Professional Documents
Culture Documents
404415
DOI:10.1111/chso.12003
Introduction
Well-being is, without doubt, a very appealing notion. This term can now be found
throughout the scientific literature: across disciplines and in an increasingly large number of
publications. Its growing popularity could be partly explained by the breadth and positive
connotations of the term. But beyond such a broad and unscientific observation, we
believe that a more thorough analysis of the phenomenon is required. We seek here to obtain
a clearer picture of the scope of published research on well-being, but with reference exclusively to children. From there, we draw inferences with regard to the significance of what
would constitute child well-being. The questions that we ask, therefore, are: (1) What are
the main issues investigated in the child well-being literature? (2) How is the notion
presented and anchored in papers?
The first section of our article consists of a review of the scientific literature on the notion
of child well-being. The second section is devoted to a discussion of five theoretical axes that
we found emerging in our review of the literature. These axes represent a departure from a
too often one-sided approach to this very wide, complex notion of well-being. Indeed, we
identify predominant poles in the literature for each of these axes.
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cover the topic, as well as the exclusion of monographs and grey literature, may lead to a
limitation of our conclusions, with respect to the comprehensiveness of the child well-being
literature.
The initial query yielded 394 results. As each database has its own search characteristics, this
query led in some cases to precise, refined results, but, in others, to highly unfocused ones.
This raw figure, of 394 papers, was therefore honed according to two principles: relevancy
child well-being being the actual topic and format only articles were kept.
We then checked for replicas and limited the timeframe to the most productive years: 1991
2010. Seven papers that had been missed in the initial selection were added. In the end, 209
papers remained.
Results
On this set of 209 papers, we operated a first classification based on the three common categories of theoretical, methodological and empirical papers.
Theoretical papers constitute the smallest contribution to our review, with about 3% of the
papers mainly focusing on theoretical approaches to the notion. Methodological papers, for
their part, encompass approximately 15% of the 209 articles. Finally, empirical papers come
out at the top of the league (82%). This last category essentially focuses on determinants
(78%), with an addition of some descriptive analyses of childrens situations.
406
contexts (Camfield and others, 2010). As an example, they underline, in the context
of developing countries, how individual well-being cannot be departed from the relation to
others. This is also underscored by Saith and Wazir (2010). Given that most international
research applies to developed countries, they discuss its relevancy in the context of developing countries, specifically India, and argue against a universalising approach towards child
well-being and an over-intense focus on its material dimensions. Finally, the inclusion of
childrens own perceptions also distances itself from this positivist approach of the conceptualisation of childrens well-being (Fattore and others, 2009).
Data issues
Strategies to develop national sets of child well-being indicators are still scarce and apparently resistant to this rich and positive development approach. The initial ground for the
development of such data sets was to document, at a regional or country level, childrens
situations as well as potential problematic behaviour for them, with a view to developing
appropriate preventive measures and prevention programmes (Moore and others, 2004). It
implied the collection of data on childrens difficulties (morbidity and mortality indicators)
and their causes, for the whole population of children, and on a recurrent basis. Such an
information system being expansive, this could partly explain why, given the narrowness of
available data, empirical research has been enclosed for so long in a very restrictive perimeter of analysis. Indeed, we observed a reverse logic in the discussions over appropriate indicators, in that the data appeared to directly determine the field of discussions, instead of
closing it (Bradshaw and others, 2009; Niclasen and Kohler, 2009; Sawyer and others, 2000).
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At a local level, various scales have been developed; but most focus on specific dimensions,
i.e. physical and psychological (Gaudin and others, 1992; Smith and Brun, 2006) or specific
contexts, i.e. Magura and Moses Child Well-Being Scale as an evaluation tool for a family
services agency (Lyons and others, 1999).
Childrens perspective
Finally, a handful of papers address the feasibility and added-value to research of the integration of childrens perspective on their own situation (Norrby and others, 1999). Child
well-beings subjective nature is thus here more or less given; evidence leading in that direction relates for instance to the discrepancy existing between a populations perspective on
childrens level of well-being and its valuation by official statistics (Guzman and others,
2009). Thus, the object of debates relates to the need for appropriate methods of research
(Crivello and others, 2009).
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family/home environment. If we look more closely, it appears that most of these papers
focus on problems or harmful dynamics occurring within the family context. The analysis
of families virtuous characteristics and dynamics is overlooked: the main examples would
be couples divorces or separations (Amato and Cheadle, 2005; Amato and Keith, 1991;
Cudina and Obradovic, 2001; Morrison and Cherlin, 1995; Yongmin and Yuanzhang,
2002), parental conflicts (King and Heard, 1999; Vandewater and Lansford, 1998), fathers
absence (Bzostek, 2008; Perloff and Buckner, 1996), parents substance abuse (Lundgren
and others, 2007; Osborne and Berger, 2009), parents incarceration (Geller and others,
2009) or parents (physical or mental) health problems, impairments or disabilities
(Annunziato and others, 2007; Luoma and others, 2001; Prilleltensky, 2004). This list portrays a rather dark vision of modern families and their contributions to child well-being,
thereby bearing out the theory of family decline (Houseknecht and Sastry, 1996). If we
add to the list childrens health problems (Brandow and others, 2010; Keilmann and others,
2007), and child abuse (McPhedran, 2009; Perlman and Fantuzzo, 2010), we can see that a
good deal of attention is being devoted at the microsystems level to studying aspects,
which adversely affect children.
Attention paid to the impact of the community is quite exceptional in this regard. Indeed,
these studies also consider positive outcomes for children (Bradley and Lowe Vandell, 2007;
Ferguson, 2006; Reynolds and others, 2003).
The few references we found in relation to mesosystems (about 5%) which comprises the
inter-relations between microsystems follow a more complete pattern of analysis. A broad
set of characteristics of the community including its virtuous characteristics of the
direct environment, or of the neighbourhood in which children live, are considered. The
characteristics of the child, his/her family, the various services available, and his/her neighbourhood are examined altogether, for their part in shaping child well-being. This approach,
placing the individual at the centre of his/her environment, refers back to health promotion
(Alperstein and Raman, 2003) and socio-ecological studies (Kohrt and others, 2010), which
both share an interest in communities participation in the shaping of childrens lives (Gill,
2008).
Studies falling into the category of exosystems (about 8%) which concern environments
wherein children do not participate, but that affect them nonetheless for their part, are
centred on the analysis of economic factors that affect families with children, and the way
in which these factors influence child well-being. This group includes the study of one or
both parents work statuses and schedules on the one hand (Hsueh and Yoshikawa, 2007;
Dunifon and others, 2005; Secret and Peck-Heath, 2004; Strazdins and others, 2004), as well
as the financial position of the household, on the other. Economic inequalities between children and their impact on child well-being are reserved for rich countries (Ozawa and others,
2004; Pickett and Wilkinson, 2007). A significant number of authors adopted a longitudinal
perspective to see how the duration (or instability) of a situation, rather than solely its nature, would affect children (Pedersen and others, 2005; Vogt Yuan, 2008).
As for macrosystems (about 23%) the broad environment that cut across all systems
we mainly found research into policies addressing certain types of households with children:
single-parent families, households on low income or living in poverty, welfare recipients
(Dunifon and others, 2006; Lee, 2009; Wu, 2008). This dovetails with our observation
concerning the concentration of papers on problematic issues, but it might be merely
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409
circumstantial here, as most research covers countries (i.e. UK, USA) where policies target
underprivileged families or are antipoverty instead of following a universalistic approach to
social provision. Nevertheless, the main angle of investigation concerns the cost-effectiveness
of government measures, and not so much the actual assessment of populations well-being.
Many of these publications focus on the nature and effects of child support policies (Barham
and Devlin, 2003; Bartfeld, 2000; Pirog-Good, 1993; Rettig and others, 1991). In particular,
some studies focus on childcare subsidies (Brooks, 2002) or analyse the impact of a universally accessible childcare system on family well-being and in relation to mothers work
(Baker and others, 2008).
In parallel, a few papers discuss the pros and cons of social policies as regards the work/life
balance for families, a trendy issue in European countries. These policies comprise leave periods (Bergmann, 2008; Galtry and Callister, 2005) and working conditions (Gennetian and
Morris, 2003; Kalil and Dunifon, 2007; London and others, 2004). As such, child well-being
is seen as the antithesis of mother well-being, or at least authors focus on the impact of children on womens labour market participation in relation to gender issues.
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sharing; controlling anger, disputes and jealousy; being free of illness; and () traditional
ways and values as symbols of goodness and happiness (Izquierdo, 2005). Although the
characteristics of this fieldwork are unique, and one cannot expect similar results in all
contexts, we can, nevertheless, speculate that they might apply, to some degree, to other less
unique contexts. As has been shown in some research on health and well-being concepts
seen by stakeholders in a Health Inequalities Programme in the UK, similar concerns for the
collective dimension of well-being do exist (Cameron and others, 2006). The predominance
of psychology and economics in the field of research on well-being may partly explain why
this collective dimension has scarcely been investigated as yet. As we have seen, there are
few papers on the exo- and macrosystems of childrens environments, and most attention has
been devoted to individual processes, mainly in the family context. But another explanation
lies in the much more individualistic nature of western societies, with less attention being
devoted to broader social and community relationships (Carlisle and others, 2009).
In conclusion to this section, one of our main findings regarding the literature reviewed is
the salience of one pole for each axis. The negative, eudemonic, objective, material and individual approaches to child well-being predominate over its positive, hedonic, subjective,
spiritual and collective dimensions.
Conclusion
The debate on this very complex notion is still a developing field of research. A step towards
a global perspective on the study of child well-being would reside, in our view, at the
junction of our five theoretical axes. As such, this proposition of theoretical framework
implies that, for each research, a specific combination of positioning on each one of the five
axes could and should apply. We thus argue in favour of overriding a one-dimensional,
single-level, unipolar approach to child well-being, and for further development of its
positive, hedonic, subjective, spiritual and collective dimensions.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the Institut dencouragement de la Recherche Scientifique et de
lInnovation de Bruxelles, en Belgique [PRFB 2011-126]. We thank Tullia Musatti of the Istituto di Scienze e Tecnologie of the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (Rome, Italy) for her
precious comments on various earlier versions of this text.
Note
1 Let us underline the evolving perspective of the UNICEF in this area, one that has been
developed through various reports, but which does not appertain to this review.
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*Correspondence to: Gaelle Amerijckx, CRISS - Research Centre Social Approaches to Health, School of Public
Health, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Route de Lennik 808 CP596, B-1070 Bruxelles, Belgium, Tel.:
+32 2 555 40 91; Fax: +32 2 555 40 49. E-mail: gaelle.amerijckx@ulb.ac.be
2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and National Childrens Bureau