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SOCIAL STRUCTURE
OF EARLY NOMADS IN EURASIA

2005

 930.26
63.48()-52
692

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Social Structure of Early Nomads in Eurasia. Ed. by N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, and
A.V. Kharinsky. Irkutsk, 2005.
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ISBN 5-8038-0330-8

|CONTENTS
Introduction by N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, A.V. Kharinsky
. .. , .. , .. ..................................................23
Chapter 1. Reconstruction of Social Structure
of Early Nomads in Archeology by N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
1.
. .. , .. , .. ..............................................22
Chapter 2. Methodological Problems of Reconstruction of Social
Structures in Archeology by A.V.Korotaev, N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
2.
. .. , .. , .. , .. ..................23
Chapter 3. Upper Reaches of Ob River
in XII-IX Centuries AD: Methods and Reconstruction by S.S. Tikhonov
3. XII IX ..:
. .. ........................................................................34
Chapter 4. Mountain Altai in Scythian Epoch by P.K. Dashkovsky, A.A. Tishkin
4. . .. , .. .............34
Chapter 5. e Steppe Scythia: Paleoeconomical Approach by N.A. Gavriljuk
5. : . .. .................34
Chapter 6. Sargat Culture of Western Siberia by N.P. Matveeva
6. . .. .............................64
Chapter 7. Bulan-Kobinsky Culture
in the Mountain Altai by S.S. Matrenin, A.A. Tishkin
7. - .
.. , .. ...............................................................................................34
Chapter 8. Hsiung-nu culture of Baikal Region
by N.N. Kradin, S.V. Danilov, P.B. Konovalov
8. .
.. , .. , .. .......................................................................43
Chapter 9. Kokel Cemetery in Tuva by D.G. Savinov
9. . .. ....................................................55
Chapter 10. e Population of East Altai
in Pre-Turkic Time by S.A. Vasjutin, A.S. Vasjutin
10. .
.. , .. ...............................................................................................33
Chapter 11. General and Especial in Reconstruction
of Early Nomads Structure by N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, S.A. Vasjutin
11.
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SUMMARY

his book is devoted to reconstruction of the social structure

of archaic society using the funeral rites. is question has
been considered by the authors by the example of early nomads of Eurasia. Why they? First, a large volume of data concerning the early nomads
was accumulated. Second, the nomads social organization has been well studied and we
can carry out the cross-cultural investigations of the early and late nomads. ird, there
is a substantial experience of reconstruction of the early nomads structure. All of this
has lent certain optimism and hopes of a realization of the project whose results would
be called for by the archaeological community and be reflected in the subsequent studies
of different levels.
It is necessary to say a few words about the term early nomads. It has appeared within
the framework of the Soviet historical school. It was oen used as an original analogue of
the scheme of fih modes of production. Now it is clear that such a division was artificial
because, in reality, the similarity between the ancient and medieval nomads is greater
than difference between them. However, we use the term early nomads. It was handy
for designing the nomadic societies of the specified historical period in this case, a
period from nomadism formation to the mid First millennium A.D. It could be used as a
synonym of the term ancient nomads. At the same time, we do not perceive the nomadic
world as a something that is, in principle, frozen and not subject to any technological,
social-economical and cultural changes. Indeed, the early nomads were not acquainted,
for example, with stirrups, rigid saddle, saber cavalry with heavy armament, world-wide
religions etc. As early as end of the antiquity epoch, the qualitatively important perfections
appear, the steppe empires are established and essential changes occur. e Middle Ages
demonstrate just different period in the nomadism history.
In Chapter 1, N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, S.A. Vasyutin give a review of the studies
concerning the interpretation of the social structure of early Eurasia nomads. For the most
part, they consider the works of the Soviet and post-Soviet researchers as they have made
the greatest contribution to discussion of this subject. e authors identify three stages in
development of social reconstructions in the early Eurasia nomads archaeology. In 1920s,
the archaeology was considered as an auxiliary section of the history. e materials of
excavations were basically used as the lifelike pictures to citations of ancient chronicles
or abstract sociological Marxist patterns of the slave-holding mode of production in the
antiquity and nomadic feudalism in the Middle Ages.
10

Beginning in the mid-1930s and up to the mid-1960s, the outstanding discoveries of

the archaeological sites were made in the areas from the Black-Sea Scythia to Transbaikalia.
A conception of early nomads appears. e most significant works in the field of social
reconstructions were written by M.P. Gryaznov, S.V. Kiselev, S.I. Rudenko, K.F. Smirnov
and Yu.N. Grakov. Particular emphasis has been placed on the criteria of the social stratification by way of which, monumentality of structure, composition of a set, volume
of labor inputs for erection of a burial mound were considered. e researchers became
aware of an importance of the planigraphical analysis. In these years, a conception of
three social layers elite, ordinary and poor nomads was widespread.
From mid-1960s, one can tell about the final formation of the basic schools in the
Soviet archaeology. One of them, the social archaeology was. As its leader, the archaeologist
from Leningrad/St-Petersburg V.M. Masson is considered. e great effect on the Soviet
social archaeology was made by the American new archaeology of L. Beanford. Masson
has more actively introduced the use of such criterion as a volume of labor inputs. e
opinion is gradually formed that feudalism is a not obligatory way of nomads evolution.
e social archaeologists arrived at the conclusion that in the empires of early nomads,
the number of social ranks was more than three. With developing of computers, the social
archaeologists became to use the statistical methods. Several schools of statistical studies
of nomads Kiev (V.F. Genning, E.P. Bunyatyan) and Moscow (G.A. Fedorov-Davydov,
G.E. Afanasyev, M.G. Moshkova) were established. e usual study included a number
of successive operations analysis by sex and age, analysis of ranks based on volume
of labor inputs per a burial and accompanying set, spatial investigation of cemeteries,
comparison of poor and rich cemeteries, reconstruction of social organization of the
nomadic society.
Aer the USSR collapse and rejection of the Marxist paradigm in the archaeology,
new ideas came from the western anthropology conceptions of chiefdom and early
state, civilization and world-system approaches. As the Scythian subjects proved to be mainly
in the sphere of attention of the Ukrainian archaeologists, the cultures of Altai and Siberia
became the basic range of the modern Russian social archaeology. e practical experience
of the modern Russian social archaeology allows us to create the complex techniques for
studying the social structure of nomads using the archaeological data. Among new problems which are actively discusses now are peculiarities of the gender inequality, age ranks
in the context of the Indo-Aryan and Eurasian models of the society structure of early
nomads, spatial analysis of cemeteries and family-clan structure, ranking of elite, criteria
of professional groups (soldiers, cattle-breeders, priests etc.), reflection of ideology in the
funeral rites, the number of groups in the social structure and accuracy of comparison
of groups of like burials with social ranks of nomads.
In Chapter 2, A.V. Korotayev, N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, and S.A. Vasyutin consider
the general problems of the social structure reconstruction in the archaeology using data
of burials. First, they discuss the common approaches to the study of social structure.
e functional approach interprets the society as a totality of roles important for a group.
e conflict approach assumes a different access to resources and stratification. Further,
authors discuss different conceptions, especially, processual and post-processual approaches in the archaeology. As the methodology for studying of the social stratification
using archaeological sources, one can take an assumption according to which the power
strength is defined by the control scale over the energy sources (productive resources,
spoils, commodity turnover etc.), energy accumulators (warehouses, for nomads herds
11

of cattle, treasure houses etc.) and control over the redistribution of the energetic flows
(Adams 1975). Consequently, the higher was an individual status, the more splendid
was a stock lowered together with him to the grave. However, very many so called royal
burials of ancient civilizations and cultures were pillaged. For this reason, one can agree
with those researchers who believe that such criterion as the amount of power inputs for
construction of the burial structures correlate, as a rule, with the rank of the deceased,
volume of this power in this life-time and can be used to reconstruct the social structure
of the archaic society.
e study procedure assumes a necessity to perform a number of consecutive operations:
1. Identification of the mortuary ritual peculiarities, preparation of a list of signs,
entering information into the computer data base (for this purpose, the specialized program).
2. Identification of factors significant for age division of set.
3. Division of the set into adult and children burials.
4. Identification of factors significant for sex division of the array of adult burials.
5. Division of the set into the male and female burials.
6. Examination of differences in the mortuary ritual within the homogeneous of
uncertain burials.
7. Identification of strong factors relating those of other intragroup clusters with
different categories of the grave goods.
8. Interpretation of the results obtained.
To identify the signs significant for those or other sex-age and social groups the
factor analysis was used. For isolation of social groups within the homogeneous sex-age
sets, the cluster analysis was applied.
In Chapter 3, S.S. Tikhonov considers the territory of the upper reaches of Ob River
during the Bronze Age, the 12-9 centuries B.C. He has reconstructed the economy of the
ancient population which was occupied with the cattle-breeding and, to a lesser degree,
hunting and fishing using the osteological collections and ethnographic parallels. is
was a group of 60-80 people. On the average, men and women died at the age of 25 to
35 years. 30-40% of men and 25-30% of women lived up to 55 years. Only 5-10% of men
and women achieved the age more than 55 years. e highest mortality among children
was noted at the age of before 7 years. e social differentiation of local population was
not pronounced. As for things, a division into more rich, intermediate and poor burials
of men, women and children is traced but differences are not great.
In Chapter 4, P.K. Dashkovsky and A.A. Tishkin consider the cultures of Scythian
period in the Mountain Altai. is period consists of two cultural traditions Biikensky
(end of the IX century first third of the VI centuries B.C. and Pazyryksky second
third of the VIII centuries B.C. e Pazyryksky culture is well known in the archaeology
for excavations of elite burial mounds. Because of the permafrost, not only a great deal of
things, fabrics, wood but also mummies of ancient people have remained intact.
e basis for the population ranks was the sex-age structure. e vertical hierarchy
was based on the property, social, professional and other differentiations. In this case, if,
during the Early-Scythian period, a weak differentiation of the above structures is observed
then, during the Pazyryksky time, the hierarchy was already more pronounced which was
also reflected in the funeral rites of nomads. e authors prepared the computer data base of
the Pazyryksky culture on the basis of 219 burial mounds of 88 cemeteries. eir analysis
12

includes the study of differences between sexes, ages as well as differences within these
general aggregates. e main criteria of a division into groups were sizes of the funeral
construction, peculiarities of a burial, presence of things, burial of a horse. As a result,
Dashkovsky and Tishkin have identified 8 ranks for men and women and 5 ranks for
children. ey believe that this assumes the complex stratification in the Altai society of
the day. e rich burial mounds of elite confirm it.
Of the Pazyryksky culture, the strong militarization is characteristic. In the majority
of burials, a weapon is present. In the society, a tendency to forming of the group of professional soldiers making up an armed force was outlined. A share of burial of burials
of men-at-arms is about 30% of men burials. Dashkovsky and Tishkin believe that this
society has already passed through a level of complex chiefdoms and has been on the
path to the early state.
In Chapter 5, N.A. Gavrilyuk gives a brief sketch of the Scythian steppe society evolution. She is based on the conclusions of her book published several years ago (
1999). It is most detailed study of Scythians aer the known book of A.M. Khazanov
( 1975). Gavrilyuk reconstructs a dynamics of Scythia population, she believes
that about 20 thousands people have come to the area near the Black Sea. At the end of
the 4 century B.C., population of this area has reached 680 thousands people. e nomadic
pastoralists was the leading branch of the agrarian economy of the Steppe Scythia. In the
4 century B.C., the Scythians began to be occupied with the semi-nomadic cattle-breeding, farming and the settled way of life appeared. e agriculture products are only used
within the society. Among the Scythians, a handicra is developed which is inferior to
the handicra of agricultural people of the East Europe in technology. e trade communications are established with the Greek settlements. e nomads have supplied to the
Greeks slaves receiving the gold in exchange. Gavrilyuk attempts to determine how much
in the Greek money was the construction of one tsars burial mound of Scythians. It was
about 50 slaves at prices of Attica or 500 slaves at prices of colonies. Such the number of
slaves could be received in two or three raids. ese costs are equivalent to those for the
construction of one average house or not rich temple in the Athens.
In Chapter 6, N.P. Matveyeva considers the Sargat cultural community in the 5 century B.C. 5 century A.D. in the West Siberia (in detail, see summary in the paper of
2000: 386-394). She has used data of 949 burials of 57 cemeteries. At first, she
has divided all of burials into four stages. en, she has studied not robbed burials and
revealed the signs characteristic of groups of men, women, children and also different ages.
It turned out that the elders have a higher status. is makes itself evident in the riches of
grave goods and planigraphy of burials. ere is an inequality between men and women.
At the early period, women were more rarely buried at the centre of burial mounds than
men. e burials of the elder men are much more oen found at the centers of mounds.
However, the elder women had an important status parts in the society.
Aer that, Matveyeva has revealed several groups in each sex-age aggregate. As the
criteria, the deviations from the average statistical sizes of burials and things in a burial
were used. She gas identified 7 models for adult men, 7 ones for adult women (with consideration for burial mounds of elite, the number of groups was 9-10) and 5 teenager
groups. She has interpreted the structure of the Sargat society as consisting of three basic
strata: different groups of elite (25%), average class, ordinary people, poor categories (in
all, about 75%) and dependent categories (about 0.5%). At that, she notes that the arms
are not characteristic of ordinary groups of population. Beginning from the middle13

Sargat period, the arms is found in the burials of predominantly young men (26.6%). She
attributes them to men-at-arms.
Matveyeva believes that this population has created a complex political hierarchy
which is close to the nomadic Hsiung-nu empire in the complexity level. However, these nomads used mainly the remote methods of exploitation of their neighbors war,
tribute, trade. ey had no towns, written language, bureaucracy. erefore, this society
was only pre-state one.
In Chapter 7, S.S. Mitrokhin and A.A. Tishkin have presented the results of a studying of the Bulan-Kobinsky culture in the Mountain Altai. is period was referred in
the Eurasia to as the Hun and Sarmatian epoch from the 2 century B.C. to the 5 century
A.D. ey have studied 577 burials of 37 cemeteries. e sizes of funeral structures for
this cultural tradition have only in part reflected the age differentiation of the dead
people but have not reflected the sex one. e sizes of these structures have also not
allowed us to determine the social and property statuses of the late people. Such signs
as the accompanying burials of horses and meat food have also reflected mainly the sex
and age differentiations.
e main criterion of the sex-age, professional and rank differentiations of population was the accompanying grave goods. A bow and arrows accompany the majority of
burials of men of all ages. However, the armor and swords are not found in the burials
of youths in which the fighting knives and daggers are also encountered more rarely.
ese differences demonstrate the personal military services of the dead people. In the
burials of the aged people, some reduction of the arms quantity takes place and, in them,
the armors are absent. In the womens burials, a variety in the quantity of ornaments is
observed. One can identify five groups of which, different quantities of ornaments are
characteristic. However, a belt is also a status factor. A significance of the household
things, implements and ceramics for the ranks of the dead people has been not possible
to trace. ey reflected a division of labor between the sexes. Examining the correlation
between the signs of things in the burials, Matrenin and Tishkin have identified three
social groups for the men, women and children burials.
In Chapter 8, N.N. Kradin, S.V. Danilov, and P.B. Konovalov study the cemeteries
of the Hsiung-nu culture from territory of Buryatia (in detail, see summary ,
, 2004: 101-104). e Nomadic Empire of Hsiung-nu was a tribal
one. It was tribal confederation in the area if internal relations, and also was a conqueror
xenocratic nomadic statehood formation to the other nations and peoples. e social
structure of Hsiung-nu had many levels of hierarchy. e highest level of the social pyramid was occupied by the Shan-yu and his relatives (Luan-ti clan). e representatives
of other noble clans, tribal chiefs and service nobility have ranked next. And further, the
most mass social group of the society economically independent ordinary pastoral
nomads has been placed. At the bottom of the social pyramid, different categories not
processing rights have been: impoverished nomads, semi-vassal settled people, captivestributaries being engaged in agriculture and handicra and, possibly, slaves (for details
see: Kradin 2000; 2002, summary).
For analysis, the authors have selected materials for four most extensively studied cemeteries in the Baikal like area: Ilmovaya pad, Cheremukhovaya pad, Dyrestuisky Kultuk,
Ivolginsky cemetery (in all, 426 burials). e study of the cemeteries of the Transbaikal
Hsiung-nu revealed the complex social structure, presence of the hierarchical system
of the ranks traced in different sex-age and national groups of the society. e richest
14

burials were concentrated in the Ilmovaya pad cemetery. Here, three ranks are identified
in the burials of both men and women. e mens burials of Cheremukhovaya pad are
combined into several different groups which, possibly, reflect a nature of their activities
during life-time. In the female (womens) burials of Cheremukhovaya pad, two groups
were revealed. In Dyrestuisky Kultuk cemetery also three ranks are identified in the burials
of both men and women. Four hierarchical ranks for men and five ones for women were
identified in Ivolginsky cemetery. e certain differentiation of children burials into rich
and poor ones can be traced (most pronounced differences were found for Ivolginsky
cemetery were 3-4 groups were identified). However, it should be borne in mind a part
of children burials including not poorest ones was related to sacrifices.
In Chapter 9, D.G. Savinov analyzes the social structure of people buried in the
cemetery Kokel, 2-3 centuries AD in Tuva. He believes that the multi-rank social differentiation is not here revealed. So called poor (or burial without goods) burials are at
all absent. e groups of soldiers are also identified. e study of the burials planigraphy
shows that the burials of the related groups were there. Savinov constructs a taxonomy
of the hierarchy levels of the related groups: large mounds-cemeteries = two or several
related aals (one aal numbers 5-10 jurts) separate burial grounds in the large mounds-cemeteries and small mounds-cemeteries = aal community joint burials with the
following burials = one family. For the time being, one can not understand where is a
place in the social system of single burial mounds representing, most likely, the burials
of persons occupying, for those reasons or others, special places in the social hierarchy
(or not being members of this group).
In Chapter 10, S.A. Vasyutin and A.S. Vasyutin consider the cemetery Kok-Pash
of the pre-Turkic time in the East Altai. Here, 44 mounds were excavated in 1981-1987.
In Chapter, data of 20 mounds are analyzed: 2 children mounds, 10 women and 8 men
burials. As the signs for revealing the sex-age and social groups, the authors chose the
sizes of funeral structures, depths of graves and things. e majority of the women graves were richer than men ones. e authors explain this by the fact that local men were
vassals and performed military service in foreign country. e functions concerning the
housekeeping and protection of territory and herds are given to the women population.
e study of the cemetery demography shows that the number of people living at one
time in Kok-Pash does not exceed 25-26. ose were representatives of two not great
family-clan groups in which women had main part.
In Chapter 11, N.N. Kradin, A.A. Tishkin, S.A. Vasyutin provide some results of studying the social structure of nine societies of early nomads. First, the social structure of any
society can be described from the viewpoint of both functional and conflict theory. e
social space can be considered both in the horizontal (family, clan, tribal relations) plane
and in the vertical (ranks, statuses) one. Second, when studying statuses, it is important
to distinguish criteria of rank and power. ird, the reflection of social structure in the
material artifacts is fixed through a creation of the middle rank theory (Saxe 1970; Binford
1971; Tainter 1975 etc.). Fourth, it is necessary to construct cultural model for each society.
In it, it is needed to consider a effort-expenditure principle, authority symbols, planigraphy
of burials. Of great importance are the sample, examination of palaeodemography and
mortality. Our interest is also with the fact how the number of ranks can suggests what
society have we chiefdom, early state or other alternative formations.

15

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139

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(. 2).
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2

DATE

GRAVEPLACE

OVERCONST

INCONST

V . III .

BONETYPE

2- . IIIII .

III . ..

III . ..

BONEPLACE

IIIV ...

BONEPART

1
, , XIX
XX ., ,
,
2
.

140

1
INCONST

PITMAGIN

03,8 .

4,09,0 .

FINDPIT

FINDPIT

9,322,8 .

24,735,0 .

38,6 70,0 .

SEX

AGE

CONSERV

RITTRACE

BONETYPE

RITOBCAT

FINDBARR

1,11

126

175

2635

VESCATEG

3655

55

VESIMPOR

VESPLACE

141

1
RITOBCAT

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ARMCATEG

ADORNCAT

C
D

4
RITSUBCA

RITSUBCA

ARMMATER

ADORNMAT

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142

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( . 2000). ,
143

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45 .
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No

No

No

No

DATE A

17

33

HARNESS B

49

18

SEX A

34

BONEPART F

50

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19

35

FINDPIT A

51

20

AGE A

36

52

21

37

53

GRAVEPLACE-A

22

38

FINDBARR A

54

ADORNCAT I

23

39

55

ADORNMAT A

24

40

56

OVERCONST A

25

41

VESCATEG A

57

10

26

42

VESRLACE A

58

11

27

BONETYPE B

43

59

TOOLSCAT A

12

28

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44

RITSUBCAT C

60

13

PITMAGIN A

29

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45

ARMCATEG A

61

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14

30

46

62

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15

31

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63

16

32

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48

64

( . 2000).
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145

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148

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150

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152

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154

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1986: 26), ( 1984: 234; 1994: 74; 1990), (
1989: 115; 2002: 234241).

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155

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157

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158

.. 2003; , 2003; , 2004; 2004,

2004)
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577
37 (-I, --II, , , , --I,
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( 1975: 50; :
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159

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160

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567 (100%) , 223 (39,5%) , 117 (20,63%) ,
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6 (Infant-I), 713
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161

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162

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165

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: 12 (70,58%), (10,46%) 5
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(1,34%) (0,59% II 1- IV . ..; 5,8% 2- IV 1- V . ..), (0,44%) (4,54% II .
.. I . ..). 21 (9,41%) (4,54% II . ..
I . .; 7,14% II 1- IV . ..; 23,52% 2- IV 1-
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..; 2,94% 2- IV1- V . ..). , (28,57%)
(54,16%) (43,75%),
(2,32%) ; (38,09%)
(73,43%), ,
(15,62%), ,
(6,25%), (4,68%). (29,76%)
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170

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(58,3%),
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) 19 (16,23%) (15,38% II . .. I . ..;
13,68% II 1- . IV . ..; 30,76% 2- IV 1- V .
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11,57% II 1- IV . ..; 15,38% 2- IV 1-
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) 11 (9,4%) (46,1% II . .. I . ..; 5,26% II 1-
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. ..; 6,6% 2- IV 1- V . ..), (,
) (7,69%) (15,38% II . .. I . ..; 3,15%
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, , , ,
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171

 410 ,
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I . ..; 26,74% II 1- IV . ..; 40% 2- IV 1-
V . ..). 27 (23%) (70,5%; 12,79%; 26,6%

), 19 (16,23%) (20,93% II 1- IV . ..; 6,6% 2- IV 1- V . ..), 12
(10,25%) (11,62% II 1- IV . ..; 13,3% 2- IV
1- V . .) (7,69%) (10,46% II 1-
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(3,41%) (17,64% II . .. I . ..; 1,16% II 1- IV .
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- 172

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- 18 (15,38%) (11,76 II .
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11 (9,4%) (9,3% II 1- IV . ..; 20% 2- IV 1- V . ..), - (8,47%) (8,53%
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(3,41%) (4,65% II 1- IV . ..),
(1,7%) (1,16% II 1- IV . ..; 6,6% 2-
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V . ..). - , , ,
,
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173

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57 (25,56%) , 13 (59%)
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. :
- 13 (5,82%) (59% II .
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1,19% II 1- IV . ..), -
(1,79%) (1,78% II 1- IV . ..; 2,94% 2- IV 1- V . ..),
(2,24%) (2,38% II 1- IV . ..; 2,94% 2- IV
1- V . ..), ,
(4,03%) (4,54% II . .. I . ..; 3,57 II 1- IV . ..;
5,8% 2- IV 1- V . ..), 19 (8,52%) (4,54%
II . .. I . ..; 7,14% II 1- IV . ..; 17,64% 2- IV 1- V . ..), (5,12%) (4,54% II .
.. I . ..; 0,59% II 1- IV . ..; 11,76% 2- IV
1- V . ..), (0,44%)
(2,9% 2- IV 1- V . ..).

- (, ) -
( ).
12 (5,38%) (9,09% II . .. I . ..; 2,97% II 1- IV . ..; 17,64%
2- IV 1- V . ..),
(0,89%) (9,09% II . .. I . ..).
- .
152 (68,16%)
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. 174

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(5,12%) (7,69% II . .. I . ..; 4,21% II
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13 (11,1%) (52,9% II . .. I . ..;
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.. I . ..; 5,81% II 1- IV . ..; 6,6% 2- . IV 1 V . ..), 12 (10,25%) (52,9% II . .. I . ..;
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12
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.

175

 , -
( 1998: 207208),
, , .

(4,27%) (23,52% II . .. I . ..; 2,94% 2- IV 1-
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IV 1- V . ..) 30 (13,45%) (14,28%
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46,15% 2- IV 1- V . ..),
176

 . : 24 (20,51%) (15,38% II . .. I . .; 17,8% II

1- IV . ..; 38,46% 2- IV 1- V . ..),
(2,56%) (2,1% II 1- IV . ..; 7,69% 2-
IV 1- V . ..), (0,85%) (1,05% II
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V . ..), (4,27%) (4,65% II
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(1,7%) (13,3% 2- IV 1- V . ..),
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92 (41,25%) (28,57% II . .. I . .; 38% II
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178

 V . ..), (7,17%),
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194

5. (0-, 1- , 2-, 3- , 4 ).
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( 1976; 1996; 1998; - 1999;
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(Footnotes)
* .

206

207

208

209

210

211

212

213

214

215

216

217

218

219

220

221

222

223

224

225

226

227

228

229

230

231

232

233

234

235

236

237

238

239

240

241

242

243

244

245

246






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e-mail: archeo@istu.irk.ru; histor@istu.irk.ru; human@istu.irk.ru

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