *snuziJn.
SC (dial.) czna, clnu (also clnu), cine 'price' (Hvar; FIL XIV 28), Ace.
Sing. cinu (Posavina; RAD CXCVI 23); Rus. cend, cenu, ceny in texts
from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (V OV 41), in the poetry
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and in the dialects (OBN I
274); cf. Rus. cenis', cenit in the documents of the seventeenth century
and in the poetry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (KP WR
314, BURL 207), pointing to mobile AP in the base word; Ukr. (dial.)
cind, cinu, ciny (BU 2-3, 11), cf. also cinys, cinyt'; OCz. cena. Cz. cena,
Slk. cena with short root. Secondary variants: oxytone AP in SC cena,
cenu, cen'i or cene (Istra, Novi, Bozava; see SAW CL 533, lOR XIV 2
and 228, FIL VII 77), cena, cenu, cene (standard language);
20
mixed AP
in Rus. cend, cenu, ceny,2
1
Ukr. cind, cinu, ciny. The length in the root
vowel of Pol. (dial.) cyna (SOR LXXIII 4, 113) can be explained by
secondary lengthening before a sonant. From PSI. cena mob. AP
'price' from PIE 'fine, payment, price'; Gk. 'ransom, fine,
penalty', Lith. (dial.) kaina (4 AP; see Section 5).
SC ruka, ruku, ruke (dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Hvar; FIL
XIV 28) 'hand', ruka, ruku, ruke; Big. zd rgkg in the texts of the four-
teenth century (LA OB 228-229); Rus. rukd, ruku, ruki in the texts of
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (STU 24 and 26, CHR 280-281,
OV I 88, lAG 737, V OV 41) and in the modern language; Ukr. rukd,
ruku, ruki (also in sixteenth century documents; see V OV 46); Cz. ruka,
Slk. ruka, Pol. rfka, Soc. rijka with short vowels. From PSI. rgka (rpkp),
mob. AP 'hand' from PIE wonkfi 'something bent, crooked'; Gmc.
*wramiJ 'squared beam, cross-beam', ON rgng 'frame', Swed. (dial.) vrang,
Dan. rang; a barytone variant *yr6nkii is represented in Gmc. *wrdnho
'corner', ON rg. and Lith. ranka 'hand' (2 AP; see Section 4)
SC greda, gredu, grede 'garden bed; ridge' (dialects without accent re-
traction, e.g. Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 228), grMa, gredu, grede; Rus. grjadd,
grjddu, grjddy in the sixteenth-century Domostroi (OV II 45) and in the
literary language of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (OBN I 270,
BN 141); Cz. hfada, Slk. hrada, Pol. Soc. grijda 'roost, perch' with
short vowels. There are secondary oxytone AP in SC dial. greda, gredu,
gredi' (Istra; SAW CL 533), mixed AP in Rus. grjadd, grjadu, grjddy, and
barytone AP in Ukr. hrjdda, hrjddu, hrjddy.
From PSI mob. AP 'beam, crossbeam; garden bed' from
PIE ghnplhfi 'beam'; Lith. grinda 'beam', Plur. griiidos 'wooden flooring'
( 4 AP in some of the dialects and in the standard language; see KSL, S
LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
SC zlma, zimu, zime 'winter' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g.
Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 228), zima, zimu, zime; Rus. zimd, zimu, zimy in
texts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (ST U 25, V OV 41)
and in NGR dialects (OBN I 271); Ukr. zymd, zymu, zymy (also in seven-
teenth-century documents, V OV 45); Cz. zima. Sik. zima, Snc. zama
zli ma, with short vowels. Secondary variants: mixed AP in SC dial. zimd,
zimu (also zimu), zime (N. Timok; see SDZ II 397), zima, zimu, but za
zimu (Lepetane; see FIL XVI 66), Rus. zimd, zimu, zimy; bar. AP in
Rus. (dial.) zima (Kostroma, Kaluga; OBN I 72) and, probably, OCz.
zima, Cz. (dial.) zima, zejma (SE Bohemia; see UT chart 1Ic).22
From PSI. zima (zimg) mob. AP 'winter' from PIE gheimfi 'winter';
OLith. ziema 'winter' 4 AP in Dauksa (SK 88), Donelaitis (ACD 42) in
dialects, and in the standard language (for dialects see TAU III 470; for
Std. Lith. see KT GL 179, GL 93, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK).
Ukr. tolokd, t6loku, t6loky 'occasional help by fellow villagers' (ASP
VII 376, SML 250), Pol. tloka (also secondary tl6ka; see KAR), Snc.
tliuika with short vowels. There is a secondary oxytone AP in SC tldka,
tldku, t/dke. From PSI. tolka (tolkf!) mob. AP 'neighborly help' from
*tolkli 'help during harvest'; Lith. talka 'help' 4 AP in Donelaitis (ACD
44), in dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (KT LD, S LL,
KAM, LKR, DLK).
SC noga, nogu, noge 'foot' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g.
Hvar; FIL XIV 28), nbga, nogu, noge; Big. pri nogu in the Gospels of
the fourteenth century (LA OB 229); Rus. nogd, n6gu, n6gi (also in six-
teenth and seventeenth-century documents; see ST U 25-26, CHR 28,
OV 19, VV 32, V OV 43); Ukr. nohd, n6hu, n6hy. From PSI. noga
(nag(!) mob. AP 'foot' from PIE noghli 'extremity with nails or claws;
hoof'; Lith. naga 'hoof' 4 AP (NS, LKR, DLK).
SC kosa, kosu, kose 'braid' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g.
Hvar; FIL XIV 28), kbsa, kosu, kose; Rus. kosd, k6su, k6sy (also in
nineteenth-century poetry; OBN I 271, VV. 33). The secondary mixed
AP in SC (dial.) kosa, kosil (also kosu), kose and kose (Novi; lOR XIV
2, 227), kyeso, kesou and kyesu (Bednja; see HDZ I 302) is explained by
the influence of the homonym *kosa 'scythe', where oxytone AP is the
original accentuation (see Section 40). From PSI. kosa (kos(!) mob. AP
'braid; combed hair' from PIE kosli 'combed or braided hair'; Lith.
kasa 'braid' 4 AP in Donelaitis (ACD 42), in dialects (KSL), and in the
standard language (KT GL 178, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
Rus. kroxd, kr6xu, kr6xi 'crumb', also in the sixteenth-century Domo-
stroi (OV II 42) and the Vostokov Grammar (BN 99); cf. Rus. krosis',
krosit, which indicates mobile AP in the base word. The oxytone accent
in Ukr. kryxd, kryxu is secondary. From PSI. kriixa (krilx(!) mob. AP
from PIE krusli 'something broken off; something fragile'; Lith. krusa
'hail, snowflake' 4 AP (see Section 6); a barytone variant is reflected in
Gmc. *hruson (fern.), OHG rosa 'ice, layer of ice'.
SC sba, sou, soe (Plevlja; SDZ 136) soja with generalization of the ac-
cusative singular accentuation (Posavina; RAD CXCVII 22), sbxa, soxu,
soxe (standard language), 'pitchfork; forked pole'; Rus. (dial.) soxd, s6xu,
zd soxu (OBN I 274, 315; VV34), also in nineteenth-century poets
(BN 100); cf. the accentuation of the derivative sosnik, which indicates
mobile AP. The mixed AP of Rus. soxd, soxu, s6xi is secondary. From
PSI. soxa (sox(!) mob. AP 'forked branch; wooden plow' from PIE fwkHii
'forked branch'; Lith. saka 'branch' 4 AP (see Section o).
SC briida, briidu, briide or briidi 'beard' (Novi, Solta, Istra; lOR XIV 2,
228, RAD CCLXXII 149, SAW CL 531), brodii, brodu, brode (Brae;
SDZ X 44), brdda, briidu, briide (Pocerje, Saptinovac; see SDZ II 3ll,
RAD CLXV 34) and a permissible variant in the standard language
briida, briidu, briide with leveling on the model of the accusative singular
(Lepetane, Ozrinici, Prcanj; see FIL XIV 66, RE 94); Rus. borodd,
b6rodu, b6rody (also in the 1703 Vedomosti; see V OV 40); Ukr. borodd,
b6rodu, b6rody; Cz. brada, Slk. brada, USorb. broda, Pol. broda, Soc.
brueda with short vowels. The mixed AP of SC brdda, brddu or briidu,
briide (standard language, Piva; see SDZ X 230) is secondary, as is the
oxytone AP of SC (dial.) brdda, brddil, brade, (Susak, HDZ I Ill),
brdda, brddu, brdde (Plevlja; SDZ III 138). From PSI. borda (bord(!) mob.
AP 'beard' from PIE bhordhli 'beard'; Lith. barzda 'beard' 4 AP in
Donelaitis (ACD 41), in dialects (KSL), and in the standard language
(KT GL 177, GL 92, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
23
40. Slavic Nominals with Oxytone AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
European Barytone Forms
SC lixa lixil fixe 'bed for cultivation' (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 226), lexa,
lexu, language; PAY 17, BE P); Cz.licha, Pol. (dial.)
lecha, licha from lha (KAR, SOR LXXIII 4, 113) with length; the
mobile AP in SC (dial.) lehii, lehu, lehi (lstra; SAW CV 531) is secondary.
From PSI. lexa (lex(!) ox. AP 'bed for cultivation' from PIE 16isii
loosened earth'; Gmc.ldiso 'rut, furrow', OHG waganleisa 'wheel track',
MHG Ieise 'track', OSax. waganlesa.
24
Rus. vdovd, vdovu, vdovy 'widow' in documents of the seventeenth cen-
tury (CHR 278, V OV 42) and in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
poetry (OBN II 384), vdovd, vdovu (vd6vy) in the modern language; Ukr.
(dial.) vdovd, vdovu, vdovf;. From PSI. vidova (vidov(J) ox. AP 'widow'
from PIE yidheyii 'widow'; Skt. (RV) vidhdvii 'widow'.
SC (dial.) balxa, balxil, balxe 'flea' (Susak: HDZ I Ill; cf. Ace. Sing.
bohil in Lastovo, ASP VII 435), buhii, buhil, buhi (Istra; SAW CL 530),
bUa, bUu, bite (Pievlja; SDZ III 137), bfd, bfu, (N. Timok; SDZ II 319);
Rus. bloxd, bloxu (b/6xi); Ukr. (dial.) blyxd, blyxu, blyxf; (Transcarpa-
thia; ZNT XXVII 27), usually bloxd, bloxu (bl6xy). Secondary variants:
mixed AP in SC buxa, bUxu, bilxe (standard language; cf. bUa, buu, bile
in Piva; SDZ X 227-8); mob. AP in SC (dial.) buhii, bilhu, bilhe or bilha,
bilhu, bilhe, with generalization of the accentuation of the Ace. Sing.
90
(Dalmatia and the adjoining areas of Hercegovina and Montenegro;
lOR XIV 2 and 226, FIL X.IV 28 and 67, SDZ X 44, III 47 and IX 67,
RE 92), Rus. bloxd, b/6xu, b/6xi in dialects (VV 33) and in the Vostokov
Grammar (BN 78). From PSI. b/iixa (b!ux(l) ox. AP 'flea' from PIE
bhlusii 'flea'; Gk. psulla 'flea' from * s-bhlusii, Lith. blusa 'flea' 2 AP from
*bh/Usii (see Section 4).
SC (dial.) mag/a, mag/U, magle 'mist' (Novi, where mobile AP also oc-
curs, and Hvar, Brae, Prcanj; see lOR XIV 2 and 226, FIL XIV 27,
SDZ X 45, RE 90), mlgld, mlglu (N. Timok; SDZ II 397), mieglo, mzeg/U
(Bednja; HDZ I 302), mag/a, maglr., magle (Dubrovnik; RE 89); oxy-
tone AP is also indicated by the Ace. Sing. miglu in the Middle Bulgari-
an "Slovo poxval'noe Kirillu i Mefodiju" (LA 88, 50, 90, 9). Nominals
with mobile AP in texts of this type have oxytone accent in the accusa-
tive singular; cf. zemljit, rukit, vodit, glavit, but zenu, sestru. The mobile
AP in SC mag/a, maglu, magle (standard language, Plevlja, Pocerje,
Zumberak; SDZ III 136-137 and II 310, ASP VI 354) is secondary.
From PSI. mig/a (mlg/(1) ox. AP 'haze, mist' from PIE mighlii 'mist';
Gk. omikhle 'mist', Lith. mig/a 'mist' 2 AP in Dzuk dialects (usually 4
AP; see Section 4).
Rus. kosd, kosu, along with k6su (k6sy) 'scythe' (vs. kosd, k6su 'braid';
RLP); Ukr. (dial.) Nom. Plur. kusy (Peremysl'; ZNT XXXV-XXXVI
34). As a rule, the homonyms *kosa 'scythe' and *kosa 'braid', mob.
AP, coalesced with respect to accentuation, so that the original oxytone
accentuation for 'scythe' is reflected only in the ESI. data ( cf. ox. AP in
SC dial. kosa, kosu, kose 'scythe; braid'; see Section 39). From PSI.
kosa (kos(l) ox. AP 'scythe, curved blade' from PIE k6ksa 'bend; bent
object'; Skt. 'armpit'. zs
Rus. certd, certu, certy 'line' (also in Derzhavin, OBN II 384). This word
has been transferred to the barytone AP in SC c'ha, Ukr. certa (certd
also occurs). From PSI. Clrta (Clrt(l) ox. AP from PIE kftii 'crack, fis-
sure'; Skt. (RV) kftii, presumably meaning 'ravine, abyss' .
2
6
SC kriipa, kriipu, kriipe or kriip'i (Novi, Istra; lOR XIV 2 and 228, SAW
CL 533), krupa, krupu, krupe (standard language, P A V 18) 'light hail';
Rus. krupd, krupu (krupy) 'groats'; Ukr. krupd, krupu (krupy); Cz. krou-
pa 'hail stone', Slk. krupa 'grain', Plur. krupy 'groats' with length. From
PSt krupa (krup(l) ox. AP 'groats, grain, hail stone' from PIE kr6upii
'something pulverized, broken up'; Gmc. *hriufo or *hriufon (fern.), south-
ern Ger. rufe, riefe from OHG *riufa (cf. BBR 131) from *kreupa.27
SC osa, osu, ose 'wasp'; Rus. osd, osu (6sy); Ukr. osd, osu (6sy). Secon-
dary mobile AP: SC (dial.) osa, osu, ose (Pocerje, Dubrovnik; SDZ II
310, RE 89), Rus. osd, 6su (Vostokov, BN 78), Ukr. (dial.) osd, 6su 6sy.
From PSI. osa (os(l), ox. AP 'wasp' from PIE y6psii (with loss of initial
!!-)from *y6bhsii 'wasp'; Lith. vapsa 'wasp' 2 AP in Zemaitis and east-
ern Aukstaitis areas (GL 93, OTR 229; 4 AP also occurs in the dialects),
vapsva 2 AP and 4 AP (S LL, KAM, DLK; also 4 AP).
SC liika, liiku, luke or luk'i (Novi, Hvar, Istra; lOR XIV, 2 and 228, FIL
XIV 28, SAW CL 533), luka, /Uku, lUke (standard language) 'harbor,
piece of land at a river bend'; Rus. lukd, luku (luki) 'pommel; (dial.)
bend, curve; flood plain'; Ukr. lukd, luku (luky) 'flood plain'; Cz. /ouka,
Slk. luka, Pol. l(Jka, Snc. 16J!kii 'meadow' with long vowels. From PSI.
h;ka (l(Jk(l) ox. AP 'bend, curve; meadow at a river bend' from PIE 16nkii
'bend, curve'; Lith. lanka 'flood plain, flood lands'; an original barytone
AP is indicated by the accentuation of the Ill. Sing. lunkon, lunkiin in
the eastern Aukstaitis areas of Kupiskis and Ciskodas (LM 414, BUG
R); for the most part this word has been transferred to 4 AP in the dia-
lects and in the standard language.
SC zvezda, zvezdu, zvezd'i (lstra; SAW CL 533), zvijezda, zvijezdu, zvi-
jezde (Prcanj; RE 94), dzvezdd, dzvezdu (N. Timok; SDZ II 397),
zvezdu, zvezde (standard language) 'star'; Rus. zvezdd, zvezdu (zvezdy),2s
Ukr. zvizdd, zvizdu, zvizdy (Transcarpathia, Peremysl'; ZNT XXVII 27,
XXV-XXXVI 4), usually zvizdd, zvizdu (zvizdy), cf. Nom. Plur. zvezdy
texts, V OV 46); Sik. hviezda, Pol. (dial.) gvozda, gva-
zda from *gvezda (SOR LXXIII 4 and I13, KUC 40), Kashubian gwiOzda,
Snc. gvjlzyzdii with long vowels. Secondary mobile AP: SC dial. zvezda,
zvezdu, zvezde (Novi, lOR XIV, 2, 228), zvlezda, zvlezdu, zviezde (Susak,
HDZ I, IIO), zvzezdo, zviezdu (Bednja, HDZ I, 310), zvizda, zvizdu with
generalization of the accentuation of the accusative singular (Ostarije,
RAD CLXXX I9), Cz. hvezda with short vowel. From PSI. gvezda (gve-
zd(l), ox. AP 'star' with dissimilation (g instead of g) from PIE gy6izdhii;
OPrus. Ace. Sing. swaigstan 'radiance' with a long mark in the Enchi-
ridium, Lith. zvaigzde; zvaigZde (secondary e-stern) 2 AP in Dauksa (I
occurrence along with 7 forms having 4 AP, SK I07), in eastern Auk-
staitis and eastern Dzuk dialects (DOR CCXXXVI, GL I04, LKK II
170, S LL); the variant with 4 AP is more usual in the dialects and in
the standard language.
SC dial. mejii, mejil, meje (Rab; RAD CXVIII 32), mejii, mejil, meji
(Istra, SAW CL 530) 'boundary'; Rus. mezd, mezu, mezi ( cf. also the
Nom. Plur. mezi in the Ulozenie of 1649; V OV 42), Ukr. mezd, mezu,
Plur. mezy (POG), dial. Plur. mezi (Transcarpathia; DZ I, table 22).
Secondary transfer to mobile AP: SC meaa, medu, meae (standard lan-
guage, Dubrovnik; RE 89) and Ukr. mezd, mezu, mezy. The antiquity of
this variant is confirmed by seventeenth-century Russian documents
(KIP 206). From PSI. medjii (medjv) ox. AP 'boundary' from PIE me-
dhja 'middle; something located in the middle; boundary'; Lith. (dial.)
mede 'large forest' 2 AP (S LL, NS, LKR, DLK) from *medijii (with a se-
mantic change as in Lith. medzias; see-Section 15).
SC dial. creda, credu, crede (RSJ) 'turn, sequence'; Rus. ceredd, ceredu;
Cz. po stride 'by turns', Slk. crieda, USorb. crj6da, Pol. trz6da, Snc.
stfoyda 'herd', with long vowels. Secondary mobile AP: SC dial. credO.,
credu, credi (Istra; SAW CL 531), Rus. (dial.) ceredd, ceredu (OBN I,
274, cf. BN 82), Ukr. ceredd, ceredu, ceredy, Snc. stru(]da (LOR II 1113).
From PSI. cerdii (cerd) ox. AP 'herd; row; turn' from PIE kerdha2
9
'row, file; turn'; OPrus. Ace. Sing. kerdan 'time' with length mark on
the root vowel. 30
SC vlakii, vliikil, vliike or vliik'i 'lumber road' (Novi, Istra; lOR XIV, 2,
227, SAW CL 533), vldka, vldku, vldke (PAY 17); Pol. (dial.) wl6ka 'pas-
ture' (KAR). The secondary barytone accent in Rus. (dial.) vol6ka and
Ukr. vol6ka 'part of a field, measure of area' is a result of metatony
in a-stems. From PSI. volka (volkv) ox. AP 'place where something is
drawn, pulled' from PIE y6lka 'pulling; place for pulling'; Lith. valkii
'draught (in stove)' 2 AP (DLK).
OCz. cieva, Slk. cieva 'vessel, pipe' with long vowels. The short vowel
in OCz. ceva is apparently secondary (possibly influenced by the !-stem
cev); cf. Cz. ceva, where length may reflect the influence of the lost form
*diva. From PSI. cevii (cevv) ox. AP 'pipe, bobbin' from PIE k6iyii 'pipe';
Lith. seivii 'bobbin, spool, spindle' 2 AP in western Aukstaitis and cen-
tral Aukstaitis dialects of northern Lithuania (LKK III 101, KSL; 4 AP
is usual in the dialects and in the standard language) from *keiya.31
Cz. pista 'pestle', Pol. (dial.) pidzda, piauzda 'hub' (KAR) (from *pidsta
with secondary -zd-). From PSI. pestii ox. AP 'pestle; hub' from
93
PIE p6istii 'tool for pounding, crushing'; Lith. piestii 'mortar' 2 AP (S LL;
4 AP also occurs). 32
41. Exceptions
From the list of exceptions one must exclude the comparison of Sl.
*slugii ox. AP 'servant' (SC dial. slugii, s/Ugil, sluge, Rus. slugd,
slugu, slugi in texts, etc.) with Lith. slaugii 'care for a sick person, service'
4AP (S LL, LKR, DLK), because in the first case we have a nomen
agentis and in the second case a nomen actionis.33
The following items constitute true exceptions to the distribution de-
scribed above:
SC zemljii, zemlju, zemlje 'land, earth' (dialects without accent retrac-
tion, e.g., Novi, lOR XIV, 2, 226), zemlja, zemlju, zemlje; Big. p6 zemli,
vii zemli, nd zemli in texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (LA
OB 229, SBL 270); Rus. zemljd, zemlju, zemli in old Russian texts (CHU,
SBL 269, cf. STU 25-26, CHR 280, VV 56, lAG 341, SOR LXVI 7, 6;
V OV 41) as well as in Belorussian texts (V NI 155); Ukr. zemljd, zeml-
ju, zemli (also in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;
V OV 45). From PSI. zemjii (zem]{J) mob. AP; the Slavic accentuation
does not agree with the barytone accent of Lith. zeme 'birth' (2 AP in
Dauksa, in the documents of Prussian Lithuania, everywhere in the dia-
lects, and in the standard language). It can be assumed that the original
oxytone AP was forced out at a rather early date by the Slavic mobile
AP under the influence of the accentuation of the parallel !-stem *zemi
(cf. Slk. zem 'earth') mob. AP (cf. Rus. ndzemi, 6bzemi, Big. dial. uzem
'in the earth'). Traces of the original accentuation are perhaps preserved
in Russian documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; cf.
Nom. Plur. zemli (lAG 738, U 1647, STU 26, CHR 280);34 ox. AP
ziimljo, Ace. Sing. zamljil, Nom. Ace. Plur. ziimljii occurs in the Kajka-
vian dialect of the Bednja region (HDZ I 302), where the mobile AP of
a-stems is, as a rule, preserved.35
sc dugii, dugu, duge (Prcanj, RE 94), duga, dugu, duge (standard lan-
guage) 'rainbow'; Rus. dugd, dugu, dugi in texts of the sixteenth through
the eighteenth centuries (OV II 149, VV 34, OBN II 381), dugd, dugu
(dugi); Ukr. duhd, duhU, (duhy); Slk. duha 'rainbow; hoop', Pol. (dial.)
dqga 'stave' (KAR). The secondary variant *d{Jga with barytone AP and
metatony should probably be considered ancient; cf. SC duga 'hook',
Cz. douha along with duha (the variant with length is preserved in south-
94
ern Bohemia, wherl? acute length is preserved most consistently; see
VOR 28, table 5a), Pol. 'stave; rainbow'.
From PSI. d(Jga (d(JgM ox. AP 'arc, hoop; rainbow'; this accentuation
does not agree with the mobile AP of Lith. danga 'covering, cover, cloth-
ing; (dial.) wattle around haymow' 4 AP (KT LD, S LR, NS, LKR,
DLK).ss
Masculine 0-Stems
Masculine o-stems with short roots in Slavic fall into the mobile and
oxytone accentual classes. Within the mobile AP all singular case forms,
the nominative plural, accusative plural, and nominative-accusative dual
have barytone accent with falling intonation. In the oxytone AP the
nominative singular, genitive plural, locative plural, and instrumental
plural have barytone accent with neoacute tone on the root. In these
latter cases barytone accent arose as the result of accent shift from final
reduced vowels (Nom. Sing. *p6pu from *popli), from internal circum-
flex long vowels (Loc. Plur. *popexu from *pophu), and, probably, from
final long vowels (Inst. Plur. *popy from *popy; cf. SC dial. krovi, bresti,
Slk. k(mji, Rus. sk6ty, p/6dy in old texts (cf. ST 71); length in the ending
is indicated by Sln. z bogi, Snc. dqbt, Cz. dial. chlapy).
Evidence for the contrast of two accentual paradigms comes from all
of the South Slavic and East Slavic languages. The original accentual
curve of both paradigms is essentially retained in SC and in the East
Slavic languages (cf. SC gliis, gliisa, Rus. g6/os, g6/osa vs. SC dial. stit,
stlta, Rus. stit, stita). In Slovenian, as a result of accent retraction from
final syllables to a long vowel (everywhere in the language) or to a short
syllable (with the exception of a number of northern dialects) oxytone
AP has been transformed into a columnar barytone AP with rising tone
on the root; but in the mobile AP falling tone has been shifted to the
end of the word (Sin. gliis, glasii from *goi sa vs. from *her stu,
bresta from *bersta). Accent retraction from final syllables also took
in Bulgarian, so that in the texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries originally oxytone nominals have a columnar barytone AP, as
opposed to the mobile AP (cf. Pis'm.: Inst. Sing. prftstomi vs. muzemi,
Dat. Plur. rabom vs. grad6m, vek6m, etc.); this contrast shows up in
Modern Bulgarian: old oxytone nominals, unlike nominals with mobile
.;;
AP, have, as a rule, accent on the stem in the definite form (prftstut,
r6but vs. muzftt, gradftt, vekilt). In the West Slavic languages the oppo-
sition of two accentual paradigms can be reconstructed, as in the case
of a-stems, only for words with Slavic long vowels in the root: length
has been retained in nominals with the old oxytone accent and has been
shortened in the mobile AP (cf. Cz. dfin vs. hlas). Judging from Slovin-
cian and Polabian data, the oxytone paradigm here was transformed
into a barytone paradigm as the result of accent retraction to long syl-
lables. In the nominative-accusative singular of the mobile AP, length-
ening of the vowel under falling accent took place in nouns having
short or reduced vowels in the root (SC bOg, boga, Sin. b{jg), while in
the nominative-accusative singular of the oxytone AP the rising tone
which developed as a result of accent retraction was transformed into a
falling tone after the lengthening process had taken place (SC pop, papa
from *popa, Sin. pop).
37
Russian dialects and texts showing a contrast of
two varieties of the vowel fof provide evidence for the opposition of two
accentual paradigms in the nominative-accusative singular when the root
contains one of these vowels: in the oxytone AP we find a closed /of,
which arose under neoacute tone, while in the mobile AP we find an
open/ of ( cf. Rjazan' pop vs. bog); a similar opposition is found in Slovak
dialects (Slk. bOb vs. boh).
In examining the Slavic masculine nouns which are reflexes of Proto-
Indo-European masculines, we find that they have, for the most part,
mobile AP, without regard to the AP of the corresponding words in
other Indo-European languages, mobile-oxytone AP or barytone AP.
SC sok, soka 'juice'; Sln. s{jk; Big. (dial.) sok'e (Teteven; SNU XXXI
81), suk6 (Suxo; MKI II 105); Rus. sok, s6ka, Rus. (dial.) sok (Sudogda),
sokii (Sofijskij sbornik, sixteenth century, lOR XVIII 4 and 215, VV 25);
BRos. sok, s6ku; Ukr. sik, s6ku; Slk. sok. Secondary formations: SC
(dial.) sok, soka (Pocerje; SDZ II 328, 329), Big. s6kut. From PSI.
soku (soka) mob. AP 'juice' from PIE syok6s 'sap'; Gk. op6s 'ferment-
ing juice' from *hop6s, Lith. sakai (Plur.) 'pitch, tar' 4 AP (see Section
10).
SC vliik, vliika 'portage'; Sin. vliik; Big. (dial.) vlakil (Vidin, SBN XIX
14), (Teteven, SBN XXXI 80) 'seine' ;3
8
Rus. v6/ok, v6/oka 'por-
tage'; BRos. valak, valaku; Ukr. valok, valoka; Cz. vlak 'type of net',
39
Slk. vlak, Pol. wlok; also a secondary wlak, Soc. vluok with short vowels.
From PSI. voiku (voika) mob. AP 'seine' from PIE yolkas 'some-
thing for stretching, pulling'; Gk. ho/kas 'windlass', holkoi (Plur.), 'reins'
from *syolkas (with s-mobile), Lith. vaikas 'support for drying
kins' 4 AP (see Section 10) from *yolkas.
SC mex, mexa 'fur'; Sin. Big. mexiit; cf. vi mcexy in the fourteenth-
century Gospels (LA OB 228); Ros. mex, mexa; BRos. mex, mexa;
Ukr. mix, mixa; Cz. mech, Slk. mech, Soc. mjh;x with short vowels. The
oxytone accent in BRos. mex, mjaxd is secondary. From PSI. mhu
(mha) mob. AP 'fur; sack; bellows' from PIE moisas 'sheep hide with
wool; skin bag'; Skt. (RV) 'ram', Lith. maisas 'sack' 4 AP (also
I AP); see Section 10.
SC mig, miga 'moment, instant'; Sin. mig; Big. migut; Ros. mig, miga;
BRos. mih, mihu Cz. mih, Slk. mih with short vowels. From PSI. migu
(miga) mob. AP 'twinkling, instant' from PIE meighas 'something
cloudy, unclear'; Skt. (RV) meghds 'cloud', Lith. miegas 'sleep' 4 AP
(see Section 10).
SC gliis, gliisa 'voice'; Sin. gliis; Big. glasiit; cf. also the following forms
from old texts (LA OB 219, lAG 461, MIL 17): glasaml, glasam, pa
glasu, glasttl, glasat; Ros. gatos, galosa; BRos. halas, halasu; Ukr.
halos, halosa; Cz. hlas,4o Slk. hlas, USorb. (hlas), hlosa, Pol. glos, Soc.
gluf!S with short vowels. From PSI. golsu (goisa) mob. AP 'voice' from
PIE golsas 'shout, voice'; Gmc. *kalzd (neut.), ON kall (neut.) 'call'
from *go/sam.
BRos. rux, ruxu; Ukr. rux, ruxu 'movement; bustle'; Cz. ruch, Slk. ruch,
East Slovincian rax with short vowels. From PSI. ruxu (ruxa) mob. AP
'disorderly movement' from PIE rousas 'disorder; conglomeration';
Gmc. *rauzdz, ON reyrr 'pile of stones'.
SC strup, strupa; Sin. strup 'poison'; Ros. strup, strupa 'scab'; BRos.
strup, strupa; Ukr. strup, strupa; Cz. strup, Soc. strap with short vowels.
The shift to oxytone AP of BRos. strup, strupd is secondary (LOB 67).
From PSI. strupu (strupa) mob. AP 'scab, poisonous abcess' from PIE
sroupas 'something disrupted, seized by force; trace of disruption, ill-
ness'; Gmc. *rauodz, OHG roub 'robbery, loot', Lith. raupai (Plur.)
'smallpox' 4 AP (see Section 10) from *roup6s (variant without mobiles).
------
SC duh, duha 'spirit' (Dubrovnik: RAD CXXXVI 228; this accentua-
tion is also permissible in the standard language: RSJ; also in RFV
XXXIV 91, RAD CXCIV 52); Sin. diih; Big. duxut (cf. also the follow-
ing forms in older texts: dXam; LA OB 219; duxltl, duxotii; LA OB 218,
MIL 17); Ros. dux, duxa ( cf. in OV I 84 the following forms in old
texts: bez duxa, nd dXa); BRos. dux, duxu; Ukr. dux, duxu; Cz. duch,
Slk. duch with short vowels. Secondary accentuation: SC dux, duxa,
actually du, dua with shortening of the vowel in hiatus from *dUh, duha
(cf. SC duh, duha from *duh, diiha); this accentuation, as well as Soc. diix,
ditxa with length, is probably to be explained by the influence of pre-
fixed derivatives. From PSI. duxii (duxa) mob. AP 'breathing; odor'
from PIE dhousas 'breathing'; Gmc. *deuzd (neut.) 'wild animal, breath-
ing creature' (Goth. Dat. Plur. diuzam, ON dyr, OHG tior, OSax. dior,
OFris. diar, OE deor) from *dheusam.
SC xOd, xOda 'run, speed'; Big. odo (Blagoevgrad, Bobosevo; ISSF
I 186, SBN XLII 20), odii (Lorn; SBN XXXVIII 32), (Teteven;
SBN XXXI 81); Ros. xod, x6da, Ros. (dial.) xod (Rjazan': VV 26,
lOR XVIII 4, 181), iz xodu in the Ulozenie of 1649 (VV 28); BRos.
xod, x6du; Ukr. xid, xadu; Slk. chod. The influence of the accen-
tuation of prefixed derivatives (of the type vhOd, vh#a) is reflected in
Sin. hOd, h6da, (instead of the expected *h(jd; cf. L.A. Bulaxov-
skij, "Akcentologiceskie Etjudy," FIL, IV, p. 147). From PSI. xodu
(xOda) mob. AP 'run' from PIE sodas 'run, path' ;
41
Gk. hod as (fern.)
'path'.
Ros. gorn, garna, Loc. Sing. v gornu 'hearth'; BRos. haran, harna. From
PSI. gurnu (gurna) mob. AP 'hearth from PIE ghrnas 'something hot;
heat'; Skt. (R V) ghriJaS 'heat'. Latin preserves a meaning identical to the
Slavic one infornus 'stove'.
SC tok, taka 'current'; Sin. t(jk (dial.; RAD XLV 66); Big. toklti in the
Tixonravov Sbornik of the seventeenth century (LA OB 218); Ros. tok,
taka, Ros. (dial.) tok (Rjazan'; IRO XVIII, 4, 180; VV26), mi tok(VV28);
BRos. tok, taka; Ukr. tik, taku; Slk. tok. The following oxytone accents
are secondary: Sin. tbk, t(?ka, BRos. tok, taka (LOB 67), Ukr. (dial.) tik,
tokd (ASP VII 331). From PSI. toku (taka) mob. AP 'current, running'
from PIE tokYas 'running, current; place where people run'; Lith. tiikas
'path' 4 AP in old texts (SK 35, HAA), dialects (LKK III 62, KSL), and
in the standard language (KT GL 152, GL 87, JAB I 71, S LL, KAM,
BUT, LKR, DLK). Original masculine gender is confirmed by A vest. taka-
(masc.) 'flow of liquid' from tekYos.
SC drug, druga 'friend' (cf. also 6t druga in Krizani6, RFV XXXIV 119);
Sin. drug; Rus. drug, drug a ( cf. also so drug om in older texts, VV 56);
BRos. druh, druha; Ukr. druh, druha; Cz. druh, Slk. druh with short vowels.
From PSI. drugu (druga) mob. AP 'friend' from PIE dhrough6s 'friend';
Lith. drailgas 'friend'. 4 AP in old texts (SK 34, ACD 17), in dialects (LM
107, KSL), and in the standard language (KT GL !52, GL 86, S LL, KAM,
NS, DLK).42 Original masculine gender is confirmed by Gmc. *drau3az,
ON draugr 'husband'.
SC vriin, vriina 'raven'; Sin. vriin; Big. (dial.) vraniit (VAS I 228); Rus.
v6ron, v6rona; Ukr. v6ron, v6rona; Cz. vran with short vowel. From PSI.
vornu (varna) mob. AP 'raven' from PIE yorn6s 'raven'; Lith. vafnas 4 AP
in old texts (SK 35, ACD 21) and in the standard language (KT GL 153,
S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed
by OPrus. Warnis (EV 721) 'raven'.
SC plen,plena 'booty, loot'; S!n.pl?n; Big. (dial.) plena (Bobosevo; SBN
XLII (Teteven; SBN XXXI 81); Cz.plen, Slk. plen with short
vowels. Evidence for mobile AP of the base word comes from the accent
of the derived verb in Rus.: polonis', polonit. A secondary transfer to the
oxytone type is found in Rus. pol on, pol6na ( cf. Gen. Sing. polonu in the
Vedomosti of 1703; OBN I 128), BRos. pal on, pal6nu, Ukr. pol on, pol6nu
(the accent of the oblique cases has been leveled on the pattern of the nomi-
native singular). From PSI. peinu (peina) mob. AP 'booty, loot; captivity'
from PIE peln6s 'something seized, obtained'; Lith. pelnas 'profit, earn-
ings' 4 AP (KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). Original
masculine gender is indicated by Skt. pa!Jas (from *paf!Jas) 'promised
reward, pledge'.
SC tur, tura 'wild bull' (SIM 37); Sin. tur; Rus. tur, tura; Ukr. tur, tura;
Cz. tur, Slk. tur with short vowels. From PSI. turu (tura) mob. AP 'wild
bull' from PIE touros 'wild bull'; Lith. tauras 'wild bull' 4 AP (S LL, KAM,
LKR, DLK).
4
3
Rus. k6rob, k6roba, dial. iz koroba (VV 29) from PSI korbu (korba) mob.
AP 'basket' from PIE korbh6s 'basket'; Lith. (dial.) kafbas 'basket' 4 AP
(LK). Original masculine gender in Baltic is indicated by Finn. karpas
'basket'.
European Barytone Forms
SC zub, zuba; Sin. Big. zubUt; Rus. zub, zuba (cf. also Ace. Plur. zuby
in sixteenth-century documents; KIP 22, 27); Ukr. zub, zubu; Cz. zub, Slk.
zub, Pol. (z{lb), Snc. (zJ!fb), zijbit with short vowels. From PSI.
mob. AP 'tooth' from PIE g6nbhos 'protruding edge, tooth,' Skt.
(R V) jdmbhas 'tooth', Gk. g6mphos 'nail, thorn', Lith. zambas 'edge, bor-
der; hem of a garment' 2 AP along with 4 AP (see Section 9).
SC voz, voza 'cart' (cf. also Nd vozu in Krizani6; RFV XXXIV 119); Sin.
v{Jz, Rus. voz, v6za, dial. voz (Rjazan', Sudogda: VV 26, lOR XVIII 4, 21).
(cf. nd vozy in the Simeonovskij Chronicle of the sixteenth-century, dial.
p6 vozu; VV 27); BRos. voz, v6za; Ukr. viz, v6za; Slk. voz. From PSI. vozu
(voza), mob. AP 'vehicle, cart' from PIE y6ghos 'vehicle' Gk. 6khos (more
often Plur. 6khoi) 'vehicle'.
SC (dial.) vecer (Hvar; see FILXIV 30) 'evening', cf. podvecer (Novi; see
lOR XIV 2, 211); Slov. vecer (from *veceru); Rus. vecer, vecera,p6d vecer
{cf. d6vecera in the documents of the sixteenth century; OV I 81, VV 56);
BRos. vecar, vecera; Ukr. vecir, vecera.44
From PSI. veceru (vee era) mob. AP 'evening' from PIE yekYeros
'evening'; Gk. hesperos 'evening' from *yeskYeros, Lith. vakaras 'evening' 1
AP in texts and dialects (usually 3 AP) from *y6kYoros (see Section 9).
SC (dial.) vliis, vliisa (Novi, Piperi; see IORXIV 2 and 209, SDZ X 75)
'hair', vlos, v/Osa (Hvar, Brae, FIL XIV 18, SDZ X 75), liios, liiosa (Bedn-
ja, HDZ I 297); Slov./iis, dial. vliis; Big. (dial.) vlas6 (G. Dzumaja,; ISSF
I 186), (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80), vlasoat (Smoljan; RN IV, 3, 99);
Rus. v6los, v6losa, zd volosy; BRos. v6las, v6lasa; Ukr. v6los, v6losa; Cz.
vias, Slk. vias, USorb. (wl6s), wlosa, Pol. wlos, Snc. v[uf!S with short vowels.
From PSI. voisu (voisa) mob. AP 'hair' from PIE y6lkos 'hair; sprout';
Skt. (TS) vd!Sas 'sprout; branch'.
SC crep, crepa 'crock; tile'; Sin. crep; Big. crep6 (Samkov; liB IV 270);
Rus. cerep, cerepa 'skull'; BRos. cerap, cerapa; Ukr. cerep, cerepa; Cz.
stfep, trep, Slk. crep, USorb. (crop), cropa (see DYB) with short vowels.
From PSI. cefpu (cefpa), mob. AP 'crock, fragment; skull from PIE
kYerpos 'skull; crock'; Gmc. *hwerfaz, OHG were/, (masc.) 'skull'.
SC vuk, vuka 'wolf'; Sin. volk; Big. vulkiit (cf. v'ilkit in the Tixoronov
Sbornik of the seventeenth century, LA OB 135); Rus. volk, v6lka (cf. nd
volka, nd volki in the 1647 Sbornik, VV 121); BRos. vouk, v6uka, Ukr.
vovk, v6vka; Slk. vlk, Soc. veuk with short vowels. This word has been
transferred into the oxytone AP in the Russian dialect forms volk, volkd,
and in BRos. vouk, vaukd. From PSI. vriku (viika) mob. AP 'wolf' from
PIE yfkYos 'wolf'; Skt. (RV) vfkas 'wolf', Gk.!Ukos 'wolf' {Lith. vilkas
has 4 AP with no traces of barytone accent; see. Section II).
Big. sunut 'sleep', dial. siinu (Vidin; see SBN XIX 14), sand (Botevgrad;
SBN XXXVIII 8), son6 (Bobosevo; SBN XLII 20), siin6 (Sumen; MIL
OB 102), san6 (Suxo; MKI II 105; cf. also sun6tu in eighteenth-century
texts; MIL 18). In Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian this item has been
transferred into the oxytone AP: SC san, sna, Sin. sen, sna; this transfer
is quite understandable, if one takes into account the fact that the oblique
case forms *siina, siinu, etc. were accented on the ending-*sna, *snu,
etc.-after reduced vowels were lost; these forms were responsible for
the appearance of the Nom. Sing. *siin without lengthening (cf., on the
other hand, Nom. san in the Kosovo region, where disyllabic forms of
the oblique cases were introduced by analogy: sana, sanu, etc., see ELZ
II 200). From PSI. siinu (siina) mob. AP 'sleep' from PIE supnos 'sleep',
Gk. hUpnos 'sleep'.
SC lflk, /Uka 'bow'; Sin. 'arc; rainbow'; Big. /Ukut (PSK, PR); Ros.
luk, !Uka 'bow' (cf. iz luka in older texts; KP WR 85, BURL 71) BRos.
luk, luka; Ukr.luk, luka; Cz.luk 'bow, hoop', Slk./uk, Pol. Irk 'bend'
with short vowels. The oxytone accent of SC dial. lflk, !Uka (eastern Her-
zegovina, SDZ X 41) is secondary. From PSI. 'hoop, arc; bow'
from PIE /6nkos 'something bent'; Lith.lafzkas 'barrel hoop, arc; bend',
originally 2 AP, judging by the Illative Sing. form lufzkan from *lafzkana
in the Southeastern Dzuk dialect (AR 32) along with the more usual 4
AP in dialects and in the standard language (cf. R DL); barytone accent
is also indicated by Gmc. *ldnhan (neut.) 'strap,' OE sceaftlo, Plur. maes-
tlon, which is probably a variant of the o-stem *lonkom. Original masculine
gender in-Baltic is confirmed by OPros. Lunkis (EV 199) 'corner' (prob-
ably for *Lankis).
SC (dial.) grom, groma 'thunder' (Novi, Hvar, Lepetane, Prcanj, Piva,
Plevlja, Senj; see lOR XIV, 2, 209, FIL XIV 71 and 77, RE 62, SDZ
X 198); Sin. gri)m; Ros. grom. gr6ma, dial. (Rjazan') grom, gr6mu in
older texts (lOR XVIII 4, 18, VV 24--26; cf. gromi in CHU, KP 22); 6t
gromu, 6 gromex (VV 27); BRos. hrom, hr6mu; Ukr, hrim, hr6mu; Slk.
hrom. Secondary oxytone: SC dial. grom, groma (Pocerje, SDZ II 317,
RIS 116); cf. the contamination of the two paradigms in the standard
language: grom, groma; Sin. dial. (Dolenjsko) gram, gr6ma (Plet.); Big.
dial. gr6ma (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80). From PSI. gromu (groma) mob.
AP 'thunder' from PIE ghr6mos 'crash, din'; cf. Hesychius khr6mos
ps6phos poi6s 'some kind of sound' (HAL IV 298).
SC lOg, toga 'lair, den; riverbed'; Ros. log, l6ga 'ravine'; BRos. loh, /6ha.
From PSI./Ogu, toga mob. AP 'lair, den; riverbed, ravine' from PIE
/6ghos 'place for lying down'; Gk. /6khos 'ambush'.
SC goj, goja 'peace'; Slk. (archaic) hoj 'sufficiency, abundance'.45 From
PSI. goji (goja) mob. AP 'abundance, peaceful life' from PIE g6iHos
'life, dwelling'; Skt. (RV) gdyas 'house and family, housekeeping'.
SC bOd, bOda 'prick, stitch'; Big. dial. budu (Cesnegirovo; see SNU XIX
432), bodd (Botevgrad; SNU XXXVIII 8), (Teteven; SNU XXXI
79), bod6 (Sumen) 'thorn, prickle'; Slk. bod 'prick'. Sin. with the
vowel /Q/ probably reflects the influence of the accentuation of prefixed
derivatives. From PSI. bOdu (bOda) mob. AP 'prick' from PIE bh6dhos
'prick; pressure'; Skt. btidhas 'pressure, force', Lith. biidas 'hunger' ( orig-
inally, perhaps, 'colic'} 2 AP in old texts (usually 4 AP); see Section 11.
SC bOg, bOga 'God'; Sin. bi)g; Big. (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80);46
Ros. bog, b6ga, dial. (Rjazan') bog, bog in the Sofijskij Sbornik of the
sixteenth century: see VV 26 and 24 ( cf. nd boga, nd bogy, p6 boze in
sixteenth-century documents; VV 27, OV II 15); BRos. boh, b6ha; Ukr.
bih, b6ha; Slk. boh. From PSI. bOgu (bOga) mob. AP 'God' from PIE
bh6gos 'distributor of blessings, God'; Skt. (RV) bhdgas 'distributor of
blessings, Lord'.
SC cep, cepa 'flail'; Sin. Ros. cep, cepa; BRos. cep, cepa; Ukr. cip,
cipa; Cz. cep, Slk. cep, Soc. (Plur.) with short vowels. Secondary:
Ros. cep, cepd is secondary (SED 101). From PSI. mob. AP
'flail' from PIE k6ipos 'something split, .broken up'; gloss of Hesychius
skoipos he eksokM ton ksUlon, eph' hOn eisin hoi keramoi 'beam holding
up a tile roof' (HAL IV 47).
SC (dial.) prh, prha 'coal dust' (ZN XXXIX 401); Sin. prh 'dust from
fine earth'. From PSI. pirxi1 (pirxa) mob. AP 'dust' from PIE pfsos 'fine
particles'; Gmc. *fursaz, ON fors (masc.) 'waterfall', originally 'spray'.
SC rog, roga 'horn'; Sin. rl)g_; Big. rogilt (cf. rogo, eighteenth-century
text, MIL 17); Rus. rog, roga, dial. (Rjazan', Tot'ma) rog, rogii in the
sixteenth century, VV 25-26 (cf. zd rogi in dialects and po rogu, do raga
in old texts; VV 26); BRus. roh, roha; Ukr. rih, roha; Slk. roh. The oxy-
tone accent in Ukr. (dial.) ruoh, rohd and BRus. {dial.) roh, raha is
secondary (KP 83). From PSI. rogii (roga) mob. AP 'horn' from PIE
rogos 'horn'; Lith. riigas 'horn' has 2 AP in some old documents (M
DL, PVG 607, NES) and, in all probability, in the southeastern Dzuk
dialect (AR 9) but 4 AP in other old texts (SK 34, B 1735, B 1755, R
DL, ACD 17), in most of the modern dialects, and in the standard
language. Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus.
Ragis 'horn' (EV 705).
SC sneg, snega 'snow'; Sin. Big. snegilt; Rus. sneg, snega; BRus.
sneh, snehu; Ukr. snih, snthu; Cz. (snih), snehu, Slk. sneh, Soc. (sneg),
snif}.git with short vowels. The oxytone accent of Ukr. (dial.) snih, snihd
is secondary (ASP VII 334). From PSI. mob. AP 'snow'
from PIE snotguos 'snow'; Lith. sniegas 'snow' has 2 AP in a north-
western Zemaitis dialect (cf. LM 333), but 4 AP is more usual in the
dialects and in the standard language. Original masculine gender in
Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Snaygis (EV 55) 'snow' (cf. masc. Gmc.
*snai!Jwaz 'snow', Gothic snaiws).
SC grad, griida 'city' (cf. nd grad, ob grad in Krizanic; RFV XXXIV
119); Sin. griid; Big. gradilt (cf. vil grad:e, kt gradu, Dat. Plur. gradom
(lAG 410, 429, 405), gradta, gradot in old texts (LA OB 218, MIL 17);
Rus. gorod, goroda (cf. do goroda, pod gorodom, nd gorode in sixteenth-
and seventeenth-century texts; VV 29); BRus. horad, horada, Ukr. horod,
h6roda; Cz. hrad, Slk. hrad, USorb. (hr6d), hroda, Pol. (gr6d), grodu
with short vowels. From PSI. gordii, (gorda) mob. AP 'enclosed fortified
place' from PIE gh6rdhos 'enclosed place' ;
47
Lith. gardas 'animal pen,
part of a shed' 2 AP in old texts (SK 137) and dialects (KSL) along with
the more usual 4 AP. Original masculine gender is confirmed by Gmc.
!Jardaz, Gothic garps 'courtyard, house'.
45. Exceptions
In a number of cases the exceptions are only apparent. Thus, PSI. kptii
(k(Jtti) ox. AP 'corner, shelter' (SC dial. kilt, kutii, Sin. kpt, Big. kiltut,
Rus. dial. kut, kutd, etc.) probably cannot be compared with Gk.
kanth6s 'corner of the eye'
4
B with th from *dh. PSI. drozdu, which is
found with oxytone AP (SC dial. drezd, dn?zda-Prigorje: see RAD
CXV 100; Big. dr6zdut, Rus. dr6zd, drozdd), along with mobile AP (SC
drozd, drozda from *drozda, Rus. drozd in dialects having a contrast of
high-mid and low-mid back vowel, Ukr. drizd, drozda), apparently does
not reflect an o-stem, i.e., Gk. strouth6s 'sparrow', Lith. striizdas 'thrush'
(4 AP), but au-stem, i.e., Gmc. *Prastuz, ON prpstr 'thrush'. The oxy-
tone accent of SC pas, psa, Sin pes, psa ( cf. Skt. pisas 'a type of deer';
see BOH-R IV 728) must be explained in the same way as the compar-
able accentuation of Sl. *siinii (see Section 44); the forms *psa, psu, etc.
arose phonetically after the loss of reduced vowels in *psa, psu.
A number of true exceptions are probably connected with the Slavic
development of barytone neuter, o-stems. These cases will be examined
below (Section 52).
46. The Coalescence of the Two Accentual Paradigms of Masculine
0-Stems in Slavic
The coalescence of the two accentual paradigms of o-stems into the mobile
AP is not a Balto-Slavic process, as Kurylowicz argues; but rather a
purely Slavic process: in Sections 8-10 above it was shown that the con-
trast of the two paradigms is still maintained in Lithuanian. The Slavic
mobile AP has columnar barytone accent in the singular,
4
9 and this cir-
cumstance is unquestionably responsible for its coalescence with the
barytone AP: since the singular set *sokii, soka, soku, soku, sokoml, soce
was identical with the singular set *vozii, voza, vozu, vozii, vozomi, voze,
the word with barytone AP was transferred into the mobile AP (*do voza
like *do soka, Dat. Plur. *vozomu like sokomu, etc.).
It can be assumed that originally the coalescence of the two paradigms
in Slavic was only partial. There seems to be some evidence for this in the
data from Serbo-Croatian dialects from the island of Susak in north-
eastern !stria. In the Susak dialect a number of masculine o-stems (cor-
responding with mobile AP in all other Serbo-Crotian dialects) have an
unusual accentual paradigm with oxytone accent in the oblique cases of
the singular;
50
in the Cakavian dialects of Istria certain nominals of the
same class have parallel oxytone forms in a number of cases. 51 As a rule,
this accentuation is found in nominals which have barytone correspond-
ences in other Indo-European languages; reflexes of oxytone forms in
these dialects have the usual mobile AP. Compare the following sets :5
2
Proto-Indo-European Barytone Proto-Indo-European Mobile-
AP Oxytone AP
zup zubli rlas rlasa
rrat rrada glas glasa (lstra)
grad grad a (Istra) m1x m1xa
rYox rorii meh meha (lstra)
Iuk Iuka (Istra) xYot xoda
sneg snega (Istra) hOd hOda (lstra)
cep cepl Pl. (lstra) plen plena (Istra)
vliis vias! Pl. (lstra)53
In this case, then, oxytone accent is the reflex of an original barytone
accent, as was pointed out for a-stems. The peculiarity of o-stems ap-
parently consists in the fact that oxytone forms were optional and were
preserved only as relics in certain peripheral dialects.
Neuter 0-Stems
There is in Slavic an opposition of two paradigms for neuter o-stems
having short roots:
(I) A paradigm with columnar oxytone accent in the singular and in
the plural with the exception of locative plural and nominative-accusa-
tive plural; in these latter forms there is a neoacute tone on a long root
syllable (') or on a short syllable ('). In the nominative-accusative data
from SC dialects and from the East Slavic languages point to the ex-
istence of parallel forms with oxytone accent (cf. Rus. vorota along with
vorotd); in view of the fact that accent retraction from an internal circum-
flex syllable must be set up for the locative plural (*vorthii to *vortexii;
cf. ST p. 83), and that accent retraction can be set up for the nominative-
accusative plural in connection with length in the ending -a (e.g., SC
dial. nebesii, Sin. de/a from and Slk. brdd, slovesd),54 columnar
oxytone accent can be reconstructed for the plural as well as for the
singular.
(2) A mobile AP with accent shift to enclitics and proclitics ( cf. Rus.
more, nd more), with oxytone accent in the nominative-accusative plural
(Rus. morjd).
The contrast between these two paradigms is well preserved in Serbo-
Croatian, Sin. and in the East Slavic languages; it is found in the West
Slavic languages in items containing Slavic long vowels in the root
(length is retained in the oxytone class and lost in the mobile class); the
two paradigms have been almost totally merged in Bulgarian dialects.
In analyzing the Indo-European correspondences of Slavic neuter
nominals with short roots one finds that these correspondences contain
as a rule only nominals with oxytone AP: they correspond to Indo-
European forms with columnar oxytone accent in the singular and bary-
tone in the plural. Indo-European neuter forms with barytone accent in
the singular, as will be demonstrated below, have been transferred into
the masculine class in Slavic.
48. Slavic Neuter with Oxytone AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European
Oxytone (Singular) Forms
SC pero, Plur. pera 'feather' (Hvar, Susak; see FIL XIV 54, HDZ I
171), pero, Plur. pera (Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 221), pero, pera (Eastern
Hercegovina), pero, pera (standard language); Sin. Rus.
pero; BRos. pjaro, pery; Ukr. pero, Plur. pera and perd (dial.). From
PSI. pero (Plur. perdfpera) ox. AP 'feather' from PIE pterom or perom
'feather; wing'; Gk. pteron 'feather, wing'. 56
SC gnizdo, Plur. gnizda 'nest' (Hvar, Brae; FIL XIV 24, SDZ X 42),
gniezde, Plur. gnjiezdo (Bednja; HDZ I 299), gnezdo, gnezda (standard
language); Sin. Rus. gnezdo, gnezda; BRos. hnjazdo,
hnezdy; Ukr. hnizdo, hnizda (and Nom. Plur. gnezda in the Ostrozskij
Bible of the sixteenth century; see V OV 55); OCz. hniezdo, Cz. hnizdo,
Slk. hniezdo, Pol. (dial.) gnidzdo, gnozdo (KAR, SO R LXXVIII, 4, 113,
KUC 83) Soc. gnii!Jzde with long vowels. From PSI. gnezdo (Plur.
ox. AP 'nest', with an irregular initial, from PIE nisdom
'nest'; Skt. (RV) nidd- (masc. or neut.) 'resting place for cattle; nest'. Lith.
lizdas 'nest' 4 AP (see Section 16).
SC (dia!.)jadre, Plur.jadro 'kernel' (Bednja; HDZ I 299); Sln.jedr9,
Plur. jedra; Rus. jadro, jddra; BRos. jadro, jtidry; Cz. jtidro, Pol. jgdro,
Soc. ji'n;dre with long vowels.
57
From PSI . .ifdro, Plur. ox.
AP 'kernel, seed' from PIE endrom 'kernel, seed'; Skt. (RV) d1Jdm
'testicle' from andrdm.
Rus. nutro; 'viscera'; BRos. nutro; Ukr. nutro. From PSI. gtro ox. AP
'viscera, womb' from PIE ontrom 'viscera'; Skt. (RV) antrdm 'viscera'.
Rus. (dial.) silo (DAL) 'noose, loop', BRos. silo, Plur. sily, Ukr. sylo in
the Berynda dictionary (V UN 11); Slk. osidlo (the initial o is secondary)
with long vowel; the accentuation of Rus. (dial.) silo and Ukr. sy!o is
secondary. From PSI. sidla ox. AP 'noose, loop' from PIE seidh/6m
'something for tying'; Gmc. *saila 'string', OHG seil (neut.), OSax. sel,
with simplification of the geminate after long syllable from *sail/a from
*said/a from soidhl6m.5s
Ukr. horn6 'furnace'. 5
9
From PSI. giirna ox. AP 'furnace, coals' from
PIE ghrnom 'something burning, burning hot'; Skt. (R V) ghp:zas 'heat'
from *ghrnos.
SC dno, Plur. dna 'bottom' (cf. na dno, za dno from *na dno, etc., without
accent shift to proclitics); Sin. dna; Rus. dno, do dna; Ukr. dno. The
accentuation of SC (dial.) dano is secondary (Posavina, also see RAD
CXCVI 254, CXCIV 52), probably taken from the Nom.-Acc. Plur.
*dana from dfina, cf. Sin. (dial.) Nom. Plur. dane with replacement of the
neut. ending from *dfina (RAM 213). From PSI. diina (Piur. diinafduna)
'bottom' from PIE dhubhn6m 'bottom'; Lith. dugnas 'bottom' 4 AP in
dialects (KSL) and in the standard language. (KT GL 152, GL 86, S
LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
The columnar oxytone accent in the singular of the items listed above
is a direct reflex of the comparable Indo-European accentuation. As for
the plural forms, on the basis of data from other Indo-European lan-
guages and in particular from Baltic, one would expect a columnar
barytone AP. Apparently a transformation of this accentual paradigm
into an oxytone paradigm has taken place in Slavic, a process which
was mentioned above for a-stems. This hypothesis is supported by an
analysis of Indo-European barytone pluralia tantum in Slavic, where
the Slavic oxytone accent cannot be explained by the influence of the
singular.
SC jetra, Plur. (dialects in which the neoacute tone has been retained, e.g.,
Novi, lOR XIV 2, 221), jetra from *jetra (standard language) 'liver'; Rus.
(dial.) jatra 'viscera'; Cz. jatra from *jitra; Slk. jatra probably reflects
an ox. From PSI.jitra (probably with a ox. AP
Plur. 'viscera, liver' from PIE ent(e)ra (neut. Plur.) 'viscera'; Gmc. *enpro,
ON innr, ipr, (neut. Plur.) 'viscera', Gk. entera (neut. Plur.) 'intestines'
(also a secondary enteron, Sing.).
SC vrata (but na vrata-Prcanj; see RE 57), vrata (standard language,
Eastern Hercegovina, see SDZ III 134), vrata (Novi, Susak; lOR XIV
2, 221, HDZ I 183), vrata from *vrata (Saptinovac, Lepetane; see RAD
CLXVIII 131, FIL XIV 79; also in Krizanic, see RFV XXXIV 123)
'gates'; Rus. vorota (SGR dialects, also in sixteenth- and seventeenth-
century documents, see ST U 72, OV II 147, V OV 55), vor6ta (NGR,
see OBN II 398); BRus. var6ty; Ukr. vor6ta and vorota (vorota in six-
teenth- and seventeenth-century documents; see V OV 55); Cz. (dial.)
vrata (Litomysl', Zlin; see HOD 11, DM I 8, cf. KEL I 116), Slk. vrata,
Soc. vtirta with long vowels indicating *v6rta. An oxytone variant in the
nominative-accusative plural is probably reflected in Cz. vrata, USorb.
wrota, and Pol. wrota. From PSI. vorta/v6rta ox. AP (Plur.) 'gates' from
PIE IJOrtii (neut. Plur.) 'gates'; Lith. vaftai (Plur.) 2 AP in old texts (SK
33, B 1755, R LD), in the dialects, and in the standard language. Go
Original neuter plural in Lithuanian is indicated by OPrus. Warto (EV
210) 'gates'.
SC pluca 'lungs' (standard language) from *p/utja, plflca (in dialects which
retain the neoacute tone, e.g., Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 221), p/i1ca from
*plutja (Ristic); Slk. p/'uca, Cz. plice (Nom. Sing, fern, back formation
from Nom. Plur. *p/jutja) with long vowels, reflecting *pljutja. An
oxytone nominative-accusative plural probably underlies Soc. placa
with a short vowel. From PSI. plutjafp/Utja and pljutjafpljutja ox. AP
(Plur.) 'lungs' from PIE pl6utja, pleutja; Lith. plauciai 'lungs' 2 AP in
Donelaitis (ACD 30) and in dialects (LIT II 383), with 4 AP in the western
Aukstaitis dialect of Veliuona (LM 236) and in the standard language
(KT GL 163, GL 97, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR. DLK).
There is only one exception to the above correspondence of Indo-
European oxytone in the singular of neuter o-stems with Slavic oxytone:
SC na sto, po sto, etc. (RFV XXXIV 118); Rus. na sto, dvesti, etc., and
vasto, v6ste, s6stom in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries (STU 41, 42, VV 56). From PSI. sUto mob. AP 'hundred';
this accentuation does not agree with the oxytone accent of PIE k1J1t6m
(Skt. satam, Gmc. *hunda, Lith. simtas 4 AP). Perhaps this change in
accentuation of the Slavic item can be connected with the secondary
lengthening of the final syllable reflected in SC sto, Sin. sto (cf. SC dno,
zlo, Sin. dna, z/a with short vowels); this lengthening probably explains
the open fo/ in this item in Russian dialects and texts which have a con-
trast of high versus low mid-back vowels (Rjazan' sto, and in the Sojij-
skij Sbornik of the sixteenth century st6 let, vs. Rjazan' dno, z/8, and in
the Sbornik, dno, z/8; see VV 127).61
49. Slavic Masculine 0-Stems with Oxytone AP Corresponding to
Proto-Indo-European Neuter Singular Barytone Forms
Hirt had already pointed out that in a number of cases Proto-Indo-
European neuter a-stems appear in Slavic as masculine forms.6
2
The
paucity of examples adduced6
3
created the impression that this did not
constitute a regular set of correspondences; the examples could always
be explained on the basis of masculine/neuter doublets in Proto-Indo-
European. 54 However, a more thorough examination of the Slavic data
shows that the correspondence noted by Hirt is indeed regular, if it is
limited to reflexes of Proto-Indo-European barytone neuters in Slavic;
the resulting masculine nouns in Slavic have, as a rule, oxytone AP.
SC dvor, dvora 'courtyard; door' (Novi; see lOR XIV, 2, 214), dvor,
dv6ra (standard language) with lengthening before a sonant; Sin. dvor,
dv6ra; Big. dv6rut; Rus. dvor, dial. dvor (Kostroma, Rjazan'; cf. also
dvof in old texts, see lOR XVIII, 4, 315, 185, VV 110), dvord, also in
accented texts (VV Ill, 114, STU 17, 31, KP 22); BRos. dvor, dvard;
Ukr. dvir, dvord, as well as in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century texts
(V OV 36, SOR CXXXIV 2, 57); Slk. dial. (WSlk.) dvur from *dvor (but
dvor in the standard language). The barytone forms of the nominative-
accusative plural dv6ry, which occur in a number of Rus. and BRus.
documents (V NI 147), have probably arisen under the influence of Inst.
Plur. *dvory, Loc. Plur. *dvorexu, where accent retraction is regular.
From PSI. dvoru (dvora) ox. AP 'court' from PIE dhy6rom 'court with
gates; gates'; Skt. (SB) dvliram 'door, gate'. Original neut. gender is
confirmed by Lat. forum, as well as Gk. pr6thuron 'outer door, porch',
Gmc. *aura, neut. 'gates', Goth. daur, OHG tor, OE dor.
SC dial. pod, poda (Novi, Susak, Posavina; lOR XIV 2, 214, HDZ I
106, RAD CXCVI 236), ped, pyeda (Bednja; HDZ I 297), pod, pOda
(Piva, Zumberak; SDZ X 188, ASP VI 352), while in the standard lan-
guage the tone of the nominative singular has been generalized: pOd,
pOda 'floor, story'; Sin. pOd, p6da 'floor'; Big. p6dut 'floor'; Ukr. (dial.)
pid, podd 'hay stack floor' (ASP VII 333); Rus. (dial.) pod, p8da (Rja-
zan'; see VV 58, lOR XVIII 185; with generalization to the nominative
singular, the oxytone accent of the base word being indicated by the
accentuation of the derivative pod6vyj). Secondary mobile AP; SC (dial.)
pOd, pOda (Hvar, FIL XIV 18), Ukr. pid, p6du, BRos. pod, p6du, Rus.
pod, p6da. From PSI. pOdu (pod a) ox. AP 'floor, bottom' from PIE
109
p6dom 'part of the foot touching the ground; the ground beneath the
foot'; Gk. pedon 'soil, earth' from *pedom, Lith. piidas 'sole, clay floor
beneath stove' 2 AP (see Section 15) from *p6dom.
SC (dial.) tern, terna 'thorn' (Bednja; see HDZ I 297; cf. tern= tern in
the Berlic grammar of 1849, PFV XIX 21), trn, trna with shortening
(Novi; lOR XIV 2, 214), trn from *tfn, tfna (Piva; SDZ X 192); Sin.
trn; Big. trunut (in the standard language and most of the dialects);
Ukr. teren, ternu (SML 223); Cz. (dial.) trn with length (MACH 535).
Secondary leveling occurs in SC trn, trna (standard language, Kajkavian
dialects, RAD CUI 191, CLIII 144, CLXII 52), Ukr. teren, ternu, Rus.
tern, dial. teren, terna. From PSI. tirnu, tlrna, ox. AP 'thorn, spine;
plant with thorns' from PIE tfnom 'something sharp, thorny'; Skt. (RV)
tfiJ.am 'grass'.65
SC ian, lana 'flax' (standard language, Lepetane, Crmnica); this ac-
centuation most precisely reflects the state of affairs which arose in the
South Slavic languages after the loss of the reduced vowels: the Nom.-
Acc. Sing. liin has no lengthening, which is characteristic for the oxy-
tone class, while the Gen. Sing. llina, Dat. Sing. lanu, etc., reflect the
introduction into the oblique case forms of the accentuation of the nomi-
native-accusative singular following the loss of the phonetically expected
forms *Ina, !nit (cf. Ukr. len, tenu, Plur. leny, along with the phoneti-
cally expected forms len, l'nu, l'ny). Later, on the basis of oblique case
forms, the nominative-accusative Singular !em was created (on the model
bOga-bOg), attested in Krizanic (len, lena = len, lena: see RFV XXXIV
122; cf. tan, liina with leveling in the Posava and Podrava dialects: see
RAD CXCVI 235, CLXV 121). Similar processes led to the transfer of
this item into the mobile AP in Sin. (fan, lanii).66 For Big. a similar
development can be assumed, since here, along with the regular tenut
(standard language), l'dnqt (Cepino, PS LXVI 212), !'en'u (Suxo; MKI
II 60) we also have l n ~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80), linu (Cesnegirovo;
ISSF II 432), lenu (Vidin; SNU XIX 14), len6 (Blagoevgrad; ISSF I
186). From PSI.linu (llna) ox. AP 'flax' from PIE linom 'flax'; Gk.
linon 'flax'. Neuter forms occur also in Lat. /inurn 'flax', Gmc. *!ina
'flax, linen cloth', Goth. lein, OHG lin, etc. (cf. Finn. liina from Gmc.
*!ina) from *leinom.
Sin. (dial.) meh, meha (PLET) 'moss'; SC (dial.) mah, maha (Ozrinici,
RE 67) with the introduction of the tone of the nominative-accusative
singular into oblique case forms, replacing the phonetically expected
forms *mxa, mxu, etc., after the loss of reduced vowels (cf. the remarks
above on SC tan, llma; comparable forms were created in the East Slavic
languages: Rus. mox, moxa, BRos. max, moxu, Ukr. mox, moxu along
with Ros. mox, mxa, BRus. mox, imxu, Ukr. mox, mxu); USorb. (dial.)
mach, with /6/ from neoacute jlij (DYB). On the basis of the oblique
case forms a secondary accentual paradigm was created in SC miix, mlixa
(and, later, miih, miiha-Novi; lOR XIV 2, 210, and also in Krizanic,
RFV XXXIV 123), Sin. miih, mahii. Similar processes took place in Bul-
garian; cf. Big. muxilt (standard language), (Teteven; SNU XXXI
81), muil (Lorn; SNU XXXVIII 32), mux6 (Sumen) along with the regu-
lar forms mila (Vidin; SNU XIX 13), mao (Samokov; ISSF VIII-IX
324). From PSI. mlixu (muxa) ox. AP 'moss' from PIE musom 'moss';
Gmc. *musa 'moss, swamp', OHG mas (neut.), OE mas (neut.).
OCz. sit 'twining', with long vowel; cf. Rus. (dial.) sitovyj 'interlaced,
wattled' (DAL) showing oxytone accent of the base word. Sin. sit
(masc.), with falling tone may reflect the influence of the parallel
feminine form sit, Gen. sit f. From PSI. situ (sita) ox. AP 'name of plant used
for weaving rope' from PIE seitom 'tie, something used for fastening';
Gmc. *sdipa, OHG seid 'cord' (neut.), Lith. saitas 'tie, rope handle' 2 AP
along with 4 AP (see Section 15) from *s6itom; Lith. sietas 'tie' 2 AP in
old texts (ACD 20), dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (S LL,
KAM, LKR, DLK)67 from *seitom.
SC (dial.) van (Istra; SDZ IX 126), viin with lengthening before sonant
(Novi; lOR XIV, 2, 238) 'except, besides', van'i, po vanu 'on the outside'
(Novi, Susak; HDZ I 181); Sin. ven, vene 'outside, on the outside'.
68
These adverbs have corresponding forms in the nominative-accusative
singular (cf. SC dial. najedan van govorit 'to speak to no purpose' in
Istrian dialects; RAD CIV 373) and locative singular of a noun recon-
structable as *vunu. From PSI. vlinu (vuna) ox. AP 'something external'
from PIE y6Hom 'something external, outside the house'; Skt. (RV)
vdnam 'forest, wood' from *y6Hom; a neuter form occurs also in Gmc.
*wena, ON vin (neut.) 'meadow' from *yenHom.
Ros. cered, ceredd, ceredom. There has been a transfer of this item into
mobile AP in Ros. (dial.) cered, cereda (Moscow, Gorky, NACH 272)
and Ukr. cered, cereda. From PSI. cerdu (cerda) ox. AP 'turn, sequence'
from PIE kerdhom 'turn, row'; Skt. (RV) sdrdham 'herd'. Original neu-
ter gender is confirmed by Avest. saraoa- (neut.) 'type'.
Ros. (dial., Perm') ceren (from *ceren) 'salt pan' (DAL);69 Ukr. (dial; Cer-
nigov) cer6n, car6n, Gen. (with leveling) cer6nu 'stove bottom' (LIS 69).
In Pol. trzon 'hearth' there has apparently been a transfer to mobile AP.
From PSI. cernu (cerna) ox. AP 'type of vessel; part of the hearth' from
PIE kertnom 'vessel over the hearth for sacrificial offerings'; Gk. kernon
'vessel for sacrifice'. Evidence for original neuter gender in Slavic comes
from Ukr. (dial.) l:eran6 (LIS 69).
SC dren, drenli (Novi, lOR XIV 2, 214), dren, drena (standard language);
Sin. from Big. drjdnut; Ros. (dial.) deren, derena
(secondary leveling on the model of the nominative-accusative singular);
Ukr. deren, derenu; OCz. dfien, Cz. dfin, U-Sorb. drhz, drena, Pol. (dial.)
drzon (KAR), Sue. droyn, droynit with long vowels. Secondary forms
occur in Big. (dial.) dren6 (Bobosevo, Blagoevgrad, Sumen; SNU XLII
20, ISSF I 186) and Ros. deren, derena. From PSI. dernu (derna) ox. AP
'Cornel cherry' from PIE dherghnom 'plant name'; Gk. terkhnos (neut.)
'young shoot, branch' from dherghnos. 70
SC Stit, stita 'shield'; Big. stitut; cf. Loc. Plur. stitox (Pis'm; lAG 450);
Ros. seit, scitd; BRos. scyt, scytd (along with secondary scyt, scyta, LOB
77), Ukr. scyt, scytd; Cz. stit, Slk. Stit, Snc. scit with long vowels. There
is a secondary transfer of this item to barytone AP in SC dial. sc'it, scita
(Kajkavian; RAD XLV 60), and Sin. scit, scita. From PSI. sCitu (scita)
ox. AP 'shield; reed' from PIE skeitom 'something split'; Lith. ski etas
'reed' 2 AP along with 4 AP (see Section 17) from *sk6itom (cf. OPrus.
Staytan, EV 421, 'shield'). Original neuter gender is confirmed by Lat.
scutum 'shield'. There is an oxytone variant in Gmc. *skiila 'log', OHG
sku.
SC (dial.) prst, prstli 'finger, digit' (Lepetane, Pri5anj, Ozrini6i; FIL XIV
71, RE 46), with secondary leveling on the model of the nominative-
accusative singular prst, prsta; Sin. (dial.) prst, prsta or pfsta (RAD XL-
VIII); Big. prilstut; Ros. (dial.) perst, peres (VAS II 344), perstd. perstom;
cf. perst, perstd in the Vostokov Grammar (NACH 190). There is a sec-
ondary transfer of this item into the mobile AP in Sin. prst and in Slk.
prst with a short vocalic element; the barytone AP of Ros. perst, persta
(also in old texts; KP 27, 28, 69 and ST U 20) reflects a South Slavic
accentuation. From PSI. pzrstu (plrsta) ox. AP 'finger' from PIE pfstHom
'something protruding; finger'; Lith. pifstas 'finger; tine' 2 AP (see
Section 17). Original neuter gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPros.
*zezlo 'rod'
SC zezlo, Sln.
*kolto 'beetle'
SC dial. klato 'wooden triangle',
Sin. klat(;l, Slk. klato 'stick'
*piklo 'hell'
SC paklo (secondary bar. AP in
Rus. dial. peklo, Ukr. peklo)
*xillsto
Ukr. xovst6 'bridle'
*zvono 'bell'
SC dial. zvono (Prcanj; RE 49)
*p<:;tro 'wooden floor, tier'
Rus. (dial.) pjatr6 (VAS II 478),
Pol. dial. (with long vowel,
KAR); secondary mob. AP:
Cz. patro, Slk. patro, Pol. pi<:;tro
(with short vowels)
*bolno
Rus. (dial.) bolon6 'cover,
pillow case' (DAL)
*cexlo 'case, cover'
Ukr. c6xla (Plur.) 'full blouse
sleeves' from Sing.
*coxl6, cf. Pol. dial. czechlo
'blouse'
*zezlil, zezla
Rus. dial. zezel, zezla, Ukr.
zezl, zezla
*k6lti1, kolta
Cz. klat 'stick, beetle'
*plkiu, pikia
sc pakao, Sin. peke!, pekla
*xi1Isti1, xillsta
Rus. xolst, xolsta 'canvas'
*zvonil, zvona 'bell'
BRus. zvon, zvami, Ukr. (dial.)
dzvin, dzvona (ASP VII 333)
*zvonil, zvona (old masc. form with
mob. AP)
Rus. zvon, zv6na, SC zvon, zvona,
etc.
p<:;tra
Slov. secondary accent
in SC petar or petar, Gen. petra
*b6lnil
Snc. bloyn, bloynu, Kash. bl6n,
bl6na 'cloud'
*cexlil, cexla
Rus. cex61, cexla, BRus. cax61,
caxla.
50. The Change of Barytone Neuter into Masculine in Relation to the
Change of Final -om to -ii
The distribution described above for Proto-Indo-European neuter nom-
inals in Slavic can be explained only if one accepts the hypothesis by
which final -om becomes -u in Slavic, a hypothesis which has frequently
been advanced by a variety of investigators. In view of the fact that the
ox. *p(t)er6m was retained as *pero, while *dhy6rom became
*dvoru (the introduction of oxytonesis in the latter type must be rele-
gated to a later period), it is natural to conclude that the change -om
to -u took place in unaccented syllables, as Hirt proposed in 1893 (H.
Hirt, "Zu den slavischen Auslautgesetzen," IF, II, pp. 348-349). As I
mentioned above, Hirt was the first to draw attention to Slavic mascu-
line nouns going back to Proto-Indo-European neuters; and it was he
who noted that the majority of nonderived neuter nouns in Slavic be-
long to the oxytone class (in the singular).
74
The vulnerable aspect of
Hirt's hypothesis was that he accepted a parallel development for final
-os (accented -o and unaccented -u), thereby creating insuperable diffi-
culties in explaining the fate of neuter s- stems and masculine a-stems
in Slavic. 7
5
However, his hypothesis, by taking into account accentual
factors, favorably compares with the explanations of Fortunatov (-om,
-os to -u) and Leskien (-om to -u, -os to-o), upon which so much
subsequent scholarly debate was centered.
76
In 1913 Agrell repeated
Hirt's formulation without mentioning his predecessor (S. Agrell, Intona-
tion und A us/aut im Slavischen, Uppsala, 1914, pp. 52-53). The restriction
which he introduced into this formulation (unaccented final -os, -om
were retained in Slavic as -o, when preceded by an accented circumflex
syllable) was completely arbitrary. The nature of the syllable preceding
the unaccented one apparently has no influence on the process of reduc-
tion. Thus, PSI. tylu (Cz. tY/ with long vowel, along with a secondary
Sin. til) is a reflex of a neuter barytone form *til/om 'growth, something
grown out' (Skt. til/am 'panicle; reed') just as PSI. *dvoru goes back to
*dhy6rom; other probable reflexes of neuter barytones are PSI. glidu
'reptile' (SC gad, Sin. gad, gdda) and Gmc. *kw:eifa 'dirt', neut. (OHG
quilt, OFris. quad, OE cwead) from PIE g!!edhom, and PSI. jlidu 'poison',
originally 'somethiJ;Ig eaten' (SC jiid, Sin. jad, jdda) and Gmc. *:Eta
'food', neut. (ON tit, OHG az, OSax. tit, OE eel). When Proto-Indo-
European barytone neuters with long roots show up in Slavic as neuters
(cf. *ordlo, *mydlo, etc.), the final -o has been introduced by an-
alogy, as, for example, in *cerslo, *pluto. Here too the phonetically ex-
pected forms are often retained along with the later analogical ones; cf.
*ty!U and *tylo (Cz. dial. tylo, Slk. tylo), *lyku (SC l'ik) and *lyko (SC
dial. ll'ko, Cz. lyko).
It we accept Hirt's change of final unaccented -om to -u,
77
we obtain a
satisfactory sequence of events for the process "Proto-Indo-European bary-
tone (singular) neuter to Proto-Slavic oxytone masculine." When the
change -om to -u took place, the old neuter barytone paradigm coalesced
with the masculine paradigm in the singular. In that period, apparently,
116
the shift of masculine barytone into the mobile accentual class had al-
ready taken place (with the retention of optional barytone forms under
certain conditions; see Section 46). Thus, the transformation of colum-
nar barytone paradigms into columnar oxytone paradigms (see Section
68) could encompass only the singular of the old barytone neuters (*dvora,
dvora, do dvora ... dvorli, dvora, do dvora, but *bOga, bOga, do boga
were retained without change). Since in the plural of this category oxy-
tone accent had been inherited from Proto-Indo-European (Sing. *dhyo-
rom-P!ur. dhyorli), a columnar oxytone paradigm arose; the shift of
such nouns into the masculine category was completed by the elimination
of neuter forms in the plural.
The process described above assumes that the accentual distribution of
nonderived neuter and masculine a-stems in Slavic depends not only upon
the original accentual distribution but also upon the gender distribution.
Original neuter nouns with short roots must have been distributed be-
tween the oxytone class of Slavic neuters and the oxytone class of Slavic
masculines; consequently, the class of SJavic neuters with mobile AP
requires explanation. On the other hand, since Proto-Indo-European
masculines have been transferred into the Slavic masculine class with
mobile AP, the Slavic oxytone masculine a-stems must be, as a rule,
reflexes of original barytone neuters.
51. Membership of the Slavic Class of Neuter 0-Stems with Mobile AP
The basic group of neuter nouns with mobile AP consists of nouns in
which the falling C) tone of the root is not original, but arose in place
of the rising (") tone in the mobile AP; these nouns, as a rule, go back
to Proto-Indo-European oxytone (in the singular) neuters with long
roots, and consequently their accentuation does not violate the distribu-
tion established above for nouns with short roots. The following Slavic
items can be explained in this way: *jaje, *jaro, *pivo,
*zoito, (see Section 62). The original oxytonesis of
these items explains the absence of the shift -om to -a.
In a number of cases the appearance of neuter nouns with mobile AP
must be explained by a process of back-formation of forms in -o from
oxytone pluralia tantum forms in -a: thus, Slavic *drilvo 'log, wood' (SC
drvo) is formed from the Plur. *dravd (SC drva); Rus. drovd, Ukr. dryvd.
Sl. *krosno (Rus. kr6sno, Ukr. kr6sno) is formed from the Plur. *krosnd
'bloom' (Rus. dial. krosnd, Plur.; cf. Cz. kritsna), originally wooden
frame (MACH 237).
The transformation of barytone AP to oxytone AP did not take place
in three-syllable neuter nouns, if the accent was originally on the first
syllable; in these cases we get mobile AP. Thus, corresponding with Lith.
ezeras 'lake' I AP in old texts (SK 46, B 1735, B 1755, ACD 23) and in
some of the dialects (KSL; 3 AP in most of the dialects and in the stan-
dard language)7
8
we have Sl. *ezero, Plur. ezerd, mob. AP (SCjezero;
cf. place name Jezera from Nom. Plur. (Rus. 6zero, Plur. ozerd in the
poets of the nineteenth century). The analogical origin of the form in -o
in Slavic is confirmed by the parallel form *ezera (SC dial. jezer-Istra,
Dubrovnik; SDZ X 85, RSJ; Sin. dia!.Rzer; Rus. dial. 6zer) with the
regular reflex of unstressed -om; cf. also Slavic 0/ova (Sin. olijv, OR us.
olova) alongside *0/ovo (Rus. 6/ovo). The retention of mobile AP in this
category is connected with the nature of the accent shift in the barytone
paradigm in Slavic: the accent shifted, apparently, only to a contiguous
syllable, so that a columnar oxytone AP could not arise in three-syllable
items.
It is more difficult to explain the mobile AP in a number of io-stems
(cf. *morje, *po/je, *gorje, [Rus. vece, 'popular assembly in an-
cient Russia]), which perhaps are originally barytone (singular) forms
(the reflex of oxytone io-stems is probably to be seen in words of the
type *plektje, Plur. p/ektjdfplektja; cf. Rus. plec6, dial. Plur. plecd and
pleca; see SOR LXXVII 8, 75). It can be assumed that the retention of
mobile AP here is connected with the absence of change of unac-
cented -ie (from *-iom), parallel to the change -om to -a. The development
*morje from *m6rjom, *polje from p6liom, etc., distinguish this category
of words from words of the type *dvora from *dhy6rom; with the de-
velopment of the mobile paradigm from neuter a-stems with originally
long roots conditions were created for the inclusion of
words of the type *morje-morjd in this class.
52. Membership of the Slavic Oxytone Class of Masculine 0-Stems
There are a fair number of items constituting a correspondence between
Slavic oxytone a-stems and neuter forms in other Indo-European lan-
guages; although the accentuation of these forms is unknown, it is na-
tural to assume that they were barytone.
Sin. slbj, s/6ja 'layer'; Big. s/6jat; BRos. sloj, slajd Ukr. slij, slojd 'vein'.
A secondary transfer to mobile AP, usual in nouns where lengthening
before -j- takes place, is reflected in SC slOj, s!Oja, Rus. sloj, s/6ja, BRos.
118 Nominai Accentuation in Slavic
sloj, s/6ja. From PSI. slajf (sloja) Ox. AP 'layer' from PIE kl6iom 'strip,
layer'; OPrus. Slayan (EV 309) 'sled runner'.
79
SC grab, grobii 'grave, tomb' (Novi, Prcanj, Lepetane; lOR XIV, 2,
214; RE 46; FIL XIV 70), rrap, rroba (Susak, HDZ I 106), greb,
gryebii (Bednja; HDZ I 298), grab, graba (standard language); Sin.
grab, gr6ba; Big. gr6biit (cf. the absence of accent shift to prepositions
in Middle Bulgarian documents; vii gr6bce, vii gr6bce, ki gr6bu; LA OB
229; SOR LXVII 3, 43; lOR XIV 2, 314) and eighteenth-century gr6-
botii (MIL 20); Ros. dial. grob, grobd; BRos. dial. hrob, hrabd (KP 83).
An ancient but, apparently, secondary variant with mobile AP occurs in
Ros. grob, gr6ba (dial., Rjazan'), grop, gr6bii in the Sofijskij Sbornik
(lOR XVIII, 4, 181; VV 24, 25) and in the sixteenty-century documents
(cf. izo groba, s6 groba, k6 grobu in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
documents; VV 27, 56), Ukr. hrib, hr6ba, Slk. hrob. From PSI grabii
(groba) ox. AP 'grave, tomb' from PIE ghrobhom 'tomb'; Gmc.
OHG grab (neut.) 'tomb'.
SC stOI (with lengthening before sonant), stola (Solta; RAD CCLXXII
139, 146), sta (from stol), stO/a (standard language) 'table'; Sin. stOI,
st6/a; Big. st6/iit; Ros. stol, stold (dial., Kostroma, Vologda, Rjazan')
stO/ (VV 110, lOR XVIII, 4, 185) ox. AP in documents of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries (STU 31, OV II 32, VV 112); BRos. stol,
staid; Ukr. stil, stold; Slk. stol. The accentuation ofUkr. (dial.) stil,
st6lu is secondary (SML; this secondary accentuation also shows up in
Ukrainian and Belorussian texts of the seventeenth century; V OV 36,
V NI 147). From PSI. stalii (stola) 'table, chair' from PIE stHelom 'some-
thing placed, raised place'; Skt. sthalam 'raised place, dry land' (position
of accent unknown, BOH VII 206).
SC del, de/a (lstra, Novi; SAW CIV 16, lOR XIV, 2, 214), dil, dila
(Hvar, Brae; FIL XIV 19, SDZ X 39), die!, die/a (Bednja; HDZ I 297),
dil dila (Posavina; RAD CXCVI), del, de/a (Prigorje; RAD CXV 102),
d'io (with shortening in hiatus), dijela (Prcanj; RE 53), d'io, dijela (Eastern
Hercegovina, Dubrovnik; SDZ X 192), with secondary leveling on the
model of the Nom.-Acc. Sing. dz'jel (d'io), d'ijela (standard language,
Plevlja, Lepetane; SDZ III 128, FIL XIV 70); Sin. Ros. (dial.)
posle de!U (Kadnikov; OBN I 119); OCz, die/, Cz. dil, Slk. die/, Pol.
(dial.) dzidl (KAR), Kash. with long vowels. The accentuation
of Big. delttt (everywhere in the dialects) and Ros. (dial.) s delu is se-
condary (VAS I 337). From PSI. (de/a) ox. AP 'part; boundary,
watershed' from PIE dhoilom 'part'; Gmc. *ilaila (neut.) 'part', OHG
teil (neut.,) MHG del (neut.), OFris. del (neut)., along with a parallel
ilailaz (masc.), OHG teil (masc.), OSax. del (masc.), MHG del (masc.).
SC stag, staga (Piva, Pocerje; SDZ X II 8, SDZ II 3 I 8) 'haystack, pile';
stag, stoga, with lengthening of obscure origin (Prcanj; RE 54), stag, staga
(standard language, Varazdin; RAD XLV 66); Sin. stag, st6ga; Ros. (dial.)
stog, stogd, also in the literary language of the nineteenth century (NACH
102); BRos. stoh, stahd (LOB 67); Ukr. (dial.) stih, stohd (ASP VII 332).
A shift of this item to mobile AP is attested by SC stag, staga, which
developed on the basis of the Nom.-Acc. Sing. stiJg with lengthening
(No vi, Prigorje, Hvar, Kosovo; lOR XIV 2, 209; RAD CXV 101; FIL
XIV 71; ELZ I 271), Ros. stog, st6ga (dial. Rjazan', Sudogda) stok (VV
26; lOR XVIII, 4, 181, 315), nd stog (VV 28) as well as in the Academy
dictionaries of 1794, 1822, and 1847 (KP 108), BRos. stoh, st6ha, Ukr.
stih, st6hu, Slk. stoh. From PSI. stagii (stoga) ox. AP 'haystack' from
PIE stogom 'covering, something covered'; Gmc. * paka (neut.), 'roof',
ON pak, OHG dah, Gen. dahhes, OFris. thak, OE peek from *togom
(form without mobile s).
Ros. plot, p/otd 'raft' cf. also Gen. Sing. plotu, Nom. Plur. ploty in
eighteenth-century documents (KP 27, 70); BRos. plyt, plytd (along with
secondary plyt, plyta; LOB 74). From PSI. pliltii (pliita) 'raft' from PIE
plutom 'something floating, something flowing'; Skt. plutam (neut.)
'stream' (accent unknown).
Ros. (dial.) seren 'frost', Ukr. seren (also in the Berynda dictionary; V
UN 8) with traces of the neoacute tone, put into an original oxytone;
Slk. srien with long vowel (KA). A secondary transfer to mobile AP is
found in Sin. Ros. (dial.) seren, and Ukr. seren (possibly under the
influence of the f-stem from the same root, which shows up in Ros.
dial. seren' and BRos. seran').
From PSI. sernii (serna) ox. AP 'hoar-frost' from PIE kernom 'hoar-
frost'; Gmc. *herna, ON hjarn (neut.) 'frozen snow'.
SC (dial.) host hasta (instead of *hosta, with leveling to the nominative-
accusative singular) of the grape cluster' (Novi; lOR XIV, 2, 208);
Ros. xvost, xvostd (also in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century docu-
ments; VV 112), dial. (Rjazan', Tot'ma) xvost (lOR XVIII, 4, 185; VV
110); BRos. xvost, xvastd; Ukr. xvist, xvostd. There is a secondary ac-
120
centuation in Sin. hi)st 'thicket, forest', Slk. chvost. From PSI. xvbstii
(xvasta) ox. AP 'bundle; tail; thicket' from PIE sgyastam 'bundle of
vegitation, undergrowth'; from the form *gyastom without mobile s
comes PSI gvbzdii (gvazda) 'forest, thicket' (SC dial. gvozd, gvozdii-
Istra, SDZ IX 149; Sin. gbzd, g6zda; Slk. hvazd is secondary) with
the assimilative change st to zd, as in Pol. (dial). glizda from *glista
(SKI I 284). Evidence for an original neuter form comes from OPrus.
Twaxstan (EV 553) 'bath besom' (probably a mistake in the transcription
for *Gwaxtan).BO
Original neuter formations can also be assumed in cases where oxy-
tone masculine a-stems in Slavic reflect substantivized Indo-European
adjectives, for example:
PSI. berstii, bersta ox. AP 'elm', SC brest, brestii, brest, bresta, Sin.
b r ~ s t Big. brjastiit, Rus. (dial.) Gen. Sing. beresta (NACH 154), Pol.
(dial.) brz6st; transfer to mobile AP in Rus. berest, beresta, Ukr. berest,
Mresta, BRus. berast, berasta, Cz. brest, Slk. brest, Pol. brzost with
short vowels; Gmc. *oerhtaz 'bright, shining', Goth. bairhts, ON bjartr,
OHG beraht.
PSI. szstii, slsta, ox. AP 'pole'; Rus. sest, sestd, BRus. sost, sasta; Gk.
skhist6s 'split'.
There are isolated examples of the correspondence between Slavic
oxytone a-stem masculines and Proto-Indo-European masculine forms
(barytone or with unknown accentuation). For all examples of this type
a single explanation is possible: they are Slavic reflexes of barytone
a-stem neuters which coexisted in IE with a-stem masculines from the
same root, as attested in other Indo-European languages. Parallelism of
this sort can often be noted in a single language; cf. Skt. rat has (masc.)
and ratham (neut.); Gmc. *lauoaz (masc.) and *lauoa (neut.); PSI. zvonii,
zvona 'peal, ringing' from *ghyanas (masc.), and zvbnii, zvana 'bell' from
*ghyanam, (neut.). Other examples:
PSI. gbnii, gona ox. AP 'plowed furrow'; Sin. gon, g6na, SC gi'm, gi'ma
with leveling. There has been a transfer to mobile AP in Rus. gan, g6na,
Ukr. hin, h6nu, Slk. han. This item probably reflects the nomen acti
*gh6nHam, parallel to the nomen actionis *gh6nHas; cf. Gk. ph6nas
'murder'.
PSI. rojl, raja 'swarm' ox. AP; SC (dial.) rej. reja (Prigorje; RAD CXV
99), Sin. rbj, r6ja, Rus. (dial.) roj (cf. also raja in Derzavin); Ukr. rij,
rojd, BRus. raj, raja (KP 87); Slk. (dial.) roj (MACH 420). Secondary
forms in SC roj, raja, Rus. raj, r6ja, Vkr. rij, r6ju. This item may go
back to the form *roiHam, existing alongside *roiHas; cf. Skt. rayas
'course, stream'.
The following correspondences may be explained in the same way:
PSI drggii, drvga ox. AP 'lever, stick', Cz. drouh, Slk. (dial.) druh, Pol.
drgg, drggu, Snc. dr6'fg, dr6w;u, along with a secondary Sin. dri)g; Gmc.
*i!ran'Jaz, ON drangr 'stone pillar'.BI
PSI strgkii, str{Jka ox. AP 'pod, stem', Big. strilkiit, Rus. (dial.) struk,
strukd, BRus. struk, strukd, Ukr. struk, strukd, Sin. strbk, str6ka from
*str6k, str6ka, Cz. strauk, Pol. strgk, along with secondary SC strftk,
strftka, Slk. struk; Lat. truncus 'tree trunk'. 82
Thus, it may be claimed that the Slavic oxytone class of o-stem mascu-
lines developed from barytone a-stem neuters. On the other hand, the
class of a-stems with mobile AP included only original masculines. sa
This distribution is in accord with the semantic opposition of oxytone
versus mobile accentual classes of masculine a-stems noted by Nachti-
gall: ". . . There are practically no nomina agent is among the oxytone
nouns-almost all of them are nomina acti ... conversely, among
nouns with initial accent [i.e., mobile AP-V. 1.] we do find nomina
agentis along with deverbal substantives" (NACH 256-257).
53. The Determination of Original Gender and Accentual Paradigm of
0-Stems on the Basis of Slavic and Baltic Data
It was noted above that Baltic (Lithuanian) data are sufficient in most
cases for determining the original accentual paradigm of a-stems, but
they are not sufficient (in the absence of corresponding Old Prussian
and Balto-Finnic material) for determining original gender. The Slavic
languages, on the contrary, provide accentual criteria for establishing
the original gender of a-stems, but do not always reflect the contrast of
accentual paradigms. Therefore, if an a-stem is attested only in Baltic
and in Slavic, we are provided with mutually complementary informa-
tion concerning the item, and we can determine its original accentual
paradigm and its original gender with a high degree of probability.
In those cases where Lithuanian has a barytone a-stem and Slavic
has an oxytone masculine, an original barytone neuter form must be
reconstructed :
PSI. soma, soma ox. AP 'sheat-fish' (SC sam, soma, Sin. som, soma,
Big. somut, Rus. som, somd; also in the 1794 dictionary, see KP 17;
BRus. som, somd; see LOB 66; secondary leveling in Rus. dial. som,
soma and som [Rjazan'] BRus. som, soma, Ukr. som, soma); Lith. siimas
2 AP in the western Aukstaitis dialect. of the Gilija region (GER 90;
usually 4 AP; seeS LL, SK LK 31, KAM, LKR, DLK) from *kdmam
'light gray being (fish)', cf. Lith. semas 'light gray'.
PSI. gr(Jdu, gr(Jda ox. AP 'hill' (Ukr. grud, grudd, Cz. dial. [Moravian]
hrud, Pol. dial.-OPol. grqd. grqdu, Soc. grfntd, Lith. graiidas
'beam, drying floor for flax' 2 AP in the southern Dzuk dialect area of
Punskas, and, more frequently in the dialect, 4 AP (KSL, DLK) from
*ghrondham 'raised place'.
PSI kortu, korta, ox. AP 'time, occurrence' (Sin. krat, krdta from *krdt,
krdta; Slk. krdt 'once' an adverbial formation going back to a nomina-
tive-accusative singular form); Lith. kaftas 'time, occurrence' 2 AP in
old texts and in the standard language (BYS 73, RAL, ACD 119). On
the basis of this we can reconstruct the original form *kortam 'time,
occurrence; notch'.B4
PSI. glistu, glista ox. AP 'worm' (Rus. glist, glistd, BRus. hlist, hlistd,
Ukr. hlyst, hlystd, Cz. hlist); Lith. glaistas 'layer of clay, plaster' 2 AP
(LKR, LKRM) and 4 AP (S LR, KAM, LK, DLK). On the basis of
these data the original form *g/eistam, *gloistam 'something slippery,
sticky' can be reconstructed.
PSI. abtru, abira ox. AP 'tub (SC cabar, cabra, Sin. ceber, cebra); Lith.
kibiras 'bucket' 2 AP (KT GL 157, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, LK,
DLK) from *kibirom 'suspendable vessel'.
In those cases where Lithuanian has a barytone o-stem and Slavic
has a masculine o-stem with mobile AP, an original barytone masculine
form must be reconstructed. For example:
PSI. soipu, soipa mob. AP 'waterfall' (SC slap, slapa, Sin. slap, Cz.
slap) and Lith. saipas 'river cove, backwater', 2 AP (S LL, NS, LKR,
DLK) and 4 AP (NS) point to an original form *solpos.
PSI. nerstu, nersta mob. AP 'spawning, roe' (SC mrl'jest, mrl'jesta, Sin.
'rutting period', 'roe', Rus. nerest 'spawning', Pol. mrzast,
Soc. mfitest); Lith. ne'fstas 'spawning', Plur. nerstai 'roe', 2 AP (NS,
123
FUL, LKR, DLK) from which an original *nerktos can be recon-
structed.
PSI. brOdu, brOda, mob.AP 'ford' (SC brOd, broda 'vessel, ford', Sin.
br{jd, Big. dial. see SNU XXXI 80; Rus. brad, broda [cf.
also u bradu, nd brode in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents
and brad in the Tot'ma dialect in VV 27 and 25]; BRus. brad, br6du,
Ukr. brid, brodu, Slk. brod); Lith. (dial.) briidas 'dirt; large net; fisher-
men's association' 2 AP in the dialects of Prussian Lithuanian (KT LD)
and more often 4 AP (KSL, DLK). All this points to an original from
*bhrodas.
Finally, in those cases where both the Lithuanian and Slavic o-stem
has mobile AP, an original oxytone masc. form can be reconstructed.
Thus, on the basis of PSI. rgbu, rgba mob. AP 'seam, hem, edge' (SC
rub, ruba, Sin. rgb, Big. rubttt, Rus. dial. rub, ruba 'rags', Ukr. rub, ruba
'edge; rib', Cz. rub 'wrong side', Slk. rub, Pol. rqb, Soc. royb, rqbU)
and Lith. rumbas 'notch' 4 AP (KT GL 152, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR,
DLK; a secondary variant rumbas 3 AP see KSL, NS, DLK) we can
reconstruct *npbhos.
Similarly, on the basis of PSI xlgdu, xl(!da mob. AP 'stick' (Sin. hl(!d;
Rus. dial xlud, xluda 'yoke'; OCz. hlud, Pol. chlqd, dial.
with short vowels; shift to oxytone AP in Sin. hlgd, Cz. hloud, Snc.
xl61fd, xl61fdu) and Lith. (dial.) sklaiidas 'fence pole' 4 AP (KSL, SK LK
27, LKR) we can point to an original *sghland6s.
Other. Stem Types
Traces of the Indo-European opposition "mobile-oxytone AP versus
barytone AP" are evident in varying degrees in all the remaining stem
types in Slavic. Barytone nominals are usually shifted into the oxytone
AP, and nominals with mobile-oxytone AP show up as nominals with
mobile AP. This distribution is also retained in cases where Slavic has
shifted a number of words into other stem types in connection with the
loss of several unproductive types.
55. Adjectives with Stems in -0/A
The opposition of mobile AP versus oxytone AP shows up distinctly in
the indefinite forms of adjectives. All three gender forms are distin-
guished here; cf., for example, *siixu (Gen. siixa), siixo, suxa (siix(J) vs.
(Gen. bela), bela, bela (Ace. bel(!). This opposition is well main-
tained in a number of Serbo-Croatian dialects (for example in the Du-
brovnik dialect) as well as in Slovenian. Accentual leveling in feminines
and neuters is characteristic for the majority Serbo-Croatian dialects
(cf., for example, siix, suxa, suxo from *siixo or, on the contrary, bos,
bOsa from *bOsa, bOso), which, in the final analysis, leads to the confusion
of the mobile and oxytone accentual types. Similar processes apparently
took place in the ESI. languages as well, where some of the originally
oxytone adjectives were transferred to the mobile type. The confusion of
two accentual paradigms in the Slavic languages led to the neutraliza-
tion of the opposition in the definite forms in many instances (cf. SC
dial. siihi from siih, like beli from bel).
Slavic adjectives with mobile AP correspond, as a rule, to Indo-
European forms with mobile-oxytone AP.
SC (dial.) bas, boso, bOsa, Ace. bOsu (Dubrovnik: RE 110); cf. bos, bOso
(by analogy to the fern. form), bOsa, where original mobile AP is indi-
cated by the lengthening in the nominative-accusative singular mascu-
line; Sin. bps, boso, b6sa, Ace. bosp; Rus. bos, b6so, bosd, dial. (Tot'ma)
bos (cf. also dial. nti bosu nogu, and Dat. Sing. masc. b6su in the 1647
Sbornik; VV 44, 43). From PSI. bOsu, bOso, bosa mob. AP 'barefoot'
from PIE bhos6s 'naked, barefoot'; Gmc. *oazdz 'naked', ON herr,
OHG bar, OSax. bar, OE b::er.
SC (dial.) suh, siiho, suhlz, Ace. siihu 'dry' (Hvar: FIL XIV 32): Sin. siih,
suhO, suha, Ace. suhp; Rus. sux, suxo, suxd (cf. p6suxu, dial. 6t suxa and,
in old texts, p6 suse zemli, p6 suxu, and Nom. dual masc. suxa; VV 44).
From PSI. siixil, suxo, suxa mob. AP 'dry' from PIE soys6s 'dry'; OPrus.
sausa from Ace. Sing. *sausan, Adv. sausai without length mark in the
Enchiridium, Gmc. *sauzdz 'dry', OE sear, OHG sor.B
5
Sin. sfij, suje, suja, Ace. sujp. From PSI. fiji, sfije, sujd mob. AP 'left'
from PIE seui6s 'left'; Skt. (RV) savytis 'left'.
Sin. riid, rudo, rUda, Ace. rudfJ. From PSI. riidu, riido, ruda mob. AP
'red' from PIE roudh6s 'red'; Skt. (RV) lodhds 'wild animal with red
fur' (actually 'red'), Skt. (SB) lohtis 'bronze; reddish'. Slavic adjectives
125
with oxytone AP usually have barytone correspondences in other Indo-
European languages.
Sin. gster, 6stro, 6stra, Ace. 6stro; Rus. oster, ostrd, ostro, also in the
literary language of the nineteenth century (BURL). From PSI. ostru,
ostro, ostrd ox. AP from PIE dkros 'sharp'; Gk. dkros 'extreme, upper',
OLith. astras 'sharp', originally 2 AP (cf. Section 21).
Sin. nov, novo, nova, Ace. novo; original oxytone AP is also indicated by
SC nov without lengthening (cf. bas, dial. go/ in the mobile type), Rus.
dial. (Rjazan') nof(IOR XVIIJ 4, 186, VV 45; cf., however, novu in the
sixteenth-century Psalter).B6 A secondary shift of this item into mobile
AP took place in Serbo-Croatian (cf. nanovo, ponovo, etc.) and in Rus.
(nov, novo, nova, zdnovo), as well as in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
documents (VV 45); original oxytonesis is retained in the dictionary of
1794 (KP WR 274). From PSI. novu, novo, nova ox. AP from PIE neuos
'new'; Skt. (RV) ndvas 'new; young', Gk. neos 'new'. -
Sin. mej 'between'; this preposition apparently goes back to a nomina-
tive accusative singular masculine form of an adjective: cf. Sl. *medju
'between', a Gen. dual form agreeing with the Gen. dual of the noun,
constituting therefore an adjectival form. From PSI. medji ox. AP 'lo-
cated in the middle' from PIE medhios 'middle'; Skt. (RV) mddhyas
'located in the middle', Gk. mesos 'middle' (cf. the prepositions Gk.
meson 'among' and Avest. maiiJim 'among', which also go back to the
Ace. Sing. form of the adjective).
With regard to exceptions one must exclude adjectives with reduced
vowels in the root which have oxytone AP corresponding to oxytones
in other Indo-European languages: PSI. tflsi':jl 'emaciated; empty' (Sin.
test:, SC tast without lengthening, Rus. tosc, tosc6, tosi':ti; Skt. tucchyds
'empty, worthless', Lith. tusi':ias 4 AP in Dauksa) and PSI. pistru 'motley'
(Rus. pestro, pestry, also in the Vostokov grammar; see BURL 194;
Gk. pikr6s 'sharp, bitter, caustic'); the shift from mobile AP to oxytone
AP took place i?- these cases as a result of the loss of reduced vowels.
The accentuation of PSI. ctrnu ox. AP 'black' (SC dial. ern, crna, cfno-
Kastav; see SDZ X 243; Sin. ern, i':rno, crna, Ace. crno, Rus. ceren,
cerno, cernti) does not agree with the ox. of Skt. (RV) 'black';
this exception can be attributed to the influence of the accentuation of
the antonym, PSI. ox. AP 'white' (SC dial. bel, be/0, bela, Sin.
belo, bela, Ace. belo, Rus. bel, belo, be/d). PSI. spori1 ox. AP 'profitable,
abundant', which does not agree with Skt. (RV) sphirds 'firm', must
apparently be reconstructed on the basis of Sin. spar, sp{Jro, sp{Jra (with
/Q/ of unclear origin). It may be the case that original mobile AP is re-
tained in Rus. sporo, cf. the derivative sporitsja (rabota sporitsja 'the
work is turning out well').
56. iJ -Stems
0-stems with mobile AP, which merged with o-stems in all of the Slavic
languages, left certain traces in the accentuation of the corresponding
nominals. Stang (ST pp. 77-82), developing the ideas of Nachtigall
(NACH, p. 146), showed that a substantial number of masculine nouns
which have oxytone accent in the nominative plural (along with general
mobility of accent in Russian dialects and in the standard language) go
back to original i1-stems with mobile AP. Stang's material can be sup-
plemented by Ukrainian and Serbo-Croatian data, where accent on the
nominative plural ending is found in the same group of words:
*medi1 (i1-stem in OCS; cf. Lith. medus): Ros. med, meda-medy, Ukr.
med, medu-medy.
*rcdu (i1-stem in OCS): Ros. rjad, rjdda-rjady, Ukr. rjad, rjddu-rjady,
SC red, reda-redovi.
*plodi1 (i1-stem in OCS): Ros. plod, ploda-plody, Ukr. plid, plodu-
plody, (also plody), SC plod, ploda-p/Odovi.
*ti1rgi1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS, cf. the borrowing from OCS in Lith.
tufgus, Finn. turku 'market', indicating a ii-stem): Ros. torg, torga-
torgi, Ukr. torh, torhu-torhy, SC trg, trga-trgovi.
*doli1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS): Ros. dol, dola-doly (in Sumarokov,
OBN II 375), Ukr. dil, dolu-doly, SC do, dola-dO/ovi (BE P, RSJ; also
dolovi; see BE P).
*sadi1 (traces ofi1-stem in OCS): Ros. sad, sdda-sad-y, Ukr. sad, sddu-
sady, SC sad, siida-sddovi.
*d(Jbi1 (traces ofii-stem in OCS): Ros. dub, duba-duby, Ukr. dub, dubu
-duby, sc dub, duba-dubovi.
*stani1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS): Ros. stan, stdna-stany (also in U
1647, see KP 16), SC stiin, stiina-stdnovi (DAN 21, BE P 473, PAY 10;
also stanovi; see SIM 29).
*ledi1 (cf. Lith. dial. ledus, Latv. lcdus): Ukr. lid, /'odu-l'ody, SC led,
leda-ledovi.
127
Norninals with Short Roots
*ziri1: Ros. zir, zira-ziry, Ukr. zyr, zyru-zyry, SC zir, z'ira-zirovi.
*vali1 'wave': Ros. val, vdla-valy, Ukr. val, vdlu-valy, SC viii, viila-
vdlovi.
Apparently, the process of the gradual extension of the genitive sin-
gular and instrumental singular oxytone accent to the nominative plural
in the mobile AP of i1-stems, which Stang proposed for Old Russian,
took place in other Slavic areas as well; an early stage of it can proba-
bly be posited for Proto-Slavic. In any case, traces of it can be found in
the West Slavic languages, where we find forms with length in the root
and which point to the generalization of oxytone accent in a number of
case forms; cf. Cz. rad, Slk. rdd, Pol. rzqd, rzqdu 'order' along with
rzqd, rzcdu 'row'; Cz. (dial.) sdd 'boundary stone' (KOP 54) along with
sad 'orchard'; Cz. (dial.) stan (TRA V) along with stan; Cz. zir, Slk. zir
'feed', Cz. val 'battledore' along with val 'wave'. These processes have
come to a halt in certain Slavic languages; this accounts for variations
of the type Ukr. domy, SC domovi vs. Rus. domy (in seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century documents; see V OV 29) and Rus. dary (but ddry in
documents of the sixteenth through the eighteenth centries; see KP WR
51), Ukr. dary (also ddry) vs. SC darovi.
Along with the mobile accentual class in Slavic there exists a type of
i1-stem with columnar oxytone (cf. ST p. 81); an example of this accen-
tual class is *voli1 (i1-stem in OCS); cf. SC vo, vOla, Sin. vO/, vola, Big.
voli1t, Rus. vol, void, BRus. vol, vald, Ukr. vii, void, Slk. vol.
Slavic i1-stems with mobile AP correspond to Indo-European forms
with mobile-oxytone AP.
SC (dial.) souk, souka 'log' (Bednja HDZ I 297); Sin. sgk; Ros. (archaic)
suk, suka, Plur. suki (also in the literary language of the nineteenth
century KP 75, BN 136); BRos. suk, suka, suki (LOB 75); Cz. suk, Slk.
suk, Pol. sck, Soc. sijk with short vowels. There is a shift to oxytone AP
in Ros. suk, sukd, BRos. suk, sukd, Ukr. suk, sukd, Big. sdkut. From
PSI. sgki1, G e ~ S(Jku mob. AP 'bough; peg' from PIE konkus 'peg,
bough'; Skt. (SB) sm1kus 'sharp peg'. Traces of the original ii-stem are
found in Ros. sukovatyj.
SC triik, triika, trdkovi 'ribbon'; Sin. triik, triika; Ros. torok, toroka
(Plur. torokd) 'saddle strap'; Ukr. torok, toroka; Cz. trak, Slk. trak, Pol.
trok. From PSI. torkii, Gen. torku mob. AP 'strap, ribbon' from PIE
torkus 'something twisted, turned around'; Skt. tarkus 'spindle' (BOH-
R III 275). An original it-stem in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Tarkue
(EV 449) 'harness strap' (apparently instead of *Tarkus).
Sin. 91 'beer' (RAD CXXXII 191) with a secondary gl. From PSI. o!U,
Gen. o/it mob. AP 'a kind of drink' from *alu (neut.); Gmc. *a/up (neut.)
'beer', OE ealu, Gen. ea/op, ealup, ON (Jl (neut.), Finn. olut, from *alu
with the formant+; Lith. a/its 'home-made beer' 4 AP (LKR, DLK);
original neuter gender in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Alu (EV 392).
SC led, /eda, Plur. /edovi 'ice'; Blg.lediit; cf. led6ti in old texts
(MIL 18); Rus. dial. (Kostroma) pod led (VV 56); Ukr. lid, 1'6du, Plur.
/'ody From PSl.ledu, Gen./edit mob. AP 'ice' from PIE led us 'ice'; cf. the
secondary transformation of the u-stem in Lith./edas 4 AP in old texts
(GS 1685, GB 1685, B 1735, B 1755, R LD), dialects (KSL), and in the
standard language. The original it-stem is retained in Lith. (dial.) /edits
(FRA 350) and ledus from *!edits (LKK II 141) and Latv. Traces
of the u-stem in Slavic are found in Rus. ledovityj.
SC med, meda 'honey'; Sin. Big. mediit; Rus. med, meda, Plur.
medy; Ukr. med, medu, Plur. medy. From PSI. medu, Gen. medit mob.
AP 'honey' (u-stem in OCS) from PIE medhu (neut.) 'honey'; cf. Lith.
medits 4 AP ( cf. Section 23). In Slavic and Baltic a change in the original
accentuation must be assumed; cf. Skt. (RV) mddhu 'sweet drink, honey',
Gk. methu 'wine, home-brewed beer'. Slavic it-stems with oxytone AP
reflect Proto-Indo-European forms.
SC viirx, varxa 'top, apex' (Susak, see HDZ I 106), vrh, vrhii with short-
ening off (Novi, Hvar, see lOR XIV, 2, 214, FIL XIV 71), vr (h), vr(h) a
(eastern Hercegovina, Pocerje; see SDZ X 117, II 317), vi'x, vrxa
(standard language); cf. ot verxd in Krizanic (RFV XXXIV 90); Rus.
verxa (KP 93), do verxit, k verxit (ST 81, OBN I 245-246), etc., in old
texts: cf. Rus. dial. (NGR) verex with traces of the neoacute; Ukr.
(dial.) verx, verxu; BRus. (dial.) verx, verxd (KP 83); Cz. (dial.) (Mora-
vian) vfch (MAL 147), Snc. vjerx. Secondary transfer to mobile AP:
Sin. vrh, Big. vurxfit, Rus. verx, verxa, Ukr. verx, verxu, BRus. verx,
verxu, Slk. vrh. From PSI. vlrxu, vlrxit ox. AP 'top' (u-stem in OCS)
from PIE yfsus 'top'; cf. Lith. vidus 'top' 2 AP in dialects and in old
texts (more frequently 4 AP); cf. Section 23.
Sin. b6ber, b6bra 'beaver', dial. beber, bebra; Rus. bober, bobra, cf.
bobra, bobry in seventeenth-century documents (VV III, 114), BRos.
baber, babrd, Ukr. bibr, bobrd. There is secondary leveling in SC dabar,
129 Norninals with Short Roots
dabra. From PSI. bObru, bobrit and bebru, bebrit ox. AP 'beaver' from
PIE bhebhrus 'brown animal'; cf. Lith. bebrus 2 AP in old texts, bebras
2 AP (cf. Section 23).
The PSI. form voitu 'panicle' (SC v/iit, vliita, Plur. vldtovi, Sin. vliit, Ukr.
v6/ot) would be an exception to the above distribution if it is compared
with the Germanic word *walpuz 'forest; meadow' (OHG wald 'forest';
cf. ON V(Jllr 'open field'). However, the Germanic formation with the
original meaning 'virgin land' should rather be connected with Gmc.
*wilpja 'wild' (OHG wild; cf. KL 875). The Slavic *voitu apparently
reflects metatony in the mobile AP, like Slavic *voitl 'panicle'; cf. Lith
(dial.) valtis 'head of oats'.
57. /-Stems
Although the Slavic languages have usually generalized the mobile AP
in !-stems, certain facts provide some basis for the speculation that at an
earlier period there was indeed an opposition of two accentual paradigms.
Vasil'ev showed that traces of the columnar oxytone are preserved in
the Russian *sedmi and *osmi (L. Vasil'ev, "Zametka ob akcen-
tovke nesklonjaemyx pricastij na -lu," ZMN, Aug. 1905, p. 468); these
numerals do not shift the accent to enclitics and proclitics (cf. Rus.
sem'desjat, v6sem'desjat, and na sedml, za sedmi, na 6smi, etc., in docu-
ments of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries), and oxytone AP can
assumed on the basis of Sin. Sin. gsem, Rus. (dial.) vosem'. Since
the i-stems and *sesti, which have mobile AP (cf. Rus. pjat'desjdt,
sest'desjdt, and, in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century texts, zd nd
Nli, nd sesti, Sin. correspond with Skt. (RV) oxytone forms
paliktis 'five' and 'sixty', it is natural to assume that the oxytone
Slavic forms *sedmi and *osmi reflect the original barytone type. This
supposition is confirmed by the analysis of two other cases in which
traces of oxytone accentuation in 1-stems is preserved.
Sin. 'spike, thorn' where /Q/ indicates a neoacute tone which arose
from an original oxytone AP. From PSI. osti, Gen. osti 'beard (of
grain), thorn' ox. AP from PIE dkstis 'something sharp'; cf. Lith. (dial.)
akstis, Gen. iiksties 'a type of skewer' (SK LK 330), where the mixed
AP indicates an original barytone AP.
Ukr. (dial.) ohen', Gen. ohny, Oat. ohny 'fire' (Transcarpathia; see ZNT
XXVII64); cf. Rus. dial. (NGR) ogon', Gen. ogni (OBN I 81): usually
there is a secondary io-stem with retention of the oxytone in the Slavic
languages (SC oganj, ognja, Rus. og6n', ognjd, etc.). From PSI. ogni,
Gen. ogni ox. AP 'fire' from PIE 6gnis 'fire'; Lith. ugnis (fern.) 'fire'
(with an initial u- of obscure origin) 2 AP in old texts (SK 117) and in
dialects (SK 118, LKK II 173, AR 40); in the eastern Aukstaitis dialects
there is a mixed AP ugnis, ugnies 4 AP in the standard language and in
most of the dialects. There is an oxytone variant in Skt. (R V) agnis
(masc.) fire, God of fire'.
Thus, there are grounds for claiming that the generalization of the
mobile accentual type in !-stems took place after the shift of originally
barytone forms into the oxytone class. The mobile AP of nominals such
as *noka, (cf. Lith. naktis, desimtis, originally barytone AP; cf.
Section 22) therefore reflects this relatively late process of generalization
of mobile AP.
58. tJ -Stems
Slavic u-stems, which in the modern Slavic languages have usually shifted
to a-stems or i-s terns, usually have oxytone AP, the Slavic oxytone forms
corresponding, as a rule, to barytone forms in other
languages.
SC zelva 'tortoise', formed from the oblique cases *ze/Uve (Gen.), etc.;
the absence of lengthening in closed syllables indicates rising tone in the
root. From PSI. zely, Gen. zeliive, Ace. zelilvi ox. AP 'tortoise' from
PIE ghefus 'tortoise'. Gk. khe/us, (fern.) 'tortoise'.
SC mrkva 'carrot'; Sin. mfkev; Rus. mork6v'; Ukr. (dial.) mork6v. From
PSI. murky, Gen. milrkiive, Ace. miirkilvi ox. AP 'carrot' from PIE
mfku(s) 'type of root'; Gmc. *murhon (fern.) 'carrot, edible root'; OHG
morha, OE moru, probably a reformation of an original u-stem (cf.
Section 58, Gmc. *lahon, *swehron).
SC /Okva 'puddle'; cf. Sin. l(!kev (the falling tone is not original, but
with jQj, indicating neoacute tone). From PSI. laky, Gen. /okilve, Ace.
lokilvi ox. AP 'puddle' from PIE /6ku(s) 'stagnant water'; Gmc. *ldhon
(fern.) 'stagnant water', ON la, MHG fa, a secondary reformation of a
u-stem (cf. the Gmc. ii-stem *laJus, masc. 'moisture'. ON /ggr).
Traces of the mobile AP in u-stems appear in SC dialects, like svekrva
Dat. Sing. svekrvi (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 226); cf. svekrva in the standard
language along with svekerva in Krizanic (RFV XXXIV 123) with
131 Norninals with Short Roots
generalization of the accentuation of the barytone or oxytone case
forms.
87
Slavic *svekry, Ace. svekruvi mob. AP 'mother-in-law' goes
back to a form with mobile-oxytone AP; PIE SIJekra(s), Skt. (RV)
svasras 'mother-in-law', Gmc. *sweJrJ 'mother-in-law' (OE sweJer), with
a secondary reformation of the stem. ss
59. Consonant Stems
The old accentuation of neuter stems in -osfes- and -m7J/men- has been
retained in Slavic, Proto-Indo-European having had only one accentual
paradigm with barytonesis in the singular and, probably, oxytonesis in
the plural (judging from the presence of the collective form in -a). This
mobile AP in Slavic appears in all s-stems with short roots; cf., for
example, SC (dial.) nebo, nebesii, Rus. nebo, nebesd, etc. In n-stems this
accentuation shows up in SC (dial.) vrime, Gen. vrl'mena, Plur. vrimena,
Rus. imja, imeni, imend. It is more difficult to explain the columnar ac-
centuation of the type Rus. (Ulozenie of 1649) Gen. plemcni, Sin.
p!eme, plemcna (cf. ST 91-92); perhaps this is the Slavic innovation. A
contamination of the two accentual paradigms is found in SC vreme,
Gen. vremena, Ukr. im'jd, Gen. imeni.
The opposition of two accentual paradigms is retained in original
r-stems (-orfer-, -terfter-). Here the barytone form *s!Jhor 'sister' (Skt.
svdsii 'sister') is reflected (with reformation of the stem) as Slavic *sestra,
sestr ox. AP (SC dial. sestra, sestru, sestre, in the standard language
sestra, sestru, sestre; Rus. dial. sestrd, sestru, Plur. sestry, as well as in
old texts [OBN II 382, VV 34, KP 34]; Ukr. dial. Plur. sestry-Pere-
mysl', see ZNT XXXVI 34). On the other hand, the oxytone noun
*dhugadr 'daughter' (Skt. duhitil 'daughter') show up as Sl. *diikti, Ace.
dilkteri mob. AP (SC kCi, Ace. kcer, Sin. hei, Rus. dial. doei, Dat.
d6ceri).
Proto-Indo-European e-stems, for which an early generalization of the
barytone in the strong cases must be assumed in both Slavic and Baltic,
have also been shifted to the oxytone AP; cf. Slavic *mgty, Gen. mqtiive
Ace. mgtilvi OX. AP, 'churn-staff, mixer' (OCz. mutev, Cz. moutev, Pol.
mqtew with long vowels); Skt. (RV) mdntha (instrumental mathil) 'mixer'
Lith. mente 'mixer, spade, short oar' 2 AP in dialects and in the stand-
ard language (along with 4 AP; cf. Section 25); Sl. *p(Jti, Gen. pgti
(Sin. p(Jt, fern., Rus. put', puti, Ukr. put', puti, Cz. pout, Slk. pul, Pol.
dial. pqc; with a secondary paradigm and retention of oxytonesis; SC
put, puta) and Skt. (RV) pdnthas (Gen. Sing. pathds).
Nominals
with
Long Roots
The distribution of nominals with long roots according to accentual
classes in Slavic is very close to the Baltic distribution. Nominals
with barytone AP correspond here, as a rule, to barytone forms of
other Indo-European languages; Slavic nominals with mobile AP and
nominals with barytone AP may correspond to Indo-European forms
with mobile-oxytone AP.
61. Slavic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Indo-European Barytone
Forms
SC vuna; Sin. v6/na, v6/no; Big. viilna; Rus. (dial.; Ore!, Brjansk,
Kaluga, Smolensk) volna 'wool' (SOR LXVIII 5, 11; LXXXVII 5, 203;
LXX 7, 148)89 BRos. vouna; Ukr. v6vna. From PSI. vllna bar. AP 'wool'
from PIE ulna 'wool'; Skt. (R V) {mJii 'wool', Latv. vilna, Lith. vilna I
AP.
SC Iva; Rus. iva; Ukr. yva; Cz.jiva. The accentuation ofWBig. iva
(Trun, Lorn, Samokov, see ISSF 62, liB IV 305, SNU XXXVIII 34) is
secondary. From PSI. Iva bar. AP 'willow' from PIE 'tree with thin
branches'; Gk. 6e, oie 'service tree' from *i5iyd, Latv. ieva, Lith. ieva 1
AP in dialects (cf. Section 27).
Cz. tY/, tylo; the falling tone of Sin. til, tila is apparently secondary.
From PSI. ty!U (secondarily also tylo) bar. AP 'back of the head' from
PIE til/om 'growth, excrescence'; Skt. (A V) talam 'panicle; reed'.
SC /eto; Sin. Plur. [fta; Rus. tho. Plur. leta (cf. tha in older texts;
see ZMN, Aug. 1904 p. 499 and BURL 166); Ukr./ho, Plur. in
eighteenth-century documents (VOV 58). The short vowel in OCz. leto
is apparently secondary; cf. OCz. and Cz. !eto with long vowel (possibly
under the influence of a lost *leto). From PSI. tho bar. AP 'summer'
from PIE 'harvest'; Gmc. (neut.) 'plot of land', originally
'plot where the harvest has been collected'; OE (neut.) ON lop
'harvest' from */i5pa, Goth. unleps 'poor' originally 'unfruitful'.9
SC breme (the accentuation of the Plur. brem(ma is secondary); Rus.
(dial.) bremja 'burden'; OCz. bNeme Cz. (archaic) bfime. The accentua-
tion of Sin. breme, Gen. is secondary. From PSI. bar.
AP 'burden' from PIE bMrmlJ 'something being carried'; Skt. *bMrma
(neut.) or *bhlirmii (masc.) 'stretcher' (Loc. Sing. bMrman from *bhlirmaT}i
in RV, see GRA 933), Gk.pherma 'fruit of the womb' (cf. Rus.
beremennaja. 'prengant'). 91
Rus. zndmja (cf. Plur. zndmena in the Ucenie of 1647, (STU 24-25);
the shift in accentuation in the Plur. znamend and later znamena is
attested in the eighteenth century (V OV 54, OBN II 397). From PSI.
bar. AP 'banner' from PIE gni5m1J 'military symbol'; Gk. gnoma
'sign, symptom'.
SC brat, brata (cf. Plur. bratri, bratrov-Bozava, FIL VII 93); Sin. brat,
brdta.92 From PSI. bratru bar. AP 'brother' with re-formation of the
stem from PIE bhriiter 'brother'; Skt. (R V) bhratii 'brother', Gk. phrlitor
phrater 'member of phratry', Gmc. *bri5par 'brother', OHG bruoder,
OFris. brother, OE bropar.
There is a correspondence of Baltic forms having long roots and mobile
AP with Slavic nominals having mobile AP with metatony in the root;
instead of acute tone, Slavic has circumflex (falling). Metatony in the
mobile AP was established by Meillet (A. Meillet, "0 nekotoryx
anornalijax udarenija v slavjanskix irnenax," RFV XLVII-XLVIII, 1902,
pp. 193-200); a fuller list of nominals with this metatony is given by
Stang (ST 9) and in V. A. Dybo, "0 drevnejsej metatonii v slavjanskom
glagole," VOP 1958, No.6, pp. 55-56.93 These lists can be supplemented
by cases of correspondence between Slavic nominals with mobile AP and
Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP.
SC glavil, gliivu, gliive (dialects without accent retraction), gldva, gliivu,
gliive 'head'; Big. (older texts, see LA OB 228) nd g/avp, p6 glave (with
accent shift); Rus. golovd, g6/ovu, g6/ovy (also in seventeenth-century
documents; STU 25, 26, CHR 280, V OV 41, VV 33); Ukr. holovd,
h6/ovu, h6/ovy; Cz. hlava with short vowel from PSI. golva (goivp) mob.
AP 'head' from PIE gholyli 'head'; Latv. galva, Lith. galva 'head' 3 AP
in old texts (SK 86, ACD 41) and in the standard language.
SC (dial.) tiik, tiika (Novi, Cres, see lOR XIV 2, 210,94 ASP XXX 202),
Cz. tuk with short vowel. From PSI. tiikii (tiika) mob. AP 'fat' from PIE
touk6s 'fat'; Lith. tuakai 'fat' 3 AP in old texts (SK 33, R LD, ACD
16),95 everywhere in the dialects (LM 29, OTR I 219), and in the
standard language. 96 Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by
OPrus. Taukis (EV 378) 'lard, tallow'.
SC smrad, smriida 'stink'; Sin. smrad; Big. smradilt; Rus. (dial.) sm6rod,
sm6roda; Ukr. sm6rid, sm6rodu; Cz. smrad (along with an obscure dia-
lect form smrdd). The accentuation of BRus. smur6d is secondary. From
PSI. smordii (smorda) mob. AP 'stink' from PIE smord6s 'unpleasant
smell'; Latv. smafds 'odor'.97
SC (dial.) liig, liiga 'grove'; Sin. /gg 'underbrush'; Blg.liigilt 'under-
brush'; Rus./ug, na lugu 'meadow'. From PSl.lggii (lgga) mob. AP
'meadow, underbrush' (originally 'open place') from PIE fangos 'cleared,
open place, hole'; Latv. luogs 'hole, window', Lith. ldngas 'window' 3
AP in older texts (ACD 16) and in the standard language (KT GL 154,
GL 85, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).
SC (dial.) joje, Gen. joja, Plur. jojil 'egg' (Hvar, see FIL XIV 23), jiije,
Plur. jajil (Prcanj; RE 71), jiije, Plur. jdja (Solta, Lepetane, Dubrovnik;
RAD CCLXXII 147, FIL XIV 78, RSJ); Pol. (dia!.)jaje (KUC 83),
Snc. jajo with short vowels. The accentuation of SC in jiije, Plur. jiija
(Novi; lOR XIV 2, 220) is secondary; there is a shift of this item to the
type of stem in -ent in SC jdje, Gen. jdja, Plur. jdja; cf. the parallel
variant jdje, Gen. jajeta, dial. jaje, jiljeta (Pi peri, SDZ X 116). From
135
PSI. jiije (Plur. jajd) mob. AP 'egg' from PIE o(u)i6m 'egg'; Gk. o6n
'egg.'
SC meso, Gen. mesa, Plur. mesa 'meat'; Sin. mesi); Rus. mjdso, Plur.
mjasd; Ukr. mjdso, Plur. mjasd; Cz. maso with short vowel. From PSI.
meso (Plur. mesa) mob. AP 'meat' from PIE mems6m 'meat' ;9s Slit.
(RV) malflsdm, Gmc. *mimzd, Goth. mimz (neut.) 'meat'.
Sin. jiin, juni), juna, Ace. juni) 'young'; Rus. jun, juno, jund. From PSI.
jiinii, juno, juna mob. AP 'young' from PIE ioun6s 'young'; Latv. jauns
'young'.
Sin. niig, nagi), ndga, Ace. nagi) 'naked'; Rus. nag, ndgo, nagd, and in
texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries p6 nagu (VV 56, 43).
From PSI. niigii, niigo, naga mob. AP 'naked, bare' from PIE nogh6s
'naked'; Latv. (dial.) nuogs 'naked'.
It should be noted here that, corresponding to Proto-Indo-European
oxytone (in the singular) neuter forms with long roots, we have mobile
AP in Slavic, which is not the case with nominals having short roots
(where the Proto-Indo-European singular oxytone forms show up as the
oxytone type). Thus, metatony in long roots, besides the items *jiije and
*meso, analyzed above, is manifested in the following items;
PSl.jiiro (OCz.jaro 'spring grain', Cz.jaro 'spring'); cf. Gmc.
*j:Era (neut.) 'year', Goth. jer, OHG jar, etc.
PSI. t ~ s t o (SC testa, Cz. testa); cf. Oir. tdis 'dough' from *taistom
from *taistom 'dough'.
PSI. ledo 'deposit' (Cz. /ado, Slk. /ado); cf. Ir. land 'open place' from
*Ianda.
PSI. v ~ o (Cz. veno 'gift to the bride'); cf. Arm. gin 'price' from *yeno-.
PSI. pivo (SC pivo, Cz. pivo); cf. Gk. pinon 'beer'.
PSI. s ~ o (SC seno, Cz. seno); cf. Lat.fenum 'hay' (from *ghe(i)nom
with a dialectal, possibly Sabine, reflex of gh).99
PSI. zoito (SC zliito, Rus. z6loto) 'gold', the long root indicated by Skt.
hdritas 'yellow, green', ON glop 'redhot coals'.
63. Slavic Nominals with Barytone AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-
Slavic items entering into this correspondence, like the Baltic examples,
were first collected by Hirt (H lAp. 94); Hirt's lists were supplemented
by Mikkola, Urslavische Grammatik, I. Teil, Heidelberg, I9I3. p. I22,
and Lehr-Splawinski. Najstarsze praslowianskie prawo cofania akcentu,
Cracoviae, I927, and also in Studia i szkice wybrane
slowianskiego, Warszawa, I957, pp. I27-I29.
SC grlva; Sin. griva, grivo; Big. griva, grivata; Rus. griva; BRos. hryva;
Ukr. hryva; Cz. hNva. From PSI. griva bar. AP 'mane' (like Latv. griva
from *griva bar. AP) and PIE grzvii 'neck'; Skt. (RV) grivil 'back of the
neck'.
SC dl'm, dl'ma 'smoke' (in dialects also secondary lengthening in the
nominative-accusative singular: cf. dim, dl'ma-Novi; dim, dl'ma-Hvar,
Saptinovac, Kosovo; FIL XIV I8, RAD CLXV I2I, ELZ I I37); Sin.
dim, dima; Cz. dym. The accentuation of the following is secondary:
Big. dimflt, Rus. dym, Plur. dymy, Ukr. dym, Plur. dymy From PSI. dyma
bar. AP 'smoke' (like Latv. dumi, Lith. damai I AP) and PIE dhumos
'smoke'; Skt. (RV) dhumtis 'smoke', Gk. thumos 'passionate desire; life
force'.
SC dial. pl'r, pl'ra 'spelt' (RSJ, RIS 650); Cz. pyr 'couchgrass'. The
accentuation of Sin. pir is secondary_IOO From PSI. pyru bar. AP 'type
of grain' and PIE puros 'grain'; Gk. puros 'spelt'.
SC jato; Sin. jdt!J; Big. jtitoto. The oxytone in SC dial. jato (alongside
jato from *jiito-Hvar; see FIL XIV 23) is secondary. From PSl.jiito
bar. AP 'flock, herd' from PIE jiitom 'something moving, movement';
Skt. (RV) yiitdm 'traveling'.
SC dug, dugi, duga, dugo 'long'. There are secondary transformations of
this item in SC dialects (cf., for example, dugii, fem.-Brac; see SDZ
X 52) and in the ESllanguages (cf. Rus. dolgti, fern.). From PSI. dl!ga
bar. AP 'long' (like Latv. ilgs 'long' from *ilgas bar. AP) and PIE
dlghos 'long'; Skt. (RV) dirghtis 'long'.
SC pun, puni, puna, puna 'full'. In the ESI languages there is evidence
of an early shift of this item to the mobile AP; cf. polna, fern., in the
Ucenie of I646 (STU 43). From PSI. p'tlnu bar. AP 'full' (like Latv.
pilns 'full' from *ptlnas bar. AP) and PIE pJ nos 'full'; Skt. pun;ztis 'full'.
SC miiti, Gen. miitere; Sin. mtiti; Cz. mtiti. From PSI. miiti, Gen.
miitere bar. AP 'mother' (like Latv. miite 'mother', Lith. mote 'wife'
I AP) and PIE 'mother'; Skt. (RV) miita 'mother', Gmc. *moiler
'mother', OHG muoter, etc.
SC dever, devera; Sin. #ver. There is a secondary shift to mobile AP
in Sin. From PSI. bar. AP 'brother-in-law', a reformation
of an r-stem (like Latv. dieveris, which points to a barytone AP) and
PIE 'brother-in-law'; Skt. (R V) deva '(younger) brother of the
husband', Gk. 'brother-in-law'.
64. Divergences Between the Slavic and Baltic Distribution
In the work cited in Section 62, Dybo noted that in a number of neuter
a-stems with acute roots there is a contradiction between the Latvian
data, where the broken tone C) indicates mobile AP, and the Slavic
data, which presuppose barytone AP, e.g.,
PSI. slto (SC sl'to, Cz. silo) vs. Latv. siets
PSI. (SC kreslo, Cz. kfislo) vs. Latv. krrsls
PSI. lyko (SC ll'ko, Cz. lyko) vs. Latv. !ilks
PSI. (Cz. viko 'cover', Pol. wieko) vs. Latv. vilks 'cover'
PSI. ordlo 'plow' (SC riilo, Cz. radio) vs. Latv. afkls.
In all cases of this type, variants with barytone AP (along with more
recent variants having mobile AP) are found in Lithuanian. I have sug-
gested (Section 32) that the Latvian broken tone in such nominals arose
as the result of generalization throughout the whole paradigm of a tone
which developed phonetically in the oxytone form nominative-accusative
plural of neuter nominals, which were barytone, in the singular; in
Lithuanian, apparently, the barytone accentuation of the singular case
forms was generalized. This same explanation may serve to account
for the barytone accent of these nominals in Slavic.
The lack of correspondence between the Slavic and Baltic data shows
up among a-stems as well. Thus, the accentuation of Sl. *syna mob. AP
(SC sin, sina, Sin. sin, Big. sinut; Rus. syn, syna, syny, Ukr. syn, syna,
syny) does not agree with the original barytone accentuation in the
Lith. sunus, as confirmed by data from old texts (see Section 30). The
reason for this lack of correspondence must be sought in the early shift
of barytone a-stems with acute roots to the mobile AP; as Meillet
pointed out ("0 nekotoryx anomalijax udarenij ... ," pp. 194-I96),
a-stems with long roots, as a rule, have mobile AP with metatony in
Slavic, cf. *diira, *pira, *ziru, *viilu, *stiina. The same explanation prob-
ably holds for PSI. vida, if this root originally reflected lengthening, as
in Latv. veids 'view', Lith. vhdas 'face' I AP along with 3 AP (possibly
an original s-stem in Baltic; cf. Section 27); a Slavic a-stem is indicated
by the accentuation of Rus. (dial.) vid, vida, vidy (NACH, p. 97), SC
vid, vida, vidovi (BE P; also v'idovi, DAN I9); cf. length in Snc. vjid,
vjidit 'light'. The re-formation of an original it-stem can be seen in Sl.
*kyjl 'hammer', Sin. kij, Cz. kyj, Slk. kyj; cf. Rus. kij, kija, kii, Ukr.
kyj, kyja, kyi) and Lith. kUjis 'hammer' I AP, which does not agree
accentually with the Slavic item.
PSI. zflna 'type of woodpecker' has oxytone AP (SC zuna, zunu, zune-
Istra, SAW CL 555), Rus. zelna, zelnu; Ukr. zovna, zovnu; cf. dial. Plur.
zovny (ZNT CXIV I27); Pol. i6lna does not agree accentually with
Latv. dzilna 'woodpecker'. There is a similar lack of correspondence
between Latv. salna 'frosts' and Lith. salna with 4 AP, probably an
original 3 AP ( cf. Lith. Sdlti 'to freeze') and PSI. solna 'hoarfrost' ox.
AP (cf. SC dial. slana, slanu, slane, slana, sldnu, slane-Prcanj, Ozrinici;
see RE 94; the standard language shows secondary re-formations of this
item in slana, slanu, sliine and slana, sliinu, sliine, see DAN 4-5, PAV 18,
RSJ). An original barytone AP and circumflex root (metatony?) is to be
reconstructed here for Slavic. The accentuation of Latv. dzisla 'vein' is
probably secondary, as this item does not agree with PSI z'ila (SC z'ila,
Rus. Zila, Cz. zila) nor with Lith. gysla, dial. gfsla, I AP in old texts
(ACD 44) and in the standard language (KT LD. GL 59, KAM, NS,
LKR, DLK).
It is not clear why mobile AP appears in PS!pirvu 'first' (cf. SC i'sprva,
dial. pfvl and prvi, Rus. pervo-napervo, etc.) as against Latv. (dial.)
pifmais, Lith. pirmas I AP in Dauksa, and Skt. pUrvas (see Section 27).
65. Accent Retraction to Long Syllable
In Slavic one can set up the same formulation for the retraction of ac-
cent to a long syllable as was done earlier (Section 3I) for Baltic: accent
shifts to a preceding nonapophonic long vowel. This is precisely the root
structure we find in the following items:
Proto-Slavic
griva
dymii
pyrii
jato
dilgii
Proto-Indo-European
griH
11
a
dhuHm6s
puHr6s
ieHt6m or ioHt6m
d!Hgh6s
139
pilnii
mati
dheri
p!Hn6s

On the contrary, in cases where no accent shift has taken place, the root
contains an original two-syllable sequence with schwa primum:
PSI. tukii from lo!fak6s from PIE touHk6's vs. PSI. tyti from PIE tuHtei
PSI. smordii from smorad6s from PIE smorHd6s vs. Lith. smirdziu
from PIE smrHdio
PSI. jiinu from io!fan6s from PIE iouHn6s vs. Skt. Gen. Sing. yunas
from PIE iuHn6s.
The same disyllabic root structure can be set up for PSI. golva and lggu.
For the following items apophonic long vowels can be reconstructed:
PSI.jiije from oui6m PIE Houi6m; cf. Lat. avis 'bird' from PIE Ho!!is;
PSI. niigii from PIE nog6s, cf. Skt. nagnds from PIE nogn6s.l
01
66. The Reasons for Slavic Metatony in the Mobile AP
For an early period of pre-Slavic one must reconstruct two nominal
paradigms with long roots, just as in Baltic. The change of the root tone
from acute to circumflex in the mobile AP, established by Meillet, was a
specifically Slavic process. Meillet was inclined to view this process as
the result of the influence of the mobile accentual type in words with
short roots. Later, Van Wijk, who thought that the oxytone paradigms
were transformed into mobile ones in Slavic independently of the com-
parable Baltic reformation, tried to establish the connection between
Slavic metatony and this restructuring (WIJK, p. 52). The conclusive
establishment of the identity of mobile AP in Baltic and Slavic and the
reconstruction of the Balto-Siavic mobile AP led Stang to accept
Meillet's explanation in a modified form (ST, p. 10). The introduction of
circumflex tone in the barytone case forms of the mobile AP, in Stang's
opinion, must be connected to the loss of tone distinctions in unaccented
syllables (it would probably be better to state this in terms of distinc-
tions in length) in the oxytone case forms of the paradigm and, it should be
added, in the forms with accent on proclitics and enclitics; for example,
after *golva to *golva and *nii golv(J to *nii golv(J, the resultant forms
were indistinguishable from the forms *borda and *nii bord(J, and
conditions were thereby created for the replacement of the phonetically
expected form Ace. Sing. *golv(J by the form *goiv(J on the analogy of
*bofd(J. This explanation is consistent with the fact that distinctions of
long versus short syllables in unstressed position were retained in Baltic
up to a very recent period (evidence for this can be seen in the difference
in the treatment of long versus short syllables when accent shifts to
them in Latvian and in a number of Zemaitis dialects; cf. Section 26);
no metatony of the Slavic type was possible in Baltic, because there
was a distinction of length in unaccented syllables (*galva vs. *barjzjdli)
67. The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Slavic
A consistent analysis of the accentuation of various types of nominal
stems leads to the conclusion that the Proto-Indo-European opposition
of two accentual paradigms was originally retained in all the categories
examined_l02 Corresponding to the oxytone nominals in Sanskrit, Greek,
and Germanic and to nominals with mobile AP in Baltic, Slavic has
nominals belonging to the mobile accentual class, nominals with original
long roots in this case having a secondary circumflex tone. Correspond-
ing to barytone nominals of other Indo-European languages, Slavic has
barytone nominals in the case of long roots and oxytone nqminals in
the case of short roots; the transformation of the columnar barytone
paradigm into a columnar oxytone paradigm in the case of items with
short roots is a specifically Slavic process. Unlike Sanskrit, Greek, and
Germanic, in the Slavic class of nominals with a nonapophonic long
vowel in the root, accent shift to the root syllable must be assumed;
since a similar class is also found in Baltic, this process must be con-
sidered very ancient ( cf. Section 31 ).
Thus, the Slavic system of accentual paradigms displays a number of
innovations as compared to Baltic and reflects those Indo-European
oppositions which are reflected in the Baltic system; the opposition of
three Slavic paradigms developed from a two-way opposition of the
Baltic type, and not vice versa, as Meillet and Stang proposed. The
hypotheses of Kurylowicz, which stand in contradiction to the Baltic
data, are not supported by the Slavic material either. Tables 8 and 9
summarize the correspondences examined above and constitute the basis
for my conclusions.
Table 8 Short Roots
Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP
Iexa, Iex(l OHG -leisa
vidova, vidov(l Skt. vidhava
bliixa, bliix\1 Gk. psulla
migla, migl\1 Gk. omikhle
kosa, kos(l skt.
krupa, krup\1 Germ. riife
OSa, OSQ Lith. vapsa 2/4
Ioka, Iok\1 Lith. lanka (2)/4
gvezda, gvezd(l Lith. zvaigzde 2/4
medja, medj\1 Lith. mede 2
cerda, cerd\1 OPrus. kerdan
volka, volk\1 Lith. valka 2
ceva, ceVQ Lith. seiva 2/4
pesta, pest\1 Lith. piesta 2/4
Serbo-Croatian Dialect
ziip,zUba
rrat, rrada
r96x, rora
liik, IUka
Skt. jambhas
Lith. gai'das 2/4
Lith. ragas 2/4
Lith. laiikas (2)/4
sneg, snega Lith. sniegas 2/4
cep, Plur. cepi Hes. skoipos
vias, Plur. vias! Skt. valsas
dvorii, dvora Skt.
podii,poda Gk. pedon
drnii, tirna Skt. tfl)am
Ilnii, lina Gk. linon
miixii, miixa OHG mos
sitii, sita OHG seid
viinii Skt. vanam
cerdii, cerda Skt. sardham
cernii, cerna Gk. kernon
Oxytone AP
polsa, poisQ OHG falg
ovica, ovicQ Skt.
zola, zolQ Gk.
rosa, rosQ Skt.
' 1!.
snuxa, snuxQ Skt.
dlna, Gk.
fQka, rokQ ON rQng
gr<;da, Lith. grinda 4
zima, zimQ Lith. ziema 4
tolka, tolkQ Lith. talka 4
noga, nogQ Lith. naga 4
kosa, kosQ Lith. kasa 4
kriixa, krftxQ Lith. krusa 4
soxa, soxQ Lith. saka 4
borda, bordQ Lith. barzda 4
rlas, riasa ON kall
mix, mixa Skt.
x9ot, xoda Gk. hod6s
plen, plena Lith. pelnas 4
per<'> Gk. pter6n
gnezdo Skt. nidam
j<;dro Skt. iii)Q:im
Qtro Skt. antram
sidlo OHG seil
giirno Skt. ghrnas
diino Lith. dugnas
Plur. ON innr
Table 8 (continued)
Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP
Oxytone AP
dernii, dermi Gk. terkhnos vorta/v6rta Plur. Lith. vaftai 2
scitii, scita Lith. skiCtas 2/4 plutja/ph!tja Plur. Lith. plauciai 2/4
pirstii, pirsta
voskii, voska
pestii, pesta
pridii, prida
cerslo
pluto
ostrii, ostro
novii,novo
medji
osti, osti
ogni, ogni
zely, zeh'ivi
Lith. pifstas 2
Lith. viiskas 2/4
Lith. pitlstas 2
Lith. priedas 2
Lith. kefslas 2
Lith. plaiitas 2/4
Gk. akros
Skt. navas
Skt. madhyas
Lith. akstis 2/4
Lith. ugnis (2)/4
Gk. khelus
murky, miirkiivi OHG morha
Joky, lokiivi ON Ia
sestra, sestrQ
mQty, mQtftvi
PQti,pQti
Skt. svasa
Skt. manthli
Skt. pantha:s
bosii, boso
siixii,siixo
siiji, siije
riidii, riido
svekcy, svekriivi
diikti, dukteri
Deviant Forms in Short Root Correspondences
PSI. does not correspond to:
kriixa, krftxQ OHG hrosa (but to Lith. krusa 4)
pirstii, pirsta Skt. (but to Lith. piistas 2)
scitii, scita OHG scit (but to Lith. skietas 2/4)
medi1, medu Skt. madhu (but to Lith. medus 4)
ogni, ogni Skt. agnis (but to Lith. ugnis (2)/4)
rQka, rQkQ Lith. ranka 2, ON rQ (but to ON rQng)
zemja, zemjQ Lith. zeme 2
dQga, dQgQ Lith. danga 4
siito, siita Skt. satam
..,z .... ..,.., ..
ctrnu, ctmo Skt. knnas
OHG bar
0.1:\ sear
Skt. savyas
Skt. lodh:is
Skt. svasrils
Skt. duhitii
Table 9 Long Roots
Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP
Proto-Slavic Barytone AP
griva
dymii
pyrii
jato
dilgii
pilnii
Skt. grivii
Skt. dhiimas
Gk. piir6s
Skt. yatam
Skt. dirghas
Skt. piirl}as
golva, goivQ
tiikii, tiika
Latv. gaiva
Lith. taukai 3
smordii, smorda Latv. smards
li;}gii, li;}ga Latv. lu6gs
jaje, Plur. jaja Gk. 06n
Plur. Skt. marpsam
miiti Skt. matii jiinii, jiino La tv. jauns
dheri Skt. devii nagii, nago Latv. nu6gs
Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP - Proto-Slavic Barytone AP
vrlna Skt. firl}li
iva Gk. 6e
tylii Skt. tfilam
lgto OE
Skt. *bhiirma
Gk. gnoma
briitrii Skt. bhriita
68. The Restructuring of Barytone AP in Nominals with Short Roots in
Slavic
The correspondences discussed above assume the existence of a columnar
barytone paradigm for nouns with short roots at an early stage of Pre-
Slavic, comparable to the corresponding Baltic paradigm; for a certain
period, therefore, one can reconstruct the Slavic paradigm *bliixa, bli'ixu,
blase, bliix(J (the phonetic reconstruction here is arbitrary), comparable
in all respects to the Baltic paradigm *blusa, blusas, blusiii, blusan. In
explaining the reasons for the transformation of the barytone paradigms
into oxytone paradigms in Pre-Slavic, one must consider the question of
whether this shift was morphological or phonetic in nature. A morpho-
logical change probably would have had to affect nominals with long
roots along with those having short roots. The retention of barytone
AP in nominals with long (acute) roots points to a phonetic rather than
a morphological change. It is necessary then to look for the particular
conditions which brought about the shift of falling tone to the following
syllable precisely in the barytone AP (but not in the mobile AP).
These conditions are found only in combinations of nouns with
proclitics (prepositions), which form one phonetic word with one basic
accent: in the mobile AP the accented root syllable is always the first
syllable of the phonetic word ( cf. Ace. Sing. in combination with
prepositions the preposition is stressed: vu in the barytone AP
the accented syllable may be an internal syllable within the phonetic
word (in combination with prepositions; cf. vuli)k(J). These facts are
crucial in a determination of the possible reasons for the accent shift.
As is known, at a later stage of Pre-Slavic internal syllables with
falling tone were phonetically impermissible. The accent was shifted
from such syllables to the preceding syllable, resulting in a neoacute
tone. It may be assumed that the tendency toward the elimination of
falling tone in internal position began rather early in Pre-Slavic; origi-
nally, internal accent could have been eliminated by means of a shift to
the following syllable. This assumption would explain the transforma-
tion of the pre posed forms of the barytone AP into oxytone forms *(vii
/f!k(J to *viil(Jk{J); the complete transformation of the paradigm into
oxytone could be ascribed to the operation of analogy: *l(!k(J to *l(Jk{J
under the influence of *vii i(Jk{J, and *lf!ka to *l(Jka under the influence
of *l(Jk and vill(Jk{J.
Conclusion
A comparison of the Baltic and Slavic systems of accentual paradigms V
of nominals leads to the conclusion that they were originally identical.
Both of them constitute a system with the opposition barytone AP J
versus mobile AP, corresponding to the Sanskrit and Greek opposition
of barytone AP versus oxytone AP; in both Baltic and Slavic there is a
class of nominals with non-apophonic length in the root which diverges
from the this correspondence (see Table 10).
It is difficult to say whether these similarities between the Baltic and
Slavic systems demonstrate the existence of a Balto-Slavic system of
nominal accentual paradigms which differs from the Proto-Indo-Europe-
an system because of a certain set of common innovations. The follow-
ing could be considered innovations:
I. The extension of accentual mobility, i.e., the conversion of the
Proto-Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP into a mobile AP.
2. The shift of nominals with nonapophonic length in the root into the
barytone AP.
However, if we take into account the relic character of accent mobility
in the paradigm and the clear-cut tendency toward columnar paradig-
matic accent in Sanskrit and Greek, we can scarcely make a reliable
reconstruction of the original relationship between oxytone and mobile
accent on the basis of data from these languages (see the introduction
to this volume).
146 Conclusion
Table 10
Indo-European Barytone AP"' Baltic/Slavic Barytone AP*
Gk. psulla Lith. blusa 2 PSI. bliixa, bliix
Gk. omikhle Lith. migla 2/4 PSI. migla, migl
Skt. firQa Latv. viina PSI. vilna
Gk. 6a Latv. ieva PSI. iva
Gk. pedon Lith. padas 2/4 PSI. podii
OHGseid Lith. sietas 2/4 PSI. situ
Gk. akros Lith. astras (2)/4 PSI. ostrii
Skt. svasa Lith. sesuo 2/4 PSI. sestra, sestrQ
Skt. mantha Lith. mente 2/4 PSI. mQty
Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP "' Baltic/Slavic Mobile AP
Skt. rasii Lith. rasa 4 PSI. rosa, rosQ
Gk. Lith. zala 4 PSI. zola, zoiQ
Gk. Lith. kaina 4 PSI. cena, cgnQ
Skt. niqam Lith. Iizdas 4 PSI. gnezdo
Skt. duhitii Lith. dukte 4 PSI. diikti, dftkteri
Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP "' Baltic/Slavic Barytone AP
Skt. grivil. Latv. griva PSI. griva
Skt. dhiimas "' Latv. diimi PSI. dymii
Skt. dirghas
Skt. piirQiis
Skt. matii
Skt. devil.
Latv. ilgs
Latv. piins
Latv. mate
Latv. dieveris
PSI. dilgii
PSI. pilnii
PSI. miiti
PSI. dgveri
*The term barytone AP with reference to Slavic here relates to the Pre-Slavic
state of affairs that preceded the transformation of the columnar barytone AP
of certain nominal classes into oxytone AP. In the list, however, the Proto-
Slavic items are transcribed in their later forms, i.e., with oxytone AP.
Mobile accent in Baltic and Slavic, therefore, may not be a Balto-Siavic
innovation, but rather an archaism which has been eliminated in
Sanskrit and Greek. The present state of accentual studies in the last two
languages is such that an unambiguous answer to this question cannot
be given.
The second set of facts, i.e., cases of barytone nominals with non-
apophonic length in the root, clearly reflects an innovation ( cf. Section
147 Conclusion
31). However, the recent work of V. A. Dybo, "Sokrascenie dolgot v
kel'to-italiiskix iazykax i ego znacenie dlia balto-slavianskoi i indo-
evropeiskoi akcentologii" (VOPS 5, 1960, pp. 9-34) has demonstrated
that this innovation is not limited to Slavic and Baltic. Barytone accent
in similar circumstances occurs in Celto-Italic languages which retain
vowel length (unaccented long vowels in these languages, as Dybo de-
monstrated, were shortened): cf. Lat. mater 'mother',fumus 'smoke', Ir.
ldn 'full', which go back to barytone forms identical to Baltic and Slavic
(Latv. mate, diimi, pilns, PSI. miiti, dymu, pflnu), but differing from the
oxytone forms of other Indo-European languages (Skt. mati1, dhumds,
pun;ds, Gk. [Gen.] metros, thumos, Gmc. *moiler): cf. Dybo, op. cit., p.
18. On the other hand, as H. Skold pointed out ("Zur Akzentzuriick-
ziehung auf Akutsillben," ZSP IV, 1927, p. 143), in the oldest portions
of the Rigveda, some words of this group, when occurring as the second
members of bahuvrihi compounds with accent shift from the first member
of the compound, are barytone, in contravention of the general rule
of accent retention: cf. Skt. tuvigrivas, puruviras, sakadhti.mas, pururapas
vs. grzvil, vzrds, dhumds, rupds. Thus, accent retraction to a syllable with
nonapophonic length was not, apparently, a specifically Balto-Slavic
process, but an Indo-European dialectal process, which may have been
directly connected with the weakening (and loss) of Iaryngeals and with
corresponding tonic strengthening of the newly developed nonapophonic
long vowels.
Accent retraction, although not exclusively Balto-Slavic, is neverthe-
less the oldest of the Balto-Slavic accentual changes that can be set up.
It did not lead to a change in the system of accentual paradigms in
nominals, but only affected the distribution of forms in the two
contrasting accentual classes. The subsequent shortening of accented long
diphthongs, which brought about the phonemicization of tone in non final
syllables in Baltic and Slavic, merely led to the split of each AP in two;
this split shows up in different ways in Baltic and Slavic at a later period.
The shift of accent to acute syllables changed the columnar barytone
AP into a mobile AP in the case of nominals with short roots in Lithuan-
ian; the elimination of falling tone in internal syllables changed the bar-
ytone AP into an oxytone AP in Slavic. These processes, which brought
about a fundamental change in the old system of accentual paradigms,
were accompanied by an ongoing regrouping of nominals within Dthe
system, which, for the most part, took the form of a shift of originally
barytone nominals into the mobile AP.
148 Conclusion
This, in general terms, has been the fate of the Proto-Indo-European
system of nominal paradigms in Baltic and Slavic. There have been
significant innovations and numerous linguistic changes have obscured
the original picture. Nevertheless, a continuity of development clearly
emerges.
Notes
Notes to Part I, Sections 1-3
1. The term accentual paradigm (AP) denotes the aggregate of accentual rela-
tionships in various word forms, characteristic of a definite group of words,
belonging to some grammatical category, a kind of "accentual curve" of the
grammatical paradigm. Thus, we speak of a barytone AP in cases where the
stemstress (barytonesis) characterizes all forms of the word (e.g., Rus. griva,
grivy, grive, grivu, etc.); the oxytonic AP implies stress on the desinence in cases
where a desinence is present (Rus. dvor, dvord, dvoru, dvor6m, etc.), and the
mobile AP implies differential placement of stress in the various forms of the
word (Rus. vodd, vody-v6du, v6dy, etc.)
2. The identity of the Greek and Sanskrit distribution was established by B.
Wheeler (Wheeler, Der Griechische Nomina/accent Strassburg, 1885; cf. lists of
nominals, pp. 22-38); the identity of the Germanic/Sanskrit distribution was
shown by C. Verner (Verner, "Eine Ausnahme zur ersten Lautverschiebung,"
ZVS, Bd. 23, pp. 97-130; cf. especially the lists of nominals, pp. 118-119). More
extensive lists of correspondences can be found in the works of H. Hirt (Hirt,
Indogermanische Grammatik, Teil V: Der Akzent, Heidelberg, 1929) and C.
Barber (Barber, Die vorgeschichtliche Betonung der germanischen Substantiva
und Adjektiva, Heidelberg, 1932).
3. The original stem can be reconstructed in a number of cases by removing
the results of well-known secondary stem changes in certain languages (e.g.,
the Gk. -id- stems from + stems, Orne. -on- stems from -li- stems).
4. Within the category of essential apophonic differences, I include the op-
position normal grade-reduced grade, which is ultimately related to differ-
ences in position of accent. In my comparisons I permit differences in the vowel
150 Notes
qualtity (deflected grade q-e), as these differences are often conditioned by late
analogical levelings. Under essential semantic differences we include here the
relegation of morphologically identical words to accentually distinct semantic
classes (e.g., oxytone o-stems, nomina agentis versus barytone -o-stems, nomina
actionis).
5. In this work I accept the numbering of accentual paradigms as introduced
by K. Biiga and used in modern Lithuanian dictionaries and grammars. Cor-
respondingly, upon citation of sources using other numbering systems, the
designations have been changed.
6. Here and below stem types are designated according to the Proto-Indo-Eu-
ropean stem-building suffix: -a- stems, and not -o- stems (the Lithuanian stage),
etc.
7. In a number of case forms (e.g., instrumental singular of -o-stems) there is
dialect variation in the place of stress, resulting from various types of leveling.
8. F. Kurschat, Beitriige Zur Kunde der littauischen Sprache, Heft 2: Laut- und
Tonlehre der littauischen Sprache, Konigsberg, 1849. Kurschat later presented
the same material in his grammar (Grammatik der littauischen Sprache, Halle,
1876).
9. The work of Hirt (Der indogermanische Akzent: Ein Handbuch, Strassburg,
1895) has obviously demonstrated that the Lithuanian material that had been
gathered at that time was still insufficient for such a comparison.
10. A. Leskien, "Die Quantitiitsverhiiltnisse im Auslaut des Litauischen," APS,
Bd. V, 1881, p. 189.
11. F. de Saussure. "Accentuation lituanienne," IF 6 Anzeiger, 1896, p. 157.
12. A. Bezzenberger came to this conclusion at the same time as de Saussure
(in a review of Hirt's book Der indogermanische Akzent, BK, Bd. 21, 1896, pp.
294-295). The analysis of nominal distribution into accentual paradigms (See
Table 2) inevitably had to lead to such an idea. Since 1 and 2 AP and, cor-
respondingly, 3 and 4 AP contain nominals with a differing intonational struc-
ture of the root, it is clear that 1 and 2 AP (and 3 and 4 AP) are connected by
a relationship of complementary distribution and can be united.
13. De Saussure, like the majority of scholars of that time, considered the oxytone
to be the Proto-Indo-European AP which was opposed to the barytone.
14. Saussure, Accentuation, p. 163.
15. See. especially the theory ofT. TorbiOrnsson (Torbiornsson, Die litauischen
Akzentverschiebungen und der litauische Verbalakzent, Heidelberg, 1924), which
is elaborated in detail, but which fails to take into account certain facts which
contradict it. The attempts of several investigators (K. Biiga, J. Endzelin, N.
van Wijk, E. Nieminen) have not been successful in showing that the change
of "oxytonesis to mobility" took place relatively late in Lithuanian (See. E.
Nieminen, "Der urindogermanische Ausgang -ai des Nominativ-Akkusativ
Pluralis des Neutrums in Baltischen," Annates Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae,
Seria B, t. 16, 1922-1923, pp. 130-138). The main argument in favor of such a
dating-oxytonesis in the secondary cases of the mobile AP as against bary-
tonesis in the original case forms (e.g., Ill. Sing. of o-stems kiemafi from *kiemand
",
151 Notes
with the Ace. Sing. kiem{l)-becomes impossible to prove upon consideration
of the analogical facts of the transfer of stress onto an enclitic in the Slavic
mobile paradigm (cf. Rus. (dial.) zimus' 'this.winter' along with the Ace. Sing.
zimu). The identity of the Slavic and Baltic AP, demonstrated by Ch. Stang
Slavonic Accentuation, Oslo, 1957, pp. 62-64 and elsewhere; see Section 37)
has definitively taken away the force of this argument. On the possibility for
differing interpretations of the Old Prussian data, cited by the defenders of the
aforementioned hypothesis, see Section 35.
16. This interpretation of Pedersen's idea largely weakens the objections of
Stang (ST, p. 12), based on the imprecise formulation of Pedersen (he speaks
of a special type of phonetic law).
17. The clarification of accentual relations of the o-stems, a category where
one can be guided by the largest quantity of exact correspondences in other
Indo-European languages, was hindered for a long time by the widespread
views of J. Schmidt, who explained the Baltic o-stem nominative plural ending
-ai as the original neuter nominal ending. Since in the neuter plural a specific
change in the place of stress is characteristic, scholars were deprived of the
support of the decisive evidence of the plural forms in studying the accentua-
tion of the o-stems. Views going back to Schmidt's theory continued to weigh
heavily on many investigators even after the appearance of Nieminen's book,
dedicated to a critique of this theory (for example, the largely unfair review by
E. Sittig of Nieminen's book: ZSP, Bd. VI, 1929-1930, pp. 284-289).
18. J. Endzelin, "K litovskoi aktsentuatsii imen. pad. mn. ch. osnov na -o-,"
lOR, XXI, 2, 1916, p. 229.
19. N. van Wijk, Die baltischen und slavischen Akzent- und Intonationssysteme
Amsterdam, 1923, p. 51; see his examination of Bezzenberger's correspond-
ences, pp. 45-51.
20. Cf. NIE, p. 167; K. Biiga, Review of: J. Pla\l:is, Dazi attisnbas puosmi lat-
viesu un leisu akcenta vesture TAU, kn. 2, 1924, p. 474.
21. J. Kurylowicz, 'accentuation des langues indo-europeennes, Wroclaw-
Krak6w, 1958, p. 197.
22. Ibid. p. 174.
23. Ibid. p. 175.
24. Ibid. pp. 200, 212-213.
25. On the other hand, data concerning the retention of the barytone AP in
dialects with a significant spread of mobility will serve as a faithful indica-
tion of the fact that this accentual type is retained in the majority of Lithuanian
dialects.
26. To avoid complications in typesetting, we generally do not cite Lithuanian
dialect forms in the body of the text, restricting ourselves to an indication of
the accentual paradigm. Let us note that a determination of the accentual par-
adigm based on transcriptions made in northern Lithuanian dialects with accent
retraction, either partial (from a short final syllable to a preceding long) or com-
plete (from a short or circumflex final syllable to the preceding or initial syl-
lable of the word), as a rule, is possible only where the accentological transcrip-
152 Notes
tion is accurate to a sufficiently high degree. The intonation of the syllable to
which the accent is secondarily transferred in many cases is different from the
intonation of the syllable with the original stress; this difference, however, is
not always i n d i ~ t e d in textual transcriptions. The principles of the accentua-
tion in certain Zemaitis and Aukstaitis dialects with stress retraction have been
summarized in a series of articles of the publication of the Institute of Lit-
huanian Language and Literature, Lietuviy kalbotyros klausimai (t. I-III, Vilnius,
1957-1960). Models of nominal paradigms in a dialect with partial stress retrac-
tion (the eastern Aukstaitis dialect of the Debeikiai region) are given in an
article by 0. Sedelskyte, "Debeikiv tarmes daiktavardzivlinksniavimas,"
MADA, t. 1 (14), 1958, pp. 198-207; models of nominal paradigms in a dia-
lect with complete stress retraction (the western Aukstaitis dialect of the Sakyna
region) are in an article by A. Jonaityte, "Sakynos tarmes daiktavardzio kaityba"
(LKK, t. III, 1960, pp. 98-110).
27. Presumably, the district between the regions of Veliuona (in the south) and
Radviliskis (in the north); cf. J. Rozwadowski, "Der Iitauische Akzent in der
Universitas linguarum Lituaniae," IF, Bd. VII, 3-4, p. 236.
28. Cf. A. Bezzenberger, Beitriige zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, Got-
tingen, 1877, pp. 18-19. A more detailed description of D. Klein's accentual
system was given by T. Buch (T. Buchiene, J. Palionis, Pirmosios spausdintos
lietuviv kalbos gramatikos, with reference to the 1957 edition of Klein's gram-
mar, pp. 47-59). The symbol, rarely used by Klein for indicating a short vowel
or diphthong in a final syllable', is not usually found in more recent texts of a
religious content and reappears only in the grammatical and lexicographical
writings ofF. Ruhigand P. Ruhig (1747), G. Ostermeyer (1791), and K. Mielke
(1800). The symbol ',used in all Konigsberg manuscripts, is not a symbol of
stress; it serves as an indicator of a series of grammatical forms (Gen. Plur.,
Gen. Sing. of a-stems, etc.); see the review by A. Bezzenberger cited in note
12; T. Buchiene and J. Palionis, op. cit., pp. 50-51.
29. In rare cases the sign ' is used for e, a in circumflex diphthongal groups.
For some of these examples dialect variants with acute should be supposed;
see Section 4 (ranka) and Section 21 (sventas).
30. Examples from manuscripts are given in simplified form.
31. A. Baranovskij pointed out this graphical characteristic (according to the
data of the Haack dictionary of 1730) in "Notes on the Lithuanian Language
and Dictionary," SOR, LXV, 9, p. 13. V. A. Dybo brought it to my attention
(based on the material of the Bible of 1735).
32. The majority of these texts have not been considered thus far in accentolo-
gical studies. Specialized work has been dedicated only to the accentuation of
C. Donelaitis, who used the system of designations described above (T. Buch,
Die Akzentuierung des Christian Donelaitis, Wrodaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1961;
this work also contains a short description of the accentual system of D.
Klein, F. Ruhig, and P. Ruhig: see. pp. 6-11).
33. Among these manuscripts, reflecting the accentuation of the western Auk-
staitis dialects of Prussian Lithuania, the New Testament of 1701 stands all by
itself (Novum Testamentum lithvanicum ... Karalduczuje ... 1701). It was
published in Konigsberg but compiled with the aid of the priests of the evangeli-
153 Notes
cal communities of the Great Lithuanian Principality (see the corresponding
evidence of J. Berendt in the preface to the Bible of 1755, Biblia ... Karald-
uczuje 1755, Vorrede, p. 9). This edition represents the western Aukstaitis or
central Aukstaitis dialect with a partial stress retraction (cf. Ace. Plur. grdbus,
dwis, mhus, Inst. Sing. med'iiu, treCiu, etc. the symbol ' in these cases desig-
nates, most probably, a short stressed vowel). The closeness of this dialect to
that of the grammar Universitas linguarum is interesting.
Notes to Part I, Sections 3--35
1. Here and below page references are given only for non-dictionary-type
works or for those dictionaries which present some difficulty in locating the
word in question. The numerals following the abbreviated title indicate volume
and page.
2. It can be supposed that Dauksa knew of the dialects that transferred the
word into the 4 AP. In his work we find four occurrences of the form of the
Gen. Sing. wiet6s and one instance of the derivative wietiniku (Inst. Sing.),
presupposing the 4 AP in the base noun (in addition there are four instances
of forms from *vietinykas; cf. SK DA 53).
3. The same accentuation, apparently, is found in the work of D. Klein (Loc.
Sing. rdnkoje, Rdnkoje, Inst. Plur. Rdnkomis, Loc. Plur. Rdnkosa; cf. KC 13,
21, 22), although the symbol' usually assumes acute intonation of the stressed
syllable. It is curious that in all these cases the symbol ' is used in case forms
where stress transfer to the following acute syllable is expected according to
the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure (*raiikoje to *rank6je, etc.; cf. the dialectal
adessive rankdi(p) from *raiikai-pi), and where one usually assumes the introduc-
tion of barytonesis by analogy (cf. SK DA 135-136). Forms with barytonesis
according to the sound laws are given by Klein without the symbol ' (Dat.
Sing. rankai, Ace. Sing. rank(!, Nom. Plur. rankos). If the analogical introduc-
tion of barytonesis took place at a period when the stress shift according to
the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure was still in force, the indicated case forms
could have been barytone only if the stressed syllable were acute. Thus, the
forms observed by Klein can reflect very old relations, lost as a result of into-
national leveling of the paradigm.
4. The semantic development 'something bent' to 'arm' is usual; cf., for ex-
ample, Orne. *armaz 'arm, the upper part of the arm' (Goth. arms, etc.) along
with Lith. (dial.) armal 'bent spokes, between which a rod is inserted'. The
possible borrowing from Celtic, Lat. (Late) branca 'arm' assumes that the
indicated semantic change was not confined to .Baltic and Slavic. The etymology
given by J. Mikkola demands a reinterpretation of the commonly accepted
connection of Lith. rankd with the verb riiikti 'to collect'; in this case the verb
should be seen as an old derivative with the original meaning 'to function with
the arm'. As to the skeptical attitude of several scholars toward the rule of E.
Liden J(PIE !fr- to Bait. and Sl. *r-), it will remain a simple prejudice until
another Baltic and Slavic reflex is found for the fairly widespread PIE initial
w-.
5. In Lithuanian, together with a -ia-stem, there is the reflex of the root *mus-;
cf. Lith. (dial.) musis, Gen. Plur. mus(j, miisy.
154 Notes
6. The forms cited by F. Kurschat with long -y- mygld, myglid, (KT
GL, 175, KT LD) probably reflect a borrowing of the word from dialects
having a lengthening of short i, u.
7. G. -a in psulla instead of the expected -e (Dor. -a), apparently is secondary,
as in cases like Attic prumna with Hom. prumne; cf. SZW I 476; the dialectal
Attic gemination probably reflects -11- from -Is- (cf. SZW I 284). Thus, there is
no longer any necessity for reconstructing an original-fa-stem for psulla *bhsulia
from *bhlusja, as is often done (cf., for example, BQ 1078).
8. In suffixal formations of this type it is hardly possible to assume an op-
position of a- and o-stems according to place of stress, so that it is admissible
to reconstruct a bar. *kupra on the basis of Germanic data.
9. In all examples given, lack of stress on the first syllable is indicated by a
doubled ss; see Section 2.
10. I reconstruct a form with a laryngeal (H) after I in view of the absence of
the lengthening of -a- (from -o-) in Sanskrit, which is pussible only in a closed
syllable; cf. Lith. skilti 'to split' from skfH-t-.
I 1. In the dictionary entry (DLK 840) there is a .nistaken indication of 2 AP
instead of 4 AP. The 4 AP is indicated by the example provided: Be /ietaus
nera - os (i.e., tarpos, Gen. Sing.).
12. K. Bilga (BUG II 647) denies the existence of the variant viekd. However,
F. Kurschat's reference to a definite dialect makes one think that in this case
(as in the case of the form See Section 30), Bilga made an error, easily
explainable by insufficient acquaintance with the dialects ofPrussian Lithuania.
13. It is, however, possible that the observed form of one occurrence tdlpa
(cf. BOH R III 236) is mistaken, and that there exists only tdlpas, masc. (the
usual form in Sanskrit.).
I4. The genitive plural Szakkil observed in a charter (gramota) of I804 is an
obvious misprint: the doubled kk indicates lack of stress in the preceding
syllable (cf. the Gen. Plur. Ssakku N 1735 20a, Szakku in the work of Done-
laitis; cf. ACD 42).
15. It is supposed that Skt. *k6kas originates from the onomatopoetic name of
the cuckoo (GRA 352) or wolf (MAY I 268); both of these proposals are
conjectures. The Slavic name for werewolf, *kuku, similar to that of Lithuanian
and Sanskrit, can be assumed on the basis of expressions such as SC na kukov
dan, na kukovo leto, Big. na kukov den, na kukovo /jato 'when the cow jumps
over the moon'.
16. Semantically, this connection is wholly satisfactory; cf. Sl. *potu 'half,
side', along with Skt. phaldti 'it bursts'. It is unclear why E. Fraenkel (FRA
I5) prefers to explain Lith. ardai, Latv. iirdi 'beams in the kitchen for drying
clothes', as a borrowing, eventually going back to a Balto-Finnic formation
(Finn. arta, Plur. arrat, Karelian arto 'a device for drying nets'). The opposite
direction of the borrowing process, proposed as early as V. Thomsen (THO
I I2, also KAL 9I-92), is undoubtedly more probable. A Balto-Finnic form
with a final -a regularly reflects a Baltic plural in -ai; cf. Finn. karva, 'wool,
hari', harja 'brush, mane', along with Lith. gaural 'hair'. serial 'bristle'.
155 Notes
17. The reconstruction *iouHos explains the absence of the lengthening of -o-
in Sanskrit (in a closed syllable) and the acute intonation of Lith. jdujas 'barn'
from *iouHtos.
18. Initial v- in Lithuanian, as in vienas 'one' from *oinos (Gk. oin6s or oinos
'one-on dice').
19. Skt. lokds '(open) space' can hardly be an indicator of a parallel oxytonic
formation since ulokds (GRA 1187-1188) is an older form in RV; this form
probably goes back to the compound formation *ulu-lokds 'open field' in the
-1- dialect (see MAY I 112); cf. the analogical formation of the r- dialect uru-
lokas 'occupying a large space' (R V).
20. Hom. nousos, which most likely assumes *n6rts1fos, can be explained as a
hypercorrection introduced in a copy instead of NOSOS; cf. SZW I, 308,
WAL II 333.
21. The Proto-Indo-European name for 'evening' is usually reconstructed as
*IJesperos on the basis of Gk. Msperos, Lat. vesper, Old Irishfescor, Welsh
ucher, but its connection to Lith. viikaras, Slavic *veceru remains unclear. The
PIE reconstruction *ue-skoros and the variant without mobiles, *IJe-koros,
seem more likely; a of the vocalism -e- or-o- was realized dialec-
tally. Then Gk. Msperos can be explained as a transformation of the original
*wesporos from *IJeskoros; Lat. vesper can be viewed as a borrowing from
Osco-Umbrian with regular p from *k"; the Celtic forms go back to *IJeskoros
(Old Irishfescor) and *weskeros (Welsh ucher); finally, Armenian giser 'night',
which cannot be explained from a form with -sp- (sp to Armenian p), agrees
very well with the proposed reconstruction, which assumes an original *wesk-
eros (sk (") from Armenian .l', cf. Armenian .l'el 'crooked': Gk. skoli6s
'crooked', cf. BRU I, I, 581).
22. In Germanic there are traces of the root *alh-(Goth. alhs).
23. Baltic s- from PIE sw-. as in Lith. siipnas 'dream', sesuo 'sister.'
24. Together with the oxytonic forms of the adessive in -p(i), indicating 4 AP
(2I times), in Dauksa's work one can also observe barytone forms of the type
dievop (six times; cf. SK 135), which are difficult to explain. Here I suggest
accentual leveling based on the Gen. Sing. dii!vo.
25. Attic strouthos probably reflects a secondary retraction of stress, observed
in several cases in this Greek dialect; cf. WH 115, SZW I 383.
26. The bar. Gk. ph6nos 'murder, victim of murder, cadaver' is a nomen ac-
tionis (and nomen acti), regularly opposed according to stress placement to
the nomen agentis (and nomen instrumenti), reflected in Baltic and Sanskrit.
27. The widespread assumption about the connection of ON me iss (from* meisaz)
with Lith. mai.l'as, Skt. me.yds is conjectural (cf. the basis for connecting these
forms: 0. Schrader, Reallexicon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, Bd. I,
Lief. II, Berlin-Leipzig, I920, p. 629). The postulated original meaning, 'sack,
animal-skin basket' does not agree semantically with the word meiss, which
means primarily 'wooden chest'.
28. LKR I68 wrongly indicates 2 AP. This mistake has been corrected in re-
printing the dictionary; cf. LKRM 66-4 AP.
156 Notes
29. If we can consider the Proto-Indo-European name for a bull a borrowing
from Semitic (Semitic pauru), the accentuation of the Greek word could be
compared with the Lithuanian. This hypothesis satisfactorily explains the
Greek and Italic (Latin taurus) vocalism; from this point of view it is harder
to explain the Germanic forms cited above.
30. In another group of dialects and in the literary language, barytonesis
(ddrbe) was introduced into the instrumental singular of the mobile AP; the
coinciding singular forms of the 2 and 4 AP caused a similar coincidence in
the 1 and 3 AP.
31. The assumption that Finnish nominals in -a can go back to Baltic neuter
formations was made by V. Thomsen (THO 112); he admitted, however, that
these nominals also reflect masculine formations, going back to the accusative
singular form in -an (also KAL 77-78). The neuter was also reconstructed,
proceeding from the Finnish data, by K. Buga ( cf. K. Biiga, "Sis-tas is lietuviv
ir indoeuropieciv senoves," TAU, kn. II, 1924, p. 104).
32. Nieminen's construct compares favorably with other attempts to explain
the process of the elimination of neuter formations. J. Kurylowicz, who recon-
structs the nominative-accusative neuter ending of a-stem nouns as -an, admits
a similar explanation only for a-stem adjectives; neuter gender was eliminated
in nouns later, in his opinion, as a result of the absence of this category among
modifiers (KCZ 217). This hypothesis is hardly in accord with the fact that
there is a complete absence of neuter relics among nouns while there are such
relics in the adjectival system. Endzelin proposed that the replacement of
neuter endings by masculine endings may have originally begun in those
neuter nouns which were diminutives derived from masculine nouns, but this
proposal is in principle unprovable. (J. Endzelin, "Przyczynki do historii
jf<Zyk6w baltyckich. 1. 0 zaniku rodzaju nijakiego" Symbolae grammaticae in
honorem J. Rozwadowski, vol. 2, Cracoviae, 1928, also END 395).
33. This characteristic reflex of old neuters was discovered by F. Sommer
(Sommer, Die indogermanischen ia- und io-Stiimme im Baltischen, Leipzig,
1914, pp. 243-244); in his explanations Sommer proceeds from the ending of
the neut. Nom.-Acc. Sing. -an, which necessitates explaining by analogy such
forms as the Ace. Sing. gaidi (cf. medzig). In a review of Sommer's book, J.
Endzelin demonstrated that the neuter -iio-stems can be included also in the
type in -ys in the nominative singular, if -the plural forms are influential
enough (J. Endzelin. "Notes on the Baltic Nominal Stems in -(je)e and -jo"
RFV, v. 76, p. 309).
34. However, there is no reference to this work in the discussion of the ac-
centuation of old neuters in the second edition of Kurylowicz's book L 'accen-
tuation des !ungues indo-europeennes, in spite of the fact that in 1958 Bonfante's
article was known to Kurylowicz (he criticizes it in another connection on
p. 197).
35. Probably a calque of Pol. wigzy 'fetters', w i ~ z i n i 'prison'.
36. However, semantically the original neuter and masculine formations could
have been different. Thus, in the dialect of the Dzuk region Linkmenys, medis
-'a growing tree', while mediias (mJdZas)-cut-down tree; lumber' (LKK II
167).
157 Notes
37. EBalt. *mediia 'forest' is undoubtedly connected to the Finno-Ugric name
for forest (Finn. metsii, Est. mets, Ostjak mac, mat'), which V. Thomsen con-
sidered a borrowing from Baltic (THO 112; cf. the objections of J. Kalima,
KAL 11). However, it would be premature to make a proposal on the nature
of this connection. Let us only note that this case is not alone, but stands along
with other examples (cf., for example, Vogul put 'cauldron'-Lith. puodas 'pot'),
collected recently by B. A. Serebrennikov ("0 nekotorykh sledakh ischez-
nuvshego indoevropeiskogo iazyka v tsentre Evropeiskoi chasti SSSR, blizkogo
k baltiiskim iazykam," MADA 1, 1957, pp. 69-72).
38. In Lat. porcus 'pig' we have the transfer of the word to a masculine a-stem.
39. The spelling lappu (Gen. Plur.) in the Bible of 1755 (177a29; 177b-2 x) is
probably incorrect; in the 1735 edition the word is not in the text.
40. The word reflects a Proto-Indo-European substantivization of the adjective
*loik"os 'remaining' (Gk. loip6s 'remaining, impending', Lith. liekas, Latv.
lieks 'superfluous'). A later substantivization is represented by the Gk. masc.
formations loip6s 'future', loipoi 'descendants, posterity'.
41. The Nom. Plur. accentuation *lizdai (one occurrence), which should be
assumed based on the meter, is probably a kind of poetic license in the work
of Donelaitis (cf. ACD 15).
42. Apparently the Gen. Plur. form kdkb1 in the 1755 Bible (319a29, 319aal)
should be considered a misprint; in the corresponding place in the 1735 edition
we find kaklu with the symbol '.
43. Cf. Slavic *vortii 'neck, collar', along with virteti 'to turn'.
44. Meillet could hardly be right in considering the neuter form a later extrac-
tion from the collective formation *k"okta (cf. BQ 531). The basis for this
assumption were the Greek relationships Sing. kuklos-Piur. (Hom.) kukla and
Skt. cakrds (masc.) observed along with cakrdm (Plur. only cakrfi). However,
the barytonesis of kuklos obviously indicates a later form of this formation:
there is an absence of the expected opposition of stress placement with the
form kukla. On the other hand, in R V there are only two forms represented,
indicating cakrds together with the frequent Nom. Sing. cakrdm (cf. GRA
429). The gender of A vest. caxra- cannot be determined from the text; C.
Bartholomae (BR T 576) indicates masculine, probably following the tradi-
tional interpretation. He does so even in cases where it is obviously wrong;
cf. BRT, foreword, xxii. The Proto-Indo-European antiquity of the neuter is
confirmed by the Gmc. formations *hwe3wufd (OE hweogol, hweowol, neut.)
and *hwehwufa (ON hjo/, neut., OE hweol, neut.), where stress variation is ex-
plained by the Proto-Indo-European accentual opposition of singular and
plural of neuter nominals (cf. HI 243).
45. The zone with 2 AP includes southwestern Aukstaitis and southern Lith-
uanian Dzuk dialects.
46. In other dialects and the literary language the 2 AP is generalized in the
sing'ular.
47. The plurale tantum formation is Proto-Baltic; cf. further Latv. lini, Plur.
'flax'. Lith. linus, Latv. fins 'one flax plant' are forms taken from the plural at
a later time.
158 Notes
48. The data of the Konigsberg editions do not allow us to consider Dauksa's
form ndmai (cf. also ndmuse with double stress) to be a simple error, asP.
Skardzius thinks (SK 41).
49. The spellings ofNesselmann (NES 462), Po senam, isz senu, Senay might
not indicate 2 AP since Nesselmann sometimes uses the symbol e to indicate
an unstressed open e (cf. NES, Forward, x).
50. Skt. saptamds 'seventh,' oxytone, like other ordinal numbers in Sanskrit,
probably going back to *septrrzmos.
51. The forms in Ruhig's dictionary (R LD 107b) Pi/lis, es can reflect either
*pi/is, pities, or *pi/is, pilies.
52. Gk. -of- represents a dialectal (Cretan or Aeolian) reflex of -J-, cf. SZW I
344. As to Gk. initial pt- corresponding top- in other Indo-European lan-
guages; cf. SZW I 325.
53. M. Mayrhofer (MAY II 121) proposes that the form ndktis is formed by
analogy to the Nom. Plur. rlitris (ratri 'night') and that, consequently, for
Sanskrit only the stem *nakt- can be reconstructed. Nevertheless, the parallel
-i-stem probably had already arisen in the Proto-Indo-European period: be-
sides Baltic and Slavic, its traces can be found in Latin (nox, Gen. noctis, Gen.
Plur. noctium) and Tocharian (Tocharian B nekcije 'in the evening').
54. The variant paiu (Vajasaneyi-Samhita, cf. MAY II 239) is secondary; it
probably arose under the influence of pasus, masc., 'one animal, head of cattle'.
55. Originally 2 AP; cf. Bebrus MDL 318, Bebrus, Gen. Bebraus; Nesselmann
324, also in the Konigsberg manuscript dictionary according to the data of
LK (but Bebrus in Ruhig's dfctionary-R DL 73b); the very same accentua-
tion is indicated by the 2 AP in the secondary a-stem bebras in the north-
western Zemaitis region Gargzdai and in the literary language; cf. LK I 575,
NS, DLK.
56. The meaning of the word is probably inaccurately given in the gloss; cf.
FRI 530.
57. The Nom. Sing. accentuation thugdter is secondary, cf. SZW I 381.
58. In both cases the root acute intonation is secondary in Lithuanian, cf.
Latv. m(dme(li (Plur.), 'sacrum, meat around the kidneys', strdume, 'stream,
current'.
59. J. Endzelin, "Uber den Lettischen Silbenaccent," BK, Bd. 25, 1899, and
"Des intonations lettones," RESL, vol. 2, 1922; and END 34-41. Cf. the map
of the modern distribution of accentual systems in Latvian dialects in V.
Dambe, "Zemgalisko izloksv.u intonacijas," Latvijas PSR Zinlit(IU Akademijas
Vestis, 1960, No. 12 (161), p. 38.
60. Cf. the description of this system in J. Aleksandravicius, "Kirtis ir prie-
gaide Kretingos tarmeje," LKK, t. I, 1957.
61. Kurylowicz's own thesis on the rise of the slurred intonation in an un-
stressed i'nitial syllable of the columnar oxytone paradigms of derived nominals
retained in Latvian, is based on many other hypotheses put forward by End-
159 Notes
zelin; we shall examine the relation of Kurylowicz's constructs to the actual
distribution of the Baltic data below (Section 34).
62. The Latvian forms are cited according to the dictionary of K. Miilenbachs,
Latviesu valuodas vardnica Riga, 1923-1925 (supplements: Papildinajumi un
labojumi K. Miilenbacha Latviesu valuodas vardnicai Riga, 1934-1946), where
the accentual material has been collected and verified by J. Endzelin; the or-
thography of this edition has been retained. Words known over the major
portion of Latvian territory are given with the accentuation of dialects having
three intonations. Dialect forms observed include central Latvian (both groups
of dialects with three intonations), western Latvian (dialects with a merger of"
and ' realized as "), and eastern Latvian (dialects with a merger of' and - realized
as').
63. Cf. Latv. guo/is 'a place to lie down' from *gouli{os.
64. WAL I 239 assumes the influence of the athematic present *yeidmi.
65. Variants with -m and -u after -r-, such as Lith. kirmis 'worm', Slavic
*Cirmi along with Slavic iirvi.
66. The Old English form also allows the reconstruction of an oxytone Gmc.
*anwfiz; however, the presence of the bar. root *dnuif- (OHG anut) in Ger-
manic makes barytonesis of the parallel -i-stem more probable.
67. In Slapelis's work (SLL 204) there is an incorrect indication of "lduzas 4"
instead of "lduzas 3."
68. If one is to trust the transcription of the dialect of the eastern Aukstaitis
region of Pagiriai, made by A. Baranovskii (informant-A. Dambrauskas), in
this dialect the form *jugas (4 AP) is used without infixation: cf. Gen. Plur.
jugii, three occurrences (once corrected form jungii); cf. LM 209, SPE 503.
69. The accentuation of Lith. t ~ v s 'thin' in manuscripts which retain two ad-
jectival accentual paradigms is unknown.
70. Initial v- in eastern Baltic is secondary, cf. OPrus. ains 'one'.
71. Cf. the more complete list in H. Hirt, "Akzentstudien, IF, Bd. X, 1899,
p. 54.
72. Dauksa's spellings of the type dund, Gen. Sing. dun6s, Ace. Plur. dunds
have been correctly interpreted by P. Skardzius as instances of placing the
stress mark on a syllable contiguous to the stressed one in the absence of a
special symbol for stressed u (SK 90). The same explanation should be given
to the forms observed in Mielcke's dictionary, dund, su Dund (M LD 60a, 65a).
The same device for designating stress on a syllable contiguous to the stressed
one is used in Slavic accented manuscripts (cf. bgd, bgu, etc.).
73. The formal and semantic similarity of the Baltic and Sanskrit formations
makes the comparison of Skt. tirthdm with Skt. tdrati 'it sails across, intersects,
overcomes' improbable (the root is *terH-, cf. MAY I 507, POK 1074); this
etymology leaves the voiceless aspirate in tirthdm (cf. tirtds, participle to tdrati)
without explanation.
74. This is a case of Proto-Indo-European alternation of li :e, which has not as
yet received a satisfactory explanation.
160 Notes
75. More widespread in Latvian is a secondary -iio- stem: Latv. (W.)jiitis and
with metatony Latv. (Central) jutis, Latv. (W.) jut is from *jutis 'joint, fork in
the road'.
76. If Latv. znuots reflects an old a-stem, which existed in Baltic together with
the i-stem (cf. Lith. zentas 'son-in-law': Slavic *zeti), then this word should be
compared also with an oxytone formation-Gk. gnot6s 'close relative (usually
brother)'.
77. More usual in Lithuanian is the -i{o-stem uosis, Gen. uosio (1 AP dia-
lectally). In Latvian the original -1-stem has been lost everywhere; the accentu-
ation of secondary formations-Latv. (W.) uosis (-i{o-stem), Latv. (E.) and
Latv. (Central) uoss (-io-stem) is not significant.
78. W AL I 184 rejects this widespread etymology; akherois is viewed here as a
derivative in -id- from Akheron 'the river of the subterranean kingdom'.
79. Thus, K. Buga was premature in assigning the form to a nonexistent
class (BUG II 710).
80. In Greek the form of Ionic origin with -e- from -li- (*karion) apparently
has become widespread; cf. BQ 450, POK 532.
81. We cannot fail to observe that all examined cases of the Lithuanian ap-
pearance of circumflex intonation instead of the expected acute on a long syl-
lable (dirvd, korjis, piirai) belong to a single lexical type (agricultural lexicon).
Can it be that these words reflect a Lithuanian borrowing from a Baltic lau-
guage with a different kind of intonational system (a language of the Old Prus-
sian or Latvian type, where the old acute is a rising intonation)?
82. A. Meillet, "Sur !'accentuation des noms en indo-europeen," MSL, vol.
XIX, 1914, p. 67.
83. Hirt has specifically written about an originally oxytone AP in Baltic. In
order to explain the change of "oxytonesis to mobility" in nominals with a
long root-vowel, he proposed yet another (later) process of stress retraction:
the newly arisen long (acute) syllables from sequences such as -er<Jt-attracted
the stress from final acute syllables. This hypothesis does not account for the
uniformity of the supposed change of "oxytonesis to mobility" within both
long and short root-vowel nominals.
84. G. Bonfante. "L'accento dei nome lituani del tipo Nom. Sing. ketmas:
Plur. kelmai," BAL, vol. 6, 1936-1937; cf. especially pp. 119-120.
85. G. Bonfante, "L'accento lettone gestossen C) e I' "acuto mobile" Iituano,"
BAL, vol. 4, 1934, pp. 124--131.
86. Words with -liin the root indicate a non-apophonic vowel by the very
timbre of a. Words with -o- and -e- do not have formations of the same root
with short -o-, -e-, which could indicate the degree of lengthening in the root.
87. Gmc. hr03b with loss of the second diphthongal element indicates a long
diphthong in *krftukli; Gk. -au- in kau/6s and -ai- in confirm and
-lii- in *kaula and *daiye; Gk. poii 'herd' requires the reconstruction *poimo
Sl. *lejq 'I pour' assumes
88. In East Baltic along with the neuter form ( = Lat. caucum 'goblet') there
161 Notes
probably also existed the masculine form, identical to the Sanskrit: cf. Veps.
kayvaz along with kayh (from *kauha), cf. KAL 112. Latv. (E.) kduss, if it goes
back to *kaiiss, perhaps reflects the accentuation of this masculine barytone
formation.
89. The same relationship is demonstrated by Latv. arkls 'plow' as against Lith.
drklas, I and 3 AP; here a barytone neuter formation in the singular, having a
root syllable that does not retract the stress, is represented, *dr<1tlom ( cf. Cretan
Gk. dratron, drotron from *dratron from *dr<Jtrom).
90. The a-stem type with a long root-vowel and a mobile AP remained rather
limited in number so that F. Kurschat, as is well known, never listed it at all
in his grammar; in other stem types the large number of words of this accentual
class can be explained by the secondary introduction of the mobile AP. as was
noted above.
9I. Z. Rysiewicz' attempt to revise Fortunatov's work on the rules for the place-
ment of symbol of length in the Enchiridium (Z. Rysiewicz, "L'accentuazione
dell'antico prussiano," BAL, vol. VII; also in the book, Z. Rysiewicz, Studia
jezykoznawcze, Wroclaw, 1956, pp. 112-161) cannot be considered convincing.
92. F. F. Fortunatov, "Ob udarenii i dolgote v baltiiskikh iazykakh. 1. Udare-
nie v prusskom iazyke," REV, kn. 33, 1895, p. 271.
93. Cf. N. van Wijk, "Das Gesetz de Saussures im Altpreussischen," TAU, kn.
2, 1924, pp. 3I, 32.
94. Fortunatov, "Ob udarenii i dolgote," p. 273.
95. Hirt, "Akzentstudien" p. 37.
96. Bonfante, "L'accento prussiano," p. 77.
Notes to Part II (Sections 36-68)
1. It can be proposed that, in West Slavic, the rising intonation that ap-
peared as the result of stress retraction to a long root syllable (cf. note 2) was
replaced by a falling intonation, characteristic of the barytone forms of the
mobile AP (Nom. Sing. *r(!ka to *rka to *rqka under the influence of the
Ace. Sing. *rqkq; cf. SC dial. rftka, rftku).
2. In the latter case West Slavic length can also reflect an intonation similar
to nco-acute, which arose as a result of the process of stress retraction to a
long root syllable, attested in Polabian and Slovincian.
3. Photocopy edition: Novyi Zavet gospoda nashego Jisusa Khrista ... , Mos-
cow, I892.
4. L. L. Vasil'ev, "0 znachenii Kamory v nekotorykh drevnerusskikh pamiat-
nikakh XVI-XVII vekov," Sbornik po russkomu iazyku i slovesnosti, t. I,
tetrad' 2, Leningrad, I929.
5. Cf., for example, V. Kiparskii, 0 kolebaniiakh udareniia v russkom litera-
turnom iazyke. Odnoslozhnye sushchestvitel'nye, Helsinki, 1950.
6. Cf. Z. Veselovs'ka, "Ukrains'kyi naholos v slovari Beryndy," Zapysky
ystorychno-filolohichnoho viddilu Ukra!ns'ko! Adademi!, kn. XXI-XXII, Kiev,
162 Notes
1929, pp. 7-28; Z. N. Veselovs'ka, "Naholos imennykiv bilorus'koi movy za
pam'iatkamy XVII st. u porivnianni z naholosom suchasnoi bilorus'koi
literaturnoi movy," Filolohichnyl zbirnyk, Kiev, 1958, pp. 145-156; Z. N.
Veselovskaia, "Osobennosti vostochnoslavianskogo udareniia kontsa XVI-
nachala XVIII v," Uchenye zapiski Khar'kovskogo pedagogicheskogo in-ta
inostrannykh iazykov im. N. K. Krupskoi, t. V, 1959, pp. 27-66.
7. Cf. A. Shakhmatov, "Jurij Krizanic o serbo-khorvatskom udarenii," RFV,
kn. 32,pp. 250-260,kn. 33, pp. 298-327;kn. 34,pp. 87-124,204-222.
8. St. Ivsic, "Akcenat u Gramatici Matije Antuna Relkovica," RAD, knj.
CXCIV, pp. 1-60; St. Ivsic, "Akcenat u Gramatici lgnata Alojzije Biiica,"
ibid., pp. 61-155.
9. N. van Wijk, "Zur Betonung der Verba mit stammbildendem i," ASP, Bd.
XXXVII, 1918, pp. 12-15.
10. V. Kiparskii's attempt to explain all verbs of the recessive class as the
result of a secondary development based on data from Russian manuscripts
(KP WR 316-319) cannot be considered successful, mainly because he does not
take into account the Slovenian data, which agree with the Russian in many
cases.
11. H. Hirt, "Akzentstudien," IF, Bd. X, 1899, pp. 44-48.
12. A. Meillet, "Sur !'accentuation des noms en indoeuropeen," MSL, vol.
XIX, 1914, pp. 64-84.
13. Ibid., p. 72. Fr. Sedhicek established the identity of the Baltic and Slavic
mobile accentual classes of nominals with a short root vowel independently of
Meillet (Fr. Sedlacek, Pfizvuk podstatnych jmen v jazycich slovanskych, Prague,
1914, pp. 145, 152, 160, 164); Sedlacek considered Balto-Slavic mobility, which
he found in all stem types, to be a reflection of Proto-Indo-European oxy-
tonesis, assuming the phonetic retraction of stress from final syllables under
certain conditions. An essential defect of this unusual conception was the
elimination of the Slavic oxytone class as secondary and a virtual disregard of
the barytone class of nominals with a short root vowel in Lithuanian.
14. Variations in the accentuation of Gk. thugdter, on the basis of which Meil-
Iet reconstructed in Greek a third mobile paradigm of -ter/tr-stems (Meillet.
"Sur !'accentuation," p. 75) of course are not a sufficient basis for assuming a
three-way opposition of accentual paradigms.
15. F. F. Fortunatov, "Razbor sochineniia G. K. UI:ianova Znacheniia
glagol'nykh osnov v litovsko-slavianskom iazyke," SOR, kn. LXIV, 1897,
no. 11, p. 67.
16. A. Meillet, "Note sur un deplacement d'accent en slave," MSL, vol. XI,
1900, pp. 345-351.
17. Cf. especially N. van Wijk, "Zum baltischen und slavischen Akzentver-
schiebungsgesetz," IF, Bd. 40, 1922, pp. 1-39; also WIJK, pp. 28-38.
18. V. A. Dybo, Review of: L. Sadnik, Slavische Akzentuation, VOP, 1960,
No.6, pp. 116-119.
19. Pol. (dial.) pl6sa (KAR) possibly developed the 6 under the influence of a
more widespread pl6ska.
I
l
\
163 Notes
20. Cf. Sin. Cfnim, Cfnis, which allows the assumption of oxytonesis in the
original.
21. Nom. Plur. ceny, found in the works of Batjuskov, possibly indicates a
secondary oxytone AP (cf. BURL 153).
22. Big. zima can hardly reflect the barytone AP; more likely, this is a gener-
alization of the stress of the form without an article from the paradigm zima,
zimdta, zimi, zimite, known in dialects (for example, Lorn, Bela Slatina; cf.
SNU XXXVIII 34, liB IV 143).
23. The form with -z- is secondary in Baltic, as shown by Latv. blirda along
with Latv. (dial.) biinda (cf. Lith. veizeti 'to look' along with Lith. veidas
'aspect', Slavic *videti).
24. The long root in Lith. lyse 'flower bed' is not original, cf. Gmc. *lisa (OHG
lesa 'wrinkle') from *lisa.
25. It is unclear why M. Vasmer prefers a connection to the Lith. kdsti 'to bury'
and other more doubtful etymologies, rather than this phonetically and seman-
tically adequate comparison of A. Bezzenberger (cf. further Lat. coxa 'hip'
OHG hahsa 'bend of the knee' from *koksa; cf. BR SE 581). '
26. Cf. MAY 258, where this interpretation is considered doubtful.
27. The acute root in Latv. kraiipa 'wart, lichen' reflects a metatony and does
not indicate the original length; cf. Rus. (dial.) kr6pkij 'fragile' from *krilpilkil
*krilp-.
28. The South Slavic accentuation is probably indicated by Russian sixteenth-
century manuscripts which have columnar barytonesis.
29. Palatal k-, reflected in Slavic and Baltic as k- (possibly an old Joan word
from a centum language), is indicated by Skt. Sdrdham 'herd'.
30_. OPrus: kerda_n can, however, also indicate a Baltic a-stem neuter *kefda(n);
this form IS possibly reflected in Slavic *cerdil (cf. Section 49).
31. The accentual paradigm of Lith. (dial.) saivd 'tubular stem' is unknown.
Latv. piesta 'mortar' reflects metatony in a-stems; the original intonation
IS presented by Latv. (dial.) pieksta.
33. Cf. Lith. slaiige 'nurse' with a barytone AP.
34. These forms cannot be a reflection of South Russian influence since in
those South Russian and Belorussian dialects where oxytonesis was int;oduced
i? the accusative of a-stems with a mobile AP (zemlju), in the nomina-
tive plural barytones1s was always retained (zemli, also Belorussian sixteenth-
and seventeenth-century manuscripts).
35. Cf. further the Ace. Sing. zemljit with two occurrences in PIS'M (one oc-
currence of zemlju); cf lAG 436, 467, 486; the presence of such a form in this
causes surprise also because all the a-stems (including oxytones) in
1t have, as a rule, barytone accusative singular (cf. zenu, sestru, str6ku, as well
as 16zu, The forms zemljit, na zemljit, vii zem/jt) are quite numerous in
Russ1an cop! of Book 12 of the minor prophets of the late fifteenth-early
Sixteenth centunes (cf. TUN 5, 33, 54, etc.); the data of this text, which has
Middle Bulgarian accentuation, are more definite, since within it one can observe
164 Notes
the partial retention of the oxytone type of a-stems; cf. Ace. Sing. but
rii g6ru (TUN 58, 46, 52).
36. Lith. danga 1 AP (SK LK 40, KAM) corresponds to the Slavic variant
with metatony, *d{fga.
37. The absence in such cases of Slovenian closed(! can be explained by the
influence of the oblique cases where unstressed o was open (cf. Gen. Sing. p6pa
from *papa).
38. The accentuation of Big. vldkat 'train' is not significant since in this
meaning the Bulgarian word is a loan from Cz. vlak which is, in turn, a calque
of German Zug.
39. Cz. (dial.) vlak with a long vowel is possibly due to the influence of the
a-stem vlaka.
40. The length in Cz. (dial.) hlas is unclear.
41. The Slavic x-is usually explained as the result of leveling on the basis of
prefixial formations with *pri-, *u-.
42. The indication of 2 AP in LKR 192 is erroneous (draiigas, - e 2; it should
have been draiigas 4, - e 2); cf. LKRM 82, which has draugas 4.
43. Concerning Gk. taiiros, cf. Section 11.
44. A secondary lengthening before a resonant is found in OCz. vecir, Cz. (dial.)
veCir, vecer (DN 112, DM I 8); cf. SC pod vecer.
45. Sin. goj, g6ja 'care' is a late deverbative formation from gojiti 'to care about,
to grow' and does not reflect the accentuation of Sl. *goji.
46. The Standard Bulgarian accentuation b6g<Jt (cf. b6gatogo in the Svistovskii
damascene of the eighteenth century; cf. MIL 23) is probably connected with
the fact that the word bog 'God' is usually not used with an article in dialects
(cf. the corresponding data of the dialect of the village Bobosevo, SNU XLII
20).
47. In Baltic and Slavic, this is possibly the reflection of an old loan word from a
centum language.
48. Cf. kanth6s, used by Hesychius, 'aperture for smoke in a hearth; flue' (HAL
II 406).
49. For the Slavic mobile AP one must accept the early elimination of oxy-
tonesis in the nominative singular, instrumental singular, and nominative plural.
The introduction of barytonesis into the nominative singular is possibly con-
nected to the early substitution for this form by accusative singular.
50. Cf. J. Hamm, M. Hraste and P. Guberina, "Govor otoka Suska," HDZ,
t. 1' 1956, p. 106.
51. Cf. D. Nemanic, "Cakavisch-kroatische Studien," SAW, Bd. CIV, 1883,
pp. 371, 374.
52. The data of the dialect on the island Susak are cited without any indica-
tion of location.
165 Notes
53. Cf. further the Ukr. (dial.) Gen. Sing. rohd, sniha, cited above, and the Ace.
Plur. vovky along with Nom. Plur. v6vci (Transcarpathia, cf. ZNT XXVII 63),
zuby as well as zuby (Peremyshl'; cf. ZNT XXXV-XXXVI 34). These facts,
perhaps, indicate the existence of peripheral Ukrainian dialects with a similar
accentual distribution.
54. Cf. the stress retraction in the instrumental plural of oxytone a-stems, also
connected to the length of this case desinence (cf. Seetion 42).
55. Probably originally *pero, pfra (cf. selo, Sfla) with a late widening from
the plural; in Standard Slovenian there has been a secondary transfer of this
word to the -es-stems: per{J, Gen. peresa.
56. The reconstruction of the form with initial *pt- is supported by the cor-
respondence of Gk. (Cypriot) pt6lis: Lith. pi/is. Accepting the original *perom,
one should assume that initial pt- in Greek was introduced under the influence
of words such as pteruks 'feather'; cf. W AL II 21, MAY II 204.
57. However, cf. Slk. jadro, whose shortness that is hard to explain.
58. Lith. sailas, dial. seilas, 'rope handle of a pail, mooring line' must be
considered, in agreement with A. Senn, as a loan from Low German (cf. FRA
755).
59. The accentuation of SC (dial.) grno 'red-hot coals under a layer of ashes'
(RSJ).
60. The form vartai 4 AP, according to K. Bfiga's evidence (BUG II 719), does
not exist in Lithuanian.
61. We can dispense with the question caused by the lack of accentual cor-
respondence between Sl. *silto and PIE k1J1t6m by accepting the often advanced,
but unproved proposition of the Slavic word as a loan from Iranian.
62. H. Hirt, "Zu den slavischen Auslautgesetzen," FIL, Bd. II, 1893, p. 399;
cf. especially the comments on Sl. *dvorii, *miixii.
63. There have been attempts to increase their number by H. Pedersen ("Das
indogermanische s im Slavischen," IF, Bd. V, p. 74) and T. Milewski
("Drobiazgi z fieksji praslowiaitskiej," PF, rocz. XV, 1939, pp. 272-273);
however, almost all their comparisons turned out to be unsuccessful (with the
exception of Milewski's comments on Sl. *jezerii, jezero ).
64. Cf. A. Meillet, Review of: S. Agrell, Intonation und Auslaut im Slavischen,
RSL, rocz. VII, 1914-1915, p. 28.
65. Sl. *tirnii could also reflect an -ii-stem *trnus; cf. Gmc. *purnuz 'thorn' (Goth.
paurnus) together with the secondary *purnaz (OHG darn, OSax. thorn, OFris.
thorn); however, this reconstruction cannot explain SC (dial.) torno, neut. (Hvar,
cf. FIL XIV 24), which retains the word's original gender (on doublets of the
type *tirnii/*tirno see below).
66. Thus it is no longer necessary to reconstruct the original mobile AP on the
basis of Slovenian and partially Serbo-Croation data, as N. van Wijk did ("Zur
sekundiiren steigenden Intonation im Slavischen, vornehmlich in ursprUnglich
kurzen Silben," ASP, Bd. XXXVI, 1916, p. 334.
166 Notes
67. The variant with metatony, sietas 3 AP, observed by F. Kurschat (KT GL
154) probably arose under the influence of the word sietas 'sieve'; cf. KT LD:
sietas 'leash'.
68. Cf. further Rus. (dial.) von (Katagoshcha; cf. GTS 44) with closed o, which
sporadically appears in several dialects in place of neo-acute -u-.
69. I do not know the source of Rus. ceren, cited by Vasmer in this meaning
(Vasmer REW III 322). V. Dal' indicates ceren, with no stress.
70. The parallelism of neuter -o- and -os/es- stems is a frequent phenomenon
of Proto-Indo-European; cf., for example, Gk. kernon and kernos, neut., cited
above.
71. Lith. (dial.) priedas (LM 53), WLatv. prieds 'addition,' with secondary
meta tony.
72. In the standard language, plUto- a variant observed by V. Karadzic, and
possibly not reflecting the actual stress (cf. RAD CXXVI 240).
73. I limit myself to reliable examples; cf. AG 68-72 (where a very hetero-
genous sort of material has been gathered, requiring careful selectivity).
74. Cf., besides the examples cited above, which have Proto-Indo-European
correspondences, SI. *selo, *rebro, *melko, *tilo, *vedro, *slrebro, *runo, *lice
(from *liko), *stegno 'hip,' *bedro, *stlblo, *reseto, *desno 'gums' (Cz. dtisno,
jasno), *leto from *lekto 'entrance to beehive' (SC leta), *lono 'lap' (lon6,
lono in Russian and Ukrainian manuscripts), BRus. lan6, Ukr. lon6, cf. VAS
37, V OV 56, LOB 296.
75. Later, Hirt tried unsuccessfully to eliminate these difficulties, referring to
the isolated cases of correspondence between Proto-Indo-European barytone
-os/es-stems and Slavic masculine formations and between Proto-Indo-
European oxytone masculine -a-stems and Slavic neuter formations. Cf. H.
Hirt, "Zur Verbalflexion," IF, Bd. XVII, 1904-1905, pp. 291-292.
76. Cf. the compilation of relevant literature: S. Szober, "Siowianski Nom.-Acc.
Sg. neutr. temat6w na -o-, -es-," PF, rocz. XII, 1927, pp .. 563-571; E. A.
Iakubinskaia-Lemberg, "Problema obrazovaniia form srednego roda v
slavianskikh iazykakh," Uch. zap. LGU, no. 250, Seriia filol. nauk, vyp. 44,
1958, pp. 3-13.
77. Judging by the data of neuter -osfes- stems (*nebo, *slovo, etc.), final -os
gave -o in Slavic. In the nominative singular -a-stem masculine form we have
to allow for the possibility of an early change of the ending -as to -om (the
accusative singular ending); this assumption is well in accord with the bary-
tonesis of the nominative singular in the mobile AP; the barytonesis is original
only in the accusative singular; the appearance of a new accusative singular
form in -a for nominals denoting living beings can also be connected with the
tendency to restore the opposition of nominative singular and accusative singular
in this category, which was lost as a result of the introduction of the -om form
into the nominative singular.
78. An original neuter gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Assaran (EV 60)
'lake'.
167 Notes
79. M. Vasmer separates the Slavic word from OPrus. Slayan, Slayo EV 307
'sleigh', Lith. sliijos (Plur.) 'sleigh', and he reconstructs *siiloji, connected to
*liti 'to pour' (VAS II 663); this comparison is doubtful semantically and
morphologically (in the old nominal formation we would expect rather *sf!loji).
80. J. Mikkola proposed an original *Cwaxstan here (cf. E. Nieminen, "Ein
Beitrag zu der ostslavischen und ostseefinnischen Badeterminologie," LIN, t.
4, 1953, pp. 226-227), basing his study on the frequent instances of written t
instead of c. However, the group kv- regularly is represented in Old Prussian
texts by qu, Qu- (cf. Queke, EV 635, 'pole ih a fence', quai, quliits, quoite in the
Enchiridion, and qu- (Qu-) could hardly have been understood by the scribe
as tw- (Tw-); on the contrary, the substitution of the Gothic written Gw- and
Tw- is highly possible. Thus, we dispense with propositions about the borrow-
ing of the Old Prussian word from a Germanic source, which were based on the
reconstruction *Cwaxtan (cf. German Quast) or *Twaxlan (cf. OHG dwehila
'towel'; cf. further BR 328, TR II 453). OPrus. *Gwaxtan coincides with Sl.
*xvostil in form (in Slavic the form with mobiles is reflected) and meaning; cf.
Finn. vasta "bath besom" from ESI. *xvostil 'besom' (cf. Rus. xvostat' to take
a steambath with a besom', for more detail cf. NIE pp. 218-227); the same
root is represented in Gmc. *kwastuz 'panicle; wisp, frings, besom' (cf. Ger-
man Badequast 'bath besom', OSwed. kvaster, koster 'broom' from ON *kv(!Str).
81. The Lithuanian dialect (Dzuk dialects in the Lida region; cf. LK) accentua-
tion draiigas 4 AP is hardly original.
82. Naturally one can also find the opposite correlation when Slavic has
masculine formations corresponding to neuter formations in the other Indo-
European languages. In these cases we find mobile -a-stems in Slavic; cf., for
example, Sl. *svorbil, svorba mob. AP 'itch' (SC svriib, svriiba, Sin. sriib, Rus.
dial sv6rob, Cz svrab, Slk. svrab) *s!forbhos, nomen actionis, along with Gmc.
*swaroa (ON swart, neut., 'sawdust') from *s!!orbhom, nomen acti.
83. This is the distribution right after the change -om to -iloccurred. Later,
the two indicated accentual classes naturally came to be opposed as masculine
nominal accentual classes. The inclusion of derived masculine nominals into
the oxytone class belongs to this later period.
84. Possibly we should connect Lat. scortum 'skin, leather' (originally 'cut off
piece of skin') to this formation.
85. Gk. (Attic) hailos 'dry, withered' reflects the barytone variant.
86. In view of the Slovenian and Serbo-Croation data, L. L. Vasil'ev's
proposal of the introduction of -o- in the form no/under the influence of the
pronominal adjective novyj (VAS 45) becomes doubtful.
87. The transfer of the word into the oxytone AP, usual for -a-stems in Slavic,
is reflected by SC dial. svekPva (Kosovo, cf. ELZ II 206), Big. sveHrva, Rus.
svekr6v', svekr6vi (Rus. dial. svekry -may represent the oxytone nominative
singular of the mobile AP).
88. The barytonesis of Gmc. swehron (fern.) 'mother-in-law' (Goth. swaihro,
ON svii!ra) reflects, most probably, the influence of the accentuation of the
masculine formation *swehuraz 'father-in-law' (OHG swehur).
168 Notes
89. The forms voln6j, volnu, observed in the usage of Krylov and Del'vig (BU
RL 185), can be reflections of the influence of the accentuation of the word
volnd 'wave (in water)'.
90. I prefer this comparison to the usually accepted comparison with Irish laithe
'day' or with Lith. lietus 'rain'.
91. Comparisons of with Skt. bhtirzma (masc). 'contents, subsistence' and
Skt. (RV) bhtirma (neut.) 'retention, guard' are unsatisfactory; bhtirlma is
probably a late innovation since the root bhr belongs to the ani! roots (without
schwa primum); the comparison with bharma leaves the Slavic acute intonation
of the root without explanation. A reconstruction of the formation with a
lengthened grade is thus the only possibility.
92. The reasons for the appearance of shortness in Cz. bratr are unclear.
93. Some of the examples cited by these authors are not proven since they are
based on insufficiently exact correspondences; cf. Sl. *serdd, *sefde (-a-stem)-
Latv. sefde (originally an +stem; cf. Lith. dial. serdis 'heart of a tree'); Sl.
*miru (originally a -ii-stem)-Latv. miers (o-stem); Sl. *mtjdru (-o-stem)-Latv.
muodrs (originally a -ii-stem; cf. Lith. mandrus); Sl. *s!Mu 'trace'-Latv. slaids
'smooth' (an adjective, in contrast to Slavic).
94. The form tiik, tiika, cited by M. Vasmer (VAS III 149) and Fr. Sedlacek
with a reference to Nemanic, reflects, apparently, secondary new formations in
certain Istrian dialects.
95. Inst. Plur. tdukais in the 1755 Bible (151a46) is an erroneous spelling, which
arose probably as a result of correcting the misprint of the 1735 edition taikais.
96. Secondary metatony in Latv. tduki (Piur.,) 'fat, lard'.
97. ELatv. smlirds can reflect *smlirds or *smiirds; in both cases this accentua-
tion should be considered secondary.
98. e is indicated by length in Skt. mas 'meat'. Latv. miesa probably is a loan
from Slavic (cf. Lith. mesd).
99. Sl. thus should be reconstructed as *sghoinom with mobiles (cf. Gk.
skhoinos, masc. or fern., 'cane, reed'). The intonation of Lith. sienas, Latv. siens
'hay' may not be original; cf. Lith. (dial.) sienas, observed in Zemaitis-Krakes
-and central Aukstaitis-Grinkiskis, Butkiske-regions (LM 224, 202, 227).
100. Slk. pyr, possibly borrowed from Cz.; cf. NON 78.
101. The origin of length in Sl. *mrso, Skt. mas is unclear.
102. This opposition is almost completely eliminated within masculine -a-stems;
however, even here its traces are found in certain Slavic areas; cf. Section 46.
ACD
AG
AR
ASP
AV
B 1735
B 1755
BAL
BAR
BBR
BE
BEP
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178
TRBS
TRAY
TS
TUN
u 1647
UNI
UT
VNI
vov
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VAS
VOP
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VOR
vv
WAL
WH
WIJK
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Word Index
Lithuanian and Other Baltic Languages
akmuo24 danga 41
akstis 57 debesis 22
alga 5
desimtis 22
alkas 9
desinas 21
antis 27
dievas 10
antras 21
dieveris 30, 63
ardai 9
dirva 27
arklas 32 drangas 52
astras 21' 55 draugas 43
asva 4
dugnas 48
atrs (Latv.) 30 duja 4
aulas 10
dukte 24
avis 22
diimai 15
badas 11, 44 duona 30
bangas 10
dzilna (Latv.) 64
barzda 39
ezeras 51
bebrus 23, 56 ganas 10
blusa 4, 40 galva 62
bradas 57 gardas 44
branka 5 geras 21
butas 17 gija 6
dagas 10 gysla 64
dalis 22 glaistas 53
References are to
numbered sections
grandas 53
grandis 22
grinda 39
griva (Latv.) 30, 63
gultas27
gurnas 17
ieva 27
ilgas 30
jaujas 27
jaukas 15
jauns (Latv.) 62
javai 9
jega 27
jungas 29
juosmuo 33
jUts (Latv.) 30
kaina 5, 39
kaklas 16
kanka 6
kapas 9
karbas 43
karpas 9
kartas 53
182 Word Index
183 Word Index
kasa 39 naga 39 senas 29
tinklas 15 vapsa 40 vilna 27, 61
kaukas 9 nagas 16 sesuo 24
trf!sa 6 varnas 43 virsus 23, 56
kaulas 30 naktis 22 sietas 'sieve' 32
tuscias 21, 55 vartai 48 vokas 32
kausas 32 namai 18 sietas 'tie' 49
tvankas 11 vf!sas 9 vyras 30
kerdan (OPrus.) 40 narsas 5 skala 5
Twaxtan (OPrus.) 52 vaskas 49 znuots (Latv.) 30
kerslas 49 naujas 21 skietas 17, 49
ugnis 57 vazys 17 zala 5, 39
kibiras 53 nerstas 53 sklandas 53
uosis 30 veidas 27, 64 zambas 9, 44
kinis 22 nuogs (Latv.) 62 slauga 41
urvas 33 vejas 30 zarais 10
kirmis 22 padas 15,49 Slayan (OPrus.) 52
usnis 22 vieka 5 zeme 41
korys 30 paisai 18 smards (Latv.) 62
vakaras 9, 44 vienas 29 zentas 33
kraujas 16 parsas 15 snate (Latv.) 30 valas 9 vieta 4 ziema 39
krauka (Latv.) 30 pats 22 sniegas 44 valka 40 vilkas 11, 44 zvaigzde 40
kreslas 32 pedas 29 spaliai 18 valkas 10, 43
krusa 6, 39 pekus 23 sparnas 16
kUjis 64 pelnas 43 spauda 5 Russian and Other Slavic Languages
kupra 4 piemuo 30 spurgas 33
kutas 15 piesta 40 sraumuo 24 beremja 61 golova 62 zvezda 40
kvapas 9 piestas 49 srava 5 berest 52 golos 43 zemlja 41
1aikas 16 pieva 27 stambas 10 bloxa 40 gon 52 zima 39
langas 62 pilis 22 stomuo 27 bober 56 horno (Ukr.) 48 znamja 61
lanka 40 pilnas 30 strazdas 10, 45 bog44 gorod 44 zola 39
lankas 44 pirmas 27, 64 sula 4 bod (SC) 44 griva 63 zub 44
lapas 15 pirstas 17, 49 sUnus 30, 64 boroda 39 grob 52 iva 61
laukas 9 plakas 17 saka 6, 39 bos 55 grom 44 jaje (SC) 62
laupai 18 plauciai 48 sakh 25 brat 61 hrud (Ukr.) 53 jato (SC) 63
lauzas 29 plausai 18 salna 64 brod 53 grjada 39 kij 64
Iedas 56 plautas 49 samas 53 val 56 dvor 49 korob 43
lenta 5 priedas 49 sapas 9 vdova 40 dever (SC) 63 kosa 'hair' 39
Iiauka 4 pUiiai 32 sarmas 27 verx 56 del 52 kosa 'tool' 40
Iiemenis (Latv.) 30 pUrai 30 seiva 40 vecer 44 deren 49 krat (Sin.) 53
Iinai 18 ragas 44 sesuras 11 vid 64 dno 48 krosno 51
Iipai 18 raisas 27 simtas 16, 48 vlaka (SC) 40 dol 56 kroxa 39
lizdas 16, 48 ranka 4, 39 slakas 16 voz 44 dolog 63 krupa 40
maisas 10, 43 rasa 5, 39 slaunis 22 vol56 doc' 59 kut 45
mazgas 11 ratas 15 sulas 9 volk 44 drvo (SC) 51 led 59
mede 40 raupai 10, 43 sventas 21 volna 'wool' 61 drozd 45 len 49
medus 23, 56 rumbas 53 takas 43 volok 43 drouh (Cz.) 52 Ieto 61
medzias 15 saikas 9 talka 39 volos 44 drug 43 Ieha (SC) 40
melmuo 24 saitas 15, 49 talpa 6 volot (Ukr.) 56 dub 56 log44
melns (Lat.) 27 saka 5 tanas 9 von 49 duga 41 lokva (SC) 58
mente 25, 59 sakai 10, 43 tarpa 5 voron 43 dux 43 lug 62
menuo 30 salpas 53 taukai 62 vorota 48 dym 63 luk 44
migla 4, 40 samda 5 tauras 11, 43 vosem' 57 zelva (SC) 52 luka 40
mintis 22 sapnas 9 tauta 5 glist 53 zelna 64 magla (SC) 40
mote 30, 63 sapnys 15 tievs (Latv.) 29 gnezdo 48 zila 64 mat' 63
musia 4 sekmas 21 tiltas 30 goj (SC) 44 zir 56 med 56
184 Word Index
185 Word Index
tucchyas 21, 55 pesas 18 vahyam 17
meza 40 pol6n 43 stog 52
tulam 61 babhrus 23" vayus 30
mej (Sin.) 55 polosa 39 struk 52
tfl}am 49 badhas 11, 44 viiras 9
mex43 prid (SC) 49 strup 43
21 bhagas 44 vidhava 40
mig43 prh (SC) 44 suk 56
dalis 22 bhai:Jgas 10 viras 30
morkov' 58 put' 59 sux 55
dirghas 30, 63 bhiirman 61 vfkas 11, 44
moutev (Cz.) 59 pjat' 57 syn 56
duhitii 24, 9 bhriita 61 vedas 27
mox49 rog 44 tern 49
durva 27 matis 22 Slit am 16, 48
mjaso 62 roj 52 tok 43
devas 10 madhu 23, 56 sankus 56
nag 63 rosa 39 toloka (Ukr.) 39
devii 30,63 mlidhyas 55 s:irdham 49
nerest 53 rub 53 torg 56
dviiram 49 madhyam 15 siikha 6, 25
nov 55 rud (Sin.) 55 torok 56
dhaniis 30 mantha 25, 59 siipas 9
noga 39 ruka 39 tosc 55
dhumas 30, 63 m:irma 24 sr6nis 22
nutro 48 rux (Ukr.) 43 tuk (SC) 62
n:iktls 22 malin:is 27 sv:isuras 11
ovca 39 rjad 56 tur 43
nakh:im mlirils:im 62 svasrus 58
ogon' 57 svekrov' 58 tyl (Cz.) 61
n:ibhas 22 matii 30, 63 svlintas 21
ozero 51 sem' 57 xvost 52
n:ivas 55 meghas 10, 43 57
ol (Sin.) 56 seren 52 xlud 53
navyas 21 10,43 sanas 21
olovo 51 sestra 59 xod 43
nidaghas 10 yavas 9 samdhii 5
osa 40 silo 48 cena 39
niqam 16,48 y:ivias 27 savyas 55
ost (Sln.) 57 sit (OCz.) 49 cep 44
pai:Jktis 57 yatam 63 sura 4
oster 55
slana (SC) 64 cieva (Slk.) 40
p:itis 22 yugam 29 sunus 30
pas (SC) 45 slap (SC) 53 cabar (SC) 53
padam 15 yiitis 30 stambas 10
pervyj 64 sloj 52 cered 49
p:inthas 59 rayas 52 sthalam 52
pero 48 sluga 41 cereda 40
parl}am 16 rasii 5, 39 sthiima 27
perst 55 smorod 62 ceren 55
pasu 23 Iokas 9 39
pest 49 sneg 44 cerep
pisas 45 Iogas 29 sphiras 55
pestr 55 snoxa 39 cereslo 49
piirl}as 30, 63 Iodhas 55 sv:ipnas 9
pir (SC) 63 sok 43 certa 40
purvas 27, 64 vanam 49 svapnyam 15
pista (Cz.) 40 som 59 sest 52
pulyam 32 v:ilsas 44 svasli 24, 59
plot 52 son 44 sest' 57
17, 49
pluto (SC) 49 soxa 39 suj (Sin.) 55
pluca (SC) 48 sporyj 55 scit 49
Ancient Greek
pod 49 stan 56 jadro 48
p6lon 63 sto 48 jatra 48
akmon 24 eidos 27 kanth6s 45
akros 21, 55 hekat6n 16 k:ipos (Hes.) 9
Sanskrit
alphe 5 hekur6s 11 kaul6s 30
asparagos 33 henos 21 kerathos 27
agnis 57 40 granthis 22
aul6s 10 entera 48 kernon 49
:intaras 21 kalii 5 grlvii 30, 36
haiios 55 eor (Hes.) 24 kerion 30
ardhas 9 kfta 40 ghanas 10
akherofs 30 hesperos 9, 44 kutos 15
avik[ 39 kfmis 22 ghmas 48
garnon (Hes.) 17 zug6n 29 leimon 30
asma 24 55 jiii 6
guoma 61 zoma 33 Iepos 15
:isva 4 k6ka-yatus 9 jiiatis 30
gu5t6s 30 Mbe 27 Ieuke 4
lii}Qiim 48 k6sas 32 tantram 15
g6mphos 9, 44 thua 4 linon 18, 49
antram 48 kravy:im 16 tarkus 56
30, 63 thugater 24 Iipos 18
urna 27, 61 khanis 22 talpa 6
hebdomos 21 thiim6s 30, 63 loip6n 16
iirv:is 33 g:iyas 44 tlrth:im 30
186 Word Index
Index of Numbers refer to
Lithuanian
corresponding points on
Populated
the map on p. 189
Iokhos 44 holkos 10, 43 spolia (Hes.) 18
Areas
Iukos 11, 44 omikhle 4, 40 stilmon 27
methu 23, 56 opos 10,43 strouthos 10, 45
melas 27 okhos 44 skhistos 52
meson 15 pedon 14, 49 tanaos 29
mesas 55 pentheros 11 tai'iros 11
30 pedon 29 terkhnos 49
moskhos 11 pikros 55 tonos 9
mula poa 27 hupnos 44
neios 21 poimiln 30 phiitar 61
neos 55 poinil 5, 39 pherma 61
nephos 22 posis 22 phonos 52
nomos 18 pteron 48 phuton 17
nosos 9 ptolis 22 khe!Us 58
ksulon 9 rilros 30, 63 5, 39
ogkos 9 hrei'ima 24 khoros 10
hodos 43 5 khromos (Hes.) 44
oe 27, 61 skathos 9 psulla 4, 40
oinos 29 skoipos (Hes.) 44 oon 62
ois 22
Alsedzial9 Krincinas 16 Radviliskis 34
Old High German and Other Germanic Languages
Anyksciai 46 Kupiskis 41 Ramaskonys 93
Bartininkai 85 Kursenai 32 Raseiniai 59
alah 9 innr (ON) 48 scharf (OLG) 9
Biriai 15 Kvedarna 31 Rietavas 25
andar 21 kall (ON) 43 sear (OE) 55
Cedasai 17 Lazilnai 96 Rokiskis 47
atar 30 kind 33 seid 15, 49
Darbenai I Leipalingis 88 Salakas 51
bar 55 kolder (OSwed.) 27 seil48
Daunoriai 97 Linkmenys 70 Salamiestis 40
beraht 52 Ia (ON) 58 slag (ON) 16
Debeikiai 45 Linkuva 14 Salantai 5
branga (ON) 5 laeJ> (OE) 61 snod (OE) 30
Dieveniskes 94 Marcinkonys 90 Sasnava 80
bruoder 61 !Oh 9 snor (ON) 39
Dotnuva 62 Marijampole 81 Saugai 52
dah 52 loub 18 swe3er (OE) 58
Dusetos 48 Merkine 89 Seda 7
darba 5 manod 30 swehur 11
Endriejavas 24 Moletai 68 Seinai 87
diota 5 mimz (Goth.) 62 teil 52
Gargzdai 20 Mosedis 4 Sidabravas 36
ealu (OE) 56 morha 58 thuang 11
Garliava 82 Naujamiestis 38 Siesikai 67
ened (OE) 27 mos 49 tior 43
Gerveciai 84 Naumiestis 53 Skapiskis 43
falg 39 muoter 30, 63 tiund (ON) 22
Gomaliai 30 Nocia 91 Skirsnemune 56
farah 15 rad 15 J>rOh (OE) 6
Griskabudis 76 Pagiriai 65 Skuodas 2
fihu 23 reyrr (ON) 43 J>fOStr (ON) 45
Gudeliai 65 Paezereliai 61 Slavikai 74
flag (Norw.) 17 rosa 6, 39 veig (ON) 45
Jaskonys 95 Pandelys 18 Subacius 42
fors (ON) 44 roub 10,43 vlius (OHG) 18
Joniskis 13 Panosiskes 83 Sudargas 58
grab 52 ri,? (ON) 4, 39 waganleisa 40
Jurbarkas 57 Pilviskiai 78 Sakyna 12
ha (ON) 6 rQng (ON) 39 wald 56
Kacergiske 71 Plunge 23 Seduva 35
hjarn (ON) 52 ri.ife (Gmc.) 40 weida 4
Kamajai 44 Pociilneliai 37 Seta 66
hovar 4 saga 5 weref 44
Krakes 3 Priekule 22 Svencioneliai 72
hrog (OE) 30 sar (ON) 9 wrah (OE) 27
Kretinga 19 Punskas 86 Sveksna 27
hunt 16
188
Taurage 55
Telsiai 28
Tverecius 73
Upyna 33
Utena 69
Uzpaliai 49
Vabalninkas 39
Lithuanian Populated Areas
Varniai 29
Vaskai 21
Veivirzenai 26
Veliuona 60
Vieksniai 10
Vilkaviskis 79
Vilkija 64
Virbalis 75
Visakio Rilda 77
Zarasai 50
Zygaiciai 54
Zverynas 92
189 Lithuanian Populated Areas

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