Field Theory in Social Psychology MORTON DEUTSCH, Columbia Universiy In this chapter we shall describe the theoretic and research contributions of Kurt Lewin, his associates, and his students. Since the phrase field theory has become idete ‘Ged with Lewils work in social psychology, we shall in a brief introductory section indicate some of the characteristics of feld theory in ghssien a a means of poiang, ‘out the rather tenuous connections between field theory in physics and in social pychology. In a second section, we ehalt characierine yhe min Jeatures of Lewin's "ay of thinking” about theory in psychology. The thied section will deal with the basic concepts of fied theory ax developed in individual psychology. In a fourth section we shall discuss action reearch and group dynamics. The Gal section wil be ariel evaluative comment on field theory. FIELD THEORY IN PHYSICS ‘During the fater part of the nineteenth century new and bold ideas were introduced into physics which profoundly aleced scientific conceptions of physial reality. The impact of these ideas was not limited to physics. They crumbled the foundations of plulosophical siewpoin's and yerved as a model Tor new conceptions in the biological And social sciences. These ideas—the contributions of such men ax Faraday, Maxwell, ‘and Hertz—are commonly referred to by the term “Reld theory.” Clerk Maxwell in the preface to hia posthumous book, Mosier and Motion (192, characterited the change which Reld theory brought about in physical conceptions in these words: Physical science, which up to the end of the eighteenth century had been Fully ‘occupied in forming a conception of natural phenomena a4 the result of Forces acting between ove body and another has now fatly entered in the next stage of Drogress—that in which the exergy of a material aysiem is conceived as deter Imined by the configuration and mation of that system and in which the ideas of oniguration, motion, and Force are generalized to the utmost extent warranted by their physial definitions 42 ( | \ Field Theory in Physio 413 [Newtonian mechanics had asserted that it was possible 6 explain physical phe- nomena by assuring that simple forces acted between unalterable particle. Hence, ifone bnew the mass, the velocity, the direction, the location, et, of material particles ‘one could accurately predict wbat would cecur when a number of them interacted Every change of motion, according to Newton, is due toa force which arites either through iepact, as 6 vhe case of a baseball being struck by 2 bat, or by an attraction exercised mutuslly by the bodies upon each other, according (obit law of gravitation. ‘The gravitational Tosce between bodies (or example, between the sun and the earth) was assumed to act instantaneously 19 preduce action a8 diStance, ‘Space and time were treated asthe absolute, xed framework within which the movement ofa particle ‘occurs; that i, they were reanoved from the process itself ‘A series of briliant experiments by Ocrated and Faraday on electramagneti phenomena challenged the notion of simple forces acting instantaneously ata dis: tance on particles in an empty space. These experiments demonsirated that itis uselul (0 think of regions or fields through which electromagnetic forces are spread and ta assume that these forces existeven when there are no material particles prevent to which the forces are applied. It was found that a knowledge of the praperties of the electromagnetic fied is suficient to explain electromagnetic phenomens and that given this information, knowledge about the source af the elecivomagnetic field i Tannecessary. In other words, the electromagnetic Reld hata definite reality which is notin any way the end vesult of distinct, individua) parties oF sourcet. Ax Einstein and Infeld (1938, p, 259) have pointed out: “lt needed great scientific ivagination {reafie that t wan notte charger nor the particles but the fel inthe space bewween the charges and particles which s essential forthe description of physical Pheniomena’™ Clerk Maxwell sstematized and gave mathematical form to these experimental findings in his eld equations. Eingtein and Unfeld (pp. 152-153) described the difler- fence between mechapical laws and field laws in these terns Al space isthe scene of these laws and not, as for mechanical laws, only paints in which matter oF charges are present... Maxwell's equations enable us to follow the history of the feld, just 1 che oechanical equations enabled ws 1 follow the history of material particles... However, they do not, as in Newton's laws, connect two widely separated events; they do not connect the happenings here with the conditions there. The field here and now depends on the Geld i the immediate neighborhood ata lime just past... The’allow us to increase ou kro l- edge of the field by small steps. la Newtow’s theory, on she contrary, only big steps connecting distant events are permissible. Einstein's theory of gravitation, formulated at the beginning of the swentieth ‘century, routed the concept of action ata distance from its last remaining stronghold in the physical sciences. The notion of a space filled with material ether vanished Trom physics and was replaced by a conception of space a8 4 definitely dietributed system of gravitational ate electromagnen forces and stresses. In the field con- ‘ception the distribution of forces in a given environment determines what an abject With certain properties wii doin that environment. ‘Thus, when we know the abject and observe what it does in-a specified environment we can deduce the properties ‘of the field in Dat environment414 Field Phary in Soca Psychology ‘The field concept in physics has served a8 a stimulating analogy for scien workers in ther areas, Essentially, “eld theariats” in the nonghysiel sciences have attempted ro conser the phenomena they investigate as oceuring eta fl: that i, 2s partofacotaity af coexisting facts which are conceived as mutyally interdependent In other words, “held theory” as i is employed in the social and biological sciences does not refer to theories about physical phenomena, for example, gravitational of electromagnetic phenomena; rather it refers to a “method of analyzing causal rela. tions and of building scientific constructs” (Lewin, 19432, 195ih). This method, in a manner analogous to that of field theory im physics, atsumes than the properies event are determined by its relations to the system of events of which itis a component and that "changes here and now depend on changes in the imediate neighborhood at time just past, “The verm “field theory” in paychology hat beea applied primarily to the work of the Gestal psychologists, and it has been employed to characterize particularly she work of Kurt Lewin and his students. However a view of our previous discussion Of the meaning of “Feld theory,” it should be evident that there are many possible appraaches to theorizing in the social sciences which could be “Feld-heuretical” in spi THE METATHEORY ‘We shal describe some ofthe main features ofthe way of thinking which characterizes the fl-theoretical approach to psychology. Many ofthese are not unique to Lewis'+ approach. The wide impact that Lewin and Gestalt psychologist have already had ‘on theorizing in psychology, a8 well at an increasing interest in the nature of theory ‘onstruction among all schools of psychology, have led to a considerable overlap im their basic viewpoints 'A good proportion of Lewin’s writings is devoted wothe meuheory of psychology ‘We shall not attempt to quote hie writings in any detail but rather shall present the ‘essentials of the way of thinking which characteriaed his appraach, Ube reader, however, may find it useful © consult his relevant writings in Field Theory in Social Stiene, A Dyhomin Theor of Peranaly, Peincipler of Topalegical Prrhology and The Conceptual Representation and the Measurement of Piychologeal Forces ‘We shalt discuss the characteratics of Lewin’ approach to theory building under the following headings: (1) the psychological approach, (2) an emphasis om the total situation, (3) systematic rather than historical causation, (4) the constructive rather than clasificatory approach, (8) the dynamic approach, (6) mathematics and eld theory, THE PSV HOLOGICAL APPROACH Despite Lewin's use of terms which have the favor of physics, such as tension, fore and fi, his theoretial approach is consistently prychangal. His use of such terms is mot an attempt to derive psychological concepis from physical ones, bun is rather a reflection of hin view that what he termed the logic of dynamics might be sila the various science. He took the stand that paychological phenomena mt be ei plained in psychological terms, just a8 physical phenomena must be explained in Physi terms. Let us Urey aemph to charaterce wat eaeat bys explanation The Metatheary 415 ‘of psychological phenomena in psychological terms. Our discussion is much indebted ta Heider (1927), Tolman (1932), and Wright and Barker (1950), and is related vo the distinction between molar and moleular which Littman and Rosen (95H) have thoroughly reviewed, Firs of ali this approach assumes that it is tcemsificaly respectable 16 describe the phenomena in which psychologists are interested in terms that are not reducible ‘or equivalent to the terms of physics oF physiology. Second, ic postulates that poys chology is concerned with the individuals behavioral transactions with his inter and external environment, Behavior is a transaction of an individual, not merely fof some part of the body. As Wright and Barker (1950, p. 79) pointed out, the in dividual does nor sweat or slvate, nor does he often bend his knees in walking, ma hipolate his tongue in talking, move hs eyevals i reading, or bend athe wait insiting down He walk, tls, reads. oss down, leaving bis gendatar and tmotor apparatus wo he cave ofthe sweating, salivating, being. manipalaing are all sich molecular units of Behavior which, as mokculn ae foto the person in what he acaly dees, ‘The behasioral transactions of an individual with his environment are mediated by physical and physiological processes: these processes are the mechanisms or tools Tor behavior, not behavior ise. It would make no more serise to describe the latter fan to describe the movement of a steam shovel as behavior when construction worker is employing it wo dig a foundation fora building. “This is motto assert that a tool process may not at one time or another be the abject of behavior This is particularly fikely to be the case when the individual is learning how to use the given tool: for example, at the baby Yearns to walk, his behavior f diected at movement of his legs, The paychologiat explanation of behasior astumes that all behaviors have di rectional characteristics. Hence, itis concerned with the purposes which underlie ‘behavior and the goals wqwatd ar away (com which hehavior Is ditected. There is lle direct interest in tools or mediating procestes fer te, apart from the interest in how they are Iearned or acquired and in how desirable and effective they are com sidered t0 be by the individual. The scientist who works with the assumption that psychological phenomena are realities, even if they eanfot be expressed in physical terms or located in physical space, is more apt to investigate them than isthe scientist who assumes that they are merely “constructs.” 11 he recogrizes that people in everyday affzits use such con «eplsas opr, desire artion, alin, and ought w characterize others as wells themselves, and he has acknowledged tha these phenomena have reality in thein own Tight, he ‘is more likely «0 feel thatthe concepts ofthis everyday psychology are legitimate and “portant objects for investigation hy a scentie psyehology (Heider, 1058). He is more apt to concern himself with the psychological phenomena which occu in every. day life than is the scientist who feels that he isnot being scientific unless he ean either y that "hope" i really a specified pastern of neural excitation in a certain region of the brain or that “hope” is really a cerain pattern of bodily movements which ean be ‘expressed in physical terms. ‘This is not to say that the paychologist who employs a psychological approach in theorizing will be content to sop atthe level of description416 Field Theory in Soca! Paychology Of the phenomenal properties of psychological events. He will want to know how “hope” can be characterized in terms of the constructs of a psychological theory. Lewin, in his writings, has continuously streseed that the understanding of causal "relationships requires one to proceed from the more accessible, phenomenal proper- ‘ies of paychological events to their underlying dynamic oF genotypic geaperties. Emphasis on a paychological explanation of prychological events leads to an avoidance of achievement concepa (that is, concepts which define behavior in terms of ‘what accomplishes, since, a8 Lewin (im Rapaport 1950, p. 90) wrote it isimpossibe “to subsume. under unitary psyelological laws, processes defined by achievements.” More generally, Lewin objected to the use oF simple external criteria to identify or define a paychologieal sate or process. Wis point is that to develop psychological laws we must deal with psychological processes—with the perception ofthe external event, and not with the event itself: with behavior, and Rot solely with its effects, ‘Thus, we ought to be concerned with the prychological impact of a reward, whether it perceived as a “bribe” or asa “sgn of accomplishment,” rather than simply with the external situation of ceward. te essecce, an has to deat with what exits freho- logically, what is real forthe person being studied. If a stimulus abject does not exist for an individual, consciously or unconsciously, the objet eannot be thought of at ‘raving any psychological elects simiarly, ifthe behavior elfect is not consciously ‘oF unconsciously mouvated, it cannot be thought of as being psychologically deter- ‘mined. ‘Empharis on the study of the person and the psychological environment as it ‘exists for the person has led critics (for example, Bruntwik, 1943) to characterize Lewis approach a5 “pouperceptual and prebehavigral” Lewis lack of detailed discussion of perception ad of action provides a justification for thi criticism. Never: theles, Lewin denied this, asserting that perception and action are, in bis view, legitimate problems of paychology. He wrote (Lewin, ¥O43a; 1951p, p. 37): This view i a necessary consequence of the field-theoretical approach according {0 which the boundary conditions of a field are essential characteristics of the field, For instance, processes of perception which should be related tothe bound: ary zone depend parily on the slate af the inner pact af the prychological Geld, ice, upon the character of the person, his motivation, his cognitive structure, his way of perceiving et, and partly on the “stimulus distribution” on the retina fo other seceptors a enforced by physical processes outside the organism Lewin was fully aware that the scientist cannot depend on intuition in order apprehend what is psychologically real for another person, Rather. he must infer ‘or construct this reality from observable data, such as the course and consequences fof the person's actions and the situations in which action is occurring. Nevertheless, Lewin’s interests and his views regarding a fruitful strategy for psychology led hin to a relative neglect of problems of perception and action in favor of an emphasis ‘on mativasonal problems. As a consequence, he used a rather “make-do" mevnod= ology for identifying the specific properties of a given individuals prychological field or life space. ‘The tool most commonly employed in his experimental studies vas simply that of verbal report: the subject described in his own terms what a situa tion meant to hie oF what he intended. Despite Lewin's awareness of the liabilities in employing verbal report, he was not blind to its asset when studying capable dhuman subjects The Metathery 417 Lewin’s use of verbal report as a “make-do” methodology and his emphasis on describing the psychological enwicanment in terms of “what exists for the person" rather than in “objective physicalistic™verms has led some critic for example, Spence, 1044) mistakenly to characterize Lewin's theoretical approach a8 “phenomenological Lewin, fst of al, never equated “what exists for the person” with “awareness,” “consciousness,” or “ability ofthe person to describe verbally"; he realized that many important psychological influences operate unconsciously, Thus, in the sense that Tie was concerned with more than what exists in awareness, Lenin was not a phe- nomenologist. Second, Lewin realized, as do all sophisticated scientists, that the concepts and methods of prychology must be intersubjective ain chit sense, poycho- logical processes in anosher person can only be apprehended from externally obmery able data. Hence again, in the sense that Levin never assumed that verbal report OF ‘phenomenological descsiptions were simple portrayals of the “raw truth,” he was not a phenomenologist, On the other hand, he wat interested in what people are aware of and he was sensitive tothe insights into psychological processes which could ‘be dbtained Trom subjective reports Although Lewin believed that the employment of achievement concepts would prevent the development of unitary psychological laws, he recognized chat any long range or detailed prediction of individual behavior requites a knowledge of ron psychological facts. If one wishes to predict what a particular individual # going to ido ducing a Sueday dive into the country, one mast be able 10 predict whether oF not the individual's ausomobile will get a punctured tire, whether or not there will bbe a trac jam, etc, aswell as what he seeks ia his excursion. The specific prediction cf whan the individual will door what he will become at some ful a knowledge of the futue ¥ covering what part of the physical or social world will determine the “boundary zone” of the life space during a given period has been called prchologial ecology by Lewin, We shall discuss psychological ecology in greater detail in a subsequent section of this chapter AN EMPHASIS ON THE TOTAL SITUATION ‘The most fundamental construct for Lewin is that of the prychological field or lie ‘pace. All psychological events (thinking, acting, dreaming. hoping, ei) are con ceived «a be a function of the life space, which consists ofthe person and ihe environ- ment viewed as one constellation of interdependent factors. Individual psychological processes are, in Lewia's wards, "always to be derived {rom the ylation Of the Con- crete individual tothe concrete situation, and, so far a internal forces are concerned from the mutual relations ofthe various functional systems that make up the individ val” (Lewin, 19886, p. 4. The emphasis on the interelatedness of the person and the environment was ‘one of Lewin's major contributions to psychological theorising. Until vecenty, euch Gl psychology has been dominated by what he hat termed an “Aristoelian mode of thinking (Lewin, 19366, Chapter 1). In such thinking, psychological events are determined by the characteristics of the individual—stincts, heredity, intelligence seeds habits, ete.—relaivey independently ofthe situation, Since Lewin it has become increasingly evident that it i meaningless 10 speak of behavior without reference wo both the pesson ase bis envizonmem. Stanemems such as the Following, which Ignore the situation, sre viewed as unacceptable by an ever increasing number of —— ee4B Fild Theory im Soral Pochilogy psychologists: “he is psychotic because of his heredity”; “the rigidity of his problem Solving hetasine ie lue to his ettmocentsisms “he became she leader of his group [because of his personality" "her emotional outburst was due to hee hystetia” ‘work bemer together than do strangers": ductive than a less cohesive group,” Lewin’s emphasis on the “relation of the concrete individual 10 the concrete uation” feads the scientie investigator to a more explicit realization that the understanding of behavior requires rot only a knowledge of the person (his past ‘experiences, his presemn anirudes, and his capabilities) but also a Knowledge of hit Immediate situation, This is true for his understanding of everyday beavior and iso of the behavior of subjects in carefully controlled experiments and diagnostic {esting situations. In these later instances, inerpretation of the responses of a sub- {ett requires a Knowledge of the psychological significance of the total experimental Or testing situation, To cite a simple example, the Fesponses of subject in a locked room fo smoke pouring through the cracks inthe floor and to shouts of "Piel" {vom ‘tse are deiermined largely by whether they consider the smoke to be part of an ‘experimental hoax or part ofa real fire (French, (44). "The emphasis on the total situation has consequences for research methodology. Instead of picking out one ar anather gala element within a situation, field theorists find it advantageous, asa rule, wo start with a characterization of the situation 26 » ‘stile, After this fi approximation, the various aspects of the situation undergo amore and more detailed analysis. ‘The procedure (Lewin, 4936a, p. 17) ‘trends highly cohesive group will be more pro- fs not t0 add disconnected items bus «a make the original structure more ‘specific and differentiated. This method therefore proceeds by sleps from the more general ta the particular and thereby avoids the danger ofa "wrong simpl- Fation” by abstraction. In essence, the emphasis in research guided by field theory ion stuly of paychor logical ever in thei relations of interdependence rather thar as isolated abstractions torn from their relational significance, In contrat with thie approach is the study of relationships between variables (for example, between intelligence and school achieve- zment) by examining a large aumber of eases, none of which is studied in any detail from the point of view of the concrete relations of the variables to the spevific situa tions. ‘The assumpsion sometimes underlying this latter approach is that the relation: ship between variables such as intelligence and school achievement is independent ‘of the other properties of the situation oF of the person. Feld theoriss, on the other hhand, assert that the relationshig between any two vaniabies of this sort is almost inevitably influenced by the total situation, and from this they conclude that their ‘relationship aught to be extabliahed only after the properties of the total situation have been sufficiently characterized. SYSTEMATIC VERSUS HISTORICAL, CONCEPTS OF CAUSATION In the introductory section of this chapter, it was pointed out that field theory in physics desitoyed the notion of action at 2 distance and replaced it with structural fuations in which "the field hee and naw depends oo she Fie ie the immedi? nvigbrhood a atime jut past.” Lewin, in a similar vein, has emphasized thal psy- chological events, that is, changes in the Wife space, must he explained im terms of the properties of the Feld which exists atthe fime when the events occur. He hat The Maatheory 419 pied out that past events can only have a position in the historical causal chains whose interweaving creates the present situation; they cannot directly influence present events ‘This is nat v0 deny she significance of the past in affecting behavior indirectly. However, even though a past event can create a certain condition, which carries over nas the present, itis, nevertheless, the present condition that Present. Strictly considered, linking behavias with a past event iean extremely difficult "undertaking: it presupposes hat one knows sufficiently how the past event affected the psychological feld at thax ime, aod whether oF not, inthe meantime, ather events hhave again modified the feld. Although the notion that only the presentis infiueatia ile prevent nm obvious concept, one stil can find accounts in abnormal: psychology textbooks of how an event in childhood “caused” a neurosis, A rnore adequate ex- planation would describe the “neurotic trends” resulting froin the childhood event, the vicissitudes of these trends duxing the period beaween the event and the neurosis, and the interactive nature of the present situation and the neurotic trends which, “retult” inthe newosiesympuoms, While Lewin emphasized the principle of contemparaneity at one of the Datic characteristics of field theory, he realized that the determination of the meaning of any piychological event requires one ta take into accoum an appropriate time period, ‘His use ofthe term contemporaneous or the phrase “situation ata given time” actually does not refer ta an intact without \emporal extension, but to a certain time period, Time differentials in psychology, which determine what is to be viewed as conser jporancous, must be conceived in terms of the duration of meaningful psychological Units; there i no reason to make thea prion assusaption that psychologtal space-time is inhnitely or arbitrarily divisible. That i, psychological units must be conceived to have extension in regard tobath Geld and time dimensions, and unless the duration Of the time period is appropriate to the unit, meaningful psychological waite ik sat be abervable Lewin’s emphasis on employing units of suficient time extension has method. ‘logical implications. He wrote that “the frst prerequisite of a successful observation in any science i¢ 2 definite under ot what size of unit on is going to ‘observe ata given time” (Lewin, 19436; 1951b, p. 157). He pointed out that in social prychology we lave often misimerpreted the scientific requirements of analysis and hhave tried to observe as small units as possible; in so doing we have (cequently torn the observed units from sheir context and disregarded the fact that there i frequently to way to distinguish among different posible classifications Of an action ik the ob- servation of it lasts only Few seconds, ‘Thus, if two pertoné 4 and B are running 1 behind the other, may tena eithes hat 4 is leading B or that B is chasing 4. Only by observation which is sufciently comprehensive to include both 4 aed & and to extend «hrough a period auicienty long does the proper interpretation of the activity become possible. (Fora further discussion of systematic versus hisioricah ‘enssation, see Chein, 1847) influential in the THE CONSTRUCTIVE VERSUS THE CLASSIFIGATORY APPzONCH Lewin’s orientation to science was much influenced by the wark of Exset Cassiner, 2 Geeman philosopher who was concerned with the nature of eoncepts in mathematics And the sciences. In his book Sublance and Functian, and Eitri Theor of Realty, Cassirer (1923) emphasized the opposition between two modes of theorising which a ES4120. aed Theory in Social Poehology are distinguished by the different values they place on uhing concepts and relation Concepss. The clasifeatory appeaach, which emphasizes the primacy of thing con- cepls, asumes that concepes are derived by abstractions from particular objects to fin ideal object that embraces the easedce of the particular abject un which it cefers, Relations, a a rule, are considered among the nonesentisl properties of a concept. [AS we goto higher and higher concepts (rom cou to animal to leing aj) the com ceplual pyramid reaches its surmmation in the abstract representation of somthing, 1c alVinclutive enlity Yo which every posible content is relevant, but wich a the same time it totally devoid of specific meaning. “The constructive approach stresses relation concepts. Here, the measing of any concept is determined by is relations to other concepts in the system of concepts of twhich itis 9 part. ‘The realty of & specific phenomenon is derivable or consirocibhe from the relevant constructive elements, which are called construc In the constructive approach, the ideal acientiie concept i net an absnraction and connection of just these particularities. In other words, according to the con- fucive approach, there i no antithesis between general laws and the individual {ase if adequate scientific concepts have been developed. By introducing parameters “ppropriate to the individual cage one can derive individual benavios Frow a Tormula ‘hich is applicable to all as [Lewin attacked the attempt to develop concepts by a process of abstracting from phenotypic oF historie-geograpl ‘data in which the simila Uefined in terms of external rather than psychological characters (1942: 1951, p. 6 1€ one “absiracts from individual differences,” there is no logical way back from these generalizations 10 the individual case. Such a generalization leads from individual childcen to children of a certain age oF certain economic level and from there to children of all ages and of all economic levels; it leads from the plychopathic individual. tn the general category, “abnormal person." How: ver, there js no logical way back from the concept “child” or “abnormal person” tothe individual case, What isthe value of general concept if they do not permit prediction for the individual case? Phenotypic data must be ransformed into the language of constructs (geno, to use Lenin's term before one can hope to develop general paychological law which will be applicable to individual cases, The development of general psychological laws, Thowever, not only requires the coordination of dita vo consiructs by dete rules of correspondence and by explicit operational procedures, but also presupposes that the linkages or relations smhong, constructs ake imo account the concepttal dimes sions of the constructs. As Lewin (1944; 1951b, p. 37) pointed out, (1) Only those tntities which have the sane conceptual dimension can be compared as to wheir magn: tude. (2) Everything »bich has the same concepuial dimensions can be compared ‘quantvatvely; te magnitude can be measured, in principle, with the same wns of ‘Although Lewin did not discuss “conceptual dimensions” at any Yength, be drew several major distinctions which we shall describe more fully when we discuss his specific concepts. Briefly, he distinguished between sructural concepts (position, The Metathery 421 cognitive structure) and dynamic concepts (force, tension); between concepts which reler to diferent regions of the time dimension; between concepts which refer to different levels of realty; between cotcepss referring to polenial and concepts re- fering to actual; etc. For example, “postion” is a spatial relation of regions, while “locomotion” refers toa "relation of positions at different times." “Hope” refers to a felation between the structure ofthe reality level and ofthe wish level of the psycho. logical future. “Guilt” refers tothe relation between the structure of the realty and the wish level of the psychological past. Lewin’ stress on clarification of the conceptual dimensions of psychological comsurycts refecied his feeling that the emphasis on “operational definitions” of scientific concepts wat being misconstrued in prychology. He felt that some psy- cholagists eaively assuene that the meaning, of 2 concept is exhausted by its oper tional definition; for example, “intelligence is what is measured by intelligence tests, Lewin, om the other tand, emphasized that completly adequate scientibe cooceptt not only require explicit operational definitions which provide linkages to observable ‘Facts, but also conceptual definitions which establish the linkage between any Rivet concept and other concept in the system of concepts (or theory). One might go & Tine Gorthes and say thatthe possibility of an unequivocal and consistently repeatable operational definition of any psychological concept is dependent on the state of piyehclogieat theory. “That is, ome Gnson give a precise statement of what ie being done (a statement ofall the relevant variables which interact with one's measurement procedures and the variable being meatured) a8 one measures imeligence, for ea ample, unless one has a theory which permits specification of the variables which ‘may influence either inidigence im the staation OF measurement of te ting pr cedure by which intelligence is measured, ‘THE DYNAMIC APPROACH The common denominator of the various dmanic approaches in psychology is the ‘conception af living things a tysteme which tend ta maintain 2 dynamic equilibrium in relation to their environments. The individual is conceived as 2 system whore ‘components maintain a relative Geiblty of iaterrelatiat, varatian in ane aspect Of the system may induce compensating changes in other aspects, thus mainaining ‘he integriny of the system. ‘The notion of dynamic o¢ organiemic equilibrium atrenset the fact thatthe “whole” remains the same only because ofa patterning or organiza ‘ion which persis in the sido of change. Im conirast with she model of dysamic ‘equilibrium i that of mechanians. The model of mechanism (K. Deutsch, 1951, p. 234) implied the notion of a whole which was completely equal to the suim of is ‘para which could be sun in reverse, and which wauld behave in exacly identical Tashion no matter how offen those parts were disassembled and put cogether _afsin,andirsespective ofthe sequence in which the disassembling ot reasserabling ‘would take place. It implied consequently that the parts were never significantly tmodified by cach other, nor by their Own pan, and that each part once placed. (0 its appropriate positon with its appropriate momentum, would stay exacily {here and cominve to fui ns completely and aniguely detersained Sanction, Arising out of uhe conception of the individual as an “equilisumaintaining system” isan interest in the processes by which equilibrium is restored once it i= Siswasbed, In psychology, this inieres is ceflected in an emphatis om moxivational ll422 Field Theory in Sorat Psychology fprocesses—ihe arawsal of need tensions, the seting of goals, goal-directed action, the release of tension, Much of the research af Lewin apd of his coworkers wat ‘directed toward an understanding of motivational processes. Lewin's teoresieal approach ie in the seme of the preceding sentence, legitimately grouped with the ‘approaches of McDougall and Freud as & motivational ot dynamic psychology. ‘All theories in psychology which use the concept of equilibrium include more fo less conspicuously the thesis that behavior or any other kind of psychological ‘change is caused by directed enites. 1 Lewis system thete directed entities are called prychologicalfores, Feld cheoriats expliily recognize the vectosial rawure of ‘pesciologial forces and are attempting to develop a mathematics which can handle Adequately the concepts of caagnitede and direction implicit in the concept of the MATHEMATICS AND FIELD THEORY Lewin stressed the need for clear understanding ofthe Termal properties of scientific constructs, and he insisted thatthe determinants of behavior wuld have 40 be repre ‘eaves in mnaheratical terms iF psychology were to become a rigorous discipline. He devoted great effort ta attempts to formulate and apply geometrical concepts hich would be of value in psychology. His mort elaborate effort in hie connection seas his formulation of a geometry which he termed hodologcal space (Lewin, 1938), Although it canst be sais hat hodologieal space was well developed from the mathematical point of view. it represents an ingenious auernps to develop a geometry ‘whore base spatial concepts could be imegrated with dynamic concepts, ta burlon Ingical space, the distingvished Iprelerred or psychologically best) path which is tused in establishing the divecion between any two points eterined by the ateace tiveness rather than the shortness of the path, Direction is inluenced by euch factors a6 the degree of diferessistion of the space into subregions the relative prominence ff whole versus parts, and the propertice af che Beld mt large. Using the concepts of hodological space to define prychological direction seems particularly belpth in ‘night inte Behavior in ConPict situations, in situations which are cognitively Unclear, and in situations involving roundabout route; these concepts are aso useful in understanding the difference between escape (or withdrawal) aed goal-seeking for appeoach) behavior, ete. Mt permits an answer to the question why, althoug! dierent behaviors may have the samve physics! dection, we must ascribe different prychological direcinns to these behaviors If their goals are differen, ‘Alvough Lewin constantly directed his energies to the development of x more adequate formalisticsysteea, Re felt that am enthusiasm Tor formal systems might lead to subaitution of mere vertalisms for empirically descriptive theories. Premature Corwalnatvn and mathemaliztion may lead tothe building ofa logical superhighway that turns gut to be a "dead end Feading nowhere” A young scence, if itis wise (Lewin, 1940; 19518, p. 3), follows the same procedure used in the explaration oF 2 nev land: small pads fare pustied our through the unknown; with simple and primitive insteumens, measurements are sate, tmuch it left to asgumption and to lucky inwition Slowly certain paths are widened guess and luck are pradualy replaced by ex: ppevience and systematic exploration with more elaborate instruments. Fivally highways are twslt over which the streamlined vehicles of a highly mechanized Inge, fast and elficient, can reach every ieyportsen poi ow fixed tracks ase Concept of Field Theory #23 BASIC CONCEPTS OF FELD THEORY AS DEVELOPED IN INDIVIDUAL PSY [Anthough much of Lewin's writing ie concerned with the metatheory of ptyehalogy, hie has also made a major effort 10 develop a specific psychological theory. fa thit ‘ction, we shall outline some oF the majar concepts Employed in his theory, par. biewlany the concepts whieh were developed in his study of individual paychology, and shall avempt to indicate how these concepts were employed in research, Itt wel to realize atthe outset that Levin's thearetcal system mas never fully developed for was i formalized into a hypothetico-deductive system. As a cacsequence, there ih vagueness and lack of precision about many concepts We shall divide our discussion ite Gaur maim parts (1) the Hife space, (2) tural concepts, (3) dynamie concepts, (4) concepts dealing with charge in the psychi Logical environment tpsyehological ecology). - HE FE SPACE, Lewin employed the term hfe space (or payholgicalfld or ttl situation) 19 refer 10 thve manifold of coexisting Tacts which determine the behavior of an individual at a given moment. Behavior. i other swords, 4 function of the life space: B = 1LS). The life space is in turn a product ofthe interaction beaween the person {and his ‘esvironment {E). In symbolic expression, B = LS) = \P, £). Untortunately, Lewin lsed each of his crucial ters, esoirnment, pron, and behgvior in several different ways, Environment “The term euctronment is often used 10 refer wo the objective environment or sinulus siwuation (hat is, the objective situation which confvonta yhe individual a a given ‘moment—the situation which acts upon the individual’ perceptual apparatus and lupon sehich bie motor apparatus act). It is this meaning of the term which is appro priate to the statement thatthe hile space is "a product of the interaction between the person and his environment.” {Lewin also wes the term environment” to refer to the prcholgical muironment, wnhich is conceived to be the envisanment ant exins For the individual. The psycho. logical environment isa par ofthe life space, and hence its propesties are Seer mined ‘oot only by the characteristics of the objective environment but also by the chat acieritce of the person, The fac tha the psychological environment isan interactive product is more evident in instances in which the paychalagical environment is not \eridical 10 the objective environsment: by way of example une might consider any of the perceptual ditortias camavon under cimitions of imtense need. In addition, 4 fle thought wil reveal that regions of the psychological ewvironmem often have certain characteristics (or example, the attractiveness or repulsiveness of certain ‘objects) which do not exist inthe vbjective environment independently ofits relation toa given person Person Lewin employed the term penion In tree ways. First, he used ito reler so those Properties of the individual (his needs, Ws Wells 300 values, is perceptual and a424 Field Theory in Soi Payhology By © © Symbol: M, motor-perceptual region: P, peripheral parts of inner personal region CCreenteal parts of vaner personal region; &, environment; B, dynamic wall between Cand P: By. dynamic wall between inner personal region and M Fig. 1. Relations among various strata of the person in diferent circumstances. (a) The per som in am easy sation: the peripheral parts P ofthe inner personal repion ar eal accesible Fram nate, Es the wave cena parts Cart (ess cess: the vmner penonal repion infu ‘ences he metor region M elaively fey (8) The perio under srs, sate of self-control he peripheral parts P ofthe inner personal region art las accesible than in (a); peripheral ‘and contal parts (Cand P) arr more cletlyconntced: communication btwce the tne fer onal gion and M it leis fire. (e) Th peraom under very high tension: unifeation (prima ‘som, "vegresion”) ofthe toner Perma Yegion. (Adapled from Levin, 19360) ‘nwotoric systems) which in interaction among themselves and with the objective en vironment produce the life space. One might say that here Lawine was celerving (2 the individual or organism considered psychologically rather than physiologically. ‘One cou tay that prom im tia sense in the fe space ata ime jus past, which, a8 3 consequence ofits interaction witha subsequent objective environment, has produced the present ile space. Ina second usage, Lewin employed peruan ax equivalent toe space." His yepre= sentation of the person (see Fig. I) and his representation of the life space (Fig. 2) may be viewed a differer ways of representing exsentially she same psychologial faci. Figure | is more convenient for representing changes in tension systems, Fig. 2 for representing changes in the psychological environment. Lewin alva used the tere perion 09 refer to the “person in Yhe life space.” ‘The person in the life space or “the behaving self," to borrow a more expressive term employed by Tolman (in Parsons and Shils, 1951), isthe individual as related 10 the ‘other entities in his life space. Just as the phological enviconenent may be thought fof as the pererived environmeni, s0 the behaving self may be thought of as the in- viduals perception of his relations to she environment he perceives. The psycho- logical environment and his behaving self are interdependent components of the Tile space, Most observable behavior can be thought of a8 paralleling changes of position of the behaving sll (eam one region of activity in the lie space vo another shouldbe stressed thatthe properties of the behaving sel are completely expressed ‘in a satement of Hs relations and relative postion to the other objects inthe individ uals life space. Thus there are no internal relations within the behaving self, and cepts of Field Theary 425 @ Symbols C, child; Re, real eating: A, putting hand on table: sp, ting food on spac: Au, bringing spoon halfway to mouth: m, bringing spoon to ‘mouth; i taking food into mouth; ch, chewing: sv, wallowing: struggle with adn, Fr Srecdom: Je Force in the ditection to freedom: J, yp force away from struggle, king spoon: fo, put- Fig. inten srucrned foe eld omisting of macocpic regions. (a) Eating sation in ae of dled fod Eating ht eptetaene uke) CO I ore ee ‘ating, Foon init sepa with te decrease of tae barn Cadet Chee Af decom offre fier he il sare ral etng.() fa ler lage of "“Iarsing te agree J the situation magi be verted tat bag goose meh [eh i now sen a a subpar ofthe region of tal ing (Re), (Adapted from Lown 1038) hhence for representational purposes it may be considered as an undifferentiated cegion. Thre 8 some evidence to indicate thal Lewin would have disagreed swith our view tha he ‘plans the term person inthe dierent mings desired above. For esample his P ‘iples of Topological Paychology he has a chapter entiid "The Person asa Differentiated eion in the Life Space” and in Dis chapter he advances two major reasons why the “person inthe ife space” should be conser asa highly iffeentied hj He sats at diferent arts ofthe Body often carry ou different ativasr a theme time and, sand. theta person con. ol be considered awit ice change i one need dors not hang all neds in the sme dire ‘ion and tothe sate etent. His second reason Lark explains hy thereon of Fig i bo omidered as bring differentiated. (The diferentaion inthe Be space would, of curse, veel ‘he differentiation im the gern.) The fst secon (tha is, the posi that the person he fe space” is engaging in mort tha ont actnty simulontows) is adequately hanced { exsuming thatthe Sehaing sey is im am Beerlapping situation (a concept much employed 4 Lewin), oF tha there more than ane behaving ell. Apart from may tier tonaiSratons ‘he notion of diferentiaed “person im the ifr space” mas it rather dificult vo pp the concept ofa force acting upan the prison, sine the point of eppication ofthe free isang425 Field Theor in Sova Poychology Behavior The teri behavior has been employed to cefer to any change i the fife space, that is, any change hich is subject to psychological laws, Thus, not all movements of the ‘erwin or all changes in the environment resulling from actions ofthe person are Considered behavior. For example, a child ix moved (com an asiomobite 10 his ‘nome while he i asleep, his ovement does not represent behavior: and ifa boy hits ‘a baseball andthe baseball accidentally breaks a window, the breaking of the window Fannot be considered to be part of the boy's behavior. Befavio place in the lil space rather than in an observable space, or, to use Koff’ terms, in the behavioral ratkee than inthe geographical environment. It is clear that according to this usage behavior is not directly observable; it must be inferced. ‘That's, just 8 the attractiveness of any region in the life space must be inferred, x0 tog must change of attractiveness; similarly, change of postion of the hehaving sll, 2s well a8 its inal postion, must also be inferred. Lewin ha8 also used behavior ite wate commoneense meaning of the observable interacijon between the individual and the objective environment. The characteristics of the life space (oF person) are deduced from observed be: havior in an abverved environment. However, because many features af the life space tend 10 remain the same over long periods of time (Cat exaryple, » person's ‘thjoyment of tennis on certain types of occasion) despite momentary variations in ther characteristics, knowing these chanterstcs and Knowing the observable be: havior enables us to make inferences about the objective environment. For example, Knowing that Gahoda, Deutsch, and Cook, 1951, p. 46) ‘he people who feel at home in a given community, who seem to i best are cither highly dependent or authoritarian in personality provides some insight into the characteristics of the community. In a similar way, if, upod investigating the individuals who feel thwarted by a sitwatin, we Find that they are te young and ambitious people, the iedivituals with comiderable persona) iniuative, the honcanfarmists, we would also be likely to develop some appreciation of the foature of this staation. The dimensions of the life space Lewin described the life space of the newborn child a8 afield which has relatively few and only vaguely distinguishable areas, Fuuare events or expectations do not ‘exists the child i ruled by the situation immediauely 4 hand; he has no conception fol his past experiences, His fife space, in other words, has no time dimension, "An outstanding characteristic ofthe change of the lle space during development is increating differentiation, This inludes an increasing differenti i the time dimension (see Fig. 3 for a representation of the time dimensions in the life space) Plans extend further inuo the (utare, there an increased (olerance of delay, and Activities of increasingly long duration are organized a8 one unit. As the individual ‘mutates, his picture of the possiblities which exist in the future plays an increasingly important role it determining hit totale “The difleremtiation of the life space brings wih it a differentiation ofthe rely: trsely dimension (eee Fig. 3). The eilferent degrees of ireality correspond to dilfer- tent degrees of fantasy. They include both the wishes and the fears. A daydream, 2 ‘vague hope, has in general lee reality than an action; an action has more reality than et asic Conespr of Feld Theory 427 stan Pi peu Ps pat Ps fue . ® Symbol: C; child; level of reality; J evel of ireality: Ps past, psychological past: Ps present paychological present: Ps false, paychological Tutu, Fig. 1, The life space otto dreetopmental tages. The wpber drawing represent the life space of a younger child. The lower diagram represents the higher dager of eiferenaion ofthe hfe ‘pace of the oder chil regard Wo the promt uation, the reaitirealiy dimension, andthe lime pesprtion, (Adaped fem Lewin, 1951) 4 “talking about i”: a perception is more real than an image: a Faraway “ideal goa!” {sees rea hun a goal that determines one's immediate action. Dynamically, the level of realty corresponds to a more uid media and mote closely related to the central layers ofthe person. ‘This fact is particularly important forthe understanding ofthe use af play techniques and projective methods in the study of personality and of the use of games in the study of social interaction (Lewis, 1946a; 195%, p. 245): ‘The level of irreaity in the piychological forure corresponds to the withes or fears for the future: the level of reality to what is expected... Hope catte- sponds to a yofficient similarity between reality and irreality somewhere in the paychological future; guile 10 a certain dactepancy between veality and ireality the psychological past, In the young child, truth and lying, perception and linagination, at¢ less Wistinguished than in an older child. ‘This is parly due to te fact thatthe younger child bas not yet developed that degsee of &ilferertation ‘of the lite space ito levels of reality and itrealty which i characteristic of the adult. STRUCTURAL CONCEPTS: Topology may be defined asa branch of geometry which investigates the properties of igre that remain unchanged urler-cautinuons (ratasirmation or Vstetching,” “These are the qualitative relationships af connection and position. Early in his career, Lewis: els thot impology tight be particularly fitted to the special probleme ot py428 Field Theory in Social Pychlogy as Fs Fig. 4. Topological representation of the prychological situation of a student considering four 1uays of spending his corning. The individual, Piso the Postion of rhoosing among Jour etnies! tng a sik friend a, wring oper, by: sing a mae: ramming tome money dl, He sees the path loa, as ineatvng calling the hepa, and reveling fo he ha [ual The path ob, i twofold, consisting of ether going 1 the library. by: reading tthe Ivar, by taking noes ot the library. by or of working with the Backs and notes already at Thoms, W."The path te the oa of sn & movie is seen to repre a tmp downtown, ey and De using of ticket cy The individual percerves no path leading from hs prevent potion to reson. chology. The concern of Gestalt theorists with part whole relationships, with “be- longingness” and "membership character,” suggested the relevance of topological concepts to psychological questions ‘Although topology isa young mathematical discipline which has been developed. almost exclusively within the past 50 years, itis now a complet and high-powered ‘mathematical tool. The topological concepts employed by Lewin! ate, from the point cof view of mathematical topology, of a rudimentary nature and are torn out of their ‘mathematical context, Mathematicians have sometimes seen lie eelaignship. be- teen them and mathematical topology. Regardless of the mathematical vigor of Lewin’ topological concepts, however, they serve the important function in his theoretical system of allowing one to determine which events are posible in a given life space and which are not. ‘Dynamic concepts ave necessary, i addition 0 topalog- sal ones, in order to determine which of the possible events will actually occur in 2 kiven cate, Lec us illustrate Lewin's use of topological cancepts to characterize “which events are possible” by reference to Fig, 4, which depict the life space of a skudent whois ‘considering how to spend his evening. Let us assume thatthe student envisages only four possibilities: visting a friend inthe hospital, writing a term paper, seeing 3 movie, land earning some money; let us assume that only these alternatives exist psycho: logically and that therefore only these ace part af the We xpace From the diagram, fone ean ste that "going toa movie" requires that the stuitent “go downtown” and “buy a ticket to the movie” before he "sees the movie.” “Seeing’a movie,” in other words, is only possible if it is preceded by the activities of "going downtown" and “buying a ticket.” We would expect that i by chance he (owt that he did ot have the money to buy the ticket afer going downtown, he would rot see the movie, since the only region connected with “seeing the movie” it "buying a ticket” The regiont fof "sneaking into the movie” and of "getting someone elze to buy his ticket” do not Basic Concepts of Field Theory 429 exist prychologically: thus, if he cannot buy a ticket, i ie ieaparsible for him 10 988 the movie, The other alternative ways of spending the evening could be similarly discuseed, Let us employ Fig. 4 o illustrate some of Lewtn's specific topological concepts (One of his basic concepts i that of agi, which may be defies any distinguishable part of the life space (or person). Regions of the psychological environment refer to present or contemplated activites rather than to the objective areas in which aectiities occur of to the external objects with which activities are linked (Leeper, 1943, pp. 92-95). A child wl is using the back porch ay a stage ard chair a8 2 throne isin the region of "pay acting” (on the porch with a chair asa throne), rather than ia the region of the “porch.” It should be obvious, however, thatthe charac: terization of any activity will be faciinated by knowledge of its behavior seting (in cluding its time and Yocale) and of the behavionsl objects with which iti concerned. In Fig. 4, all the areas enclosed by a line represent regions (for exaniple, the region ‘of “considering how to spend the evening,” the region of "going downtown,” the region of “buying a ticket). Some regions might include subregions; for example, “eting one’s Cree in the hospital” may intade subregions tf” giving him a presente encouraging him.” and “amusing him.” However, psychological activities are not thought to be infinitely divisible. ‘The degree of diferenition of a region refers to the number of subparts within a region. Any region which has no distinguished bps cay be called a el "The pasion of the behaving self, P, is defined by the activity region in which itis located, Any change of postion of any region within the life space is conceived to be a locomouon. This term, however, is used primarily in reference to locomotion ‘of the behaving el rather than in reference wo locomotion of parts af the paychologi- cal environment. In Fig. 4, locomotion would take place if P were to move out of| the region of “considering how to spend hi evening” into any other region, oF some restructuring of the psychological environment were to take place +0 that ‘Gor example) she seudem would view "visiting his Friend” a8 Yeading to, rather than away from, “seeing a movie.” This might occur, say if he were to call up the hospital and find that they were showing movies to the patients and their visitors, Locomotion from one region ta another involves movement of the behaving self ‘Sou 4 present to ts terminal postion througlh a path of neighboring regions Two regions are neighboring if both regions have a common boundary and are otherwise foreign to each other. ‘The boundary ofa region consists of those cells in the region for which thete is no surrounding boundary that lies entirely within the region. Regions 4), Ayes. Ae are said to Form a polh if Ay is touching Ay de i touching Aynsssdy-r is touching dy. In Fig. 4, there is no psychologically existing path ber lureen “considering how (© spend the evening” and “earning some money.” while there are two possible paths between "considering how to spend the evening” and "ering a paper” The ditinguiched path between any 10 region isthe path along. hich the individual expects that he wil locomote if he chooses to proceed from one region to another. Iti, in other words, the preferted oF psychologically best path, [As we have pointed out in an earlier section, Lewin developed a geometry he ‘called Sodologiel spare ta Yepresent direction ithe lite space. As in other geometties, the concept of direction i based on the concept of distinguished path. However, is evident from the preceding paragraph that the concept of distinguished path in hodological space takes into consideration the cognitive structure and dynamic prop-4130 Feld Theory in Socal Pychoogy erties of the life space. A change in the psychological environment (hat is, in the cognitive structuee) 0 in she at'rativeness of its various Features isa sufficient condi tion for changing the direction between regions Dieection at A toward B is defined as the relaion between the regions A and B which is determined by the beginning step of the distinguished path from A ta &. Four types of ditecion of locomotion ean be distinguished: 1 Bivnion towards any locomotion from one rion lo arother which incrrais the fore toward or deevearts the distance fram the terminal focus of locomotion, or goal ego. 2, Direction atway: any locomotion from one region 10 anvther which decreases Ihe force loward or iereaes the distance from the terminal foes of ocomstion 3. Opposite direction: Teo pats have oppose direians ifthe ditingaished path fr loe- folio toward ane goal tes cortspond with the most unfavorable path Jor Incmasion foward the ether goal region 4, Direction at "night angles": A pal état right angles to another if locomotion along it dlrs not change the strength of force toward the terminal focus ofthe other path, oF focometion along it dat mot change the ditance tthe terminal focus of th other path “TVhese Four detinitions are adapted from Leeper’s (1943) modifications of Lewin's original definitions 'n addition 10 she preceding ‘pes of direction, Lewin distinguishes between ‘qual and party equal directions. Irone eampares two paths om one region wo differ- ‘ent goals which share the same frst step), the degree of equality of direction at the starting point approaches zero if (1) these patheshnw a bigh degsee of pryholog ‘al unity, 4 that ll steps in the path tend to be fused as part of an inseparable whole: ‘or if () each shows a very low degree of unity sa that each step is viewed as elatively separate and independent from the othet steps in the path, Forces with parly equal directions summate, but not as completly as Corces wit Sully equat directions. Without elaborating, let us point out that Lewin's discussion of the psychological ‘unity ofa path requires hata path, such asthe chain of regions 4-B-C-D-F conmecting A and E be conceived at a sevies of overlapping paths which consist of A-B, A-B-C, A-B-C-D, and A-BACD-E. UC abe potency Of A-B-C-D-F is high, then there may be no distinguishable subunits on the path. If, on the other hand, the potency of any sub- path is high, che total path 4:B-C-D-E may n0t exist asa peychological unit (For a ‘discussion oF the concepts of eorrlapping situations and polrncy see pp. 432-433.) ‘Allkaugh she factor of prychelogia distance is of crucial importance in studying problems of the strength of forces, Lewin developed the concept of distance only ‘sulfcienty to indicate Yat one path is onger than another if it includes the other path within itself: however, the fact that one path it longer than another does not {enply thas itinehodesthe shorter path within itself. However, ina subsequent "Analysis ‘of the Concepis Whole, Diferemtiation, and Unity” (Lewin, 1941, 1951], he defwed the mininsam dinance between any two cells a the minimums number of boundaries crossed by 2 path from one of these cell 0 the other. This later definitin. wick ‘basal been employed by Bavelas (1948) in a modified form, runs into the dificult question of whether itis fruitful to consider all cells, that is all ueviferentiared Paychological actvines, at being ofthe same size ‘We have said that direction in the life space is dependent on the cage srt, “Vio, i the individual has clear knowledge of the sequence of steps necessary to Beasic Comers of Field Theory 434 achieve a given objective {for example to solve a mathematical prablem, to influence 2 policeman not 10 give him + speeding uke, to excape from a burning budding), ise dors ret know the direction of locomotion necesar 10 ebtain his Goal Mest new sitationr are cognitively unstructured, since the Individuality to bave {o tsomhedge of what ends to what" I fllon that insu situations he iavdal i unlikely to know what direction he should follow to achieve hie sbjecwe. Ws tchavior wll be exploratory, ialanderror, acilating, and contradictory rather than parsimonus As he sires out in 8 parteular direcuon he dacs ee bn ‘wheter ini lending him toward or aay fom his goal If teaching the goa! hay Ponivesignifeance and not reaching it hn negative signifeatee forthe mush foncermed, then being in 4 region sha Pat no clear cognitive structure resus prychological confit ince the direction of the forces acting pos tn ae Sly {bbe both toward and avay from any given region, There wl be evidences of em tionality as well a cauioutnen in nich situations, In adden, se very nature of 4 unmructred stastion ix that itm unstable: perception of the sivaton shils {Bpidly and is readily influenced by minor cues and by suggestion from ethers, How ‘ver, a» Zajone and Morrisette (1960) have demonsrated, uncertainty tens (0 Acereae with repented exponate to the same station, “They also suggest tat an increase in uncertainty may be a necesary condition fora change in judgment ot ‘inion "This characterization of some of the psychological implications of cognitively unstactured stations is of comsderale Wetuines Yo $a psychology. “Tor ex ‘mple. Lewin employed the concept ofthe unstable cognitive sructre give insight into the situation of the adolexest. He pated oot tht the change Trowt childhood to adulthood i 8 shift to-@ more of leas unknown position (Lewin, 19893, 19510, po. 188-139) Entering a new social group can mean something very similar t being vhrown Imo a cognitively unstruciured feld, being forced to stand on wnlirm ground and not knowing whether the “right thing” is being dave. "The wneerain cha ‘acter of the adolescents behavior and his conilicts can partly be explained by the lack of cognitive clarity concerning the adults world sehich he # going 10 emer. It follows that this uncertainty is greater the more the individual has previously been kept out of the adult woeld and has been keps in the dark about it... In addition} the time of sexual maturity brings with it changes Which make this patt of the life space, whic is 29 close and vial to the individual, strange and unknown. In this case the change does not mean merely the usual un- certainties of @ new and steange envitommem: ban, m addition, a region which Previously appeared to be well known and reliable becomes now unknown and. Unreliable, This ebange necesanily shakes vhe belie! of the individual in the stability of the ground on which he stands and perhaps even in the stability of the watld at large. Since the region of yhe body happens to be very important and central for everyone, this doubting might he rather fundamental he coneept of lack of cognitive structure has also been fruitfully applied to characterize the situation of membets of an autocratic gewup iy which decinione are ‘made arhilrariy (oF on a basis whieh is unclear the members) by the person i authority. Te abo has been used to give insight ieia the peychological situation of minority group members (Lewin, 1938a, 194M), of people sulfering from physical indicape (Barker, Wright, aud Gonick, HA, of ee wauvrehs riche, aid OF other432 Field Theory in Social Poychology persons crossing the margins of social clases. It may be applied to any situation in ‘biel the consequences of hetiavior ate seemingly unpredictable or uncontrollable in which benefus and harms occur in an apparently inconsistent, fortuitous, or arbi wary manner, in which the individual is uncertain about the potential reactions of tothers to his being in a certain activity region Zajone (1954, 1960) has systematically characterized such properties of cagiive structures a their degree of differentiation, degree of complexity, degree of ity, and degree of organization. Experimentally, he has investigated the effects of the person's role inthe communication process (a tranamier om a8 receiver of informa tion) upon the cognitive struciares which are activated. His results indicated that subjeas who expect 40 transmit information activate stuctures which are more diflerentiated, complex, unified, and organized than those activated by subjects who ‘expect 10 receive information, "A further experiment indicated thatthe diferences hetween “Wansmiuers” and “receivers” are reduced when all the subjects expect te be in 2 subsequent station of confi. Cohen (1961), in a study which supple- ments Zajone’s, concluded that cransmission requites a tight and well-bourd cognitive package" which can be readily communicated. However, being 4 receiver enables fone to maintain a more exible and unclear structure that may forestall the quick polarization which results when one is required to communicate what ane knows ‘Rokeach (1960), in his thorough study af The Open and Clated Mind, has alse Been, ‘much jnfluenced by Lewin's characterization of cognitive sirucires, Rokeach's centeal thesis is that we organire the world of ideas, people, and authority basically along the lines of belief congruence, liking those with similar belies and disliking those with disimilar beliefs. ‘There are individual diferences in the absolute extent 0 which different people are willing to accept oF reject others on this bats these differences reflect the suuctured “openness” or “closedness" of the belie systems, ‘Asystem is open to the extent thatthe person can Feceive, evaluate, ni act on eleva information from the outside on its own intrinsic merits, Structurally the "closed rind" a5 compared wit the open one, iy characterined by lest differentiation of i hele systems (particularly its disbelief systems), more isolation of it parts within and teetween belief and disbelief systems, a narrower time perspective, and more depen: dence on external authority for the specific cantent of the beliefs and disbelits, Rokeach, like the authors of The Auihortarian Pricnaliy (Adorn otal, 1950), stesses the role of an enduring state of threat in creating the closed mind: hie view of the ‘tigine of the closed mind is similar to their view of the origin of the authoritarian personality. “The concept of overlapping situation has been employed to characterize instances where a person in on more thas one path at che same time. The simplest example is that of divided attention: a student eating his luneh and trying at the same time tastady for anexamination, One could analyze mos instances of experienced confit as being examples of overlapping situations, for example, the role conilit experienced bby some career women between being “professional” or being “feminine” at any particular insta Barker, Wright, and Gonick (1946) have pointed out five aspects of overlapping 5. comonaers Phe rate shih the ovelapping siuatins require activi that mart or less comgruent i allrd thir consonance. Overlapping stations can vay from sta asc Concept of Fuld Theory 433 tions leading to identical Behaviors, in which paths have the same direction, 10 situations requiring completly aniagonse ehavior, 1 which paths have oppose directions. 2. Poeney: The infuence of ame stuatin relative fo all simullgnroncl artig situations fe called the relative potncy of the station. A frzon inthe overlapping situations of resing the paper” and "conversing with wife” m whith the later situation i of rela tisely higher plese, wil predominantly converte with hc kif, with perhaps am occasional lance atthe headlines ot ash fring of annoyance 3. Valence: This characteristics an index ofthe raise dsicabilty of overlapping situations, 4. Barriers: The wolure of the perceied barriers obstacles in each ofthe overlapping “itations ion important charactor 5. Exuent of common ports: Thc character ‘the overlapping regions efor 10 the exon of the parts common to Levin's topological representation, of which Fig. 4 is a typical example, is most adequate Tor describing the activities that an individual perceives a5 necessary for the attainment of a given objective and, thus, for depicting alternative courses of ation 35 these appear in the Ke space af the acting individual at the planning oF decision-making stage, It should be made clear thatthe relations represented in a topolagical diagram can be translated without loss of exactness into statements However, the diagram i¢ often a more convenient way of expressing the relations among a limited umber of facts than would be a series of statements, On the other hhand, the wopological diagram is very awkward; it is even a hindrance, at times, when ‘one attempts 1 depict erlain (ypes of perceived possibilities. This is trae when the rmeansends relaions are numerous oF complex. Moreover, Heider (1958) an Leeper (1943) have pointed out thatthe topological diagram is inconvenient when fe wishes v0 represen the sulicent rather than the necetsary conditions fOr at ‘event. For example, a child may perceive “eating jam” as being a sufficient but not 4 necessary condition for being punished. The fact that “eating jam” irrevocably Jeads 10 punishment in the child's view is difficult to represent without the use of arbitrary devices; on the other hand, there is no difficulty im representing high schoo! Braduation as a necessary condition for entering college. Heider hae also pointed Dut that the topological diagram i inconvenient when the perceived source of change in the life space ie not the actor but someone else or an imperscmal susce, Th, ivi dificult to represent topologically the expectation that "Wf my boss gives me a raise, shall be able to buy a nes eat Sieulary. ig difeul to represent topolog tally instances in which an individual is the object of an event: for example, the inataace in which a child expects to have a good time when his grandparents visit Tit addition wo the foregoing diffcukies often encountered sn topological repre= sentation, Lewin's attempt to go beyond topology and treat problems of distance and direction in 4 manner suitable for psychology in Wis hodological space #25 not ‘mathematically euccessial. Aluhough the concept of distance is haste wa the detinitions OF direction employed in hodolagiea space, i wan Wseif ever ore shan partially Sefined. Lewin wat well aware of the provisional nature of hodalogica space and if ‘so a years wan engaged, with Uhe aid al soame af his studenis and some mathe: rmatiians, in attempts wo develop a more adequate geometry. Bavelas (148), one of the mont ingenious of Lewi’s students, developed a mathematical model whieh has Considerably more mathematical rigor than the model of hdological space. Soane ct434 Firth Theory in Social Prychology ‘of his concepts have been used profitably in experimental studies of differem rypes ‘oF communication structures in groups (Leavit, 1951). More recently, Harary, ‘Norman, and Cartwright (1965), working at the Research Center for Group Dynamics, have applied the mathematical theory of graphs (a branch of combinatorial topology) to the soy of communication networks, group structures, and interpersonal re- lations [Let us conclude this section by indicating that, although Levin's topological and hhodological concepts are not much more thas diagrammatic representations of his brillant theoretical and experimental insights. it would be foolish 1o neglect the stiggestive value of his imaginative attempt to develop a geometry suitable for psy chology. He pointed out the need for a new mathematics based on axioms different from those of the mathematics developed for the physical siences. He indicated some of the properties that would be required of a Keumewry adequate to handle psychological space and he stimulated a more widespread interestin the development fof such geometry. DYNAMIC CONCEPTS ‘in Lewin’s system, dynamic concepts have the function of enabling one to determine ‘hich of the possible psychological events will occur, Just at his geometrical concepts are not independent of dynamic factors, $0 too his dynaraic concepts are defined ina way which presupposes an adequate geometry, However, despite thi inter: dependence of concepts in his formal “topological and vector psychology." many fof Lewin’s basic dynamic concepts were formulated prior 10 his explicit use of topo Togieal concepts. The concept of tension sytem The beginning of Lewin’s dynamic conceptions can be traced back to his contsowersy with Ach. Ach (1910) reported a series of experiments on the learning of paited ‘onsense syllables. In these experiments, subjects first learned certain astocations and then received test instructions which conflicted with them. ‘These tes instruc Tins called for a type of response different from that acquired in the initial learning situation. For example, the subject might have learned 10 respond to "rik" with "uk inthe first phase: and the new instruction, to invett the stimulus syllable, would require the response “kit” to the stimulus "vik" “Ach found that reaction mye in the test situation was influenced by whether the aiociative tndency acquired in the intial learning coincided oF conficted with the determining udeney that resulted Irom the instructions in the test situation. While Ach’s experiments convincingly demonstrated conflict and delayed reaction time, Lewin argued that the conflict was not between associative and devermining tendencies, but between 0 determining tendencies. It was his belie that there no “force” wii eoere association to lead to reproduction, but that reproduction itself must be motivated, To prove his contention, Lewin conducted a series of experiments (Lewin, 1917, 19223, 1922) that were much like Ach's except for afew minor modifications. They demonstrated that the existence of an association pers is not sufficient for reell of the associated sillable on presentation of the stimulus syllable, and therefore is not suffiient for interference with a giferest response to the stimulus syllable. He reallirmed that an association (oF, to use his term, a “cogeinive structure”) does not Base Concepts of Field Theory 439 provide the motor for mental activity. A tension system is always necessary for activity incoding the activity of reproducing previously learned nonsense syllables. “The concept of trsion spiem played a central role in Levin's theorizing, and it has prompted a series of ingenious experiments on recah and sesumption of inter rupted activities, substitute activities, and satiation. It is most appropriately applied in connection with the person as Fepresented in Fig. | (see p. 424). A system in a state of tension is said to exist within the individual whenever a psychological need for an intention (Sometimes referred to at a quasinerd) exists. “Tension is released when the need oF intention is fulfilled. ‘Tension has the following conceptual prop: erties: (I) its a state of a region or system S which tries to change itself in sucha way that it becomes equal tothe sate of its surrounding region Sy, S++ Su: (2) it involves forces atthe boundary of the region Sin tension, ‘There exists a definite relation between tension systems ofthe person and certain properties of the psychological environment, In particular a tension may be related to a positive valence for activity regions in the psychological environment which are perceived 25 ension-teducing, and to a negative valence for the region in which the behaving sel is located atthe moment. However, the existence of aregion of postive valence, that i, a goal region, depends not only on the existence of vension but aso fon whether or not there are perceived possiblities for reducing the tension. The behavior ofthe individual who has no conception of how to reduce a tension, and who. therefore perceives no goal region, is determined by his desire to leave his present ‘negative region for another, and 0 leave that for another, and 80 on. His behavior is characterized by Yocomation in the direction away from his present region, that i {in terms of observable behavior), by restless movement. Search behavior, occurring in the situation where the individual knows a goal region exists but does net kro is location, has many similarities to restless ctvity, but it i distinguished from it by the fact thatthe ditection toward the goal is dominant and the leaving ofthe present region is only a means to that end (Lewin, 1938, pp. 62-63). ‘When a goal region which i relevant to a system in tension exists in the psycho- logial environment, one tan assert that there is a force propelling the behaving self toward the goal. A tension for which there is a cognited goal leads not only to @ tendency to actual locomotion toward the goal region but also to thought abet this type of activity. Thi may be expressed by saying thatthe force on the person toward the goal exis not onl on the evel of doing reality but abo onthe level of thinking (iseality, eam the foregoing assumptions about systems in tension, it follows that the tendency to reall interrupted activities should be greater than the tendency to recall Finished ones. Zeigarnik (1927) and many others have conducted experiments in which subjects were given a series of tasks to perform and then prevented Troi completing half of them (selected at Fandom). Later, the subjecs were asked 10 fecall what tasks they had performed. The results were presented in the form of a quotient, commonly called the Zrigaviik quotient (20). unfinished! tasks recalled (RU completed tasks recalled (RU) Zeigarnik predicted a quotient of greater than I. The obtained q pron ient wae ap. tely 1.9, clearly supporting Lewin’s assumptions, However, since miany cam:496 Field Thary in Soria Payhology pleted tasks were also recalled it was obvious that additional factors were involved. Analyzing the situation af the subject atthe monient of recall, Zeigatnik conchuced that in addition tothe Force acting on the person to make him think about-and hence to recall the uncompleted tasks there was also a force making hism recall both ure completed and completed tasks. This latter force was induced by the experimenters instructions to try 49 recall the tasks you worked on earlier.” The Zeigaraik quotient ould be viewed as a funtion of the relative strengths of the induced force toward ‘recall ofall tasks and of the force toward recall of the uncompleted tasks. At strength of the induced force increases in relation to the force toward the task goal, the quotient should approach I; as it decreases in relative sicength, the quotient should increase beyond |. ‘These additional predictions, which follow from an analysis of the situation at recall, were borne out in experiments by Zeigarnik and TThus, ifthe strength of motivation associated with the interrupted task i rl high or the strength of the experimenter’ pressure to recall it tom, or tthe task interrupted near its end, the Zeigarnik quotient will be high, A number of more recent experiments have indicated that the situation of recall fs frequently even more complex than indicated above. If failure to fnsh a tak it rpretable a8 a personal failure, for example, in an experiment in which the take we presented as measures of a socially esteemed ability. and if recall of th falore threatens one’s self-esicem, the Zeigarnik ratio tends to be less than I; ast does also it the recall ofa task successfully completed raises a lowered selfesteem, For a more thorough discussion of the effects of self-esteem involvement on the Zeigarnik quo ent, see Alper (1948, 1848), Glixman (1949), and Hall (1961), Iverson and Reuder (056), Prentice (1944), Rosenzweig (1943), and Zeller (1950), It should be noted that the terms “unfinished” and “completed” in the Zeigarnik {quotient should refer tthe subject’ view of the tasks rather than to whether or not they were objectively completed. IF the subject achieves his goal sk, even, though objectively i remains unfinished, one would expect ins force toward Fell and, conversely, ifthe subject des not achieve his gual even though the task is ob icctvely completed, one would expect the tension to persist. Dava front Zeigariik’s experiment and from an experiment by Marrow (1938a, 1998b) support the sotion that prholgical rather than objective reality i what is significant here in predict an individuals behavior. From the general assumption that when there isa need present for a certain goal rere is a corresponding force which causes a tendency to lncamue toward the goa, {follows that so long a8 a task is psychologically incomplete the subjeet should con. tinue to ty to perlorm the task (provided there are no sulliienty strong, counter forces). Ovsiankina (1928) created conditions such that the subject thought he had been interrupted by chance and at a Iater time he was left free to doa he wished in an experimental room. ‘There was 1M) percent resumption af the interrupted tach When the interruption appeared to be intentional, there was sill 2 percent resump. tion, Adler and Kounin (1939) and Henle and Aull (1954) reported similar ndings from experiments employing more sophisticated procedures ‘Since the construct of tension refers to the sate af one system the state of pattoundling systems, i person and a distinction between fa its relation to esupposes 2 geometric represeniation of the subparts or sssteme within the person Lewin (1935) in conceiving of de person aa reties sf eilferentiaed subsystems. had rejected she catch phrase “everything is related tn everything else” as minleading, ase Concepts of Field Theory 437 since there isa reat range of interdependencies between he subnyems of she person, Much ofthe researthaf Lewin and hsstudentsisconcerned with he quest [cat factor determine the interdependence of tension systems and with she ate” ‘of tenion with varying conditions of action Twin postulated tht the shange inthe tension difference between any two ten sion sytem would depend on the tine interval and she degre of interdependence a the two systems, Wi icreaed ime, ne would expect the tension differences Betmcen interdependent sytem to decrease, Zeigarnik n her experiments on the tecallofincrrupted acivites. and Ovsankina, in her experiments onthe resumpuon Of imcrruptedscivie, boo found that as time clapscs the Tendency to reel oF The degree of interdependence of wo tension systems is Zonceived 1 be a fane- ton ofthe degre of fuiy or rigicity ofthe person and of the structural relate tm connections besween the two systems. The faity of the person i affected by general sie ofthe persos. For example,» person i consieved to be more laid “hen tired when he undergoing a wave of emotional tension, when he it youn Shen hein a "make bebeve" or trea station, when he sineigem ete, Esper: tnents by Zeigarik have indicated that im more full sates, the tension dferences Sexween ssc ten vo dipate more rapidly Experimental studies of rity by Konnin (19413, 1947in which he compared tree groups of subjects of equal mental age (an old Tecbleminded group. a YOUN Teeietnded ropa rma rope him to concade that any performance which cequie cerain degre of communion between ‘eighoring region 0 such cle dial fr the older andor more sclemnded Titel "The ask may be predominay 2 cogtve ne tuesrror nor nature, Faure, Hath acted by 2 ack of emmmunaton between neighboring eqns such a talk be trove eficcnl and accurately performed by an ier andor re febleminded inal OF of a valiti Ineestgation of the structural relations between systems occasions sch questions as whether two particular seme are subparts os larger sytem, mbether tw Pa Tula systems have a relationship of simple dependence, iverdependence, or oF fermion depedence, sd tthe pony of dtc bee Hn fay be. Akhongh the problem of characterizing structral arrangement opal stot terms has eeived ony sant attention (Bavcla, 1948; Lewin 19516, Appendix Zajone, 1954), numberof teresting experiments have been conducted which deat sinatra ton Among hte ate he expviental ie of abion Some experimenters have used a technique of recat o study Ure vale that sulstute aty has fr reducing a tension orginally connected wah another acy. Lissner, win inated Invenigtion ofthe point (1988), used a technique of resump sone ube ae meat by heat af eres a emp fecal of the insereptedorightal actity after asubaitute atvny hase completed “Te ess othe experiments on subi vale can be smart brie 1. Subse tle increas with the perceived degre of simitris beter the original and the subite aetty ad th the gree of pial af the subst acti Lassner, 1939),438 Fild Theory in Social Psychology 2. Subtle value increases with increasing temporal contiguity brtueen the orginal and ‘he sable activity (Henle, 1942) 3. The subsitute value of a activity (hinkng, talking, dein, ad 30 fot depend om the natur? of the goal of the original tas. A tack whose goal x lo demonstrate something {0 another person, and im partialar tthe experimenter, mutt involv activity thal the ‘ther person cam obteror: merly thinking without social eostmunication vould mot be fatfactory theese. Realanton tack, whose Reale are to build maeral objets quire “dong” it and mot merely “telling how" iran be done. On the oder hd, elec task may fd ssi of high value in “tell howe” the intellectual job 8 be done (Mohler, 1933). 4. "Magic slutions.” “make-believe salons” or solutions which oserably violate there quirements of the tak have hile Subsite val for tac a the reality Lee. However I the station ita make beliece or play station, make-blirve situations will have sub ule value (Dembo, 1931; Sasberg, 1934) 5. A substitute acy which i identical withthe orginal activity will have litle satin ‘abu if dors tat serve the same goal. Thus, building a clay hous for John wl have Intl subatitte value for busing clay house Jor Mary. Ifthe espa 8 om “bul 1 clayhouse” and nol nor," then subiituion can ofcourse occur (Adler and Kou, 1939) 6, Having someone eee compete a tack in shih the subject has Been interrupted tends 10 Ihave tile subsite va, partcany if completion of the tsk by himsel related 10 Ihe subjects self-esteem. Hoeven, when pais of mdividuals work coopeatoty wn a tak, the competion ofthe ask by one's partner has considerable subsitule yale (Lewss, 1944 Levis and Franklin, 944) ‘The research findings concerning substitute value have implications for a wide range of problems in psychology, from the relative gratification value of indwidual ‘versus socially shared projective or fantasy systems 0 the development of specialized roles within & group. Let us illustrate this briefly with the very important finding thatthe actions of another person can be a substitute for one’s own if a cooperative relationship exists. Substiinatity enables individuals who are working coopera: tively on a'common task to subdivide the task and to perform specialized xcivies, since none of the individuals in a cooperative situation has the need to perform al ‘he activities by himself, In contrast, the individual in a competitive situation is less likely to view the actions of others as substitutable for similarly intended actions of his own, Thus, when a competitive sation exits in a group. there i les likely to bbe development of specialization in activities (Deutsch, 1949a, 19490), The concept of tension systems has also been successully plied in experimental studies of tatation. For most needs, one can distinguish states of hunger, of satiation, ‘und of overiatiation, ‘These sates correspond to a postive, a neutral, and a negative valence of the activity regions which ate yelated to a gartcular need or tension sys tem. Karsten (1928) has studied the effect of Fepeating over and over again such activities as reading a poem, writing leters, drawing, and tuening a wheel. The symptoms of oversatiation appear to be (1) the appearance of subunits in the activity, ‘sich leads to the disintegration Of the sotal activity and lost of ite meanings (2) in Creasingly poor quality and greater Irequency of extors in performance of the task; (9) an increasing tendency o vary the nature of the task, accompanied by 2 tendency Basic Concept of Field Theory 439 {for each vatiation to he quickly satiated; (4) tendency t attempto make yhe satiated activity a peripheral artivity by concentrating on something else while doing the task (his atrempt is usually not completely successful and the mind wanders); (3) increas ing dislike of the activity and of similar activities, accompanied by an increased valence for different tasks; (6) emotional ousbures; (7) development of nd similar borkly symptoms, which are quickly overcome when the individuals shied wanes Satation occurs only ifthe activity has, psychologically, the character of marking time of of getting nowhere, Ifthe activity can be viewed 48 making progress toward 2 goal. symptoms of satiation ubvally wil wet appear. Embedding an activity in 3 different psychological whe eo that ts meat is changed has practically Ye same tlfect on satiation as sifting to a diferent activity. The rapidity with which satiation foccurs depends of (1) the natute ofthe acivly—satiation occurs more slowly a8 the See of the units of action and the complexity of the action increase; (2) the degree ‘of centrality of the activity -other things being equal, activities which are of greater significance tothe person are more quickly satiated than peripheral activities: (9) he state of the person—the more fluid the state of the person, the more quickly he is Satiated. ‘The rate of satiation and cosatiation of sinlar activities, that is, the rate of spread of satiauion effects from one activity 10 similar activities, decreases with age and with lack of intelligence (Kounin, 28412, 194%). Most uf the phenomena of satiation can be explained by assuming that continued performance of 2 task leads o a lowering of the tension level in the system corre- Sponding to the tak; with inreasing repetition the system corresponding tothe task thay be represented as reaching a lower level of tension than the surrounding systems. “This should lead the person to turn away Irom the sepeated task to other activities. With time, the person will ako turn away from activities related t0 tension systems that are interdependent with the satiated system, and turn toward activities not con- nected with the satiated activity. Thus, his tendency is to turn away from similar Activities and to turn cavatd dissimilar activities The breakdown of the satiated activity into disorganized units fis in very well with Lewis's analysis of the “dilfer- Cnliation and unity of a whole based on simple dependence” (Lewin, 1941: 1951b, pp. 805-835). ‘The concept of tension system has also been employed to give insight into some of the effects of frusnation. Barker, Dembo, and Lewin (1941) in their study of frast tion and tegression have indicated that prychological development can be charac- terized as resulting in to structural changes: (1) an increased diflerentiation of the [person into subsystems, which is reflected in a wider variety of behavior, emotions, Akills, knowledge, ete: (2) a change of organization of the person such that subsys” tems of the person are slated ta one another hierarchically. rather thant by simple interdependence. “Thus, asthe individual groves older some systems become more dominant and other systems serve at their “tool: this older individual may be con: trasted with the infant, in whom interdependence of systems is characterized by the simple diffusion of influence, Barker, Dembo, and Lewin believed that the structural changes brought about by peychlagical development could be reversed at least for the moment, by creating 3 high leve! of tension in a subaystem of Yhe person and by fot permitting this tension to be reduced through activity toward a relevant goal Presenting a frustrating situation, that is, one im which an individual is prevented Irom reaching a desired goal, i one way of creating such tension ee440 id Vhory in Social Psychology To study the effecs of frustration, Barker, Dembo and Lewin created an experi- mental stration in which, in the frst stage, children aged three 10 five were allowed te play with some extremely desirable toys. In the second stage, the children were ‘aen to another part ofthe room separated from these toys by a wire partion. Here they were allowed to play with les desirable toys, Their behaviors, including the constructiveness of their phy activities, were observed and cotpared during the period when they could play with the desirable toys (free-play period), during the period shen they could not play with the toys (Iustration period), and during a later period when they were again allowed 10 play with the desirable toys (the port Grustation period). ‘The result of the experiment indicated that Frustration produces a change in the constructiveness of play activites, that is, of the degree of organi tion and differentiation in he play activites, equivalent to an average regression of (7.5 months of mental age The dedifierentiation sbich was produced by the experiment is explained in terms of two related notions, which are developed at some length by Lewin (1941 1051b, Appendix’: (1) The degree of differentiation of a whole (for example, the person) is inversely related to the strength of tension when this pastes beyond cer tain Timing, "These Umits are determined by the strengths of boundaries of the sub- systems comprising the whole, (2) A decrease in the varity of behavior mast also forcur a part of the whole is kept in a fied state. The amount of decrease depends fom the extent of the fied areas, their degree of centrality, and their divergence from ‘he normal level. Frustration keeps a ce!lain portion of the person in a state of more for less permanent tension anid the variety of behavior therefore decreases. The change in degree of organization of play activities results trum a tendency toward difusion of tension when tension is high, and hence from a by-passing or disruption fof organizational relations: and, in addition, from the conflict for control over the perceptual-motor vegions between the “frustrated” tension system and the tension system related to playing vith the less desirable soy. Let us conclude our discussion of tension systems by pointing out that the concepx ff tension sytem and the various experimental studies on the reall and resumption ‘f imerrupted activities, substitution, satiation, and frustration have direct relevance tw many problems of sciat psychology (although, as yet, this relevance has not been fully exploited). The concept of tension system i applicable w0 voially decived needs and intentions, (o motives which develop from belonging to a group and from par- ticipating in group activities, to interpersonal influences, ete. The various effets fof tension om paythological procestes provide criteria for developing insights into the social and group factors which produce individual rantivation and facilitate the reduction of individual tensions. Dynamic properties ofthe psychological eviravoment The construct force characterizes, for a given point of the life space, the direction and strength of the tendency to change. The combination of a number of forces acting at the suane point at 2 xiven time is called the resultant free, Whenever a re saltant force (different from rero) exists here i ther a locomotion of the behaving eit in the ditection of that force ot a change in cognitive structure equivalem 6 this locomotion, asic Concepts of Fld They 44 Lewin distinguished between driving and restraining forces. Driving forces corre spond 4 a relation between at least wo regions ofthe life space: the region of present activity and the regiae ofa goal. Driving forces tend to ead to locomotion, and hence the stalemenis in the preceding paragraph. sicily speaking, refer only to driving Torces. Restraining forces, as such, de not lead to locomotion, but they do influence the effect of driving forces. Any region which offers resitance to locomotion, that ‘any barr to locomotion, is characterized by restraining forces at its boundary. The rength of the restraining forces reflects the relation between the perceived nature of the barrier region and the perceived ability ofthe jndividus}, "Phe same social or physical obstacle corresponds, therefore, to diferent restraining forces for different individuals. Ic is an important characteristic of the force field, which corresponds to a barrier, shat does not extend, or atleast does not extend Lo any important degree, outside the region of the barrier” Yn aber weds. atthe barrier there are only forces away from the bartier and there are no fotces in any other region which are dicected away from the batter. ‘We have employed the term “valence” in our discussion of tension systems and. of driving forces; the three constvscte are intimately interrelated. A region within the lie space of an individual which aracts oF repulees is considered have valence a region of positive valence attracts a region of negative valence repels. Technically, 4 postive valence corresponds to a force field with all forces directed toward the ‘ame region, the sepion of postive valence. A negative valence corresponds to 8 force field with all forces directed away from the same Fegion, the region of negative valence “The relations among tension, valence, and force may be clarified by comparing soo pet of theory. The frst {ype attempts to explain behavior as a result of the inner state of the person, induding the inner stimuli (which in turn may be due to ‘imuli from outside). This view is characteristic of many of the so-called physiological theories. 1 involves a derivation of behavior, including directed locomations, from the state of inner personal regions. Lewin, advancing the second type of theory, wrote (1998, pp. 16-108) such an explanation of behavior isnot possible (1) Forces for loconvatins cannot be derived logically (rom wension inthe person, (2) There exists a relation between certain tensions of the inner personal regions Df the person and certain valences ithe environment: as the tension increases, the strength of the valence tends (o increase, However, the existence and the strengah of the valence does not depend only upon the tension of the person but alo upon certain aonpsychologicat “alien” [actors ... More epecifally, the valence Fa(G) which an objector activity G possesses for a person a Rives tine depends upon the character and state of the person P. and upow the per ceived nature of the object oF activity 6 (3) In the same inditect way tens and Gonces for locomotion are related the force isa function of the [strength of the | valence (6) and of the relive pasion ‘Of P and Ge strength ofthe foree increases a8 the strength of the valence creases anid as the distance between the person and the valent region de- creases] Sn wes words, the Force for 3 locomation depends on442 Hild Theory in Socal Paychology tr the tension of the person, on those nonprychological factors which affect the ‘existence ofa valence, and vn the relative position of the person and the valence Instead of tnkng the nerd divectly athe maori he need is linked with eran prop ‘rte of the [psychological] environment. The (paychologial] pmironment then det. mines the metre “The dyeamic eancepis which Lewin has uilized to characterize the psychological environment have been brilliantly employed, in conjunction with his topological concepts 10 give insight into the nature of diferent types of confit tuations. Lewis arte, “The Psychological Situations of Reward and Punishment” (Lewin, 19356, ‘Chapter 1V},cught to be read in its entirety to obtain the ful richness of his important dlischssion. Here we can give only the essential points of his distinctions Lewin first diainguished between the interest and the punishment situations, He pointed out that one can represent the fact that a person is interested in 3 task by 3 fpitve valence or by a field of forces all directed toward the goal. If dilficultes Force the person ot of his otiginal direction toward the goa, a new vector in the direction of the goal comes into play and initiates behavior toward the goal. The behavior thus makes a pronounced goal-seeking impression. In the punishment situation, the person finds himself between two negative valences aising from the Unpleasant task and the threat of punishment for Talure todo the tack, UC the thceat of punishment isto be effective, the forces emanating from it must not only be strong enough to overcome the forces in the direction away from the unpleasant task, but they must be 40 distributed a to hold the person continuoasly within the Beld of the task. I the forces emanating from the threat are nn 30 distributed oF are not continuously active, and the individual encounters 2 difficulty in Uhe pursuit of this unpleasant task, then he is pushed in the direction opposite ro that ofthe task. This result may be contrasted with the interest situation, in which a difeuly standing Fhetween the individual and a ask that is altractive 30 im vend (6 sharper ie ierest and to draw him toward this task. The interest situation thus possewes an educa ianally important property that the punishment situation lacks, In the interest situation, if the child is thrust away by difficulties, he tends of himself to resume the direction of the task; in Ohe punishment sian, sis fs 90 the eas. From the context of this comparison of situations, itis eaty to understand what 's meant by a “conic.” A conflict it characterized asa situation in which oppositely directed forces of about equal strength play upon the person simultaneously. In 3 general way, Lewin distinguished three fundamental iypee a€ cant situation, the punishment situation just described being an example of one of the three. We sball briefly enumerate and deseribe thes |The individual stands midway between tum postive valence of apbroximatel) equal strength A classical instance of this sort of conflict is Buridan’s ass starving between two stacks ‘of hay. ‘That the ass actually starved, however, is highly unlikely, because this sort ‘of conllct sa labile or unstable condition rather than a true equiibriam. Te isa fact fo the leld-heory analigy thatthe stengtls af force toward a goal region increases as the individual approaches the region. From this it follows that if the individu, because of the play of chance factors. moses from a point of apparent equilibrium toward a particular goal region, he w likely wo continue to move toward stand amay trom the point of equim, because the increase of force resulting from the crease Of his proximity 4 the gual region tends to provide him with, as it were, a Basie Concept of Field Theory 443 natural acceleration, It 8 the influence of thie particular which distinguishes the real conllict situation from the classical instance described above, Most instances of apparent conflict between two positive valences, for example, between going to the theater and going to the opera, ate actually conflicts between regions each of which is simultaneously positive and negative in valence. ne wants te go to the opera but does not want to miss going to the theater, or one wants 40 {010 the theater but does not want to miss the opera, and yet doing one precludes doing the other. 2, The individual stands berwern two negative valences of approximately equal strength ‘This isthe type of conflict of which the punishment situation fs an example. The type is very much influenced by the structare of the situation, Let us enumerate and illunrase thee subtypes of situations involving conflict between equal negative Salences: (a) The individval is beiween two negative valences but there are No re- straints keeping him in the situation. For example, agit] most marry an unpleasant suitor or become an impoverished spinster ir she remains in her village, yet there is nothing to prevent her trom leasing her village. (b) The individual fs between two negative valences but he cannot leave the field. For example, a group member mun, perform ary unpleasant fion is suel that i i impossible for him to leave the group. (c) The 2 region of negative valence and can leave it only by going through another region ‘of negative valence. For example, 4 man is cited for contempt of Congress For not testifying 38 to whether oF not some of his cquaintances were members ofthe Com- ‘munist party: yet to purge himself of contempt he must engage in the unpleasant seivty AE being an "informer. tis evident that the situation depicted in (a) leads to a going “oun of the fils.” Eseape behavior follows from the fact that the resultabt of the forces away from the two regions of negative valence fends to push the person in a direction perpendicular ta the path connecting them. Only if restraints prevent the individual from leaving the field ill such a situation result in more than momentary confi. Restrain a6 in (by introduce a conflict between the driving forces related tothe negative valences and the restraining forces related to the restraining barrier. There is a tendency for a barvier to acavire a negative valence which inereases with the number of un- successful attempts 10 cross it, negative valence which, finaly, 3 sufbcienty strong, to prevent the individual from approaching it (Fajans, 19833, 19336). Thus the conlict between driving and testraining forces is replaced by a conflict between driving forces asin (c) above. This fact is particularly important For social psychology since, in many situations of life the barriers are sri. When » person warns against the barrier, he iin effect directing himself agains the will and power ofthe person(s) ‘or social group to whom the erection ofthe barrier due, ‘That is, when there is no way to escape the conflict between negative valences except by overcoming social harriers, the harriers and the people [rom whom the indivibval perceives that they derive will ake on negative valence as he realizes that he is unable to escape. One of the effects of the threat of punishment isto create a situation in which the individual and the creator ofthe barrier stind against each other as enemies, 3. The indvidual & expo a opporng forces deriving from a positive and negative valent. We can distinguish at least tsree different forms ol this conflict: (3) The individual Finds himelt in a region that has both postive and negative valences (he Freudian concep of ambivalence is cubsumable under this variety of conflict). For example,444 Fuld Theory in Social Psychology a person wishes to join a social group but he fears that being a member will be to0 expensive, (b) The individual is encircled by but is not actually in, a negative or a hartier region and ig attracted to goal whichis outside the negative or barrier region For example, a person must go though the unpleasant ordeal of leaving his home ‘oF bit group in order to pursue some desired activity. ‘Tie wature ofthis situation issuch thatthe region of the person's present activity tends ro acquire negative valence 19 long asthe region which encircles the person hinders locomotion toward a desired ‘outer goal. Thus, Being a member of a minority group ot being in a ghetto oF ina prison often takes on negative valence, apart from the inherent characteristics of ‘he region, because one cannot get to desired goals from the region except by Passing through an encircling region a€ negative valence. (e) The individual perceives a region of postive valence which is encircled by oF accesible only through a region of negative valence. This typeof situation differs from (bn tha the region of positive ‘valence, rather than the region in which the person is to be found, is encircled by the negative valence. ‘The rruard situation, in which the individual is granted 2 reward only if he performs an unpleasant task, is an example of this type of conflict. 9, the initiation rites of many social groups, the hazing procedures of college ities, for example, nay be viewed a5 exemplifying this Kind of conflict. Both Lewin (1946a: 1951b, p, 259) and Miller (1944) have pointed os thatthe Forces corresponding to a negative valence tend to decrease more rapidly at function of psychological distance than do the forces corresponding to a positive valence. The amount of decrease depends also on the nature of the region which has a positive for negative valence. Its different. for example, inthe case of a dangerous animal hich can move about, than iti in the case of an immovable unpleasant objec. ‘The diference in the gradients of decreare for farces deriving from postive and negative valences accounts for the fact that a strong fear or a strong tendency to withdraw may be taken as evidence of a strong desire For the goal despite the apparent paradox. Only with a highly positive goal will the equilibrium point berween approach and avoidance tendencies be close enough to the negatively valent region to produce 2 strong force away [rom the goal. On the other hand, strengthening the negative Valence of a region may very well have the effect of weakening the forces in conic, an point (thats, the point where the force away from the negative valence and the force toward the positive valence ate of eqush arength and opposite direction) may be pushed a considerable distance from the valent region ‘We have pointed out that one can analyze conflict in terme of overlapping situa tions, The usefulness of characterizing confit in these terms becomes evident when fone considers more broadly choice situations or decsion-mahing sitions, of which the confit situation might be considered 2 subtype. It becomes apparent that the relative ptenciet ofthe overlapping situations constitute an important factor in deter- ‘mining choice, as do the strengths ofthe conflicting valences and the relative position fof the person in relation (othe valent regions. Potency may. infact, be viewed 25a Factor influencing the effective strengths of valences or forces: even if a goal is highly attractive, i il no eit behavior ifthe potency of the situation to which the goal linked is very low. (The combined potency ofall the situations in which an individual is smltaneously involved is considered to be equal o I; the potency of any given situation varies between and Escalona (1040) has indicated that one may con: sider the potency af a situation to vary as a luneiion of the perceived probability uf success in obtaining the goal. Although i is clear that factors other than Ybe sub Base Concepts of Field Theory 443 jective probability of success may ifluence potency, these have never been adequately discussed in the writings of Lewin and his students eaching @decvon, where here are equally attractive and opposing goals, way be ‘thought of #8 process which raises one ofthe alternative paths toa stable and domi nant potency. Experimental resulls indicate that, other things being equal, decision time is greater for choice between two negative than between two positive valences ‘asker, 1942). It has also been found that decision time increases (1)s the potencies fof the opposing situations approach equality (Escalona, 1940), (2) a8 the strengths fof the opposing forces approach equality (Cartwright, 941), and (3) a8 the opposing forces increase in strength (Barker, 1942), Decision time also varies a8 a Sunetion af certain personality characteristics : artvright and Festinger (1943) have developed a rather neat quantitative theory of decision [rom which many of the resuls of classical psychological studies of choice ‘ean be derived. “The essential ideas inthis theory are as follow: 1, Confit Between incompatible joer repretenied as overlapping situations, 2, The strength of the efective force in each of the overlapping situations isa function of the poteney of the werlpping situation. Polency refers tothe subjective probability of sues of a given course of ection. The sum ofthe potencies is assumed tobe 1.00. 3. The potencies, and therefore the efecive forces are assumed ovary according tothe normal diabution from moment lo moment 4. certain minimal difeence Between effective forces must be exceeded before a decom fe reached. 5. The more nearly equal the effetoe forces art to begin with the mar imei wil tae before their rendom fuctuations will produce @ diference which exceeds the minimum necessary jor a decision More recently, Festinger (1957, 1964) has developed a theory of cognitive di sonance which eaborates Lewin’s view that the situation prior (o decision difers from the postdecision situation (1951, p. 75): For example, if food is expensive, two forces of opposite direction act on Me housewife. She isin a conflict. The force away from spending too much rnoney Keeps the food from going into that channel. A second force, corresponding 10 the auractiveness of the food, tends to bring it into the channel. Let us assume thar the housewife decides to buy an expensive piece of meat: the food pastes the gate. Now the housewife will be very eager shot to waste i. The forces for- imerly opposing one another will now both pomt in Yhe same direction: the high price that tended to Keep the expensive food out is now the reason why the hhousewife makes sure that chrough all the difficulties the meat gets safely 10 the table and itis eaten Fexinger's theory generalizes the idea that the situation after decision may differ from the situation before decision. He makes the unique atid original assumption that making & decision per se arouses dissonance andl pressures to feduce the dis Dissonance after decision results, according to Festinger, from the faet that the decision in favor of the chosen alternative i counter (o the beliefs that favor the lunchosen alternative or alternatives. To stabilize or freeze the decision after it has446 Fild Dhoory in Soil Prychology bien made, a person attempts 10 reduce diswanance hy changing his cognitions in sch a way thal the relative atractiveness ofthe chosen as compared to the wicnen, alternative is incressed, or by developing cognitions that permit the alternatives to be possible substitutes for one antother, oF by revoking the decision peychologically. In Festinger’ (3964) view, the crucial difference between the states before and after decision i thatthe conflict before decision is me “impartial” and “objective,” since st does not lead 10 any spreading apart of the atractiveness in favor of the aerate presently to be chosen. Festinger wrote (1964, pp. 8-9); “Once the decision is made, hhomever, and dissonance-reduction processes beyin, one should be able to observe that Ove Silerences in attractiveness between the alternatives change, increasing in favor of the choren alternative.” According te this view, after a student has decided to-go (o one college rather than another, the college he has chosen wil sem ta him to have increased in attractiveness compared to the college that he did not choose, ‘A vatiety of interesting and ingenious experiments have been stimulated by Feninger’s wew of the portdecision process, ‘These experinients have often involved “nonobvious” predictions that appeas defy Common sense. Many ofthese derive from the notion that if a decision produces insuffiient rewards, the person wil change his belies 0 as 1o make the decision seem more rewarding. Festinger (1961) ‘wrote: “Rats and people come to love the things for which they have sulfeted.” Pre sumably they do so in order to reduce the dissonance induced by the suffering and their method of dissonance reduction isto enhance the attactiveness of the choice ‘which led to their suffering. (For a sympathetic surnmary of dissonance theory and of many experiments stimulated by it, see Brehm and Cohen, 1962; for critical re views see Chapanis and Chapanis, 1964, and Jordan, 1963: also see Chapter 8 of {his volume for a discussion of dissonance theoty and other related theories) Let us sum up our discussion of the dynamic Features of the paychologeal en vironment by pointing out that Lewin employed three main concepts—valence driving force, and restraining force—supplemented by the concept of potency. ‘These concepts are dealt with most fully in his monograph, “The Conceptual Rep sentation and Measurement of Psychological Forces” (1938). In this manograph also considered, 35 ste suggests, the problem of the measurement of psychological Torces. He pointed out that the strength af a force can be measured by (I) thestrength (of opposed driving or restraining forces, (2) the relative persistence of directed ac tivity oF (3) the velocity f locomotion or of restructuring. Lewin's monograph should be consulted for 2 detailed discussion of these various methods of ascertaining the stvengoh of a forse. PSYCHOLOGICAL ECOLOGY ‘The field-theoretial approach highlights the relation between psychological and npsychological factors in the explanation of behavior in such basic concepts as We space and prychologtal environment. tis not surprising that Lewin, in his 1944 paper on“Psychological Ecology” (reprinted in Lewin, 198UH, 9. 170), pointed out that the first analysis ofthe field is done from the point of view of ‘psychological ecology”: the psychologist studies "nonpsjehological data” to ind out what these lata mean for determining the boundary conditions of the life ofthe individual for the group. Only alter these data are known can the prychological study itself be begun 10 investigate the factors which determine Ye actions of the group OF individual asic Concepts of Fuld Theory 447 1s, homes, surprising that Lewin's theoretical contibutions inthis aea were to lined. They ave confined to ashame! thor (Lewin, 1848) which atterpes ocr faceie haw the fw of events socal an econonic channels tay be influenced by those who controle gata nthe channel ihe atekeepere9) and tan indication (Cewin, 1947, 1470) sh the analy socal interaction mos allow 3 three step procedare, moving from 4 sepuate apap of the He space of each individual Tine Tt the resuting "hfecre™meracton at tne 2: and (vom there ack tothe tlle on each individea ie apace a me 3. although Lewin dd nat devot mush atention to pipchologial ecology. notable group of hs stadens hive. Barker snd Wright apd some of the colleagues and Kuda a the Unieriy of Kansas have atemped fo charateae syste maaly the stings in which behavior occurs Barker, 1900, 1963, 1965: Barker and Gump, 1964s Barber and Weigh 104, 1965; Weight and Barker, 1950). The enence of approach iy be captured in 90 explication of their defeition of ecology Darter (6, Td) sated that “ecology it concevged with the naturally ocarting evtonment of enites, Le, wit the environment asi occor without ie ieee tion ofthe investigator ad with the distribution over the earth ofthe enya trvironmetial varable” The key ttn are “natural ocareing” environment Sd cenites” “ecu consider these terms as Barker and his comorkers employed ‘hem i elation to pryciaogy. They ditinguished between naturally occurring Hear unis which cut wih: cut imervention bythe investigator, ad Invetgatorsleted or investigeor created rages behav, which Mey called “behavior tesserae" afer the lees of lass tnvarle nae work Barker, 1063, 1965), Behavir fer ae consequences research methods uch divide te hase continuum at predetermined pois they ave produced by tet, experiment, quesionnate, and interviews, that DY I methedsin which an investigator fequies a subjet to engoge vn actions (0 ut ine imesigators scenic purposes Barker (1963) pointed ou that even though a scenees segment compound sere, and eatrange sei sibaance oan. inc purposes mow stences as eve techniques for exploring the natural wits Sr ther phenomena, ‘The kenifcation and desription of he natural entities oF ‘ens of poychology and of thei elvan content or environment and the incor poration of these ito a nied ysem of concep consti the ecological side of oycholageal sence. But ay Barker (1968, py) stated "ecologies studies of The benstior stream we nex enrely absent ate meagre Indeed. Payhology surly tne ofthe few scences that has ile more tnovedge tan tyme abst the 0 Eurence in natere of many of ws phenomena of ll of Tea. af problen-slng ‘ffons (and their sucess and fahren of lughter, of fusion, of being di “ipods of anger schiencmes, of cooperation, of lay of being teased “Te terms pnvosment tent ate interrelated. The envionment of a entity is composed thoe parts ofthe sepons cute ake eng with hich sheen 6 Couple bylaws ona ferent level rom those which gover the enity iu Basher. ToGiy, Every eny stands tetween phenomena on Hs outile and it nade, and these belong to diferent orders of events trv te entity elf and from each other lone ie of he phenomena which are win and, als th eit onms the inside of superordinateehites “ho iustate these Wea, let ow sider ertonSiving car. ‘The psi chemical processes ing on within the person are coupled ih but are nota he Same explanatory lee his pookdnectedetasior smal, although dhe molar448 Field Theory im Soil Psychology behavior of the car's driver is coupled with the car's movements, che physical move: ment of the car is of an order of events different From that vf his psychological 2c- Livy. In this illustration, the person has been considered as the relevant entity, his Physicochemical processes ay “inside,” and the car as part of the “outside” ensiton- Inent; for other purposes, one might consider the person and his ear as part of the Inside of a trafic ja Barker and Wright (1955) have described a concept uselul Tor characrerning those parte of the environment which tend to elicit a diseriminable pattern of be: savior that is independent of the particular individuals involved, ‘They use the term “behavior setiing” to include both the miliew within which the behavior occurs and the synomorphic behavior pater which typically occurs within it. Some exatnples ‘of behavior setings are a doctor's office. a social party, a clasroom, a schoo! lunch ‘0m, a fishing wip, a movie, a church supper, and a cemetery. For reasons which are not clear, Batker and Wright unnecessarily limit the term "behavior seting” to those parts of the environment which have a specific physical-temporal locus. In other words, behavior sewings are not defined to include pasiions located in the social structure (for example, father, policeman, husband) that are not necessar confined to a given physica! locale Specific behavior settings tend to elicit standard patterns of behavior hecause of Jogial envisonment. Lewin (1942; 1981D, p. 62) wrote Within what i called learning, we have to distinguish at least te folowing pes ‘of changes: (1) learning a a change cognitive stricture knowledge, (2) learning fsa chenge in motivation learning © lke or dislike), 3) leasing a8 a change in group belongingness or ideology (ths isan important aspect of growing into 4 culture), (4) learning in the mesting of voluntary contrat of the body mus culature 11s beyond the purpose of this chaprer to iss in any detail the various types tf changes which might be called “earning” Lewin's writings on learning were largely confined to a study of learning a a change in valences and values, and we shall focus our attention on this urea, However, insofar as Lewin concerned bimeelt Wah problews of change in cogniive stucture, his viewpoint was sympathetic 10 Tolman’s approach to learning (White, 943), le emg hat both differentia tion and testeuctoring, in the sense Of separating certain vegions whic have been connected and conectng regione which have been separated, are hey processes in Cogiuiive change, Furshermore, he emphasized that change in the cognitive structure ‘ay cccu in any part ofthe individual’ fe space, including the psychological future, the paychological present, and the psyehslageal gas: it may occur on the rely level reality level ofeach of these setions of the life space ng sections of this chapter, we bave discussed tany studies bearing com Lactrs affecting change in needs and vaiences, for example, the studies on satiation ‘ie eubstitution, Here we shal confine our diacussion to three topics: level of aspira thon, socially induced changes, an socal perception, LEVEL OF ASPIRATION Perhaps no other area of research that Lewin and his students have opened to exper mental iestgation has been the subject of a1 many studies as that wf level of aspra tion. The level of aspiration muy be dele as he degree of diculty of atainment494 Fiaid Theory in Social Pycology fof the goal ward which the person is striving. The concept of level of aspiration is relevant only i there isa perceived range of dificult in the attainment of possible {Soult and iC here ie vatiation in valence among the goals along the range of dificult. In discussing the level of aspiration, it may be helpful to consider a sequence ‘of esents typical of many of the experimental studies inthis area 1, A sujet plas game, or pesforme a ath in which be can bin o or (Jor example, romaing darts ato larget) 2. After playing the game and obtaining a given ser, hei athed fo tell what score he wll lundertahe 0 make the nee me he play 3. He then play the game again and achieves another sore 4, He reacts to hs second performance with felings of suces or flue with a continuing or new Ive of apnation, In the foregoing sequence, point 2 (setting of the level of aspiration) and point 4(re- action to achievemeni) are panicuaniy signifeant for the dysamies of the level of Pim oulne the theory of the lve of aspiration i rather simple Lewin tt, 1944), 1 suates thatthe resultant valence of any level of difficulty i equal to the valence of achieving succes times the subjective probability of success minus the valence of failure times the subjective probability of failure. ‘The level of aspiration, thats, the goal an individual will undertake to achieve, isthe level of difculty that has the highest positive resuliant valence. The subjective experience of accessor failure is determined by the relation of the individuals performance to his level of aspiration (provided, of course, that the performance is seen to be self-accomplished) and not Simply by his absolute 2ecompishimens Experimental work on the level of aspiration has brought out the variety of influences which affect the positive and negative valences of different levels of dif uliy. What iadieated that cultural and group factors establish scales of reference ‘hich help © determine the relative attractiveness of different points along a difficulty Continvum. Some of these influences are rather stable and permanent in thei effect. 1 has been found, for example, that most people of western culture, under the pervasive pressures toward “sel-improvement.” when hin exposed to 2 lesebof eptation situation give an inital level of arpiration which is above the previous performance seure, and that under most conditions they tend to keep their level of Sspiration higher ihan heir previous pecformance. ly addition to broad cultural "actors, the individual’ level of aspiration ina asks ikely tobe very much flu by the standards of the groups to which he belongs (Anderson and Brand Hilgatd, Sait and Magaret, 1940). "The nature of the scales of relerence set up by diferent group standards may vary (Lewin eta 1944, p- 368): In some cases, for instance, in the c28 ofthe ideology underlying the college ter “Gentleman G;" the group standard is equivalent to ¢he maximum vale on he scale af success: to be citer above or below this standard is considered less de- sirable than the standard. The fashion, particularly im democratic countries, Trequeety Follows 9 sia patter® of an aptimucn rather dian a maximum of elegance as the fst desirable level. In osher eases, the group standard merely Change in he Prycholgical Eneivonment 455 indicates a evel at which rhe valence gradien is pariclaely weep: there it lite suecess valence and much negative alence of failure immediately below the group standard, and much success and litle failure valence directly above group Seda. Reterence scales do not come only from membership ina definitely structured social froup, for they also may rellet the influence of one's sel image, uther individuals ‘or groups what ether establish certain standards (or performance or that seve a6 models for evaluating s#ll-performance, Thus, the level of aspiration of a college ‘Mudent sith respect to an intellectual task varies, depending on whether he Is tad that a given score was obtained by the average high school student, the average college student or the average graduate student (Festinger, 1942, 10430) Research hat given some insight into the factors determining the values on the scale of subjective probability. A major factor which determines the subjective prob. ability of future success and failure is yhe pan experience of che individual with respect to his ability to reach certain objectives Qweknat, 1937), If the individual hhas had considerable experience with a given activity he will know pretty well what level he can expect to each or wat tn ceach, and the gradient of values on the sub. jective-probabilty sale will be steep. However, iti not only the average of past performances which determines an individual's subjective-probabiliy scale, but also the trend: whether he is improving, geting worse, or remaining the same. Further mote, there js experimental evidence to indicate that the last oF most recent success cr failure has a particularly great inflyence on the individuals expectation of his fianure achievement level. In addition, there i evidence that the subjective-probablity scales as well as the performance of aihers can inshatnce the subjects own probability scale. Personality factors, seliconfidence, for example, may also influence subjective probability ‘kinson (1997, L064) and Atkinson and Feather (1966) have developed a theory of achievement motivation that is an extension and elaboration of ideas advanced in the theory of fevel of aspiration. The theory of ahievement motivation was stimu. lated by the desire to take more explicily into account certain relatively enduring personal auributes, namely, those attributes that can be assessed beforehand tv afford prior knowledge for example, of whether the poteney of failure might be particularly Song for an individual or whether he would atach a greater valence to success than to Failure In this theory, achievement-oriented activity is conceived to be the resultant of | two opposed tendencies, Tthe tendency to achieve success) and T-+ (the tendency to avoid Glace). The tendency to achieve success is assumed to be a muliplicaive function of the motive to achieve sucess (M,) which the individual caries about with him From situation to situation, of the subjective probability of success (Ph and of the incentive values of success ata particular activity (0) Tee MX Pax he Similarly, the tendeney to avoid failure is assumed to be a multiplicative function of the motive wa avoid failure (Ay). the subjective probability of failure (Paid the negative incentive value of failure (i) Faye Mare Pet456 Field Theory im Soil Prycholoy So far, Atkinton’s analysis parallels the level of aspiration theory if one assumes (quite properly) that the Lewinian concept of valence is equivalerh w Atkinson's Inotive times incentive: that is thatthe valence of success equal to M x J, and that ihe valence of falare 6 equal 4 Ny Xf, However, Atkineon introduces the add: tional asumptions that = I~ P, and that = ~Py_ In other Wards, bis theory de- tails mote unequivocally the relationship between the perceived level of difficulty tated the incentive values of success and Failure. (Nine thas im Askineaa’s theory 2.1, must equal “P, > ly and, hence, that whatever dilferevce in strength there ‘wenwetss Ty an Ti due wlely tothe difference between M, and Mar) ‘One oF the central implications of the Atkinson formulation is that Both the tendency to achieve success and the tendency to 2void failure reach their maximums twhen the task is perceived 10 be of medium disficaiy, that i wheat Py = Py= 0.50, the expressions Py and Pr fate of maximal mageitide, 1 follows that “persons in uom My > At. who therefore have #rpative resultant achievemen-oriented ten Alencies, will avoid intermediate risk when constrained to undertake an achievement. briented activity by some extrinsic tendency” (Athinton and Feather, 1966, p. 355) Th other words, an individual who is moe motivated ta avoid Failure than 10 achieve success seeks to avoid achievement-oriented situations, bu, if Forced into one is more lets to chon tasks that provide extreme (high oF low) rather than moderate chances ‘of succes, Doing so minimizes his anxiety about failure. One would expec just the Dpposive for an individual in whom Af, > Mfg: that is, that fe wil eek ont tasks of imermediate risk. Avkinson and Feathes (1968) cepocted much researel in support of these predictions, ‘Another central implication of the Atkinson formulation that f, = 1 ~ Py (that is the incentive value of success at 4 given level of achievement decresses 26 the tx peciancy of success increases) is that behavior will be altered rather than repeated alter she experience of sccess, bncther Words. contrary to the Law of Elfect, success should lead an individual wo increase P, and thus to decrease fy This should, i (0, lead bi to choose a more difficult atk rather than to continue what be bas just done successfully. An aluindance of evidence supports Atkinsor's view that yhe Law st Effec is inadequate inthe domain of achievementoriented activity. ‘One of the move inietesting scil implications of the theury of achievement ‘monivation arises from the posstlty that the basie assumption 2, = 1 P, holds in relerence to the occupational hicarchy that defines suecess i Wife. Atkinson (Atkin: son and Feather, 1966) reported that estimates by oth coltege and Sigh sb tu dents of the percentages of pevple having sulfcient general ability to succeed in arinvs oeeupations are wearly a perfect, linear, verse Tunction of the prestige standing of Me necupation. As cat be expected from the theory, significantly greater rol failare-tiented men (Ma > Al) ate claniied as unrealistic n her voce: ‘ional aspiravions than are achievementeriemed ren (My > My) The level-ol-agpiration teary and the related theory of achievement motivation rave wideapeead iegliations for many Social phenomena, They give isight into the reasone for socal apathy in the face of pressing political and international rb: lems; people are not likely to aiempt to achieve eve highly valued objectives when they see no way of attaining them. Silay. Whey ved seme ight win why socal revolution tends « occur only alter there Iris been a slight improvement in the “Stuation of the nppressed groups the improvement raises Their fevel of septation, ‘ausing goals once viewed 25 unattainable ty be perceived 45 realistic posses. Change i te Poyhotgical Bovivonment 487 ‘The leveloFaspiration technique suggests itself as an instrument by which (0 ‘ompare diferent cultures and t0 characterize their aspirations in a systematic way Cantril (1965) hae made such a nady of the eemcerne bd aepieations of adult pop tions i 14 countries which vary considerably in thee poll, ecomomic, and social chavscteriatis. "The countries were Brazil, Cubs, the Dominican Republic, Egypt India, Israek Japan, Nigetia, Panama, the Philipines, Poland, the United States, West Germany, and Yugoslavia. Fach individual surveyed was atked to define on the basis a his own vahues the wo entreeder or anchacing points af yseale of me iment; or example, “top” and “bottom,” "best" and “worst,” “good” and “bad.” This tellcdefined continuum was then used 10 sale the individual’ eaponees to questions that elicited information on such poinis a8 how be perceived hie presen’ vonsition in terms of what he hoped to get out of ife, how he perceived the condition of the Cournty i veri of what he hoped ie would be in the future, and how he expected things tobe ten yeats later. From the many interesting findings reported by Cantril (198%), only a few summary results can be cited 1. oth in ters of thir economic and socal drelopment as measured by "obetive” indices cand in vr of her anitation’ as expressed by ter people, nations may Br roughly diff. {raed nto thot that aren a age of premebiaton, ruc at Ind ona Brasil a Sage of mobiltaon, such at Yugolenin and Tira, or a stage of relative maturity, sch ee United Stats and Wea Grima, 2, Pagrhologicaly, mabiliztion of « naion implies am expansim of what it pple learn to wan! otf ij, Because a the mabiszaton gorsfovard ihr perceive new poem Jor increasing bath the ane andthe quality of ther satisfactions. What people ina ‘manure nation Pay regard a 8 Primary reuivement for a decent standard of long uch | pou health, may be regard by prop ma premebined vation a luxury im Once the prople of, each 9 nation awaken te the potemiales avalale ts them, thr very bark ‘worse may tere ax am vacntice 19 tei rig. a8 appears to be now theca with the Nigerians and the Egypvons. The exence of this special incentive kimi by the telasively high ladder ratings that prope na premobizaion country asigh thenslur ‘and ther nation forthe tart, by whith try frovde chemeloe eh high args. 3. More emphasis placed on incrraung the ronge of satisacins in the mailization lage Dhan inthe prema tages whereas int tage of maturity more empha laced fon th quay of sasfctions (as "quality" defined i the eure than 18 the mobilise tion stone 4, Weis crar that the developed nations af the We, wat heir relation aundaner of atria [eoods ad tir nor of terelogy te ate the burdens of if, wre a meee by which Drople in ts drove natn Ir to dae and expand their wate 9 relatively rare tha a people des not sooner or ltor Tern ts deine Hts goals terms of Wesern Mandar the propie ofthe Kiblatm,perhope a psig microcaim inthe present age of world bury. ave the print example. SOEIALAY INDUCED CHANGES Lewin distinguished between changes due to forces which are “imposed” on the in- Siniual ant chyeges shies ellet siecty the individual’ own needs Relevant 0 thi distinction isthe voncept of per fld. which, alcgh st well defived, Nak been employed i many socal: psyeliological investigations (Atsenian, 143: Care488 Pld heary on Secial Pacha vvght, 1950, 1959; Frank, 1a, 19440; Lip c, 1985). A power field ica ndacng field; can induce changes inthe lile space within ite atea of inuence. The induced changes may be inthe valence of vegions i the ile space, for they may be cognitive in wature “The source ul power field is usually but not necessarily a person. Its posible to speak of the area of a person's direct social fnfluence as his power field! and 10 speak of the changes which ican of does induce inthe life spaces of other people. ‘For exanple, in uation in whic works fave 0 iisiieincevet i hele work, and do not view it asa means to some important goal, they to loa, and 49 s0 when 1 supervisor i present who can induce forces in the direction of per- forming work. When the supervisor is not psychologically present and when, there- fore, his power Bld is absent, the workers resume their loating, “he Bstineson berween sa ane indeed Forces has been. found useCul in expla ing some of the diferences in behavior under autocratic and democratic leadership {Lippitt and White, 1993). Children in + club led by authoritarian leaders who deter imited policy, dictated activites, and evaluated activities in arbitrary and personal ways tended to develop Ile of their own motivation with respect to club activites. ‘isborgh the chien worked productively whee he leader was present that i, ‘when bis power held was paychologically effective, the lack of personal motivation Toward group gusls wae clearly shown by (I) change of behavior when the leader Ie theca abies of motivation when te Far aed te, () ack of cae, sin the work, (2) lack of spontaneous suggestions about club projects, and (6) mk of pide the produc of cub effec The distinction between own and induced forces has also been used to help ‘explain why workers are usually happier and more productive i they are allowed to participate inthe decisions which allect thei work, Apart Irom other considerations, participation in goal setting is more likely wo create omn forces toward the goal, and hus here will be lege eceniy to exert continuods social influence inthe direction fof the work goal orto induce restraining forces to prevent the individual from leaving the work region (Coch and French, 1948; MeGregor, 144). Likert (1961) has de veloped a theory of organization, and cited much research in support of it based on the notion that work which is self and group-motivated is likely to be more produc- tive than wack whase quativatin i euced by the coercive power of authority, AA power feld can be characterized not unly in terms of its perceived source (for example, a given person, 2 group, a personal value, oF a aw) but in other terms as wel 4. The ragwos that the power fl con aft he sndicidua’ We space Far example. mathematician may infuence one’ ars about the soundness of @ mathematic fro) ‘ut not about Ue soundness ofa pla viewpoin, 2, ts atrengh or power a indised by the magnitude ofthe changes it can induce 23. The conditions under which @ power feld i efectve. Fer example a child is unlikely to ‘hey hs father hia mocher i Leling hm todo the oppaste 14. The nature of the changes induced by the power field. For example, either barirs or valenct may be afeced and the induced Jotees may ot eer an ie behaving self 01 om region of the prehelogical environment Change i the PayhelogicalEncronment $39. 5. Whither oF not bin in he pose field of enuther pera is postive a negatively valent ‘or example does ainda lik to have deers made or hi o ds he like o abr them hima 6, Wh perceived qualities of the source of the power fold. These may be fiedly or hostile, fersonal or impersonal 2. The degree of contpundice or conflict beucen indacrd and ou fre. 4. The auribtes ofthe our ofthe poor eld ohh ge vse oi ower: physical strength sil role, ersnalatratvens Soria infhuence snd silly iavluced change have been the fai a a series of vestigations conducted under the direction of Ronald Lippitt and Fritz Red (Grose, Polansky, and Lippitt, 1951; Lippi, Polansky, and Rosen, 1982; Polansky eal, 1949), ‘These studies were conducied in three children's camps: a camp for emorionally dis. turbed boys, camp for enioiuvally disturbed girs, and a camp Tor mildie-clase, pondisucbed bays, Twa dllevent types of euialinluence Qracestes were invett {gted: behavioral contgion, which is defined as “the spontaneous pickup or imitaio by other children of a behavior initiated by one member of the group where the ini ator does not display any intention of getting the others to do what be did"; and direct influence, whichis indicated by behavior which has “the manitest objective of affecting nds of dala were collected through tociometric questionnaires and thtough direct observation of the children in their activites. The dats inchaded measures of (1) the power auributed by other children to each child, 2) sell-perception of power, (3) trequency of initiation of Ubchavioral contagion und of diree influence, and (4) frequency of pickup of contagion sud at cecipieocy of ditec influence ‘Some ofthe major reauls of uhese investigations may be summarized a follows 1. A chide more lity 0" eonage” from he beheir of another group member, the higher the atrbuted pose of this ether group maber 2. A eh more Lely ateep direct attempts to influence im the higher the aided ‘power of the group member ying inure hi 3. The average child tends 6 initiate more deferential, approval sehing bhavior toward group members wath high etruied power than toward tote with lw allnbuted power 4. The more arated power child perervs himself to have, the more likely he it init ie luce atempts 5. The children wath igh auiburd power make more aiompu to lure others and ave snore sucess ini than the hoe wth 6 poet 5, While meer “height” nor "weigh hasan uneguivecal relationship to atribued power, lulden ko lave the highest abated power ae ao perceced lo have the bet fing hy ond vo have superior on camp-eraf shi.” 7. Chidven whe have high attributed power are liked beer and denied witht greater ‘exe than are other group members More recently, Cartwright, French, aed Kaien and their colleagues a6 the Be search Center (or Group Dysamics (Cartwright, 1989) have presented 3 field. theoret460 Fuld Theory in Soil Payphology ca conception af power and ase of empirical papers relating to power. Hiever, annot be said that either the theory oF the research has given vse lo the other, CCareright (1959, p. 198), in an elaboration of some ideas advanced by Fresch and Raven, stated that “the power of O over P with respect toa given change at aspecilied tine equals the maximum strength of vhe resuans Cosce which Cleat set up in that direction at that time, ‘The strength of the resultant force of Pis determined by the relative mageitudes of the forces activated by 0 to ‘comply’ and to "resist." Tt is tested that for 0 ta set up forces in P.O must possess a repertory of acts tenable him co "ap" one or more motives in P which could activate these forces. Wis evident from Cartwrights definition that power is not an gt person but rather 4 relationship between two persons—a leader cannot be a leader without 4 follower. 115 als evident shat a power eelainnship is nowsymmetrie and nonteansiive. It is possible for O to have power 1 influence P and for Po have test power, equal poner oF greater power to influence 0 no matter what the relation ship between P and Qand between O and Q may be. Power isnot inherently general and dlfore: is locus and focus must be specified il predicions are to be made French and Raver (1959) and Raven (1965), examining the hases of socal power, described Jive varieties: rari! power, whose basis ie the ability to reward; forrive Dover, whose bans isthe ably 4a pusith pital power, which seme From inter ralied values in P that dictate that he has an obligation to accept O's attempt to influence hitn: rfreMt power, which ie based on the identification nf P with 0: and ‘ate powrr, which is based on the attribution of greater information or expertness to the influencing agent by the person Yecing inituenced, Ceniain correlates can he ‘expected with the different bases of power. Thus. power based on either reward or coercion requires the person administering the influence to monitor the responses Ul the person sem es ecying 0 inluence, ‘This was the case for the “aurocrai leaders in the Lippitt and White studies. On the ether hand, influence based on idenufication, legitimacy, or expertness does not require the continuous supervision ‘of the influencing agent. Referent power scems to be most diffuse and move likely than any of the oer bases of power fo enable the power Wilder to affect a wide ‘ange of activites of the person being influenced. SOCIAL PERCEFTION Heider (1958) applied the term heirronomout event to the phenomena referred to by the concept of power field, and more broadly 10 all changes whose source does ‘not ein the person bun im the environment, He pointed out that the prychologicl significance ofa heteronomous event js very much influenced by its perceived source Thus, an individual i more likely to be angry when someone stepson his coce if he sees this event a¢ having a source in the intentions of the other person, than if he ses i as one of those things which happen in a crowded bus, “ae Soca in she study of social perception. as Heider defined itis not so much the study of social inluences fm the perception of the physical word, but rather the study ofthe conditions which Inaence one’s perception at aiker people (groups, for example) and which deter- mine the characteristics and relations that ene atibuter to them (Heider, 1044, 1936, 195K; Heider and Simmel, 1044). Heider indicated that the attribution of responsibility 19 people as sources of events serves the function of proxiding a cugmtive sabilty lor our paychologial Change inthe Poycholopical Enviroment — 461 environment, The motives and other personality characteristics of other individuals, provide the underlying eautes which give coherence and meaning to the divesse rurface facts" with which we ate confronted. The life space would be in a ave oF contusion if copitive awareness and meaning were determined by molecular events to proximal facts (for example, the physical movements of parts oF the body) without tegard for the more dst}, underlying causes which give tse to and determine the tlirection and significance of thete movements. In elfect, Heider is asserting that people develop their own “naive” prychology as a means of giving meaning and Cognitive crganization #0 the surface actions of others. In this naive or everyday payehology, there are concepts which deal wih pereyPion, action, wanting ng, being ble fos eperenring (on suffering), oupht and may, ates, and belongsng.- Much of the task of the study of social perception isto determine the conditions which govern the development and application ofthese cancepts in our perception of other peopl. Two major, interrelated, dynamic themes run through Heider's analysis of naive psychology. atribution and Balance. In his early paper, "Thing and Medium” (1927), Uecder developed the theme that people tend to attribute happenings in their en vironment to central anitary “cores” which ate iermaly condivioned aval are Some way centers of the causal texture of the world. They do not attribute suc ‘ppenings 10 the mediating processes which are molded by these cores. We see a store, no the lg rays which intervene between the stone and our eyes. The medi sling processer which mect out sense organs ate spurious units, for they are bull Uipof many parts that Are independent of one another. The light rays reflected from ‘one edge of the stone, for example, are independent of the light rays releced from Shother edge. The order that imposed on the mediating processes 1 ineligible unless i jp attributed to their unitary cause. Thus, in our percept the physical work, perception focuses of the distal object (for example, the stone) tnss makes ssteligible the order in the mediating processes a8 they impinge on our forgans of wens, ‘imilary. in perceiving the happenings of our social environment, we try 10 make sense out of the manifold proximal stimuli by focusing on the central unita Causal cores to which the suse evenss can be attbuted, Such concepts of naive parchology 88 intention (wan) and ability ean") are closely associated with the {Causal cores of our social pereptions. In socal perception, a8 compared with physical Dperception, there is more Likely w be distortion of the underlying causal core, for {wo reasons. Firs, the relevant socal context (the surrounimg fed) of a giver event is less likely t0 be represented in the proximal stimuli which reflect a social event: fd, secon, the socal mediating processes through whith social events are often perceived are mone likely to fave Wiosyneratc, distorting properties. Heller pointed out that it i particularly important in the interpretation of social events whether we ateibute an event to causal Taetors located in the person a fo causal Jactors in bis environment. For example, a person's enjoyment of a play thay he attributed either to the play Pref cr 10 bss own pecsuual idiosynerasies: a person's successor failure in a task may be atibuted to the ease oF dificult of the task orto he ability. lack of Ha teacher's reprimand wa student may be attributed tw the pessonsl intettions of the teacher toward the particular student ut to the ‘objective requirements of the teacher's role Heider (1458, 12) suggested that a naive version of JS. Mil's method of die fence (ne precisely in Mil’ terns, the “joint etl oi agreement andl difference”)462 Feld Theory in Socal Payclogy {roides the commonsense model fo such causa atibution, The eects atributed fo that condiion whichis present when the eet preset and which Scot sien the effec absent. ‘Than, fae a3 task strut to thesia of the Sau rather than to the incompetence of the perm, if ether people mh ae cn sidered to beable aso fi an and she pefom wl flea able tn gett oer tasks that are thought to require some ably, Tei evident tha aubution of behavior to one or another causal source (oneself 1 the environment, personal idiosyncasce or the abject requicements Othe situavon, andthe like) often requires sca comparsons, To be abl atl whetnee ne’ jugments, belies, oF opinions are objectively right or aye merely persoeel idiosyncrasies, it ay be necenay to compare ones cel wth the belts croton, To decide wheter the diicy experienced ak ies n oneself ca ten, lone needs information about how wel ther do. To judge whether one emotions Fesponse 10-2 situation is appropriate or not, socal comparsons may be heel estes in etl inated ow these specie proetses are omnes ofthe move {general human aitempt to find an underhying causal network hat mates nee ofthe mul of surface eventsimpinging of us Festinger theory of sola omeparnea Gee the next section of this chapter) ya. more precise and more experintenaly ‘rented formulation of the procs of sca comparnon Heider pointed out in his important discs ofthe mave alysis of action" that the atibution of personal esponsibiyInvlves a dechon at to which of the several conditions of sionahe inten ofthe perton. personal poner, OF en ronmental factors—is to be given primary tesponsibiiy forthe atl euteone Jn general he more she environmental factors se thought to influence the action, ‘thes the person i held responsible for an actin with which he conneeted Heider alto suggested tha the connection between a person anda ato may take a number of forms, each of which represents dierent sage of concep development. At the moa primitive lve the connection 3 plabat one the person Js held responsible fo each eet connected wah him sh seven For example Person may be accused of the wrongdeings of his ancestors Ate heat evel a ‘vent inconnected withthe person only he sa necessary condition for isoccrrene, indegendesly of bis intentions or hs aby to forester tn alte the events ou Cone: a person is judged in terms of thetesuls af what he does, Fot example, ¢ mas sto makes money on the stock market i enhanced In his valuation ars pets Piaget (1948) refers co this level an that of “objective responubiy” Ate th Ieel person is conieredexponae for an ateretck be might have forces 2x prevented, ven though wa not hime to produce A peo car may fr out of gat Beaune he forgo to check hi gauge Nest. snly what the person i tended perce at being cased by him in Pagers term, this fe eats Tesponsiliy Finally even actions that are intended and produced by s person are not enttely ascribed to him if his intentions are seen a8 having been preduced bythe environment, that, i his intention is regarded a haring ben roves, coerced, or seductively ince by the environmen The nature of atribution that excurs inary partclar instance ix determined by the stage of cognitive development, bythe naive appiaion ofthe joint method of apecment and aiference ty the persons expectanons, and by peteunl ayes butt alos determined bythe need ua preven cogniive imbalance. The wing oe cor balance the second major theme in Helder vals aie pychology, Change in the Prychological Environment 463 He pointed out that cgive stability requires a congruence mong cautl expecta Sot wh cept to sted gets Fora sate of compete cagnine hat to fxn, the varie implications of persons expectations or ges of any One Spect ofthe sognized ensronent may mot contac the implications of he ec fection or judgment of any other mspect ofthe copniaed creironment. Tes, ITappersm judgert tote of pai venesto belle he cannot athe sae ime judge thr Yih fuged wo Be of net to ik wellar) and X are sagen ofa mina aber hanced cgie arate and ay be ns product of people, or characteris of people) When the cogritive sree Tics ins sae ofinpalace ot hvenened by balance Tce stew pode 2 endency ward locomorions0 aso change the paycholoyical earivonmen or to tuoduce tendency torardchangeinthecogmion othe environment, Under cond Toms tha do nox pert ocometion, te ween for cogative charge ir enhanced inthe preceding example of X and ¥, cognate change could seer by changing ones judnet of X or of ¥ or ofthe eltionhip between Xand ¥, ory eifferentin Sng Xn nt independent or egreqaed ubparta: ‘This, isend of Coniing fo IE tah X ant ¥ Goo person who ate each shen) one may come to dice ether or oro fee tha they do ns bate each eter or one ay comet fee hat ome {Aes X becavte she i beau and thas? hates K because se sweaty, and ha there tno interaction citeiy or indirect between shee two characters bey nd wealth) of Tendency of the copnive changes ress fvom imtaance i to produce the mou congraence and fewen changes the perceptual cogtiive ei From sitvmpions similar to those jut ound, and axing three hypbeses about ihe conditions ofcogntve mala, Meer has teen able 1 deve hen ‘nigh fn some oF jon determine perception in iterpersonal Autons For comple 1. In pet of ins dred tovard the sane ri, 2 bane te sf poste {er nator gotten nde pn ng po melee nal Imre of utes ard an ety cmb with iengingns «bleed te tte pn ied hes sa re oi he ed Tak th ner forma sid, 1 srs pate ent aaa at sit ars rn hase ee scan nam aac, pao mgt bu te oe ha efor te ams thar e's hale a onl ny fy an od waive pe om ‘one may conser these hypotheses true for various types of positive attitude ke, to ov, fo rrr, t value) and also for various types of negative atitude. Si lary, the statement about belonging to oF being part of @ unit refer to diverse types OF units (membership, belonging, causality, poseuien, Kimi, and proc), However. ‘ee must not forget thatthe Uebalanced cognitive steaion produces only 2 tendency fo-change. Whether or not locomotion or cognitive change actually sxcurs depends fn the rrength of the other forces operative the station, Herder themny of ative halanee and it relationship to other similar theories is dcussed! in muir detail clewhere sn ths volume (4e, for example, Chapter 3)