Malaysian English: phonology Loga Baskaran 1. Introduction In considering the sociolinguistic profile of Malaysia it is important to study the ethnic diversity so characteristic of this nation. This diversity is a consequence of several phases and aspects of conquest or colonization and settlement (see Bas- karan 1987), Thus we have the indigenous Malay speakers (Austronesian speak- ers) with their Austroasiatic counterparts (the aboriginal tribes) and the settler populace ~ by way of the Chinese, Indians, Arabs and Eurasians. The Austronesian speakers are the Malays in West Malaysia (with Bahasa Ma- laysia as their language) whilst the Kadazans of ‘Sabah and the Dayaks of Sarawak are the major Malay groups in East Malaysia (with Kadazan and Iban as their lan- guages respectively). The Austroasiatic speakers are the Malays in West Malaysia (the majority of whom are Negritos). There are many smaller groups of speakers speaking among themselves a host of languages of the Austroasiatic group. The language most commonly spoken among these groups is Temiar. However, all the languages spoken amongst these people have now been categorically classified as aslian — from the term asii ‘aborigine’ originally assigned to them. For purposes of conciseness, the umbrella term Malays would be used to include both the Aus- tronesian and Austroasiatic speakers who form altogether about 55% of the total population of Malaysia. The settler population of Malaysia is mainly found in the Chinese, Indians, Ar- abs and Eurasians, with a sprinkling of Thais and Europeans. Of these, the Chinese and the Indians are the majority groups who are represented constitutionally on a pro rata basis. The Chinese form the second biggest portion of the population, They constitute about 30% of the total population of Malaysia. Just as the Malays have a kaleidoscope of minority racial groups with their equally diverse language groups, the Chinese also have a variety of dialectal groups. The main dialectal groups are the Hokkien, Cantonese, Hakka, Teochew and Hainanese peoples. The official Chinese language is Mandarin (also known as Kuo-Yu), which is used for all official purposes and in the media. ‘The third largest group in the composite population of Malaysia is the Indian community. It forms about 10% of the Malaysian population and is just as hetero- geneous as its Malay and Chinese counterparts. The majority of the Indians are Tamil-speaking followed by the Malayalis, Telugus, Punjabis, Bengalis, Gujaratis and Singhalese.Malaysian English: phonology 1035 The minority groups like the Thais, Eurasians (a blend of Europeans and Asians) and Arabs are all designated under the term others in the Constitution, their proportion totalling about 5% only. The Thais and Arabs use their own language; whilst the Eurasians and those who inter-marry use mainly English or Malay. Education has been significant in determining the importance of the various languages of the nation. With the National Education Policy as well as the New Economic Policy (of equal rights and opportunities for all the constituent ethnic groups) there has emerged an attempt to unify the various races of the nation by an official and national language. The official national language — that used as the medium of instruction in education at all levels and that used in oral and writ- ten communication in the various channels of officialdom — is Bahasa Malaysia. Previous to 1967, both English and Bahasa Malaysia were official languages. But since 1967, English has been accorded the status of a strong second language, whilst Bahasa Malaysia remains the official national language. The languages accorded vernacular status are the Chinese language (Mandarin) and Tamil, with Iban in Sarawak and Kadazan in Sabah, These languages repre- sent the majority languages of the major ethnic groups (Chinese, Indians, Dayaks and Kadazans). Thus Mandarin is used as an overall representative language of the Chinese via the media, for religion and for purposes of vernacular education in national schools where provision is made for pupils to have instruction in their own languages — if there is a substantial enough number of pupils requesting such instruction (these are termed pupils’ own languages ~P.O.L.). The situation is similar where the Indians are concerned. The official represen- tative language of this subgroup is Tamil. Thus the media mostly caters for Indians in this language — through films, radio broadcasts via a special network, certain allotted television programmes and the dailies. In matters of religion too, Tamil is the predominant and official language used — both in the temples of the Hin- dus (where some of the verses are, however, in Sanskrit) and the churches of the Indian Christians. There are, however, small, rather insignificant deviations from this norm in the other Hindu temples (Punjabi or Bengali Hindu temples) using Punjabi/Urdu and Bengali/Gujarati respectively, and Malayali Christian churches (termed Syrian Christian or Orthodox Christian) using Malayalam as their lan- guage of worship. There are some Indians who are Muslim by religion and these are almost entirely Malay in their way of life. Thus Malay is their language both in the official and unofficial domains of life. ‘The status of English as a strong second language means that meetings, confer- ences and any such liaison with an international audience would warrant the use of English as the official language. The Government, therefore, deems it important to use English as a language of intemational communication whilst maintaining Bahasa Malaysia as the official language within the country. This tolerant and rational policy is further extended to the other major languages as well, in that1036 — Loga Baskaran there are provisions in the media for both Bahasa Malaysia and English as well as Chinese and Tamil — on a pro rata basis. In the field of education, as outlined earlier, the official medium of instruction is now Bahasa Malaysia at all levels — primary, secondary and tertiary, whilst English is used as second language in all schools. In the universities, some courses are given in English, with other designated courses being given in their respective languages. With the various official statuses accorded to the four basic languages in the country (Bahasa Malaysia, English, Chinese-Mandarin and Tamil) along with the diverse range of languages in actual currency amongst the people of Malaysia, it is unsurprising then that the average Malaysian is at least bilingual, if not conversant in three or more languages. 1.1. Malaysian English — a preamble In Malaysia, the variety known as Malaysian English (MalE) owes much to its co- existence with other local languages. Several indigenised sub-varieties of MalE can be identified at the informal level, depending on the L,. These sub-varieties co- exist with a more codified and standardised model variety. In some aspects, how- ever, (on the lexical level particularly) this tendency is slowly being changed, with some of the informal features also appearing in rhetorical and official discourse. Some lexical items occur in the Malaysian print and broadcast media not only in headlinese style but in full reporting style. Some headline examples are Anti-da- dah (‘drug’) operations in kampong (‘village’), Ganja (‘marijuana’) victim gets six years and rotan (‘caning’); Sawi (‘spinach’) glut hits farmers; Eight get Da~ tukship (‘lordship’) for Ruler s Birthday; Toddy (‘fermented coconut water’) to be bottled and canned for export and Penghulus (‘village-chiefs’) get ultimatum, Apart from such influx of lexis into the MalE speaker’s repertoire, the pho- nological and syntactic features too have elements of nativisation. The extent or degree to which each of these levels have been indigenised varies, however, from one non-native variety to the other. Furthermore, within each of these new Eng- lishes there is also differentiation between the standardised norm (the model ac- ceptable for official purposes like teaching in schools, official functions etc.) and the more communicative style used in the speech of most users. The terms used to distinguish these two levels are the acrolect and the mesolect respectively. In Malaysia, the acrolect tends towards StdBrE although some local influence at the lexical and phonological levels is tolerated. The mesolect is very much the Malay- sian variety — the informal style used among Malaysians. Speakers often Weave into and out of this mesolect, using an almost International English at one instance (perhaps when speaking to a superior or with a non-Malaysian) and then switching into the mesolectal MalE when speaking to a friend. There is a third lect so to speak — the basilect - which most often signifies the uneducated style of speech communication which can be considered the patoisMalaysian English: phonology 1037 form of the new Englishes ~ be they Malaysian, Indian or African English. In Ma- laysia, this is often termed broken English or half-past six English (half-past six being a local adjective referring to something below expectation or standard). With almost two centuries of nurturing and over three decades of nursing, Eng- lish in Malaysia has developed into a typical progeny of the New Englishes. Two centuries indicate the period of English language currency in Malaysia. Three decades represent, firstly, the time span during which English in Malaysia was officially ascribed secondary status (1965 to 2003) and when its official role has changed. Secondly, it represents the approximate period of time during which most recent issues in the identification and recognition of the New Englishes have been vehemently debated. Although its basic features of phonology, syntax and lexis are not totally differ- ent from the original British English, MalE shows sufficient influence from local languages as well as modifications by way of over-generalisation, simplification, omission etc. that have become fossilised enough to be recognisably Malaysian. This is attested to by captions like the following which appear frequently in ar- ticles and editorials in the local English dailies: ‘Our special way of talking; The Malaysian ‘lah’ is here to stay; We all talk like machine-gun aa?; Our own lingo- Jah and Malaysian English dictionary on the way’. 1.2. MalE — global change Although previous studies of MalE closely linked it to Singapore English (SgE), it is now appropriate to divorce them from each other at least on two historical considerations. Firstly, since 1965 Singapore is no longer in any way politically connected to Malaya or Malaysia; the case for sociolinguistic differentiation over 40 years is therefore reasonably strong. Secondly, the language policies in both na- tions have been different for the past 40 years. This will have varied implications on the role and long-term effects of English on the local populace of each nation. Tongue (1974), who describes the English of Singapore and Malaysia (ESM) in his book, predicted that within a hundred years the idea of one ‘ESM’ would be- come inapplicable. In linguistic terms, there are significant differences in substrate too. Chinese varieties predominate in Singapore, but are a minority in Malaysia. The implications of this difference have yet to be researched. Many researchers have described ‘ESM’ in terms of a standard and colloquial form with various terms like ‘standard’, ‘informal’, ‘uneducated’, ‘low’ and ‘com- municative forms’. Platt and Weber (1980), along with Mary Tay (1993), see a three-tiered Jectal continuum. I, too, prefer to take a three-tiered approach to de- scribing MalE although I prefer to use the terms official MalE (standard MalE), Unofficial MalE (dialectal MalE) and Broken MalE (patois MalE). Thus the basic subdivision in my description of MalE would be as tabulated below:1038 Loga Baskaran Table 1, Characteristics of the three sub-varieties of MalE. Official MalE Unofficial MalE Broken MalE General Standard Mall Dialectal Mall Patois MalE: characteris- Spoken and written; Spoken and written; Spoken only; ties Formal use; Informal use; Colfoquial use; Intemational intelligibil- National intelligibil- Patois intelligibility and ity, ity, currency. Phonology Slight variation prevalent More variation is Severe variation — both and intemationally intel- prevalent — includ- segmental and prosodic, ligible. ing prosodic features, with intonation so stig- especially stress and matised — almost unin- intonation. telligible internationally. Syntax No deviation. Some deviation pres- Substantial variation/de- ent. viation ~ national intel- ligibility. Lexis Variation acceptable es- Lexicalisations quite Major lexicalisation — pecially for words not prevalent even for _heavily infused with substitutable in an interna- words having in- _ local language items. tional context (or to give ternational English a more localised context). substitutes. 2 ‘Vowels 2.1. Phonemic inventory of the vowels Close phonetic analysis of the vowels of MalE remains a desideratum. The fol- Jowing account is a preliminary one that, it is hoped, will form the basis of future work and of refinements. Table 2. The vowels of MalE according to Well’s lexical sets KIT i FLEECE i>it NEAR io>it DRESS w>ere FACE e>e SQUARE’ &>e TRAP @>e PALM a>a START a>a LOT 9 THOUGHT 9 NORTH 9 STRUT a Goar o>o: FORCE 2 FOOT u GOOSE u>u CURE 9 BATH a>a PRICE ai happY i CLOTH 2 CHOICE 9 lettER ° NURSE, a MOUTH au commA a>a horSES a POOR ua2.2. Vowel qualities Malaysian English: phonology 1039 There are some differences in vowel quality, especially that of back vowels, The ‘THOUGHT vowel is somewhat raised and centralised. The same applies to the BATH vowel. 2.3. Vowel length ‘There is a general tendency to shorten long vowels in MalE — no doubt under the influence of Bahasa Malaysia, which lacks long vowels. This shortening occurs mainly in medial position. Some examples follow: fis realised as [i] eg. Jo:/ realised as [a] eg. Joy realised as [9] e.g. Jur realised as [u] e.g. Jay) realised as [a] Conversely short vowels may be lengthened in Mal, especially before/n, 1, r,s, J, fil realised as [ii] eg. Jn/ realised as [2] /o/ realised as [2:] /u/ realised as [ut] Jaf realised as [at] eg. [fild) “field” {pil] ‘peel’ {haf] or [haf] ‘half? [pak] or [pak] ‘park’ [wots] ‘water’ [bon] ‘born’ [fud] ‘food? [muy] ‘move? {gal] ‘gir!’ [wad] ‘word’ though the example of would shows that this might be lexically governed and not {just phonological: [ff] “fish” [pin] ‘pin’ [ram] ‘run’ [da:s(t)] ‘dust’ {sorri] ‘sorry’ [go:n] ‘gone’ [wusd] ‘would? [ful] “full” [seelo:d] ‘salad? [brekfars(t)] “breakfast”1040 Loga Baskaran 2.4. Use of unreduced vowels As reported for several ‘New Englishes’, vowel reduction is not as common as in RP. In the following MalE words schwa of RP is replaced by a full vowel: [x'raun(d)] ‘around’ [z'ses] : [apon] [konsi:l] ‘conceal’ In the above set the vowel that is reduced to schwa in RP is underlined. 2.5. Diphthongs Some diphthongs of RP have a reduced quality in MalE, with glide weakening to the extent that they can be considered as monophthongs: Jev realised as [e] e.g. [mel] ‘mail’ [relwe] ‘railway” Jew realised as [0] e.g. [fo:to] ‘photo’ [slor] ‘slow* Jea/ realised as [e] ¢.g. [de] ‘there’ [he] ‘hair? The RP diphthong /va/ is realised as [9] in MalE. This represents a different qual- ity to the lexical set CURE, rather than monophthongisation per se. Thus [kj] ‘cure’, [pjo] ‘pure’ are the usual realisations in MalE. Similarly whereas the sequence in words like ‘material’, ‘serious’ and ‘experience’ is realised as [ie] in RP, the usual rule in MalE is not to diphthongise /i/ before /r/ [sizries] ‘serious’, [matisriol] ‘material’ and [ekspizrions] ‘experience’, 3. Consonants 3.1. Consonant cluster reduction Although consonant cluster reduction is normal in fast speech in many L, dialects of English, the process appears to be particularly characteristic of MalE. Clusters of three consonants may be reduced medially to two as in the following exam- ples: [hansmon] ‘huntsman’ (nts > ns) [amrid3] ‘umbrage’ (mbr> mr)Malaysian English: phonology 1041 ‘The reduction of tri-consonantal clusters is even more common in final position: [glims] ‘glimpse’ (mps > ms) [mids] ‘midst’ (dst > ds) In clusters of two consonants, /V/is frequently deleted if it is the first consonant: [rizat] or [rizal] ‘result’ [ebau) ‘elbow? [sef] or [sel] ‘sel [s:s0u} ‘also’ Loss of final /t/, /d/ or /0/ in clusters can be seen in the following: [iksep] ‘except’ [staen] ‘stand? [dard3es] ‘digest’ (fig) ‘fifth’ [ind3ek] ‘inject’ 3.2. Fricatives (a) Devoicing There is a tendency for the devoicing of /v, z, 8, d3/ in final position. Some ex- amples follow: [gifl ‘give’ [is] ‘is’ [mu:f] ‘move’ [das] ‘does? [weif] ‘wave’ [nois] ‘noise’ [wid] ‘with’ [rus] ‘rouge’ [beid] “bathe” [beif] ‘beige’ [smu:0] ‘smooth’ There is also evidence of occasional devoicing of /z, 3/ in medial position: [i:si] ‘easy’ [usual] ‘usual’ {hasbon] ‘husband’ —_[plefa] ‘pleasure’ [@ausnd] ‘thousand’ _[rivifon] ‘revision’ (b) Voicing Contrary to the tendencies in (a) above, there is also a tendency to voicing of /s/ and /f/ in certain lexical items. Once again the phenomenon is restricted to final and medial position. The examples below illustrate final voicing: [naiz] ‘nice’ [pus] ‘push’ [fiaz] ‘fierce’ [wo3] ‘wash’ [inkri:z] ‘increase’ [fig] ‘fish’ In medial position voicing is restricted to /S/: [spe3}] “special” [preza} “pressure” [neign] ‘nation’?1042 Loga Baskaran (©) Avoidance of dental fricatives: The dental fricatives /@/ and /8/ are often realised as the corresponding alveolar stops [t] and [d] respectively: [tik] “thick” [entem] ‘anthem’ {tri:] ‘three’ [metad] ‘method’ [Gott] ‘thought’ [do] ‘the’ [fa:do] ‘father? [dis] ‘this’ [eido] “either” {dom] ‘them’ {ra:da] ‘rather’ In final position /8/ is not really substituted by [d], but is devoiced to [0]. /8/ itself is frequently realised as [t] word-finally: [bret] ‘breath’ [wot] “worth? [foxt} ‘fourth’ 3.3. Glottalisation Final stops are frequently replaced by glottal stops, especially in lower sociolects (sometimes referred to as patois or broken English): {hou?] ‘hope’ [ma?] ‘mud’ [a2] ‘rub’ [52] ‘shock? [ka?] ‘cut? [fro2] ‘frog’ 3.4, Consonant substitution according to substrate In lower sociolects, characteristic of speakers with low educational levels and so- cial status, the influence of the mother tongue is particularly felt in the differential treatment of consonants. MalE speakers of Malay background frequently produce [p, b, d3] for /f, v, z/: [pan] ‘fan’ [bitomin] ‘vitamin’ [pilm] ‘film’ [dgibra] ‘zebra’ [beri] ‘very’ [dgitro] ‘zero” Speakers of Chinese background frequently turn /r/ into {I], and /2/ into [43]: [flard] ‘friend? [dsiro} or [dito] ‘zero” [len] ‘ran’ [dgibra] or [dgibla’] ‘zebra’Malaysian English: phonology 1043 Speakers of Tamil background are recognisable by the substitution of [w] for /v/ and the deletion of /h/: [wen] ‘van” [aus] ‘house’ [new ] ‘never’ [angri] ‘hungry’ 4. Suprasegmental features 4.1. Stress Generally speaking, the stress-patterns of educated MalE speakers are similar to those in RP but there is still a certain degree of variation in both word- and sen- tence-stress pattems. This is true of all informal speech and especially of lower sociolects. (a) Stress-position Where RP has ascribed stress-position in disyllabic and polysyllabic words that have only single stress, MalE differs where such stress-position is concerned: [ekso'saiz] “exercise” {leftenan(t)] ‘lieutenant’ ['intalektual] ‘intellectual’ ['misandasten(d)] ‘misunderstand’ In the same vein, the MalE speaker often tends not to produce differential stress on pairs of words derived from the same root like RP ‘import (n) versus im'port (v). ‘Such noun-verb derivatives are homophonous in MalE, as can be seen in an ex- ample like Malaysia produces a lot of rubber which is the import of many industri- alised countries. In MalE the realisations of produces and import are ['prodjusiz] and [im'po:t] respectively. (b) __ Stress-quantity Mal does not necessarily have the same number of stresses in polysyllabic words as does RP. MalE may reduce or increase the number of stresses in the word: [manju'fektfa] ‘manufacture’ ['dgenra'laizeifn] ‘generalisation’ In some cases (as in 'misunder'stand, 'question'naire, ‘inter'rupt, and \fare'well) secondary stress is given equal prominence as primary stress so that the MalE ver- ‘sion has two equal stresses. An extension of this feature of stress-quality would be word- and sentence-stress for emphasis or contrast. MalE speakers may emphasise or contrast a statement by Jengthening and stressing particular syllables: Speaker 1: “How many years are you going away for?” Speaker 2: “Three years!” /'Oris 'ji:oz/1044 Loga Baskaran 4.2, Rhythm Rhythm in MalE is more often one of a syllable-timed nature — where all syl- lables (stressed as well as unstressed) recur at equal intervals of time. RP has a stress-timed rhythm instead, which MalE speakers do use, though only in formal declamatory style or reading style, Even educated MalE speakers use a syllable- timed rhythm in casual style. 4.3. Intonation and pitch In RP connected speech (2s well as within the word), intonation has a range of functions, the main ones being to cue in the primary accented words and to dif- ferentiate the various sentence-types along with indicating the various speaker attitudes (and emotions) involved within the context of discourse. The various types of nucleus (falling \, rising /, fall-rise \ /, and rise-fall / \) that are operant in RP are used to signify the differences in a speech situation, depending on the position and type of nucleus involved. In MalE however, there are not so many patterns of intonation and they do not perform so many functions. Thus if any syllable is to be stressed within the word or any word is to be stressed within the sentence, loudness is the differentiating factor (i.e. greater breath effort and muscular energy is effected by the MalE speaker). Change in pitch direction, both within the word as well as within the sentence, is not common in MalE as it is considered affected. In other words pitch direction does not change within the accented (stressed) word (say as a fall \ or a rise / etc.). Intonation within the word is most often level intonation, except in a few particles that are used in informal speech as indicators of intimacy, emotion, acceptance, excitement and the like. For signifying various sentence-types or for showing the speaker’s attitude or emotion, MalE does not have as wide a range of intonation as RP. In MalE, there are such markers of questions and attitudes or emotions as particles — examples of which are the Jah, man, and ah(uh) particles. These are substitutes for intonation especially in indicating emotions and attitudes. ‘As for range of pitch in the MalE speakers, it certainly is not as wide as that in the RP speaker (except for extremely excitable situations). 4.4, Phonotactic features (a) Gradation In RP unaccented words show reductions of length of sounds and obscurations of vowels - e.g. do has the strong form [du:] and the weak equivalent [da]; but has [bat] and [bat]. In MalE such gradation is not common. The definite and indefi- nite articles the and a, as well as the preposition of and the conjunction and, are |Malaysian English: phonology 1045 sometimes reduced in connected informal speech, although the frequency of such gradation is considerably low. (b) Liaison While liaison is a prominent feature of RP connected speech, it is seldom observed in MalE — except in the official speech of the educated MalE speaker. ‘Linking r’ is more frequently used than ‘intrusive r’ in MalE. This may be because there is an in the orthography: here and there dhiar en(d) dea/ far and near /fazr en(d) nia! rare opportunity Jrear spatfunati/ (© _ Syllabicity ‘The use of syllabic nasals and laterals in MalE is rare: thus we have [baton] ‘but- ton’, [lital] ‘little’ and [botal] ‘bottle’. Here schwa takes prominence in syllable structure, making MalE consistent with the CVC syllable orientation of Bahasa Malaysia. 5. Conclusion ‘The degree of phonological variation — be it segmental, suprasegmental or phono- tactic — depends on variables like the education and socio-economic background of the MalE speaker ~ along with register and the style of discourse. Certain fea- tures are definite enough to be considered diagnostic of MalE — yet itis difficult to decide to which level of MalE they belong. The MalE speaker, on the whole, has a competence that is near-native, if not, even native. This competence includes an ability to ‘switch levels’ and perform in a lect well below one’s highest level. For example: the same speaker may use a style which enunciates all three consonants ofa consonant cluster in public speaking, but will use a style that reduces the same cluster to just one consonant when speaking to, say, his colleague in the office or a parking attendant at the car park. There are, in addition, the ‘patois’ MalE speak- es who can be placed rigidly at a single level, as they are unable to switch lects. However, the actual phonological variations between the educated speaker’s of ficial and unofficial speech have yet to be studied carefully. Patois MalE features, on the other hand, are predictable and identifiable. Selected references Please consult the General references for titles mentioned in the text but not in- ‘cluded in the references below. For a full bibliography see the accompanying CD- ROM.1046 Loga Baskaran Baskaran, Loga 1987 Aspects of Malaysian English Syntax. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, London. Platt, John and Heidi Weber 1980 English in Singapore and Malaysia: Status, Features, Functions. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Tay, Mary W. J 1993 The English Language in Singapore: issues and Development. Singapore: Unipress. Tongue, R. 1974 The English of Singapore and Malaysia. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. 1Philippine English: phonology Ma. Lourdes G. Tayao L Introduction The Philippines is a multilingual country, with no less than 87 ethnic languages, eight of which are considered major in terms of the number of native speakers. After its annexation from Spain by the United States in the early 1900s, the Phil- ippines made English its official language to be taught and used as medium of instruction in Philippine schools and to serve, together with Spanish for some time, as official medium of communication in other government domains such as the legislature, the courts, etc. It was likewise used in business transactions and in religious services and even gave rise to a body of Philippine literature in English. The language policy then was prompted by a desire to have a common language for negotiation in a multilingual society since at that time there was no single lin- gua franca for the entire nation. However, with the wave of nationalism that resulted ultimately in the gaining of independence, a clamour arose for a national language based on one of the major Philippine languages, but drawing from the other Philippine languages as well, Named Pilipino (now respelled Filipino) the national language shares with Eng- lish the status of official languages of the country. Initially, the Philippine B Education Policy sought to develop bilinguals competent in English and Fili- ‘ino, the national language, with specific domains allocated to the two languages. ‘Science, mathematics and English were to be taught using English as medium of jnstruction while the other subjects were to be taught in Filipino. The 1987 Revised Philippine Bilingual Education Policy however saw some modifications made to the policy. It endorsed the use of the regional languages as auxiliary languages of instruction for beginning literacy. In this it was motivated by Cummins’ Interdependence Hypothesis (see Cummins and Swain, 1986) as the rationale for using the child’s native language in teaching cognitively demanding concepts and thus avoiding cognitive deficit and possible semilingualism on the of the learner. A close examination of the policy reveals its goal to be that of transitional bilingualism with the non-exclusive use of English in the domains that were previously allocated solely to it. ‘Subsequent factors have influenced the language policy of the country. On the ‘one hand, deterioration in English proficiency has been noted even among edu- cated Filipinos. This phenomenon is attributed in part to the reduced time in the use of English in schoo! and to the increased exposure and use of Filipino in theA Handbook of Varieties of English A Multimedia Reference Tool Two volumes plus CD-ROM Edited by Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider together with Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, and Clive Upton Mouton de Gruyter Berlin - New York65/703 URG 6 A Handbook _ of Varieties of English Volume 1: Phonology Edited by Edgar W. Schneider Kate Burridge Bernd Kortmann Rajend Mesthrie Clive Upton Oc Mouton de Gruyter Berlin - New YorkMouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton. The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG. Berlin. @ Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicarion Data ———— A handbook of varieties of English : a multimedia reference tool. P. om. Includes bibliographical referenices and index. ISBN 3-11-017532-0 (set of two hardeovers plus CD-ROM = alk. paper) 1, English language — Variation 2. English language — Dialects — Han mann, Bernd, 1960— II. Schneider, Edi 1954— PEITIL.H36 2004 427—de22 Handbooks, manuals, etc, ooks. manuals, etc. 1. Kort- ar W. (Edgar Werner) 2009025131 | Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliog detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at . ISBN 3-11-017532-0 © Copyright 2004 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG. 10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages, No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechani including photocopy, recording. or any information storage and retrieval system. without per. mission in writing from the publisher. Cover design: raumfisch.de/sign, Berlin. Typesetting: medionet AG, Berlin. Printing and binding: Késel GmbH & Co. KG, Altusried Printed in Germany.Contents of volume 1 Contents of volume 2 . Abbreviations ....... General introduction Bernd Kortmann and General references ..... voce teeete eens The British Isles Bernd Korman and Clive Upton (eds.) Introduction: varieties of English in the British Isles.............. Bernd Kortmann and Clive Upton English spoken in Orkney and Shetland: phonology Gunnel Melchers Scottish English: phonology........... 00. 0cc0eceeeveee eee ees Jane Stuart-Smith Irish English: phonology. ... bee e tee eee vette vette eeen eee Raymond Hickey Welsh English: phonology ............... 5 Robert Penhallurick English dialects in the North of England: phonology.............. Joan Beal The English West Midlands: phonology...................2.. Urszula Clark The dialect of East Anglia....0.......04 Peter Trudgill The dialects in the South of England: phonology. . . Ulrike Altendorf and Dominic Watt Channel Island English: phonolog wee eee eee eee Heinrich Ramisch Received Pronunciation Clive Upton British Creole: phonology Peter L. Patrick xv 25 35 68 98 113 134