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A Thesïs
• By
Shalahudin Kafrawi
•
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0-612-50528-6
• Author
Title
: Sbalabudin Karrawi
Abstract
Many studies have been done of Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi and bis system of thought,
taking into account bis contributions from theology, philosophy, and exegesis. However,
works speeifically devoted to bis exegetical thought have been few. In fact, none of these
has dealt with al-Rizi's exegetica1 methodology in the light of bis basic assumptions
regarding the Qur' an. In view ofthis faet, the present thesis aims at elucidating Fakhr al-
Din al-Rizi's methodology in interpreting the Qur' in in bis magnum opus, known by the
title al- Taf~T al-Kabir or Majâiil1 al-Ghayb. In order ta achieve this purpose, we will
focus on bis interpretation ofthe third chapter ofthe Qur'in, printed in volumes 7, 8, and
•
9 ofthe standard edition ofbis work.
This thesis tirst considers Fakhr al-D'in al-RiZi's biography and scholarship. Seen
ftom this angle, bis rational approach to the interpretation of the Qur' in can be regarded
as a consequence of bis enthusiasm for the philosophical traditions which had developed in
bis time. Thus, basing himselfon the assumption that the main function ofthe Qur' in is to
give human beings guidance, al-R&zi concludes that everything in it must be knowable.
This basic assumption aise explains why he introduced sueh a variety of subjeets, in
addition to the Qur'inic sciences, inta bis exegesis, and why bis use of reason outweighs
bis use of revelatioD. Sasing himself on these assumptions he takes a linguistic approach
t
•
• Auteur
Titre
: Shalahudin Kaftawi
Résumé
Plusieures études furent consacrées à l'oeuvre de Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi ainsi que
son système de pensée, tout en tenant compte de ses contributions en matière de théologie,
de philosophie et d'exégèse. Toutefois, rares sont les ouvrages consacrés à sa pensée
exégète. En effet, considérant les hypothèses fondamentales de l'auteur relatives au
Qur' in, aucune de ces oeuvres porte sur la méthodologie exégète d'al-Rizi. L'objectif de
ce présent mémoire sera d'élucider la méthodologie d'interprétation du Qur'an utilisée par
Fakhr al-Dk al-Rïzi dans son magnum opus, mieux connu sous le titre de al-TafSir al-
Kabtr ou le MajQii1J al-Ghayb. Afin d'atteindre ce but, nous nous concentrerons sur
l'interprétation d'al-Rizi du troisième chapitre du Qur'in, publié dans les volumes 7, 8 et 9
de l'édition standard de son oeuvre.
•
al-Kabir, il a ainsi défendu la pensée Ash~arite contre les points de wes des Mu~tazilites,
les ~ihirites et des IJashwiyyah.
n
• Acknowledgment
1 have received much support during my two years of study at McGill, and feel
myself indebted to a great many individuals. First of ail, to Professor Issa J. Boullata, 1
offer my sincere thanks for helping me complete this thesis. During my stay at the Institute,
1have studied Many subjects under bis direction, including rjiz al-Qur'in, modem Arabie
literature, and classical Qur'inic interpretation. I also leamed from him the value of a
meticulous respect for detail and precision. 1 am, therefore, grateful for these lessons and
for his corrections and valuable suggestions that have made this thesis a possibility.
1 would like also ta oirer my thanles to Professor Oner Turgay (Director of the
•
Institute of Islamic Studies), Professor Todd Lawson, with whom 1 studied Fakhr al-Dk
al-RizI's '[priaI al-Anbiya', and Professor Eric Ormsby, who introduced me to the
Institute's administrative staff; Ann Yaxley and Dawn Richard, and to the library staff:
especially Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas, for their invaluable assistance.
(lCIHEP). 1 wish to thank the Ministry of Religious Mairs of Indonesia for granting me
the opportunity and permission to study at the Institute of Islamic Studies of McGill
support made it possible for me ta study at this Institute, Mr. Mumi Jamal (Direetor of
Istamic Higher Learning of the Ministry of Religious Mairs), Prof: Ors. H. Endang
•
Soetari Ad., M.. Si. (Rector of IAIN Sunan Gunung Djatl), Wendy Allen (Direetor of
in
• ICHEP), Ioanna Gacek, Claire Chadwick, Lori Novale, and Susie Ricciardelli for their
achievement. Thanks ta Stephen Millier and AF. Shaker, who read through and edited my
H. Balai, Hj. Siti Hasanah, H. Anwar, and Hj. Yuyum., and te grandmother lbi Ratna
Wulan Komalasari, for their patient upbringing, their invaluable support and ceaseless
Fathimah, Nur Aisyah, and Eva Azizah for their precious support. My thanks also go to
Ismatu Ropi, Nurasiah Fakihsut~ and ta all my Many other tiiends, the mention ofwhose
names is impossible here. 1 would like ultimately to express my boundless gratitude to Etin
• Anwar, without who se tender love and constant support this thesis might never have been
accomplished.
• iv
• A. Reference
Notes
Dates referred to in this thesis are given in both the Muslim and Christian
calendars, and in that order. The year in which an individual scholar died is usually given
in brackets after his name, and ooly after its first appearance in our narrative: e.g. al-
v
• Dipthong:
Extended TashdÏd
~
..
~
= ay;
. = i ,.
. = aw
.J-
,
,J- = u.-
c. Abbreviations
A.H.: Anno Hijrah.
C.A: CommonEra.
Et: M. Th. Houstama et al., eds. BrUIs Encyclopaedia ofIslam. III Edition. Leiden:
EJ. Brill, 1970.
Bosworth, C.E., E. Van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs and G. Lecomte, eds. The
•
Encyclopaedia ofIslam. New Edition. Leiden: E.l. Brill, 1985-...
ER: Eliade, Mircea, ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion. New York: Macmillan
Publishing Company, 1987.
Q.: The Qur'an.
SEI: Gibb, H.AR. and J.H. Kramers, eds. Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1995.
• •
,;
• Abstract
Résumé
Table of Contents
i
Ü
Acknowledgtnent............................................... ID
Notes v
Table ofContents vii
Introduction••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.••••••.••.••••.•.••••••.••••••..••••••..•...••••.•...•••.••......•..•• 1
1. Background and Focus ofthis Study 1
2. Aims and Methodology ofthe Study 5
3. Organization ofthe Thesis 6
ChapterOne
Fakhr al-Din aI-Rizi'. Lire and Sebolanbip 8
•
1. A Short Biography 8
2. Intelleetual Lire in Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizl's Time 17
3. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's InteUectuallife 21
4. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's Personality 2S
S. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's Works 27
ChapterTwo
Fakhr aI-Din a1-Rizi's Buie Assumptions RegareliDI the Qur' in and lu Esegesis 31
1. The Scriptural Nature ofthe Qur'in 32
1.1. The Funetions ofthe Qur' in 34
1.2. The Language ofthe Qur'in 38
1.3. The Qur'in's Miraculous Nature (l'lia al-Qur 'ail) 40
2. In Search orthe Meaning ofthe Qur'in 4S
2.1. Fakhr al-D'in al-RizÏ's Definition ofExegesis 47
2.2. The Sources ofFakhr al-DIo al-Rizl's Exegesis SI
Chapter Three
General Rules or Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizl's Interpretation orthe Qur'io•••••••••••.•••••••.• 67
1. The Structure ofthe Taj'sir 67
1.1. Organizational Characteristics ofFakhr al-DTn aI-Rizi's al-TafSir a/ Kabir 68
1.2. Procedure ofthe Writing 73
2. The Clear and the Ambiguous Verses (al-Mul1kamëzt wa a/-Mutashabihat) 80
3. Abrogation (Naskh) in the Qur' in 86
4. The Occasions of Revelation (Asbab a/ Nuzü/) 97
S. The Openings ofChapters (Fawatil1 a/-Suwar) 103
6. Variant Readings (a/-Qirii'iif) 104
• \iii
• 1. Background and Focus ofthis Study
Introduction
The Qur' in needed interpretation, even while it was being revealed. As recorded
Ut Many accounts, the genre of Qur'in commentary is traceable as far back as the tirst
generation of Muslims. 1 After the Prophet Mui,ammad himsel( Ibn 'Abbis was the MOst
prominent Qur'in interpreter among the Prophet's Companions;2 bis exegesis was marked
by a close attention ta certain expressions of the Qur' in and the occasions on which the
Qur' in was revealed. 3 Developed hand-in-hand with prophetie traditions, this pracess
continued until it developed into an independent genre with the appearance of the
extensive ta/Sir of Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl (d. 224/838-9). Subsequently, a great number of
•
works on the Qur' in started to tlourish in the classical period, such as those of al-
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), al-Tabarsi (d. 548/1153), Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi (d. 606/1209),
al-QishinI (d. 729/1330), Ibn KathÏr (d. 774/1373), and al-Bay4iwi (d. 79111389).
1 For a discussion on the early devclopmcnt of ta/sir. see Andœw Ripp~ "Studyîng EMly Ta/Sir
Texts," Der Islam. voL 72 (1995). no. 2t 310-23.
2 There are a numbcr of narratives transmïtted on the autbority of Ibn ~ Abbis. Many repaRs
quoted in la/Sir books are attn'buted to bim. Somc ta.fS;r books written in the fonnative and dassical
periods are 8150 attributed to this scbolar. For funber discussion on Ibn ~ Abbist lalSir see Andrew
l
Rippin, "Ta/Sir Ibn 'Abbas and Criteria for Dating Early TalSir Texts," Jerusalem SlJldies in Arabie and
Islam, vol. 18 (1994), 38~3. Se!= also ~ AlI b. AbI Ta!IJah al-HishimI (d. circa 94 n13), $aIlÏfal j(1Ï b. Abi
Tal1lah Jan Ibn 'Abbas Ji Tafsir al-Qur'in al-Karl"" 2nd ~t ed. .Rishid ~ Abel al-Mw(im 81-Rajji1
(Beinat: Dar al-Jayl. 1994); and Mul)ammad b. Ya~qu"'b al-Firiizibidi (d. 817/1414), Tanwi, al-Miqbas
min TalSir Ibn 'Abbas (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'rifab, 1951).
3 At first. me stuely orthe Qur'in involved the study orthe the text itseIt: focusing on its readings
and the ttaditions tbat explained iL Later, this was extcndcd to commCDIaJY on the Qur'in originally
meant to give Muslims Qurtinic answers to their daily problems. When Muslims encountered other
civilizatio~ the 51atus of the Qur'in was inc1udecl Toward the end of the last second ccnnuy hijrï. the
study orthe authenticity orthe Qur'ân and of ilS miraculous nature (iJO% al-QurOan) deveJoped mainly ta
establish the validity of MulJammad' 5 prophethoocl. Fakhr al-DIn 81-RizI was ''CrY sure of this, \l'hen
• interpreting the Qur'ân. 4:82. He be1d that "annahü Ta'ala "~laUa bi "/-Q1I,.."âni "ali .fi1tllall nllbllWWDli
MII~ammad' ("thal Ciod by the Qur'in proves the valiclity orthe propbethoocl oCMuI)ammacl"). Sec Fakhr
al-Dia al-Rizi. al-TQf~r al-Kabir. vol 10. 196. Sec a1so Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi, Nihiyal al-Ïjiz fi Di,iyat
al-IJizo ed. IbrihIm al-SiJnarri'I and Mul)ammad Barakit Abü 'AlI (Oman: Dit al-Fila. 1985), 35.
1
• Having their own cbaraeteristics, these tafSir works were a result of the genuine
efforts and creativity of their authors in trying to understand the Qur' in and disseminate
their interpretations to others. In arder to discover the meaning of the Qur' in, the
exegetes referred to different sources, such as other Qur'we verses, prophetie traditions,
Biblical materials, poetry, and language. In terms of approac~ sorne gave more weight ta
traditions than reason, while others did the opposite. These methods influenced the results
of their interpretation. Therefore, even though exegetes dealt with the same verses their
conclusions were often quite düferent. This is to say that the ditrerent methodologies
which exegetes applied in their interpretation of the Qur'in resu]ted usually in different
interpretations.
•
The following examples might ilIustrate these differences. Al-Tabarl's Jâmi al- 1
Bayiin ft Ta/Sir al-Qur'an and Ibn Kathir's Taf~r al-Qur 'an al- 'A.;lm give more attention
ta traditions than reason." Al-QishinI's TafSir al-Qur 'an al-Karim for its part focuses on
the esoterie aspects ofthe Qur' an. 5 Al-TabarsI's Majma' al-Bayim fi Ta/Sir al-Qur tan is
4 Muhammad b. JwaI-Tabarl, rami~ al-Bayan ft Ta/Sir al-QII,'an. 12 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-
Ma 'rif~ 1986); Ismi"ll b. ·Umar Îbn KatlUr, Ta/Sir al-Qllr 'an al- :4;Îm, 4 vols. (Caïro: •Abel al-RaI)min
Mul)ammad. 1937).
s Al-QisbinJ~ Ta/Sir al-Qur 'an al-Karim (Beirut: Dar al-Yaq~ al-· Arabi)~ 1968).
•
_ 6 Al-Tabarsi~ Majma' al.Baya".fi Ta/Sir al-Qu,'an (Beirut: Dâr al-Fila and Dâr al·Kitâb al-
AIbinî. 1955).
• Mu'tazilites,' while Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir and al-Bay4iwi's Anwar al-
As one of the great commentators and theologians of the classical period, one
whose thought is still influential in our modem age.9 Fakhr al-D'in al_RizilO bas long been
an object of scholarly studies. Until recently, there bas been a growing interest among
scholars in the study of bis exegetical and theological thought. This interest has led ta
biographies 11 and several preliminary studies of bis system ofthought, many ofthem in the
form of introductions to editions of bis warks. Several articles and books have dealt with
this subjeet, 12 as weil as chapters in various collected works. 13 Sorne of those who have
_
1
Al-hmakbsbarL al-Kashsha[ 'an f[aqa t;q Ghawamiq a/-TanZtl wa 'Uyün al-Aqawll ft Wujüh
•
al-Ta 'wil (Beirut Dar al-Kitib a1-' Arabi, n.d.).
1 Fakhr al-Dia al-Rïzi, al-Ta/il, al-Kabir, 32 vols. (Cairo: 'Abd a1-Rahmin Muhammad, n.d.);
- - - - . : . '
al-Bay4i~Anwar al-Tanzil wa Agar al-Ta wil (Cairo, MUfJafii AJbini a1-ijalabi, n.d.).
9 In the field ofQur'inic studies, Fakhr al-Din al-RizI intluenced many exegetes. His ta/Si,. book
bas been referred to by many Indonesian scholars, such as al-Nawawi, in their study of the Qur'in. See
Anthony Hearle Johns, "On Qur'inic Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Study in the Transmission of Islamic
Leaming," in Islam: Essays on Scripture. Thought and Society: A Festschrijt in Honour ofAnthony H.
Johns (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997), 3-49.
10 As will be discussed in chapter one below, our author is known by several names -Fakhr al-
Din al-RizL al-Fakhr al-RizL Fakhr !l-DIn. lI!ld al-Riri.:,lbn aJ-Kbapb or Ibn KhaJib al-Rayy. In this
thesis [ will call mm eimer Fakhr al-Din aJ-Rizi or al-Rizi.
11 Some modem studies oa al-RizI's biograpby reler back to earlier sources, suc:h as al-Subki's
Tabaqat al-Shàft';yyah al-Kubra. a1-$afadI's Al-$afadi's al-Wiifl bi al-Wafayat. and Diwüd's Tabaqat al-
MU/assirln. Some others are not supporteel by 50ch accounts, but rather rely on speculations that may not
give an accurate pieture ofthis scholar's Iüe.
11 See, for instance, EJfat al-Slwqa~ "Fakhr al-Ok aJ-RizL" in ER. vol. 12, 221-2; 1lAR.
Gibb and I.H. lCramcrs."Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi, in SEI. 470-1; G.C. Anawaû, "Fakhr al-oin al-Rizi," in
El, 751-5; Paul KraUSt "The "Controversies' of Fakhr a1-Din al-Rizi." Islamic Culture. vol. 12 (1938),
130-53; Murtada A. Muhibbu-Din, "Imim Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi: Philosophical Theology in al-Ta/Si,. al-
Kabir. o. Hamdard Islamfcra. vol 17 (1994), 55-84; Anthony R. Johns, "Al-Râzl's Treatment of the
Qur'inic Episodes Telling of Abraham and His Guests: Qur'ânic Exegesis with A Human Face,"
.Vi/anges (Institut Dominicain d'Etrldes Orientales du Cadl"e)t vol. 17 (1986), 81-114; A. H. Johns,
"Solomon and the Queen of Sheba: Fakhr al-Din a1-Raz1's Treatment of the Qurtinic: Telling oC the
5tol)'." Abr-Nahrain. vol. 24 (1986), 58-82.
•
13 See, forexample,. ManiL "Abd a1-ijalim Maf)müd, Manahij a/-Mufassirtn (Cairo: Dar a1-Kitib
al-Mifriyy, 1978), 145-51; Mahmoucl M. Ayoub, The Qu, 'in and ils Interpreters. Vol. 2, The House of
'[mran (Albany: State University oC New York Press, 1992); and "John Bunon, "The Interpretation of Q.
43,81 and the Tedmiques of the Exegetes," Th~Arab;st. vol 13-14 (1995),3-12.
3
• devoted extensive discussion to the subject in the fonn of books or dissertations are
Michel Lagardé,14 libi Iibir a1-'Alwin1, 15 Silil) a1-Zarkin, 16 Fathalla Kholei( 17 Yasin
Ceylan, 'Abd al-' Aziz al-Majdüb,ll Aloysius Adiseputra,19 and 'Efrat Muhammad al-
SharqiwÏ. 20
While these works are significant, none of them satisfactorily explicates al-RizI's
exegetical methodology. Ta fill tms lacuna, this thesis will focus on his methodology in bis
interpretation of the Qur' an. Campared ta other aspects of al-RizI's thought, this aspect
is very important, because it underlies bis perspective on the Qur' in and bis knowledge of
•
14 Lagardé bas prepared an index of Fakhr al-Dk al-Raz1·s 32-volume al-Ta/iir al-Kabir.
A1though this index is a very usefu1 tool. it is unCOrtuDately limiteel to ooly three editions of the work.
namely, those publishcd by Dar al-Fikr (Beirut 1981), by Dar al-Kutub (Tehran n.d.), and by al-MaJba'ah
al-Mi$riyyah (Cairo 1933).
15 • AlwinI bas edited and annotated Fakhr al·Din al-RizI's a/-Mal1fÜ/ ft 1/m a/-UfÜ/. which is
on Islamic jurisprudence (u-ril a/-jiqh).
16 In addition ta al-RW·s biography, al·Zarkin's Fakhr a/-Dln al-Razl \Va ira 'uh al-Ka/amiyyah
wa al-Fa/saftyyah includes theological and philosophical explaDations on issues such as the existence of
God and the way to know of il. Qod·s attnoutes, the creation of the world and related issues. regarding
place and tim~ human spirit and ways of knowing il. human actions. prophethood (nflbuwwah). ethics
(akhlâq). and imamah. Basing himself on the assumption that philosophy is primarily based on reason
and /cQ/am on revelation. al-Z8rkin coDludes that Fakhr al-D'in al·Râzi was a theolo~ not a
philosopher, one who sucœssfillly incorporaled philosophy into bis theological warD. For fiuther
discussion. sec SiIü! al·Z8rkin, Fakhr al-Dtn al.RâiÎ wa .ira ~uh aJ·Ka/âmiyyah wa a/-Fa/saftyyah
([cairo): Dar al·Fila, 1963),606.16.
17 In Mflnazarat Fakh, al-DÎn a/-Raii ft Bi/Qd MD Wara· al·Nahr. Fathalla Kholeif began
presenting Fakhr al.nin al.Rizi's biography. He then offers an English translation of the t~ begins by
finally a commentary on it Sec Fatha1la Kholei( A SIUt/y on Fakhr al-Dln al-Râzt and His Controversies
in TransorÎana (Beirut: Dar el-Mach.recb 1966).
II In bis al-Râzi min Khi/il Taliirlh. •Abel al·· Aziz al·Majdüb discusses the charaeteristics oC al·
Razf's exegesis in al-Tafttr al-Kabir. However, al·Majdüb does not speak of al-Rizi·s basic assumptions
regarding the Qur'in al ail. This Jade ofanention to the latter·s methodology. on whic:h the book prete*
to f~ calls into question many many ofMajdUb·s conclusions. For more details, see. ~Abd al··Aziz
al-Majdüb. Q/-RQzÏ min KhilQ( Ta/~rih (Libya: al·Dar al-~ Arabiyyah li al·KuttaD. 1980).
19 Aloysius Adisepu~ '"The Doctrine orthe Impeccability orthe Prophet as Elucidated by Fakhr
Qur'in. In order to achieve its aims, it will tirst investigate al-RüI's biography, which
sheds light on bis exegetica1 tbought. Subsequently, this thesis will analyze bis basic
assumptions regarding the Qur' in and its exegesis. The knowledge of these basic
• Ta achieve these goals, this study will rely on two kinds of sources, primary and
secondary. Altbough al-Rizi was a prolific and encyclopaedic writer with a great number
of writings ta bis credit, this study will rely on a few of bis bis works as primary sources,
al-TafSir al-Kabir being the most important of these for this study. Since a study of the
entire 32-volume work would be the work oflifetime, this study will concentrate on Fakhr
al-D'in al-Rizi's interpretation orthe third cbapter orthe Qur'in (Sürat AI '[mran or the
:1 Sûrat A/ 1""an is the third chapter in the .\{u~1taf of aJ-Jmim. Consistinl of 200 verses. it was
revealed in Madina. and is. themore, refcrred to as a Medinan mrah. Sec Ialil al-Din "Abd al-Ralpnân b.
Abi Bakr aJ-SUYÜJi, a/-Du", al-Manthürft a/-Ta/si, a/-Ma ",hûr. vol. 2 (Beirut: Dir al-Kutub al-'IImi)~
• 1990),3.
n 1 have chosen. bis interpretaûon of this chapter as an example, bccause it gives suffident data
to suppon the claim. that it wu written br Fakhr al·Dfn al·Riz! himself. For more discussion of this issue,
5
• 'Imrin verse-by-vene would alsa be a lengthy and repetitious exercise, we will take a
thematic approach. Inevitably, cenain materials not directly relevant to the themes will be
excluded. In addition to our main source, this study will refer to other works of his like
Kha/q al-Qur'an bayn a/-Asha ';rah wa a/-Mu 'tan/ah, 'I~at al-Anbiya " Nihilyat al-Ïjaz
ft Dirayal al-I'jaz. and Mu~arat Fakhr a/-Dfn al-Rait.ft BilQd Ma Wara' al-Nahr. For
secondary sources, we will refer to works by both al-RizI himself and other scholars.
Here, the writings of scholars before and after his time will be cited to assess the accuracy
There are different reasons for the use ofthese two kinds of sources. The primary
sources will be used for two purposes: first, to obtain a pieture of what al-Rizi really says
•
about bis own intellectual development, the Qur'in, the exegesis of the Qur' in, and
exegetical principles; and second, to examine bis application of his exegetical principles in
his works. The secondary sources will be used for assistance in analyzing bis life and
thought, and in clarifYing his methodological principles in commonly used terms of our
time.
This thesis will be divided inta three chapters, plus an introduction and a
conclusion. The first chapter will present al-Rïzi' s background. The tirst part of tbis
chapter WIll attempt to give a brief biograpbical sketch. The next part will discuss
intelleetuallife in al-Ralf's time, and how his own scholarship was disseminated. The next
• see the last pan or cbapter one in this thesis. We will come back to this point in a more detail in Part rIVe
ofCbapter One.
,
• two parts will elaborate on al-RizI's intellectuallife and personality. Finally, and more
importantly, this chapter will a1so discuss bis works, with an emphasis on bis magnum
opus devoted to the study of the Que' in, known as al-Ta/Sir al-Kahl' or MafâtlfJ 01-
Ghayh. As there are doubts regarding the authorship of some parts of this work, this
The second chapter, divided into two pans, will demonstrate al-Rizi' s basic
assumptions regarding the Qur' an. The first part will elaborate on bis ideas on the
scriptural nature of the Qur' in. In this part, we will discuss the functions and language of
the Qur' in, as weil as its miraculous nature. The second part will be devoted to al-Ril.i's
basic assumptions regarding the interpretation of the Qur' in, and will consider bis
•
detinition ofexegesis, its sources, scope, and emphases.
principles, we will restrict ourselves to the following themes: the structure of bis exegesis;
clear and ambiguous verses; abrogation; occasions of revelation; openings of chapters; and
variant readings in bis interpretation of the Qur' an. These are not the only themes that al-
Ril.i applies in bis exegesis, but they are the most ftequently discussed in bis interpretation
of Sürat AI t/mrân•
•
7
• Chapter One:
1. A Short Biography
Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, the more familiar name of Abü ~ Abd Allah MuI,ammad b.
~Umar b. al-ijusayn b. 4 AlI al-Taym! al-Balal al-TabaristinI al-Rizi, 1was born in Rayy2 in
544 A.H.!I! 50 C.E. 3 Originally from Tabaristin, bis parents had moved to Rayy (whence
the name al-Rizi) before he was bom. He was by no means the only famous author to
bear the nisbah al-Rizi; there were Abü Bakr Mubammad b. Zakariyyi al-Rizi (d.
323/935) the philosopher,' Alpnad b. 'Abd Allah (d. 460/1068) the Yemenite historian,5
• l Mul)anunad b. ~ AlI al-Diwüdi (d. 945), Tabaqal a/:Mufassirin. cd. ~ AlI Mul)anunad ~Umar,
vol. 2 (Cairo: Maktabat Wabbah, 1972). 214. See a1so Jalil al-Dm ~ Abd al-RaJpnin al-SuyüJI, Tabaqâl al-
Mufassirln. ecL A. Mcursinge (Teheran: M.H. Asadi, 1960),39.
2 This town is located to the east of Tehcran. The author is then associated with Rayy, not bis
home province ofTabaristin. On the importance ofthis to~ sec v. Minorsky. ~Al-Rayy," in d. vol. 8,
471-3.
3 Scholars clisagree over al-RizI's date ofbinh. Sorne suggest 25 Rama4in 544 A.HJ26 January
1150 C.E.• while others insist on 25 Rama4ân 543 A.HJ6 Feb~ 1149 C.E. However, the former date is
the more probable, since il is stated in a manuscript of a/-Ta/Sir al-Kabir that Fakhr al-D'in al-Razl was
fifty-seven years old on 7 Sha~bin 601 A.HJ29 March 1205 C.E. See Abü Bakr Ibn Khal1iuu, Wafayal
al-A y~ \Va Anbi Abnii' al-Zama. vol. 4 (Bcimt: Dar al-$idir. 1978). 248-9; KbalÜ b. AJbak al-$afadÏ,
t
al-Wifl bi al-Wafayit. vol. 4 (Istanbul: MaJba~at al-Daw~ 1931), 248; al-Diwüdi, Tabaqat al-
Mufassirln. vol. 2, 214·7; Jalil al-Dia al-SUYÜJ!. Tabaqit al-Mufassirïn. 39. Sec also Mubammad al-
Mu~~ bi AIlib al-BaghdicÜ. "TaqdIm." in Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi. al-Mabâhilh al-Mashriqiyyah fi 'llm
al-Ilahïyyat \Va a/-Tabl!yyil. vol.: 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Kitib al·~ArabL 1990). Il: See aIso Mul)ammad $i1i1}.
aI-Zarkin, Fakhr al-Din a/-Razf \Va Ara tuh a/-Ka/imiyyah \Va al-Fa/sajiyyah (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr.
[19631». 16; Fakhr al-Dfn al-Ri7Ï. Klralq al-Qur'an bayn al-Mu 'tazilah wa Ahl al-Sunnah. cd. Alpnad
ijijïzi al-Saqqi (Cairo: al-Maktab al-ThaQifi. 1989). 398; Fakhr al-Ok al-RizÎ. a/-Ta/~r al-Kahi,. vol.
18 (Teheran: Dar al-Kutub al·~Dmiyyah, ad.), 145.
•
4 In fa~ the nisbah al·Rizi is nowadays more commolÙY associated with Abü Bakr MulJammad
b.lakarïyyi tban with any othcrfigure. Sec E. BertbeIs. ~Al-Râzi: MuI)ammad b. Zakariyyâ." in El. 474-
7.
•
• Ibn AbT ~itim al-Rizi (d. 326/938) the theorist of /]ad/th, 6 Abü Bakr al-Rizi al-I~~ (d.
370/980) the legal theorist, 7 and Abü al-Fatl,. al-Riii (d. 447/1055).'
Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's father, Qiyi' al-Din 'Umar, was renowned for bis expertise
infiqh and !al/am, and used to give Friday sermons (khulbah. pl. /chu/ab) at the masque of
Rayy, 50 that people calIed him al-Khaiib or Khaifb al-hyy. In Tabaqat al-ShQji';yyah
al-Kubra, al-Subld (d. 771/1370) reports that Qiya' al·D'in 'Umar wrote a two-volume
Our author was known by various honorific titles (alqab. pl. of laqab) and
nicknames (laman, pl. of /amyah). Among his alqizb were Fakhr al-Dio or al-Fakhr al-RizI
or Fakhr al-Dm al_RizI,10 the latter being the most popular one; Ibn al-Khajib (the son of
a1-Kha~b) or Ibn Khatib al-Rayy (the son of the Khapb of Rayy); al-Imam (the Imam);
• Shaykh al-Islam (the teacher of Islam); Sul~in al-MutakallimIn (the king oftheologians);ll
and Imam or Shaykh al-Mushakkik1n (the Imam or teacher of the doubters). He was
calIed Ibn al-Kha~b or Ibn Khaiib al·Rayy because of the persona! merlts of bis father,
, For bis contribution to the developmcnt of the a branch of ~adïlh scien~ i.~ a/-jO'l1 wa a/-
ta 'dll. sec Rirat F!-wzI l Abd al-MuJJ8hô, lb'!. Abl ffâtim a/-R'!ii wa Athal'Uh fi 'II,!, a/-!fat!.ïlh (Cairo:
Maktabat al-Khinji, 1994). See also Ibn Abi al-ijitim al-Rizi. Kitab al-MarOsi/ ft al-lfadilh (Beirut:
Mu'assasat al-Risilah. 1977).
T This author wrote a book on upl al-fiqh, entitled Fu~/ fi a/-U~/. He also wrole a commenWy
on al-~s Kitab Adab al-Qij. For more detaiIs, §Ce AlpDad b. ~AlI al-]~ (cl. 261 A.K1847
C.E.), Fusil,ft a/-Usü/. ed. lAjU Jâsim al-Nashami (Kuwait: Dawlat al-Kuwayt. (985) and Ahmad b.
lAmr al-sÎlaybini al~Kba"'( Kitab Adab a/-Qaql wa Sharl1 Abï BakrAllmadb. 'Aii al-Rait al-J~a.r, ed.
FarI)it Ziyidah (C8iro: American University in Cairo Press. (978).
1 Known as Abü al-Fat1). al-tizt. SuJaym b. Ayyüb b. Sufaym composed a number of books, one
ofwhich is on la/Si,. l)iya' a/-Quliib. Sec al-DiwüdL Tabaqat a[-Mu!assirln. 196-7.
9 Sec Tij al-D'in Abi NIF ~ Abel al-WahhaD b. ~ AJ1 b. Abd al-Kifi aI-SubIQ, Tabaqal al-
Shaji"iyyah al-Kubra, ed. Ma!Jmüd Mul}ammad al-Tanal)i and ~Abd al.Fattil) Mul)ammad al-l:faIawi
([Cairo): ~Ïsi al-Bibl al-I:faIabL (19701), vol. 3,22 and 159; vol. 7.242.
tO Througbout bis seven-volume boo~ al-Subld caUs our author either al-Imim Fakhr al-oin or
• al-Imim Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi. -fot instan~ al-Subkl, Tabaqal al-Shaji'iyyah al-Kubra. voL 3. 22, 26.
159,242,372; vol. St 138. 140; and voL 7, 29. 242.
11 Al-Diwûdi. Tabaqat al-MfI!assirln. voL 2. 214.
9
• Kha~b al_Rayy.12 The /aqab al-Imam, aften used with Fakhr al-Dia al-RBn, can be found
in both Shifi'ite and Ash'arite works, indicating the reverence he was held in by jurists and
theologians of these two schools of thought. The /aqab Shaykh al-Islam, which he
received during his stay in Herit,13 was eamed for bis lucid expression ofideas, which won
back a great number of the Karrimiyyah ta the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. 14 The last
laqab (Shaykh ai-Mushakkikin) was attributed to mm because he often doubted the ideas
he received, and subjeeted them ta relentIess scrutiny in arder ta arrive at certainty
(Yaqtn). Among bis nicknames we tind such epithets as Abü 'Abd Allah, Abü al-Ma'ilI,
Abü al-Fa4&'il, and Abü al_FatQ.15 These names and the faet that Many scholars bore
similar ones caused much confusion among later scholars. Thus it is sometimes difficult to
differentiate our author's name from that ofothers. Sînce MuIJammad b. AbI Bakr b. 'Abd
• al-Qadir al-RizI, the author of Mukhtar al-$il1OI1, was aIso called by bis /aqab Fakhr al-
Din, a book written by "Fakhr al-RizI" discussing Qur'inic sciences ('u/iim a/-Qur 'an) has
Al-Rizi was very fortunate ta have been barn and raised in a family of scholars.
His father, Qiyi' al-D'in 'Umar, was a disciple of al-Baghawi, and was a leader in the
Muslim community (a 'immat a/-Islam). He mastered the sciences of ka/am and ftqh.
Extolling the qualities of this scholar, al-Subld says that he was "fluent of speech,
•
14
10
• possessed fortitude; he was a faqih, u~ii. theologian, ~ft, kha{ih, traditionist, and
educated."17 Thus it was ftom bis father that al-Rizi got bis early religious education.
The father taught the son the basic tenets of the Islamic sciences, especially of kolam and
jiqh.
After bis rather die~ al...Riz) went to Simnin, where he studied under al-Kamil al-
SimninI for sorne time. He then retumed ta bis home to~ Rayy, to study under al-Majd
631/1234), with whom al...RizI pursued intensive study of kalam and l1ikmah. When al...
Majd al...tili went to Marighah, al.. Rizi accompanied him there and continued to study
under him. It is said that the former memorized Imam al-ijaramayn al...Juwaynl's (d.
• (d. 505/1111) al-MustasjQ and Abü al"'l:Iusayn al-B~ri' sai-Mu 'tamad, both of which are
indulge his thirst for inteUectual stimulation by traveling to various cities in the Muslim
East. During bis travels.. he often expressed bis controversial ideas and sometimes
Khwirîzm, where Mu~tazilism was dominant. There he got involved in violent debates
with the Mu'tazilites on theology and fiqh that eventually led to his expulsion ftom this
•
11 Ibn Khallikin. Wafayâl a/-A :van wa Anba •Abna· a/-lamant vol. olt 248-9; al-Oâ\\'üCÜt Tabaqat
a/-klu[assi,in. vol. 2. 250.
19 Muhammad al-Mu'rapm bi AlIih al-sap_dL "TaqdÎm." in Fakhr al-DÎIl aI-RizL al-
A{abâl!ith al-M:Uh,iqiyyah ft olim a/-l/ahiyyât wa al-Tabi"iyyât. vol. 1. 15-6.
Il
• City.20 It is very probable that he was thrown out because he defended Ash'arite Iallam
and Shifi'ite fiqh in a city that favored Mu'tazilite kalam and ~anafite
mentions in al-Taf~r al-Kabir. aI-Rizi was also involved in a debate with a Christian, an
flqh. As he
Al-Ralf also traveled to Transoxiana (MD Wara' al-Nahr). and then later joumeyed
Khujand, Banikit, and Ghaznah, he participated in further debates, sorne of which were
fiqh and ufÜ/ al-fiqh, philosophy, and logic.22 Because ofbis involvement in disputation,
he was also eventually expelled from this city. In Bukhira, as he himself tells us in bis
Mu~ëzt. aI-Rizi discussed issues of fiqh with al-Ri4i aI-Naysiburl,23 (ogic and kalam
• with al-Nüc aI-SibUnf,24 juridical issues with ai-Ruien al-QazwinI,25 and astronomy and
•
:s A fOODer pupü of al-Ri4i al-Naysibm, al-Rukn al-Qazwini was originally a ijanafit~ but then
became a Shifi'ite Iater in life. See Muhammad b. AbI al-Wafâ' al-QurasbI, al-JawQhir al-Mudt·ah ft
Tabaqat a/-E/aftajiYJah. vol. 2. 370. sec aiso al·Rizi, MunQ;arat Fakhr a(-Dfn a/·Rizl ft Bilid Mi Warô'
al-Nah,..24.
12
• philosophy with Sharaf a1-Din al-Mas'üciL26 In Samarqand, he discussed several subjects
with Farld al-GhilinI, 21 white in Ghaznah he debated the issue of the creation ofthe world
Fathalla Kholeif remarks that "in bis sixteen debates, Riz{ raised the MOst important and
controversial issues in theology between the Maturldites and the Ash'arites, and juTÜ' al-
fiqh between the ~anafites and the Shifi'ites in fum' al-fiqh and u~1 a/-flqh. ,,30 These
differences, however, do not emerge very clearly ftom the debates. This is because even
though al-Rizi was known for bis Ash'arite sympathies, and the people ofTransoxiana for
their affiliation with the Mituridite cause, ual-RizI ftequently opposes the views of Ash' Mi
and ail bis foUowers, inclining at times to Mitundite doctrines, white bis Miturldite
• opponents inclined at tintes to Ash'arîte views.,,31 For instance, while agreeing with the
common Ash'arite and Miturldite position that, according to scripture, human beings may
have a vision ofGod, al-Riz{ disagreed with al-Ash'arl's contention that this idea could be
supported with rational proof; and agreed with al-Mitundi, who maintained that the vision
of God (ru)'al Allah) is justified by scripture and needs no rational justification.32 More
26 See al-RizL Mun~QI"at Fakhr a/-Din a/-RazÎ ft Bi/ad AID WQI'Q' a/-Nahr. 32-42. This debat~
accordiDg to al-Râzi, was beld in 582 A.H.I1186 C.E. in the presence of a1·RieJa al.NaysaoüO, who was al-
Mas'ûdI's student in pbi1osophy.
27 Ibicl, S9-63.
31bicl,21.
:!9 This tide was probably given by copyists. Fakhr al-DIn al·RizI himsel( Kraus speculal~
entidecl bis work "Ajwibat a/-Maso "il al-Bukhariyyah." However, this cannot be _accepled._ unIess an
original manuscript says 50. See Paul !Craus, "The ~ControVerSiest of Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi,." /s/amic
Culture. voL 12 (1938), 13S.
30 Kholett:..t Study on Fakhr a/-Dfn aI-Râ:Î and His Controversies in Transoriana. 3. See also
• Fakhr al-Dia al..Râzi. MunQ{arât Fakh, al-DÎn a/-Râ:ïfi Bi/ad Mil Warâ' a/-Nahr. 53.
31 KhoIeit:A Slrldy on Fakhr a/-DÏn a/-RQzÏ andHis Controversies in Transonana. 3-4.
321bicl,. 122. See aIso Fakhr aI-Dfn aI.Rizi. al-Arba 'In fi UfÜl a/-Dln. 198.
13
• interestingly, he sometimes clearly expressed his disagreement with the Ash1arites while
agreeing with the Mu1tazilites.3J We will discuss these points in more detail in the
foUowing chapter.
"where he received the patronage ofthe GhUrid ruler ofGhaznah Shihib al-Din.,,34 He did
not stay long in this city, for with the help of Amir al-D'in, the cousin and son-in-law of
Ghiyâth a1-oIn, the Karrimites eventually succeeded in having him expelled. One reason
for this was that al-Rizi had successful1y converted Ghiyith al-D'in, Shihib al-Din's
brother, back from the Karrimiyyah to the Ah1 al-Sunnah wa al-Jami'ah. Another reason
may bave been that a1-Rïzi had pubücly attacked Ibn al-QuQwah, a famous Karrimite
shaylch. After this expulsion, al-RizI moved to Khurisin where he came under the
• patronage of'Ali al-D'in Tukush, and became a tutor to the latter's son, Mul)ammad. 35
After traveling for so many years, al-RizI eventually retumed to Rayy.36 At the
start of this period of his life, met a wealthy doetor (Iabib)37 who presented him with a
book that al-RizI had asked for. When the doetor fell critically ill, he sent for al-Rizi to
obtain the latter's agreement that bis two sons would marry the doetor's two daughters.
After the doaor's death, al-RizI attended to his property, and the revenues ftom this
property enabled him to continue his travels, including a joumey to Khurisân to see Sul~in
33 Kholeit: A Slrldy on Fakhr al-Dln a/·Ra:[ and His Cont,oversies in T,anso:riana. 114-6.
34Ibid. 19.
9
35 Ibid.
•
36 Ibn. KhaD~ Wafayat al.A 'yan \Va Anbâ •Abna· a/·Zanran. \'01. 01,. 248-9; al-DawüdL Tabaqal
al-Alu!assirln. vol 2. 250.
37 WitbOUl indîcatiDg bis sources al-Zarkân states tbat the doctor was ~ Abel al-Ra~miD b. ~ Abd al-
Karim al-Sarakhsi. Sec al-zadcin, Fakh,. a/·liin a/-RizÏ wa l,a tuh a/-Kalamiyyah wa al-Falsajiyyah. 19.
14
• MulJammad b. Tukush. knawn as Khwirizm Shih. After this meeting, al-Rizi received an
honorable position, one never before grante~ trom the SUIJin. 31 Al-Rili was then sent on
an official mission to India.39 Although there is a scholarly debate over whether this
mission ever aetually took place, il is likely that it did, since al-Rizi himself mentions in his
As a client of Khawirizm Shah, al-Rizi decided te spend the rest of bis days in
Herit40 and to devote bis life to teaching, sermons, and writing. 41 For these aetivities,
Sul~in Ghiyith al-D'in built bim a school (madrasah) near the mosque of Herat Üarni'
Hirat).42 Il is probable that he wrote most of bis more extensive works in this period of
bis life. During this time, Many people, including reputed scholars, came trom far and
wide to study under him."3 To bis teaching circle there gathered about three hundred
• people hoping to learn various disciplines under his directions. 44 He had a wide reputation,
3. Ibn Kba1Jjkin, Wafayat a/-A yan wa Anba t Abnâ t a/-Zaman. vol. 4, 248-9; al-DiwüdÎ, Tabaqât
al-Mufassirln, vol. 2, 2S0-1.
39 Al-$afadi, al-Wifl bi al-Wafayal, vol. 4, 249. SÎnce this mission is only reponed by al-$afadL
Fathalla Kholm questions if il reaIly took place and what the purpose of the mission wu. He is more
besitant in tbis respect than Watt and al-larkin. For furtber disœssion, sec Watt, /s/amie Philosophy and
The%gy, 128; al-~ Fakhr al-D'in al-Râz'i wa Arâ'uh a/-Ka/amiyyah wa a/-FaJsaflyyah, 21; and
Kholeit: A Study on Fakhr a/-Dln al-RizÏ and His Controversies in Transo%fana, 19.
40 Sec Ahmad b. Al-Qisim b. KhaÜfah b. YÜDus al-5a"di al-KhazrajI (Ibn AbI U$lybi"ah), 'Uyün
a/-Anbi ft Tabaqiit a/-A{ibbii '. ecL Nizir Ri4&, vol. 2, 33. This account. however, di1rers from tbal of al-
t
Subld's Tabaqal. Sce al..subld, Tabaqiit al-Shafl'iyyah al-Kubrâ. voL S, 33-40; Madjid Fakhry, A History
olls/amie Philosophy, 2nded. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983),319.
41 Since he DOW bad the lime to devote bimself to these aeti\ities, most of bis writings were
probably composed al this time.
4:! M. SaghÏr ~ Ma"~ :lntroduction," in Fakhr al-Din al-RizL Imim Razl's ·1lm al-
Akh/aq, trans. M. Sagbir ijasan Ma"~ (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institut~ 1969), 10 [a translation
•
ofal-Rizi'sKitâb a/-Nafswa a/-Rülp WQ Sharq QiwamihQ).
43Ibn Kba.Ilikin. Walayâl a/·A yan wa Anbâ Abnâ· a/-Zan,an, vol. ~. 248-9; al-Di",ücH, Tabaqât
t
15
• one that eamed bim the laqab Shaykh al_Islam. 45 When scbolars of different schools of
thougbt came to him and raised various issues with ~ he answered them satisfaetorily.
His suceess, according ta Ibn Khallikin (d. 681/1282), led to more conversions ftom the
Karrimiyyah camp.46 This, along with his bold criticism of a Karrimite shaykh (among
others), provoked Karrimite anger against him. His own attacks took the form not ooly of
spoken criticism but were written down as weil in bis Fat/il 'il] al-Kan-amiyyah.47 This
uncompromising stance was to lead to bis death, for the Karrimiyyah conspired to poison
him.48 It was on bis deathbed that he dietated bis will to bis disciple, IbrihIm b. AbI Bakr
b. 'Ali aI-I~ahinL on 21 Mul:tarram 606 A.H.l25 July 1209 C.E.49 It took him sorne time
to succumb to the poison, finally passing away in Herat on the day of lÏd al-Fifr (1
•
Sha\VWil) of 606 A.K/28 March 1210 C.E. in a house called Dar al-SalJanah;50 bis body
was buried in Muzdakhin, a village near Herit. 51 By the end of bis life, he had not yet
finished bis tafstr. Although he had two children --the eIder named Qiya' al-DIo, the
"5 Ibn Abi U$aybi-~ 'Uyün al-Anbi ft Tabaqat al-Alibba 465. Sec also Kholeif. A Study on
t tt
50 ~ Ali· al-Dm Khwârizm Sbih gave al-RizI this ho~ 50 tbat the latter could concentrate on
teac:hing in the scbool that the former had given him as wdl. See Ibn Abl Upybi-~ 'Uyün a/-Anba ~ ft
Tabaqat al...Atibbâ'. 466; al~dL a/-waft bi a/-Wafayat. vol. 4. 251.
S1 Ibn Kha1Iikin. Wafayat al....4 :van wa Anba·Abna' a/-lamant vol._4. 248-9; al-OiwüdÎ. Tabaqat
• a!-Jlufassirln. vol 2. 252. Basing themsdves on the wriûngs of Ibn Abi U~ybi~ah, Ibn al-Q~. Ibn
Kballikin. al-$afadi. al-Dhababi. Yiqüt. al-Subki. ancllbn aI-sa-I, H.A.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers believe
mat Fakhr al-Dia al-RizÎ diccl in 606 AJl However. the conversion ollbis Hij~ clate should he 1210
C.E.• Dot 1209 C.E. as tbey claim. Sec H.A.R. Gibb and lB. Kramcrs. ~Al-RâzL" in SEI. 470.
16
• younger Shams al_Diu_52 and despite bis prediction that bis younger son would complete
the work given bis great talent, neither ofthem finished it.
His schooling and travels enabled al-Rizi to meet scholars of various inteUectual
interests and to discuss with them sorne issues critical to their respective fields. These
experiences eventually motivated al-Rizi to master and to write on these fields himself:
with the result that "tms great encylopedist surpassed his contemporary scholars as
In short, Nasr eoneludes, this background enabled al.Rizi to ~~deal with every aspect of
Muslim intellectual life and [to cover] aU the science of bis time.,,'4 This might help
answer the question ofwhy he was eonsidered sueh a great Qur'in exegete, blessed with
'~e richest mind of ail the classical commentators on the Qur' in, ,,55 and why this "great
• exegete and religious philosopher',56 was 50 creative as to he able to bring a broad range of
brietly the intelleetual life in bis tîme. Mu~d Silil]. al-Zarkin considers this period
S2lbn Abi U$lybl~ah. 'Uyin a/-Anba '.fi Tabaqat al-Atibbii " 465.
53 Ma~$Wni, "Inttoduc:tion." in Fakhr al·Din al.Rizi, Imam Rizi·s 'Ilm a/-Akh/aq. 1.
54 Seyyecl Hossein Nasr,. The Is/amic InteJleclUal Tradition in Persia. ed. Mehdi Amin Razavî
(London: Curzon Press,. 1996). 108.
•
S! A.H. Io~ "Solomon and the Queen of Sbeba: Fakhr al-Din al-Razl·s Treatment of the
Qur·inic Telling of the Story,." Ab,-Nah'ain~ vol. 24 (1986),. 59.
56 Ipas Goldzihcr,. Introdllction to Is/amic The%gy and Law, traDS. Andras and Ruth Hamori
(princeton: Princeton University Press. 1981). 65.
17
• simi1ar to that ofal-Ma'mûn, when inteUeetual activities began to tloUriSh. 57 It was a tinte
when Many great Muslim thinkers, such as Ibn Rushd (d. 594/1198), Ibn 'Arabi (d.
638/1240), and Shaykh al-Ishriq al·Suhrawardi al·Maqtü1, üved and wrote in various
fields. Bausani declares tbat the Saljüq period was important for the development of
Islamic thought in Iran, 5' especially in view of Sunnite-Shi'ite polemics. It was in tms
period aiso that ~tttte entire theological system of Islam round its final systematization.,,59
Seyyed Hossein Nasr maintains that the Saljüqs "supported Islamic theology (ka/am)
against the attacles of the philosophers and sought to strengthen Sunni orthodoxy through
the establishment of a school (maf1rasah) system, which is most closely associated with the
Saljüq prime minister, Khwijah W~ al_Mulk."6O Religious inteUeetual cuneots were not
•
limited to the theological sphere, but extended to mystical and philosophical speculation.
In Islamic theology (ka/am), Abü ~asan al.Ash'arl (d. 323/935) was a key figure in
the development ofIslamic theology (ka/am). He was the founder of the Ash'arite school,
freedom with God's sovereign power. Imim al-ijaramayn al-Iuwayni (d. 47711085), a
in Islamic theology, such as al·lrshQd, Gh;yath a/-Umam. and al-Shami/. He had Many
disciples, among them 'Imâd al-Din Kiyi Harisi (d. 503/1110) and Abû IJimid al·Ghazali
•
Press~ 1968). Sec aIso Nasr. The Islamic IntelleClUal T,adition in Pe,sia.
59 A. Ba~ "Religion in the Saljuq Period." 283.
60 ~ Hossein Nasr. Islam. in AMncl Sbanna (ed.). Ou, Religions (New York: Harper
Collins. 1993).488.
18
• (d. 504/1111), who maintained al-Ash'arl's mainstream sunnI approach.
(d. 548/1153), whose al-Milal wa al-Nil1al is best appreciated for its empirical approach
to the study of the theological sects, was another KhurisinI scholar well-known in this
Al-SbahrastinI
field. The Mu'tazilite scholar al..Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144) was renowned for bis
Wujüh a/-Tawt/. In faet, scholars consider al-Razi'3 al-Taf~r al-Kabir or MajQ#/J al-
Like Abü ~d al-GhaziIÏ and Imim al-ljaramayn al-Juwayni before him, al..Razi
wrote a number of original theological works. 62 His fresh outlook is evident in bis
•
t
example, al-Rizi "reacbes out widely and brings into consideration philosophical thought,
along with materia! from all other possible areas.,,64 Interestingly, W. Montgomery Watt
c1aims that the works of scholars after al-Rizi, with the exception of sorne scholars like
N~r al-Dm al-Tüsi (d. 673/1274) and Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1328), were, although
• 54 Helmut Gilj~ The Qur'in and Ils Exegesis: Selected TulS with C/assical andklodem Mus/im
19
• Another celebrated figure among the Persian Muslim thinkers of!bis time was Ibn
SIni (d. 980/1037)." His întenectual genius led to an original and creative understanding
of Islam, against which later scholars, such as Abü l:Iimid al-Ghazili and al-&izi, argued.
Not ooly did he adopt Greek philosophy, he also adapted it to Islamic thought.67
Next to the influence that a1-RizÏ's teacher Abü al-Barakat al-Bagbdidi had on
him, it was Ibn Ski's deeply philosophical thought that had the greatest impact on al-Rizi.
This is clear ftom a1-RizÏ's commentaries on al-IshOrat wa a/-Tanbfhat and 'Uyün al-
Ifikmah. However, in Many passages in bis writings he did not hesitate to express bis
disagreement with Ibn sini.61 Sorne of bis disagreements were on the issue of emanation
•
already been discussed for the most part in Ibn SiDi' 5 a/-ShijQ ,.69
Persia in a1·RizÏ's rime otrered a fertile ground for a synthesis of the Islarnic
sciences and the so-called "secular sciences.n Ka/am, as Marshall Hodgson claims, was
not purely religious discourse, but was "treated very much in the spirit offa/safah, with
Persian heritage, with its wide-ranging approach to learning, enabled a1-RizÏ to familiarize
himself with philosophy, the "Islamic sciences," and the "secular sciences." He made good
65 Known as Avicenna, and a/-Shaykh al·Ra 18. Ibn sIni's tW1 name was Abü ~Ali al-ijusayn b.
sini. For a brief inuoduetion, see A..M. Goicbon. "Ibn S~ in U. voL
~ Abd AlIih b. ijasan b. ~ Ali b. t9
2t 941-7.
61lbid.
61 In vicw oC al·RizIts occasional disagreement wim Ibn SIni. NaPr al-DIn al-rüsI refers to the
formerts remarks as a diatnbe, not a commentaly (jar!! la sharlY. See Falduyt il History of Islamic
Philosophy. 320. Sce a1so Ibn S~ AI-IshQrQI wa al-Tanbthat. \Vith a commentary by NaF al·Din al-
•
T~ \'01. 1. ed Sulaymin DWl}'i (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~am: 1958)t 162.
69 FaIduy. A History ofIs/amie Phi/osophy. 320-3.
70 Marshall O.S. Hodgson, The Ven',,1'e of Islam: Conscience and History in A World
Civi/izatÎon, voL 2 (Chicago; the University of Chicago Press. 1977), 323.
20
• use ofthese sources, for Nasr claims that there was no science available in al-Rizi's time
that he did not know.. He mastered not ooly theology (ka/am). mysticism (~ftsm),
jurisprudence (ftqh), rhetoric (ba/aghah) and philosophy (fa/sofah), but also ulogic,
mathematics, metaphysics, and the natural and the esoteric sciences. ,,71
Fakhr al-Dm al-Rizi was a well-known and influential figure in the history of
Islamic studies. He intluenced the thought of bis contemporary and later thinkers,
especially in the fields of Islamic theology (ka/am) and Qur'inic exegesis (tafSir). On the
basis of the available accounts, Kholeif considers al-Rizi to bave been a controversial
•
figure, especially while living in Transoxiana.. 72 Sorne scholars knew hint for bis great
reputation as a scbolar ofIslam, and as a great teacher and author. When referring to him,
al-Shahrizürl cites the prophetie tradition O1adith) attributed to the Prophet: "In every one
hundred years, there will be a renovator for this community,,,n and declares him to be the
sixth renovator after 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (d.. 101/719), Mu1}ammad b.. Idris al-Shafi'i
(d.. 204/819), Alpnad b.. Surayj (d.. 306/918), Abu Bakr al-BiqillinI (d.. 403/1012), and
Abü ~d al-GbazïiL 74 Others, however, considered hint to be possessed of a bad
character, accusing him of having tumed away tram the Sunnah and of having failed to
71 Nasr, The [stamic [ntel/eclUa/ Tradition in Persia. 108. Sec also Musi~id Muslim ~ Abd Allah
Al Ia·rar~ Arhar a/-Ta!awwur al-Fikrl ft al-Taf~r fi a/-~4~r QI-'Abb~ (Beirut: Mu~assasat al-R.isiIah.
(984),201..
•
n Kholeif. A Strldy on Fakhr a[-DÎn al-Ra:f and His Controversies in TransoXÎana. 9-15.
n This l1adflh is reponcd on the authority of Abü Diwüd and Ibn }Janbal..
74 See Shams al-Dia MufJammacl b.. Mal)müd al-Shabrazüri, Rawt!at al-Afra" wa Nuzhat at-
21
• support orthodoxy ··even to the point of committing heresy. It is not our purpose,
however, to fall into such value judgments. This survey ofconflicting opinions is intended
ta impress upon the reader how easy it was for those who lacked al-Rizi's abilities and
As mentioned earlier, al·Rizi was known not ooly for bis expertise in theology and
Qur'inic studies, but alsa for bis knowledge of philosophy, Medicine, mathematics, Islamic
jursiprudence, and linguisties. In addition to bis prose, al-Rizi wrote poetry, both to
express bis thought and, sometimes, to answer bis opponents. In order ta reach his
audience, al-Rizi spoke and wrote in bath Arabie and Persian, although the bulle of his
works were written in Arabie. One reason for this, 1 believe, was bis strong bellef in the
superiority of Arabie, sinee the Qur' in, the Sunnaht and most books on the Islamic
,Ashür maintains that al-Râzi started bis intellectual career by studying philosophy and the
Greek sciences ('ulÜ1n al-I!i/anah a/-Yünaniyyah). 76 This statement, however, contradiets
al-Râzi,s own admission. In bis autobiography, Ta/Wl a/-Ifaqqt al-Râzi mentions that he
began bis academie pursuits by studying theology ('ilm a/-ufÜl) and Islamie jurisprudence
(fiqh) under bis father' s tutelage. Having learned all he could ftam the latter, a man
75 Although presented to an academic: audience. this book was \l'rinen in a Jess than academic
•
fo~ for there is no bibliography anached. Rarely does the author give references; berc the refercnœ is
incomplete. ~ for exampl~ Ibn 'AsbÜl'. Q/.Ta!ii, WQ Rijaluh (Tunis: Dar al·Kutub al·Sharq~
1966>.81.85-6.
"Ibn'AshÜf. Q/.TajSi, "'Q Rija/uh. 72.
22
• theologically sympathetic to the Ash~arites77 and whose juridical thought was firmly
Shifi~ite,7' al-RiZf went on to study fiqh under al-Kami! al-sïmninI. Then he tumed to
themes were sometimes overwhelmed by philosophical notions. Watt points out that, like
other theologians --such as al-Ghazili, al-Ïji (d. 756/1355), and al-JurjinI (d. 816/1413)--
al-Rizi devoted a considerable portion (perhaps hait) of bis main theological treatise al-
Mabal1ith al-Mashriqiyyah to philosophical preliminaries.79 Mubammad al-BaghdidÏ and
I:IijizI al-Saqqi' commend al-Rizi for bis attempts to combine kalam with philosophy.IO
Al-Saqqi' even claims that he made no apparent distinction between kalâm and
•
philosophy.81 Nasr observes that "the theology of Imam RizI is marked by the integration
oftheological themes with other sciences." To support this assertion, Nasr points out that
Rizi combines theology with ethics in his ASTar a/-Tanit/; theology with Süfism in his
Lawami '; and theology with philosophy in his MrII1~~/. 82 In addition to declaring him a
71 His fatber studiecl theology through the folloWÎDg chain of authorities: Abü al-Qisim S~
b. N. al-AnPrL Imim aJ-ijaramyn Abü al-Ma'ilL Abü Isl)iq al-FiriyinL Abü al-Husayn al-BibiIL an~
ultimately, Abü al-1Jasan 'Ali b. Isma'Il al-Ash'an. The latter studiecl theology ûo~ Abü 'AlI a1-Jubbi'L
but was dissatisfiecl and founded bis own school of theology, knawn as the Ash'arite school. See Ibn
Khallikin , Wafayat al-A yan wa Anba t Abna' al-Zaman vol. 4, 248-9; a1-DiwüdI, Tabaqat a/.Mu/assirln
t t
vol. 2, 252.
71 His father studiecl Islamic jurisprudence through the foUowing chain of authorities: Abü
Mulptmmad al-l:Iusaxn b. Mas'üd al-Fmi' .al-Baghawf. a1-Qi4Ï l:Iusayn al·MarüzL al-Qaffâ1 a1-~
Abü Zayd a1-Marüzi. Abu IsIJiq a1.Marüzi. Abü ale' Abbis b. Surayj. Abü al-Qisim al·AnmiJi, Abü
IbrilÙm al-MazinI, and al·Imâm a1-sbifi'I. See Ibn KhaJIikin. Walayat al·.4 yin wa Anba· Abna· al-
Zaman. vol. 4, 248·9; al-DiwüCÜ, Tabaqat al.Mulassirln. vol. 2. 252.
79 William Montgomery Wa~ Muslim-Christian Encounters: Perceptions and Misconceptions
(New York: Routledge, 1991). 54-5. See also G.C. Ana\\'a~ "Fakhr al-Dm a1.Riz1." in U. 751·5.
10 Sec Mul)ammad al..Mu'~ bi AIIih a1-BaghdiCÜ. "Taq_" in Fakhr al·Dtn aI-Rizi. al·
•
!v/aba/rith al.Mashriqlyyahji Olim al./lihtyyiit wa al-Tabi"(yyat. \'01. l, 71-82.
Il A1)mad ~jizÏ al-5aqqâ·. ecL. "Muqacldimab," in Fakhr al-D'in a1-Razi. al.Matalib al- ~4liyah
min 01- olIm a/.IIQhf. vol. 1,1.
12 Nasr. The /slamic /nte//eclllai Tradition in Persia 109-10.
t
23
• great philosopher and theologian, Majid Fakhry states that he was the ooly equal of al·
Ghaziii in philosophical and theological erudition in the twelfth century. In seme respects,
a1-Rizi was even greater, for "he combines philosophy and theology 50 completely that the
separation between their respective spheres is harcily discemible. ,,83
greaùy influenced 1ater Muslim thinkers such as N~ir al-Din al-rüsI, Ibn Taymiyyah (d.
729/1328), al-Taftizini (d. 79111389), and al-JurjinI (d. 816/1413), especially in the fields
of theology and philosophy.84 His explanation and critique of Ibn Ski's philosophy were
useful, allowing later philosophers Iike Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406) to encounter Ibn Ski's
system ofthought. 85
•
Raving studied several disciplines and experienced various ways of attaining the
truth, in the last period orbis life al-Rizl devoted himselfto the study orthe Qur'in. This
field, he admitted, sustained bis relentless and ongoing doubts, for as he said: "Laqad
ghalilan wa la tashft ~alÏlan. Wa ra 'aytu ~11a "-turuqi {ariqata 'l-Qur'an. ,,86 Jane
Dammen McAuliffe translates this as: "1 have diligendy explored the paths of kalam and
the ways of philosophy but have not found what quenches thirst or heals the sicle; but now
• the Intellectua1 Climate of His Times, in History of!s/amic Phi/osophy. pan. l, 530•
99
24
• 1 see that the soundest way is the way of the Qur'an read deanthrophomorphically.,,17 ln
his wcqiyyah (will), a1-RizI a1so stated: "Wa laqad ikhtaba1'tu '!-!Uruqa 'l-kalamiyyah wa
'/-manOhija 'I-fa/saftyyah, lama ra 'aytu ftha jâ 'idatan tusawl '/-jQ 'idata '/-/ail
wajadtuha ft 'I-Qur 'an; '/- 'Aiim, " meaning "1 have experienced the paths of ka/am and
the ways of philosophy. However, 1 found in them no benefit that equates the benefits
later life to scholarship at a school in Rerat, it might be true that bis monumental al-TafSir
•
Al-Rïzi was described as having a bad temper, and unable te control bis emotions.
His bad temper also made him criticize others strenuously, not only at an intellectual but
also at a personal level.90 This claim is not without basis, for he once got very upset
simply because of a small and unintentional slight suffered at the hands of another
scholar.91 However, he was at the same time honest about himselt'; and remorseful about
bis behavior.92
17 Jane Dammen McAuli1fe, Qu,.·anic Chrlstians: An Ana/ysis ofe/assicol and Modem Exegesis
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 67.
ft Ibn Abi U$8ybi ah, •Uyiin al-Anbi 'ft rabaqat al-A{ibba " 467.
5
such a view needs reassessmenL For more discussio~ sec, Tony S~ "Concerning the LiCe and Works
of Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi." in Islam: &says on Sc,.iptu,e. Thought and Society; A Fetschrift in Hanau,. of
Anthony H. Johns (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997), 135-46.
90 For examp1e. bis verse which reads: a/-ma,. 'u ma dama l1ayyan .vustahanll bihi 1/ wa .va 'iUmu
•
"-11I%'u flhi Itfna yuftaqadu. Sec Ibn ~ Wafayat a/-A yan wa Anba ' Abna' a/-Zaman. vol. 4, 252.
91 Vl5iting al-Farld al-Ghflim's house in Samarqan~ Fakhr al-Din al-Riz! was upset bec:ause he
had to wail for the host a long lime. When the latter came ou~ he swore al mm for such bad. ueauncnL
The Canner justifiecl the swearing of the scholar by quoting a Qur'iDic verse 42:40 which reads: "",a-
• Al-Riri had a deep love of knowledge and pursued the study of every branch of
science. After the death of bis rather, he traveled ftom one place to another in search of
all kinds ofknowledge. He even blamed himselffor not heing diligent enough, saying: "By
God 1 regret the time 1 have spent eating instead ofbeing in pursuit oflearning, for time is
precious. n93
the development ofbis talents, until he excelled in what he did. Both Ibn Khallikin and al-
~afadi state that he combined five gifts as no one else cauld: "he had an ability to express
himsel( a sound mind, boundless knowledge, prodigious memory, and had all bis praofs
and examples at bis command."~ These virtues underscore the excellence of bis writings
•
("wa jaml'u ~ifthi ba/ighatunji '1-lpJsn; Qq~a 'l_ghQyat,,).95
His companions and opponents ail agreed that al-Rizi had "great power of
argument and reasoning.,,96 Nasr states that "Imam Fakhr's particular genius for analysis
and criticism is evident in whatever field he tums bis attention to. ,,97 Yet, he tempers this
judgment with the statement "that in the annals of Muslim thought he has quite justly
jazQtu sayyiatin sayyiatvn mithluha.·· See al-RizÎ's Muna;arat Fakh, al-Din a/-Râii fi Bi/ad Ma Wara'
al-Nah,. S9.
92 FathaUa Kholeif SbO\\'5 tbis attitude in Fakhr al-Dm al-RizI's verse, quoted from al-
sbahrizüri's Rawt/at al-Afràh wa Nuzhat a/-Arwil!, whiçh reads: '"Ashkü i/a ·I1Dh; min khuluqin
yughtlJ'}'Îrunl Il wa yam"alJ'l. ·~-nüru_ ,,!in 'aqli \fa min dÏnÎ 1/ !fara,atun min mazaji 'I-qalbl mul!kamatun
Il tubdi fa tanmi fâ tvghwini fâ tv,tiini. ,. FathaUa Kholeif translates this verse as foDows: ~I complain to
Gocl ofa <:bangeful temper 1/ whidl extinguishes the light !rom my rason and faim 1/ A spark embedded
in the composition of my beart 1/ which ap~ grows. takes çontrol oC me and satisfies me." See
Kholeïf: A Stvdy on Fakhr al-Dtn al-Raii and His Controversies in Transoxiana. 20.
93 Ibid.. 22.
•
94 Al-$afaciL al-wafi bi al-Wafayat. vol. 4.248.
26
• become famous as one who is a master in posing a problem but not in solving il, in
During bis life, al-Rizi wrote a great number of works in Many disciplines.99 Al-
BaghdadI points out that his works covered: Cl) exegesis (al-ta/Sir); (2) theology ('ilm al-
ka/am); (3) logie, philosophy, and ethies (a/-mantiq, a/-fa/safah, and a/-akhlaq); (4) a
combination of theology and philosophy (ft ';/m al-ka/am wa al-faisafah ma'an); CS)
Islamic jurisprudence (al-flqh wa al-u~l): (6) history and biographies (al-tarlkh wa al-
tarajim),· (7) mathematics and astronomy (a/-riyilcfDh wa al-falak); (8) medicine and
•
physiognomy (al-pbb wa al-firasah),· (9) magic and astrology (al-sillr wa al-rami wa al·
tanjtm): and (10) general works and encyelopedias (kutub 'ammah wa dowa 'ir ma 'an/). 100
9B Ibid.
99 The following are some examples of Fakhr al-Din al-RizI's works. a nomber of which are
extanl On Qur'inie: studies, he wrote al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir or MajQti" a/-Ghayb, Agar a/-Tanitl wa Anwar
al-Ta wil or Ta/Sir al-QJI"Qn al-&ghir, Ta/Sir Si,at a/-FQti"ah, Ta/Sir Si,at al-BaqaI'tM, Ta[sf' Si,at al-
lkhlDl, and (Risa/ah ft) al-Tt!"bfh "ali 'pa"t! al-ASI"D.! al-Midi'all ft ba't! AyOt al-.!Jur'an_ al-Karim;
theology (kIllam): al-Arba 'in fi UfÜl al-Din, a/-Khamsin ft UfÜl a/-Din, Asâs a/-TaqdIs, TaJrfil al-1Iaqq.
a~.Jab, wa a/..fJatfr or a/-Qaqa:wa a/-Qad.!'. Sharlt Asmi Al/QI} a/-1Iusno, "l~al al-Anb;yâ J, a/-MaltfÜ/
t
(ft 'llm al·Ka/am), al-Ma 'Qlim fi U~/ a/-D;n, N;hayat al-"Uplfi Di,ayat a/-U{ÛI, and Ajwibat al-Maso 'U
a/-Najjiriyyah; logie (manliq)t philosophy and akhlâq: aI-AyQt al-Bayyinat.ft al-Man{iqJ al-Man,;q al-
K..ablrJ Ta'jlz al-Fa/infah, Sharlt al-lsharit wa al-Tanbfhât (Ii Ibn SÏnQ). Sharl1 "Uyün a/-f/i~Dh (Ii Ibn
Sino), al-MabâJ1ïth al-MashriqiyyahJ MrI"~al ÂjkQr al-Mu!!JqaddImin wa a/-Muta ·aklrkhirin min a/-
'U/ami· wa a/-Efukamâ wa al-MrltQ/UlllimIn, a/-Mati/lb ~/- 'Aliyah. ~ a/-Alchliq; legal ~ (al-fiqh
t
wa a/.tqÜQ: lblol al-Qiyâs. Iltkâm al-Altkim, Sharii al-Waj~ li al-Ghoza/i ft al-Fiqh~al-MaIt~1fi UfÛl a/-
Fiqh, al-Ma"âlim fi UfÜl al-nqh. Muntakhab al-MaltfÜ/ ft Ufil a/-nqh, al-BQ1'Qhin af-Baha 'iyyah, and
al-Nihâyah al-Bahi Jiyyah .ff al-Mabaltith al-Qiyâsiyyah; Arabie: anc! its sciences: Sharlt Nahj al-
Balâghah, and al-MulJ.anirft lIaqa 'iq (or Daqi'iq) al-Ni!/rN; bistory (tarikh): Faqâ 'il al-A~ltâb or Fat!Q 'il
al-$aqibi!!' al-Rashidin. and Manâqib al-Imam al-ShiJi ti; mathematics and a5t!0nomy: al-Handtl!ah, and
Risi/ah fi "l/m a/-Hay 'ah; medic:ine: al-17bb al-Kabir, a/-Ash,ibah, a/-Tashrill, Shar~ a/-Qinun li Ibn
SlnaJ ~d Maso 'il fi al-Tibb; magie: and astrology: a/-Altkâm al- ~41a 'iyyah ft al-Â "lam a/-8a"'-.awiyyah.
•
Kitib fi ai-Rami, and aleS;". al-Ma/ctüm; and on general knowledge: l'liqad R,aq al-Mrlslimin ",a al-
MushrikÏn. Sec al-ZMkin. Fa/th,al-Din al-Razf waArâtuh a/-Kalimiyyah wa al-Falsa.ftyyah. 56-164.
100 See MuI)ammacl al-Mu'~ bi A1lih al-BagbdictL "Taq." in al-Ralf. QI-Mabâllith al·
Mashriqiyya/l.ft "llm al-llâhiyyat wa al-Tabl"iyyot. vot 1. 17-S2. Munada A. Mubibbu-Din·s preliminary
17
• Modem $Cholars have written extensively on al-RizI. In almost every published
version of al-RizI's works there is an introduction which identifies his writings in varying
detaiL A more complete list and analytical description of bis writings may be found in
al_Zarkin. 10l This book includes not ooly an alphabetical list of the titles of al-RizI's
works found in early sources, but aIso recent editions of bis works. Al-Zarkin has shawn
that ofthe 235 titles usually attnouted to Fakhr al-Din al-RizI, 71 are of a doubtful nature
and 28 are spuriOUS. 102 In bis examination of al-Rizi's tafSir, Murtada A Muhibbu-Din
arranges bis list according to theme and discipline. He divides all the sciences into
"traditional or religious sciences" (01- 'ulüm al-naqliyyah aw al-shar ';yyah), which are
sciences connected directly with the Qur'an, and the so-called "inteUectual or philosophical
• sciences" (al- 'u[üm al- 'aqliyyah aw al-1Jikmiyyah), which are sciences that do not have a
direct connection with the Qur' in and are commonly said to he inherited from Greek
tradition. Under the first category, al-RizI' 5 writings include tafSir, theology, fiqh,
history, grammar and rhetoric, JÜfism and general knowledge, while his contnoutions ta
In relation to these works, it is worth noting that al-TafSir al-Kabir or MajQiil1 al-
Ghayb. on which our discussion in this thesis will be based, is considered his most
important exegetical work. Although schalars have ditferent ideas as ta the originallength
research shows that they cover Qur'inic studies. ka/am. and Islamic jurisprudence. Sec Munada A.
Muhibbu-Din. "Imim Fakhr al-Dm al-RW: Philosophical Theology in al-Tarsfr al-Kabir." Hamdard
Is/amicus. vol. 18. no. 3 (1994). S5-84
101 Al-Z8rkin. Fakhr a/-D'in a/-Ra:'i wa l,a ·uh al-Ka/amiyyah wa a/-Fa/saftyyah. 56-164.
• 55-84.
l~ lbicL. 154-64.
103 Muhibbu-Om. "Imim Fakhr al-Ofn al-Rizi: PhiJosopbical TIleology in al-Tafsir al-Kabir."
28
• of the worle, certain early sources, sucb as Ibn AbI ~U~ybi~ah, al-BagbdidI, al-Qifli, al-
Ohahabi, and al-$afadi seem ta agree that Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi did Dot finish the book
himself: 104 After his death, his pupils, Shams al-D'in AlJ,mad b. Khall al-Khü'i (d.
637/1239)105 and Najm al-D'in QimülÏ (d. 728/1327), completed the worte, 50 that this
book eventually came to consist of 32 volumes. I06 These sources lead us to conclude that
not aIl parts of the a/-Ta/sir a/-Kahl, were written by al-RizI, and that other scholars later
The difticu1ty is deciding which parts of the book were written by al-RizI and
which by other authors. There are two possibilities: first that he composed the tajSir in the
order of the Qur' ~ and second that he composed the ta/Sir randomly in accordance with
•
his mood and the needs of bis students. If the first possibility is correct, it might be true
that at least the tirst ten volumes belong to al-Razi and the remainder to others. If the
second possibility is correct, the problem is rendered more difficult. Since there are Many
reports stating that al-Razi wrote the ta/Sir in chapters (al-Fitil}ah, al-Baqarah, al-Ikhl~,
etc.), he may have written the tafSir in random fashion. This is more evident in bis
interpretation of the Qur'in 3:40. In addressing the question of why Y~yi was named
YaI}yi, al-Razi states that the reason bas been explained in the interpretation of Smat
104 They maintain that al-Ta/sl" al-Kabl,. did not excecd 30 volumes. Acœrding to Ibn Abi
U~ybi~ah the book consisted of only 8 volumes; according to al-BagbdidÏ, len volumes.
105 In bis Nash 'at al-Ta/ii,. wa Manahijuh, MaJpnüd Baysüni Fawclah assens tbat the /aqab of
Shams al-Din Ahmad
~
was al-Kbübi. However.- he does not mention the source or this assertion. See
-
Malpnûd Baysüni Faw~ Nash 'Qt al-Tafsir wa Manahijuh fi l)aw' a/-Madhahib al-Is/amiyyah (Cairo:
MaJba~ataI-~ 1986), 189.
106 ~ for instance, H.A.R. Gibb and I.H. Kramers, "AI-Razi," in SEI, 470; al-zarkin.. Fakhr al-
• Din al-RDii wa ii,.i 'uh a/-Ka/amiyyah wa al-Falsaflyyah. 65-6; J. Jomier, "Les mafatih al-ghayb de
rimam Fakhr a1-Din al-Razi: quelques dates. li~ manuscripts.19 MlDEO 13 (1977), 253-90; and J.
Jomier, "Qui a commenté l'ensemble des sourates al-~ Ankabüt à Yasin (29-36) dans ~Ie Tafsir al-Kabir' de
l'imimFakhral-Dmal-Rizir [JMES Il (1980),467-85.
29
• Maryam, wbich is the nineteenth chapter. 107 It il, therefore, not easy to determine which
Sorne scholars' use of al-Rüi's works as sources May help us determine this.
Another way is to compare the style of writing and the content of the taf~r. This opens
up three avenues: first, researchers May identify which passages suit bis mode of
expression; second, they may be able to detect which ideas are close to bis theological and
juridical affiliations; and thircl~ they may find clues as to whether the master or bis pupils
Bearing these difticulties in minci, 1 believe that the commentary on the the third
chapter (Sürat Al Clmran or The Household of 'Imrim) was written by al-Rüi himself:
•
This assertion is based on several reasons, one of which is that he states at the end of bis
interpretation of the chapter that "with Gad's grace and kindness, the exegesis of this
Another reason is that the organization of the passage is similar in rasmon ta bis other
writings. Furthennore, al-Rizi mentions in the passage tbat uthere was an ongoing debate
between ~me' [al-Rüi] and sorne Cbristians"l09 on the issue of the relation between proof
(dalfl) and consequence (madlü/). This assenion tallies with al·Rüi's joumey to
Transoxiana, where he debated not ooly with Muslims ofother schools ofthought but also
with scholars of other religions. The last reason is that he mentions in the passage that
''the writer ofthis volume" (mu~if hâdhiz al-làtab), al-Imim Fakhr al-Din al.Rizi, says
•
107Sec al-RizL al-Ta/ii, al-Kahl,. vol. 8, 37.
lœ Sec al-Rjzi, a/-Ta/if, a/.Kabl,. vol. 9, 156.
109 Compare al-uri, a/-Tarii, a/-Kabl,. vol. 8, 78, with al·Rizi, MunDiarah ft al-Radd 'ala a/-
NtJfara. 9.
30
• so and so. These reasons will be elaborated in greater detail in Cbapter Three, where we
•
31
• CbapterTwo
This chapter will focus on Fakhr al-D'in al.Rüi's basic assumptions regarding the Qur'an
and its exegesis, which are crucial to understanding bis exegetical method. The first part
examines bis notions on the scriptural nature of the Qur'an. It covers the funetion and
language ofthe Qur'an, and its miraculous nature. The second part is devoted to al-Rizl's
efforts to explore the various meanings of Qur' wc verses. We shall consider his
definition of exegesis, the sources and scope of bis interpretive approach, and the
•
emphases encountered in bis writing.
the basic source of Islam. These works have been written ftom vlrious motives. W1lfted
Cantwell Smith, for instance, maintains that seen ftom the motives of the writings,
devotional or scholarly.l The main difference between these two classes lies in their basic
assumptions: the fonner starts tram the assumption that the Qur'an is Gad's ward, the
1 Wilfred CantweU Smith cIisc:usscd the question of ~Is the Qurtin the worcl of Goclr at length in
•
bis Questions ofRe/igious Tn/th. This crucial issue bas long preoccupied $Cholus. both in the Muslim
and the WestCm \\'Oriels. Il is of great importance to Islamic civilization. Using a comparative approac,
Smith took up tbis crucial question with dcvoted Muslims and Christians as well as $Cholm for a more
objective treatment. without any presupposition. For more detailSt see WiI1ied Cantwell Smith, Questions
ofReligious Tl'Uth (London: Victor GoUan~ 1961)~ 37-62.
3%
• truth of which is absolute;2 the latter bas no such presupposition, but carries out its work
for expositional purposes. Writers who belong to the tirst group study the Qur'an to
justify their bellefs, which sometimes malees it difticult for them to study it critically.
Writers in the second group, who study the Qur' in for the sake of scholarship, on the
other band, tend to be critical. However, this division is not clear-cut or it is even a poor
juxtoposition, for both the beüevers and the non-believers can write on this field ftom
scholarly perspective. This is evident in Anthony Johns' writing, where he points out that
there are scholars, whose motives for writing are not a1ways unifonnly religious, bave also
foUowed scholarly conventions in their writings on the Qur' an.3 In short, the point in
consideration is whether or not the writers can adopt a scholarly approach in their
•
writings.
It is not our purpose to elaborate on the historical and praetical aspects of this
division. 4 Rather, we shaU try to explain the nature of the Qur'in in al-Rizl's exegetical
writings and determine whether aI-Rizi considers the Qur'in a religious or a scholarly text.
This question is deceptively simple. However, sinee the Qur' in is regarded by every
1 For more discussion on the consequence of holding the idea that the Qur'in is a scrip~ sec,
for e.umpl~ Caesar E. F~ Islam: Belieft and Observancest 5th ecL (New York: Barrons. 1994), 91-4.
3 Anthony Reade Iohns, ••Qn Qur inic Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Study in the Transmission
9
of Islamic Leaming:· Islam: Essays on Scriptu,e. Thought and Society; ..4 Festseh,ijt in Honour of
Anthony H. Johns (Leidcn: EJ. Brill, 1997)~ 16.
.. For discussion on the development oC Qur inic studies Crom a devotional to scholarly approach.
9
• sec Fred Leembuis. 1be Koran and Its E.xegesis: From Memorizing to Leaming." in Jan Willem Drijvers
and. A.A MacDonald. eds., Centres ofLeaming: Leaming and Location in P,e..Modem Europe and the
Near East (Leiden: E.I. BrilI. 1995)9 91·102.
S Edward SeU. The Faith of/siam. 2nd ed. (London: Kegan Paul, lB%}9 1.
33
• 1.1. Tbe Functions orthe Qur'in
The fimetion orthe Qur'in is a crucial issue in Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's exegesis. In
many instances, he stresses that the Qur' in is a guidance (hudil) and an explanation
(bayQn). He supports bis view by quoting verse 2:185 - which with other verses declares
that the Qur' in was revealed ta explain various issues and that humankind may receive
guidance ftom it. In a/-Ta/Sir al-Kabir, al-RizI thus holds that everything in the Qur'an
must be understandable.6 His theological position is that there is not a word in the Qur' in
which human beings cannot understand - even those known as the fawanIJ al-suwar.
Here, he might have been thinking of certain philosophical difticulties encountered in the
Qur' an. In bis exegetical writings, he invokes certain philosophical notions and explains
•
sorne verses in a philosophical spirit.7
Al·RizI's emphasis on the function ofthe Qur'an as a guidance and explanation for
mankind does not negate its other funetions -for example, as a warning ta people (nadhir)
(Q. 42:7). Another funetion is to give good news (bashir) to those who believe and
practice its teachings. These two funetions are closely tied to the notion that the Qur' in is
Al-Rizi seems to be saYing that the Qur' in is above ail else a scripture,1 basic to
which are two qualities: sacredness and authority. He maintains that the Qur'an is Gad's
Râz1·s Treatment of the Qur·iDic Episodes Telling of Abraham and His Guests: Qur·iDic Exegesis \Vith
•
Ruman Face.... Mélanges (1nstitut Dominicain d·EtudesOrienlolesdu Cadre). vol. 17 (1986). 81-133•
1 For the developmcnt orthe concept of scripture, see Wilfied CantweJl Smith. uSc:ripture as Form
and Concept," in Rethin1cing Scriptrl'~: Essays 1'om a Comparative Perspective. ecL Miriam Lcvering
(Albany: Saale UDiversity ofNcw York Press. 1989).
• word (laIlam AllQh)9 revealed (taniil) to Mu1)ammad piecemeal (najman najman)lO by way
of what is known as wal/y. Il Because the Qur' in is the word of Gad. and cannot contain
error, al-RizI bases ail bis arguments on the assumption that whatever the Qur'ïn says is
truth. He argues, for example, that the "problematic verses" only seem to contradiet
themselves, when in faet they agree with each other. It is our task to understand how the
"problematic verses" agree with each other. l2 He further asserts that there is no
contradiction in the Qurtin, basing himself on verse 4:82, which says that uif the Qur'in
were not ftom God, you would find much contradiction in it."
9 Fakhr al-Dm al-Razl. }(hall{al-Qu"Qn bayn a/-Mu 'tazilah wa Ahl a/-Sunnah, ed. Alpnad I:IijizÏ
al-Saqqi (Cairo: al-Maktab al-Tbaqifi, 1989). Western scholars such as letrery and Macdonald question
the claim that the Qur·in is Goc1's word, iDsisting instead that it is only Mulptmmad's. For more
•
discussion, see Arthur le1fery, Islam: Muqammad and His Religion (New York: The Liberal Art Press,
1958),47-37; Duncan Black Macdonal~Aspectso//slam (New York: Macmillan, 1911), 77-114.
10 Sec al-Rizi, al-Ta/Si,. al-Kabl', vol. 7. 169-70.
Il As far as bis interpretation of the Qur.in is c:oncemed. al-RizI does not say mucb about the
mechanism of revelatioD. In bis study of the thought of al-RizL MulJammad Silil) al-Zarkin mainlains
tbat he viewed bow the rcvelation took place in similar rasmon to Ibn sInâ and al-Firaof. The latter two
maintained that propbethood is based on emanation theory, and that the spirit or the Propbet ascended
(F 'üd) to a higher reality (al.. 'a/am al- 'rlMi) ta reœive the message ftom God, either in a Slate of
inspiration, wakefulncss. or dream. Mu!)ammad SilüJ. al-larkin, Fakh,. a/-Dïn a/-Rait wa Ara'rlh al-
Kalimiyyah l'a al-Falsaflyyah (Beirut: Dar al-Fila, [19631]). SSl. Compare wim Ibn sïni s "On the
9
Proof or Propbec:ies and the Interpretation of the Propbets' Symbols and Metapbors." trans. Micbael E.
Mannura. in Medievel Polflical Philosophy, ed. Ralph Lcmer and Muhsin Mahdi (New York: Comel
University Press. (991), 113-21.
12 Al-Rizi clivided these problematic verses into two categories. First, Qur'ânic verses that seem
la contradiet themselves: (1) Allahu ni", 's-samawiti l'a 'l-arq. matha/u ririhl kil mis/chkQt, which at the
same time afIirms and negates that Gad is nü, (tight); (2) Laysa lui milhlihÎ shay·. which indic:ates tbat
Gad bas a similarity. and a1!irms and negates the oneness of Gocl at the same time. Secon~ Qur'inic
verses that seem to contradiet other verses: (1) wa man yut//ili 'I/ihu fâ ma /ahi miw l'aliyyim mim ba 'dih
contradiets zayyan~ lahrl"''' ~h-shayfQnu a'malahum fa huwa l'aliyyuhrlnJll '/-yawm; (2) ;nna koyda 'sh-
shaytâni kQna qa 'ifâ contradiets istaJr.vadhdha 'alayhimu 'sh-shtlf/âmi fa ~sQhum dhikra 'Uâh and fa
zayyana lahumu 'sh-slrayfanu a 'miJahum fa faddahum 'ant s-sabil. Al-Rizî. gives solutions for the first
category ofproblems, as foUows: (1) as thesiyaq (context) implies.-.the word nü,. (Hpt) in the first should
mean munawwi,. (the One who gives lighl); (2) the use of kaftashbih is tneant to empbasizc the state that
nothing resembles God. For the second category, bis solution is based on a quotation !rom Ibn al-
Ri\\'and1: (1) waJï in the former means the one who gives benefits anel ~ while in the laner, shay(an is
• their wai'i who does not give them benefits Dar barm; (2) Satan cm only seduce and calI people to foUow
hint. 50 that if they cio not foUow bis calI, they will not be subjected to banD. Thal is why Satan is
regardcd as weak Sec Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi. Nihâyot al-Ïjazft Diriyat al-I'jaz. ccL IbrihÏm al-8ammari'i
and MuIJammad Barakit}Jameli Abü ~ AlI (Oman: Dar al-Fila, 1985). 193-3.
3S
• It is worth noting in this connedion that the Qur'in, in al-RizI's conception, shares
this trait with most other revealed scriptures. 13 Being absolutely true, scriptural assertions
must have no tlaws. While certain historica1 events mentioned in the scriptures are
inaccessible to us, they must be regarded as true on the authority of the scriptures. If one
issue fails to make philosophical sense, this should be taken into account when studying
helps to alleviate this ditliculty, particularly when interpreting the "problematic verses."
Fakhr al-DIn a1·Rizi's point of departure is that the Qur'in has a unique nature -
which basically Hes in the beüef that the Qur'an is God's ward!4 revealed through His
Riji"s bellef system are the Prophet's impeccability ('i~Qh), the Qur'an's miraculous
• nature (i 'iœ), the Qur' in' 5 relevance to every epoch, and the consistency of its verses.
These doctrines are unquestionably accepted by Muslims, although their application may
diffec in some of the details. For example, while they maintain that the idea that the
Qur' in is a miracle (mu 'jizah), Muslim schalars disagree on what makes it miraculous.
A1though al-Râzi considers the Qur' in a reHgious text, he applies bis critical
faculties in an effort to understand it. This is evident in his mode ofexpression, which will
13 For more discussion on the nature orthe saipture, sec William A. Graham. "Scrip~ ., in ER.
133-45; F.E. Peters,.4 Reader on Classica/ls/am (Princeton: Princeton Uni\oersity Press. 1994), 214-19;
Duncan Black Macdonald..4spects olls/am (New York: Ma~ 1911), 210-49.
14 Al-RizLKhalq al-Qur'an bayn a/-Mu',azilah waAhf al.sunnah. ·n.
15 Al-Rizi bas two düferent views conceming whether the Qur'an is guidance for all human
• beings or for Muslims only. Interpreting the Qur'in 3:4, he maintains that it provides guidance for
Muslims and Don-Muslims aIike. By referring back ta the Qur'an 2:2, he maintains tbat the Qur'in is
guidance for Muslims only, wbich suits the occasions oC fC\'dation of these ,!rses. for_thac verses wcre
revealcd to the Christians of Medina. For more discussio~ sec al-Rizi, al-Talm, al-Kabir, vol. 7. 171·2.
• be discussed in next cbapter; he raises an issue relating to certain verses in arder to
compare its treatment in other verses. He also boldly maintains that there are sorne verses
that need to be explained rationally or by reference to other verses. For instance, al-RizI
explains that the persons and households referred to in verse 3:33 - "God has chosen
Adam, Nw" the household of Ibriliim, and the household of' Imrin among the universe" -
- were chosen because of ail people in their respective times they were the best. But if
they were better than the entire universe, regardless of time, he says, this would lead to
contradiction (addiz i[a ·t-tanâqut/), for each ofthem cannot be regarded as the best. 16
This approach illustrates that al-Rid regards the Qur' in as a religious text, and at
the same time scrutinizes it as an object ofscholarly study. One might still ask: What is bis
•
primary goal when he studies the Qur' in in a scholarly fashion? In order to answer this
mentioned earlier, al-RizI had a religious upbringinSt and it is probable that bis scholarly
efforts were motivated by bis Islamic system of beliet: Towards the end of bis life, he
stated that only the Qur' in could satisfy bis intellectual thirst. His scholarly works thus
helped sustain bis re1igious sense and were employed to demonstrate the truth of the
Qur'~ which contained information that he thought had to be taken for granted. In other
words, al-RizI emphasized the truth of the Qur' in above the truth of intellectuai
contemplation.
)1
• 1.2. The LaDgu_le or the Qur'in
Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi believed that the Qur'in was expressed in sueh eloquence that
no Arab was able to imitate it. l ? It was revealed in the Arabic language, and one phrase
the Qur' in uses for this is "Qur 'Qnan 'arabiyyan." II Other expressions are /isanun U
41'lisQnan JArabiyyan. ,,21 It is perfectly logical that the Qur' in should be in Arabie, since it
was revealed amongst the Arab people.n If it were not in Arabic, it would have been
difficu1t for Mul)ammad and the Arabs of bis time to understand it, let alone take it as a
The scripture was given in Arabie in order that Mubammad might ''wam
the mother of the village," that is the Meccan metropolis, "and its
•
environs," altering them to the coming clay of humanity's gathering for the
final judgment. Meccans were Arabic-speaking: the vital message would
bave been intelligible ta them in no other tangue. 23
17 The language of the Qur'in is said to bc identica1 with standard Arabie. "which in
Mnl)ammad's lime hacI alreacly been developecl.tt For more discussion on the language and style of the
Qur'in in relation to its ; "iœ, sec Rudi Para. "The Qur'in-I," in Arabie Literature to the End of the
Umt1JlYad Period. ecL A.F.L. BeestOIly T.M. Iohnstone, RoB. Serjeant, and G.R. Smith (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. 1984),196-205.
11 Q. 12:2, 20:113, 39:28, 41:3, 42:7, and 43:3. Another verse, Q. 41:44, expresses the same
idea.
l' Q. 16:103,26:195.
20 Q. 13:37.
Zl Q. 46:12.
n Sînœ the first people who Iistenccl to the Qur'in were Arabs, Kenneth Cragg assens, the
Qur'in was a supreme sacrament of Arabness and Arabidty. However, ~e ~Arabness' of the Qur'in is
•
no essential c:onfliet with its univcrsalim." For more discussion on the meaning of the scripture for the
Arabs, see KcJmeth Crag, The Event ofthe Qur "in: Islam in Ils Scripture (London: George Allen and
Unwin. 1971),54.72.
:3 Ibid, 40.
31
• One related issue2A is whether or not Mu~ammad and the Arabs ofearly Islam were
able to understand everything in the Qur'ân. No problems would have arisen ifthey had
understood its every word. Many reports, however, tell us that the Companions
sometimes questioned the Prophet about certain tenns used in the Qur' in, as did later
generations (Iabi 'ün and labi 'u al-libi 'in). Two possibilities might be understood tram
these reports: first, that Muslims of later generations May have had a somewhat different
Arabic vocabulary tram the one used in Mu~ammad' s time; and second, that there were
non-Arab expressions used in the scripture which were strange ta them. This second
possibility leads us ta the issue ofthe foreign vocabulary ofthe Qur' an.
There are various consequences of the non-Arabie terminology of the Qur'in. One
•
ofthese is that the presence of such tenus in the Qur' in indicates that its claim about being
in the Arabie language is fundamentally untrue. Another is that it may represent one
aspect of the i]O% of the Qur' in, and an explanation of why Arabs could not rise to the
challenge of imitating the Qur'an, since it contained words of unknown or foreign origin.
However, according to al-IurjinL this does not make the Qur'in miraculous. 25
Scholars bave sought answers to this ditlicult question. Jalil al-Din a1-Suyüli, in
al-Muhodhdhab ft Mâ Waqa' ft al-Qur tiin min al-Mu 'an'ab points out that sorne scholars
24 This does not exc1ude the tact that the Qur'in was revealed in seven dialedS. Abù ·Ubayd al..
Qisim b. Sallim (d. 2241839), for example, mainlained tbat some expressions found in the Qur'in were
usecl in one clan (qabflah pl. qabi t;1). but not in others. Some examples fiom cbapter three of the
t
Qurtin: datb (Q. 3:11) originally taken ftom Iurhum means ashbaJ1; soyyfd (Q. 3:34) from ijimyir
(l1aiim); fii (Q. 3:81) ûom Nablin'8h (*ahdÏ); tahinü (Q. 3:139) fraI!.! Quraysh and ~ (taq'ujü).
Sec Abü ·Ubayd al-Qâsim b. SalJ~ Lughât al-Qabii tU a/-W-aridah ft a/-Qur tân al-Karim transmined
t
from Ibn Ab~ ecl Abd aI-lJâmid al-Sayyid Talab (Ku"'ait: Iimi·at al-Ku\\'a~ 1984), 64-75. It is not
L L
•
our purpose. however, to disc:uss this issue here•
25 ·Abd al-Qihir al-Jurjam. "Dalâtil al-rj~" in Thalâlh RasiW.ft l'jàz al-QII,tôn li a/-
Rummânl. wa al-Khattâbi wa ~bd al-Qâhir a/.Jurjanffi al-Di,Dsât al-Qur tiiniyyah wa al-Naqd al-Adablt
cd. Mul)ammadKhalaCAlIihanclMul)ammadzaghlül Salâm(Cairo: Diral-Ma·irif; n.cL)t 181..188.
39
• admitted the presence of foreign expressions in the Qur' in, while others, basing
themselves on Qur'inie verses26 - Imim al-Shifiii, Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl, Abü 'Ubaydah, al...
Qiqi Abü Bakr 'Abd al-Jabbir, and Ibn Fans - held otherwise.
Al-RizI, for bis part, noted the presence of some foreign tenns in the Qur' in - e.g.,
mishkDt and sijjfl. This did not necessarily Mean that the Qur' in was not in Arabic; he
finnly declared that "the Qur' in is indeed in Arabie.,,27 He suggested two solutions to this
problem. First, sorne terms found in the Qur' in were cognates of words round in other
languages;28 second, they were originally ftom other languages but had been Arabized
before the Qur' in was revealed; 50 while they were not Arabie in origin, the Arabs of
MuI)ammad's time understood and used these expressions before the revelation of the
Qur'in.29 By providing these solutions, al-Rizi successfully defended bis belie! that the
Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi also maintained that the Qur'in is miraculous, such that the
Arabs were unable to take up the challenge (talJaddï1 ta produce a text like il. For had
dIey been able, they would have done 50.30 On three different occasions,31 the Qur'ân
:a Al-Rizf's first solution is in faet the same as Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl·s. Sec Jalil al-DIn al-Su~'1ÏJ1.
al-Ilqanft ·U/üm al-Qur'on. vol. l, thirded. (Beirut: Diral-Kutub al-"Ilmi)1~ 1995),288.
.ao
• challenges its readers to produce eitber something like itselt: 32 only ten chapters similar to
those of the Qur' ïn, 33 or even a single chapter similar to those of the Qur' an. 34 Al-Rizi
maintained that the essential challenge was the production of one chapter of the same
quality as others in the Qur'in, no matter even if it were as short as Sürat al-Kawthar, one
would be able ta meet the challenge. For al...Rüi, without this challenge the i 'jaz of the
However, bis concept is quite different ftom that of al-BiqillinI, for the latter
maintained tbat the i ïëu of the Qur' in does not neœssarily depend on the raet of this
challenge. The i 'jaz of the Qur' in corresponds ta the ; 'jaz of Moses' stick. Though
unaccompanied by a challenge, the transformation of Moses' stick into a snake was still a
miracle (mu'jizah).35 Whether or not human beings can understand ilS ÎJaz, the Qur'in is
in both its doctrinal and its praetical dimensions. Therefore, al·R izi does not distinguish
between the reasons for the people's inability to meet the challenge of the Qur' in and the
Sînce early times, many opinions conceming the miracu10usness ofthe Qur'În have
been expressed. Al-N~ believed in the ; JQz of the Qur'in not because people were
32Q.52:34.
33 Q. Il:13.
• 34 Q. 2:23 ancll0:38.
35 Abi BaIa Mul)ammad al-BiqiUinI, l"jaz al-Qur'an, ed. MuI)ammad. b. ~Abd al-Mun~im
Kbafijl (8cirut: Diral·Ja 1991),258-9.
41
• unable to take up the challenge but because God confounded their knowledge and ability,
causing them to despair of producing a book like the Qur'in.36 Known as ~ah, this idea
is based on the fact that the Arabs of MuI,ammad's time spoke Arabie tluently, and 50
could have imitated the Qur'an, had they wanted. 37 Another opinion is that the Qur'in
leaves a psychological etfect (a/-athar al-na/Si al- 'amtq) on its readers and listeners. It
does sa either because of its fine arrangement and rhymes, which however differ tram
those of poetry (shi1r), oratory (khitab), and composition (rasa ';/),38 or because of its
extrIordinary contents. 39 Under this category too, there is the idea that the Qur' in' s ; JQz
refers to its inclusion of hidden things (ghaybiyyQt), for in Many instances the Qur' in
speaks of past and future events, none of which was known by Mu1}ammad's
contemporaries. There is also the opinion that the Qur' in' s ; 'jizz lies in the idea that there
;'la: (i'jaz ·i/mï).41 This may be simplitied into one position -. namely, that the Qur'in's
eloquence lies in its contents and its arrangement. 42
36 Al-RizL Nihayat al-Ïjaz ft Di'Qyat al·/'jDz, 33. Sce aJ~ 'Abd a1-Qâhir_al-Jurjâni, "al-Risilah
al-Shâfi'iyyah," in Tha/oth Rasa'ilji l1az a/-Qllr'on li al-RllmmQni. wa al-Kha"abi wa 'Abd a/-QQhir al-
Jurjàn/ fi al-Di,isat al-Qur 'àniyyah wa al-Naqd al-Adabi. 143-4.
J1 yusuf Rahman assens tbatal-N~'s opinions on i'jar, whiçh primarily rest on the idea of
~ah, ~ repeatedly mentionecl but were, in MOst cases, also refùtecl" However, he does not support
tbis assertion wim suftic:ient evidcnœ. Yusuf Rahman, "The Miraœlous Natuœ of Muslim Saipnue: A
study of ~ Abd aJ-Jabbâr's l'jâz a/-Qurtan" (M.A. Thesis, McOill University, 1995), 46.
31 Al-Râzl, NihQyat al-Ïjâzfl DirQyat al-/'jaz, 33-4.
39 Mupti al-$iwi al-JuwaynI, Manhaj a/-Zamakhsha,i ft Ta/Sir a/-Qur tan wa Bayan /'jâzih, 3rd
ecl. {Cairo: Dar al-Ma'irit 1984),200-2.
40 Al-RizL Nihàyat al-Ïjazfl Di'Qyat al-l'jaz. 34.
• 42 Many scholars such as al-Rummini, al-KhatJ80i, and al-JurjânÏ argue that the Qur'in'$
miraculous nature lies in the combinatiOD. of these twG. See Mul)ammad Kha1af AlIih and Mul)ammad
Zaghlül ~ eds., Tlraloth Rasâ'ilft rjœ a/-Qur'Qn li a!-Rummanf. wa al-Khat(ab/ wa 'Abd al-Qihir
al.Jurjan;fl al-Di,âsàt al-Qur'an;yyah wa al-Naqd a/-Adah; (Cairo: Diral-Ma~am: D.eL).
42
• Al-RizI considered these schools of thought irrational. Fint, he asserted that the
doctrine of ~ah is historically untrue, since Arabs took up the challenge but were
unsuccessfuL43 Second, he criticized the idea that the styles of the Qur'in make it
miraculous; if they did, poetic style would then be equally miraculous. Third, basing the
Qur'an's ;JO% on its inclusion of"hidden things" is no better supported, sinee neither do ail
the verses nor ail the sürahs of the Qur' in speak of ghaybiyyQt. 44 This, of course, does
not constitute a deDiai that the Qur'in as a whole centains ghaybiyyat, or that the idea of
;JO% is based on them. Al·R izi himself admits that sorne Qur'&nie verses speak of
ghaybiyyat as an element ofthe Qur'an's miraculous nature.'" Wben interpreting the verse
3:111, he mentions information about unseen things - such as Christians who have not
•
harmed Muslims and Christians who have run away in defeat after encountering Muslims.
He says that "ail these are pieces of information about the unseen (ikhbar tan al-ghayb)
Al-RizI concludes that the Qur'an's i lia lies mainly in its f~iUJah. The reason
behind this assertion, 1 believe, is that it was in keeping with bis theological tendency to
explain religious beliefs rationally and bis idea that everything in the Qur'in must be
understandable. Since the Qur'in is in itself miraculous, its miraculous nature should aiso
be understandable. This is evident when he says that fa~IIQh is the only rational way to
43 Unfortunately, he does not give any e.umple oC their dorts to imitate the Qur~in. Al·Ràzi~
Nihayat a/-Ïjôzfi DirQyat al-I'jaz. 33.
44 Ibid.
• ..5 See. for instance, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi~s interpretation orthe Qurtin 3:12 and 30:1-3.
43
• It would be usefùl to explain what a1-RizI meant by f~lJah. the study ofwhich is
a most important aspect of religious duties. 41 Like many other scholars, al-Rizi
distinguished f~al!ah trom balaghah. Fcqal1ah refers to ka/am 's lack of difticulties
while ba/agbah refers to /ca1Qm 's ability to arrive at the meaning the speaker wants to
deliver. 50 Like'Abd al-Qihir b. Abd. Al-R$nan al-Jurjani (d. 470 A.H.l1078 A.D.), al-
Rizi saw n~ in connection with i)âz as nothing but grammatical arrangement aUowing a
particular meaning to be conveyed. 51 Although he differentiated balagah fromf~. in
the end he concluded that what made the Qur' in miraeulous was the fine structural
combination whieh enables it to convey a specifie meaning. In bis Asas al- TaqeDs, he
•
stated that the Qur'an was distinct tram any other literary product in bath fonn (fan) and
content (ma ,ntI).52 Because of this distinct charaeter, he goes on ta say. no one can
It is interesting in this relation to note that al..RizI was aware of the importance of
f~ for seeking the interpretation of the Qur' in, 50 that he further says that it is
obligatory to study the sciences that unveil the basic nature and essence off~al!ah.5. This
• Ibid., 35.
4' Ibid., 5 l.
.50 Ibid., 40.
51 Margaret Larkin, The The%gy 01Meaning: 'Abd al-QQhi,. al-Ju,.janf·s Theory 0/ Discourse
(New Haven: American Oriental Society. 1995), 50-53.
51 Sce Fakhr al-Dm al-Riz1. Asis al-Taqdis, ed. Alpnad ijijazf al-Saqqi (Cairo: Maktabat al-
KuUiyyit al-Azhari~ 1916). 230.
5] Ibid, 230. On the miraculous nature of the Qur.in. sec SeU. The Faith ofIslam. 6-9.
54 Abde1 Haleem notices that due to the imponanœ of rhetoric (ba/aghah) for e.xegesis. al·
• lamakhshari and Fakhr al-Dia al-RizI paid special anention to the subject in their interpretation of the
Qur'ân. MAS. Abde1 Haleem, "Context and Internai ReJalionships: Keys to Quranic Exegesis; A Study
ofSÜlat al-RaIpnïn (the Qur'in chapter 55),19 in Approachu 10 the Qu,.·an, ed. G.R. Hawting and Abdul-
Kader A. SbareeC(London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 72.
• discipline, according to bim, enables scholan in turn to understand that the Qur'in bas so
excellent an expression that Arabs could never hope to answer its challenge. 55 With il,
according to him, one might eventually come to prove the truth of M~ammad's prophetie
mission.
Muslims ftom ail eras have tried to understand the Qur' in, which they believe to be
a guidance. They have developed certain criteria and theories to help them discem the
meaning intended by Gad. Since the Qur'an is in faet a text, Muslims have applied textual
theories to this task, relying above aU else on linguistic analysis. The linguistic approach
• was adopted by exegetes not only in the formative period, but also in our own time. By
convention, they attempt to explain the meaning of a given verse by referring to the
ln his efforts to understand the sense of the Qur'inic message, al-Rizi studied the
literal meanings of words. He used linguistic analysis to uncover their meanings56 in
Arabie usage that might have been intended by Gad. Ta reach this level of meaning, al·
RizI held that God's speech (lJaqiqat !al/am Allah) had two dimensions: namely, its
•
a discussion on the use of poeUy in Qur'inie cxegesis sincc its earlicst appearance. see Issa J. Boullata.
~PoeUy Citation as InterpreûYe Wusuation in Qur'ân ExcgC5Îs: Masa"il NDjî 'ibn al.Azraq. in Islamic
Studies Pnsentedto ChDr/~sJ. Adams, cd. Wael B. HaUaq and Donald P. Little (Leiden: E.J. Brin, 1991)~
27-40.
45
• essence (mQhiyyah) and its expression (1af;).57
To clarify these two categories, al-Rizi compared Godts mode of expression with
that of human beings. He reasons that the speech of human beings and Gad must have
two different layers, namelYt essence and appearance. When someone says "Give me sorne
water," according to al-Rüi's example, this utterance (/aft) expresses La need' (ta/ab) of
bis. The state of being thirsty is the essence of bis spoken words, while the utterance is a
tool through which he can express bis need. Thust to express one's being thirsty, one may
employ either an imperative sentence like "Give me sorne water," a positive sentence like
"1 am thirsty," or an interrogative sentence like "Do you have sorne water'?" In addition to
•
expressing the state of being thirstyt however, these also may designate other meanings in
accordance with the context in wbich they are stated. The utterance "Do you have sorne
water?" for instance, may indicate, when the circumstances allow, that the speaker is
wondering if he couId gjve any water to the person addressed. In al-Rüi's viewt that
utterance is a variable of the $late of thirst. For this, he states mat "the essence of Lthat
mughityiratun /i-dhQ/i/ca '/_/aft).51 If the essence changes, in other wordst the utterance
By means ofthis logic, al-Rid concluded that the Qurtin was Godts expression of
His divine will. Sïnce the Qur'in was revealed to human beings, it is expressed in human
language. Unlike buman languaget howevert God's wi14 the essence ofHis spoken words
• 57Fakhr al-oin a1-Rizit Khalq al-Qur tân bayn al·Mu·'a:ilah wa Ahl al-Sunnah. 43.
"Ibid.
• in the buman language of the Qur'~ is not bound by time or place. In other words, one
state of mind may be expressed in many different ways depending on the time and the
place in which the statement is uttered. Since a statement is spoken in accordance with
different times and places, it may signify vlrious shades of meaning. In this fashion, al-
Rizi paved the way to a hermeneutical approach to the Qur' an.59 Thus, rather than stick
to one absolute interpretation, bis exegesis of the Qur' in is open to various possibilities.
But while his exegetical works are generally characterized by tolerance, he was sometimes
• Throughout history, Muslim scholars have employed the terms ta 'wil and taf~r to
refer to the interpretation of the Qur' an. In the Qur' in itsel( ta wil is mentioned fifteen
times and tafSir ooly once.60 There has been no agreement among scholars on whether
ta 'wil means the sarne ttûng as tafSir. When Qur'inic exegesis was first established as a
tradition, bath terms were used interchanseably, and ooly later did scholars disagree on
their relationship. Some, like 81-Tabarl and 81-ZamaksbarL used ta \vil to descnoe their
manner of elucidating the meaning of Qur'âme verses.61 In his Jâmi' al-Bayém ft Ta/Sir
59 For a discussion or hermeneuties, sec Farid Esadc, uQur'inic Hermencutics: Problcms and
~"TheMus/im Worlel. vol. 83, no. 2(1993), 118-41.
60 The term ta'wil is mentioncd twice cach Q. 3:7, 7:53, and once in cach oftberollowing verses:
4:59. 10:39, 12:6t 21. 36, 37t 44,45, l00 t 10l t 17:35, 18:78, and 82. The term ta/Sir is mcntioned only
once in Q. 25:33..
61 A1.Tabarl's Jami" DI-Bayanfl TaISira/-Qu,.-an is considcrcd the 5rst wrîlten work of la/Si,. on
• the cntire Qur'in. His taliir relies basically on the repons oC bis contemporaries who hacl a conncction
with pmious gencratiODS and eventually to Mul!ammad bimself or bis Companions. Howevert he ~
somctimes uses rational considerations in choosing which of the reportS is more probable.. AI·Tabari t
.!Qmr al-Bayin fi Ta/ii,. al-Qu,. mr (Beirut: Dar a1-Ma~rifàh. 1986/1987). McAulift'e rceis that this ta/Sir
47
• al-Qur 'an, al-Tabarl stated that such-and-such is an "interpretation" [ta wil) of certain
'an 1!aqa'iq al-Taniil wa 'Uyün al-Aqawllft Wujüh ai-Tawf/. A1though he entitled bis
work with that name, this book is devoted to study tafSir. Abü ijimid al-GhazilI too
described as ta \vil bis discussion of certain verses which seemed to contradiet each
other. 62 This is to say that these scholars did not distinguish ta 'wli ftom lafSir. 63 Others
certainly maintained that the two terms meant dift"erent things. Ibn ~ Arabi, for example,
held that la wll signified the uncovering of esoteric meanings, and lafSir the exoteric
that ta 'wll and tafiir are equivalent terms in the Qur'in - that "ta 'wil is, in faet, tafSir. ,165
• He further stated, U[Tawll and ta/sir] give the meaning of a statement. n66 One may
construe this statement as saying that tafSir or ta 'wfi is an effort to understand the meaning
of a statement by referring back to the text. To arrive at this definition, he considered the
etymology of the tenn law/l, which according to him is rooted in the verb al e'to
marks the beginniDg of the dassical period in the bistory of Qur'inic interprctation. Tbere bad been. in
fàct, a commentary by Muqitil b. SuJaymin. Yet, studies ofhis ta/ii, bas not been donc thoroughly. For
more information on tbis periodization, sec Jane Dammen McAuliffc, Qu, 'anic Christians: An Ana/ysis of
C/assica/ andModern Exegesis (Cambridge: cambridge University Press, 1991), 13·36.
Q lysa A. Bello, The Medieval/slamic Controve,sy between Philosophy and O,rodory: Ijma' and
Ta 'wtr in the Confltct between al-GhaziJt and Ibn RrLShd (Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1989), 52-4.
63 See Musi id Muslim ~ Abel AlIih Al Ja'far, Athar al-Tarawwu, al-Fikrlfi al-Ta/ii, fi al- :4-1' al-
6
.\lul!Yi al-Din ibn 'A,abi (Beirut: Dar al-Yaq~ al-'Arabin~ 1968); Na~ ijimid Abü Zay~ Falsa/at
al-Ta'wtl: Diiâsahfl Tawtl al-Qu,'an 'fnd Mu1Jyt a/-Dtn b. :4,abl (Beinlt: Dâr al-Tanwir. 1983), 361-
• 416•
5S Al-tizi. a/-Tafii,al-Kabi" vol. 7, 176.
" Ibid.
• retum")." Therefore, ta -WII is both the source and the destiny of something (wa al-ta wil
Al-RizI employed certain tools to determine the reference of a text, through which
its meanings might be grasped. Tbese tools were essentia11y Hnguistics, the ~'traditional
sciences," and philosophy. Linguistic theory was useful whenever he needed to consider
the literai meaning of certain expressions in his explanation. 69 This alIowed hint to
differentiate fiterai from figurative senses, and their concrete from their abstract senses. In
doing so, he often referred to the worles of previous scholars in this field. In addition to
this proces$, he also relied on the traditional sciences, which include all the fields that
directIy relate to the Qur' in - abrogation (a/-naskh), occasions of revelation (asbab al-
•
nuzül),
interconnectedness among verses (irtibal al-ayat). We will come back ta this point in
Chapter Three. Last but not leut, he also had recourse to bis philosophical notions, as
weU. In faet, Many scholars have characterized bis taf~r as being lypical of philosophical
lafSir. He compared the literal meanings of certain verses with bis general understanding
of Islamic doctrines taugbt in the traditional sciences. and in doing 50 had to rely on logie
Clearly. al-Rïzi used taf~r and la 'wfl to mean exegesis in general. In bis
interpretation of verse 3:34. he described bis exegesis as ta 'wfL 70 For him, any effort -
67 Ibid.
Kablr. which deals with many subjects besides exegesis of the Qur' an. This is true of ail
bis exegetical worles, which for this very reason drew criticism trom such figures as Ibn
Taymiyyah, who remarked that al-RizI's al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir contained everything but
ta/Sir. 71 Although this is hardly true, al.Rizi does acknowledge that ta/Sir formed ooly
pan of its contents. In al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir, he says, "Sinee we have been familiarized with
these [functions of mutashabihat], let us tum back to taft/r." This implied that bis
previous explanation about the function of mutashizbihizt did not constitute tafstr. Similar
statements are found in bis interpretation ofthe verse 3:103 - where he says, "Let us tum
•
In addition, al-RizI uses the term ta 'wil to Mean an explanation that is slightly
different trom the geoeraI reference of a statement. Tc simplify, it May be said that ta -wil
explains a statement, whose ;Qhir meaning does oot make sense. This is observable in bis
interpretation of the verse 3:106. Raving divided people in the Hereafter into '1hose with
white faces" and ''those with black faces," this verse begins with an explanation of the
second group, wbich asks, "Did ye rejeet Faith after accepting it?" Al-RizI expresses two
views on this. First, he considers the literai sense: since everyane is bam believing in Gad,
the question implies "Did you disbeHeve after you believed [in Me]?" Second, he considers
the figurative sense: "Did you disbelieve after evidence had required you to believe [in
Me]?"n He cites two Qur'ânic verses to support the shift trom the literai to the figurative
•
71 Sec Jane Dammen McAuli1f'e. Qu,. tânic Ch,.istians. 68; al-SafadJ. waft. 4:254; al.Râz)" af-
Ta/Si, al.Kablr. vol 7. 172; lbicL. vol 8. 171.
71lbicl
13 Ibid... 183-4.
50
• sense ofverses 3:70 and lOS. In short, in sorne instances he uses the tenn ta'wfl to refer
This section focuses on the rnaterials which Rizl used in his interpretation of the
Qur' an. We shall anticipate the possibility of a confliet between sorne sources and others.
In other tenns, this section will seek an answer to the following questions: What materiaIs
are used in al-Rizi's interpretation of the Qur'in? And what sources does he prefer in his
exegesis?
Fakhr al-D'in al-RizI based bis interpretation of the Qur'an on revealed sources,
frequently quoting other verses ta explain the texts he was interpreting. This method,
known by the expression al-Qur 'Qnu yufassiru ba 'quhü ba'qa (uthe Qur' in explains itself
by itself' or "sorne parts of the Qur' in can be used to interpret the other parts"), had in
faet been used by previous exegetes,74 such as al-Tabarl, al-Zamakhs11at"L and al-Tabarsi.
Two reasons, at least, seem to have motivated al-RizI to use this method. First, he
regarded the Qur'in as an integral text, where one part cannat be understood in isolation
ftom another. Ibn Taymiyyah says that "what is given in a general way in one place is
explained in detail in another place. What is given brietly in one instance is expanded in
• 74 Issa J. BoulIata, "Modem Qur'in Exegesis: A Study ofBint al-Sbipus Metbod,." The Mus/im
World, 64 (1974), 103-13. Sec aIso Abdel HaIecm. "Context and Internai Relationships: Keys to Quranic
Exegesis; A Study of Sirat al-Raipnin (the Qur'in chapter SS)," in Approaches to the Qur ·ân. 71.
51
• another."" By this method, he supposed, Gad's intention could come to be thoroughly
known. Secondly, the Qur'in, as Muslims see it, is a text, 76 so tbat its study is tantamount
Al-RizI quoted Qur'inie verses not only for the purpose ofclarification, but also to
advance bis argument. Overall, his use ofother Qur'&nie verses had three objectives: first,
to identify the general sense of a given text, the parts of which he then explained; second,
to give a more objective interpretatian; and third, to suggest solutions for difficulties
•
Qur' in a valid source. Because the Prophet Mw,ammad was proteeted from committing
any wrongdoing (ma '~m), 79 bis sunnah or lJadith could legitimately be used to interpret
the Qur' in.1O As a source, I1adiths may be consulted not ooly in order to determine the
75 Taqf al-Din AlJmad b. •Abd a1-ijaÜm Ibn Taymiyyah, Mllqaddimah ft UfÜl QI-TQf~" ed.
Fawwi:z AIpnad zamarii (Bcirut: Dar Ibn IJazm, 1994). 84.
76 See Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, Klraiq al-Qu,'an bayn al·MII'tazi!ah wa Ahl al-Srmnah, 19.
77 Abde1 Haleem, "Context and Internai Relationships: Keys ta Quranic Exegesis; A Study of
Sùrat al-Rahmin (the Qur'ân cbapter 55)." in Approachu to the Qu,'an. 73. For these rea5Ons, this
metbod is sim operative today. Andrew Rippin, "Tafsir,ti in ER. vol. 14. 238-9, and 242-3. ~ A'ishah
•Abd al-Ra~miD, a Muslim woman acgde oftbis ccntury. known by the epitbet Bint al-Sbip'. considers
tbis metbod the utmOSl metbodological principle in interpreting the Qur'in. Her exegetical metbods ~
in fa~ derivcd from her husband's work. For more cletail~ sec AmÏn al-KhülÏ, ManQhij al.Tajdid ft a/-
Nalpv wa al-Ba/âghah wa al.Taf~,wa al-Adab «(CaUo): Dar al-Ma'rifah, 1961). 302-14.
,. Scbolars use the terms SIlnnah and Itadlth interchangeably to mer to prophetie traditions,
which inc1ude the Prophet's sayings and bebavior. However, the nature of these tenns have long been
debatecL
'9 Fakhr al-Dio al-RW,. "Jsmat a/-Anbiyâ' (Cairo: Maktabat aI-Madani, 1987)~ 40. Sec aIso
Aloysius Adisepuua. "The Doctrine ~fthe Impeccability orthe Prophet as Elucidatecl by Fakhr al-Dio al·
•
Rizi," (MA thesis. McGill University, 1984).
10 Fakhr al-Din al-RaD. Fi 11m Upl al-Fiqh. ed. Tihi Jibir al·~Al_ vol. 3 (Riyadh: !-ainat
al-B1Ihüth wa al-Ta'1Ïfwa al..Tarjamah wa al-Nashr. 1979). S19-30; Ibn Taymiyyah, Mllqaddimah fi UfÜl
al-Ta/Sir. 84.
52
• meanings of certain terms in the Qur'in, but also to discover the aJiacÏith which centain
specifie regulations that differ from those ofthe Qur' an. ll On the latter point, he believed
that prophetie traditions accepted on the authority of many Companions (mutawatir) could
abrogate the Qur'in,12 for the Prophet's tradition is based on God's revelation, and is thus
protected trom ail error.13 On abrogation, however, a1-Rizi does not say mucb; the
problems arising from it, such as whether it is the texts themselves or their meanings that
heavily on rational considerations. Sorne examples serve to confirm this. First of all, the
structure of bis al-TafSir al-Kabir shows that al-RizI was concemed to investigate sorne
difficulties surrounding our understanding of the Qur' an. Not ooly does he explore these
Second, whenever he round verses that did not seem to accord with each other, he
proposed a set of variables. He established the theoretical proposition that truth May be
reached ooly through solid argumentation. He argued in favor of the literai aspect of the
Il R. Marston Speigbt claims that ~adïth constitutes a primary element in Qur'in comme,!ltary,
especially in conncction wim asbâb al-nfIZÜ/. Sec R. Marston Speight, "The Fune:tion of qadilh as
Commentary on the Qur'in, as Seen in the Six Authoritatïve CoUections," in App,oaches to the H;slory of
the Interpretation o/the Qur'in, ed. Andrew Rippin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988),63-81. This daim,
howevcr, seems to disregarcl the fact that in their interpretation oC the Qur'in, e.xegeles paid considerable
attention to intertextua1 reCerenœ.
n Al-RizI, Fi tllm UfÜI al-Fiqh. 519-30.
•
13 For more discussion on the ·i.pnah of the Prophet Mul)ammad,. sec al-RizL tIf'IIal a/-Anbiya·•
37-56 and 137-58. !ce aIso al-Rizi, "al-Mas'aJat al-Tbïniyah wa al-Tbalith~" in .4,bo 1n Ji UfÜ/ a/-
Din. ed. A1)macl ~jizI al-Saqâ, vol. 1 (Cairo: Maktabat al-KuJlin'it al-Azhariyyah. 1987), 115-76.
84 Sec al-Rizf, a/-Ta[ii,a/.Xabi,. vol. 7, 168.
53
• ?Oh;r, on the other band, is similar to mu 'awwal, which is a statement with more tban one
connotation, but with a single preferred meaning. Nevertheless ;Qhir is a statement with
the preferred meaning, while mu 'awwa/ is a statement with a less preferred meaning.
When a statement has more than one meaning and tbere are no grounds for preferring one
over the others, it is calIed either mushtaralc or mujma/. It is called mushtaralc if the text
mujma/. According to al-Rizi, ;ahir is similar to ntl.f~ in the sense that a text 50 descnoed
offers certainty (qat CI), while mu 'awwa/, mushtarak. and mujma/ cannot. These latter
categories (mutashabihDt) are, therefore, unreliable. In the case of a ;Qhir text, however,
it remains difficult to determine which one is mul1lcam and which one is mUlashilbih. 85
Conceming this difticulty, al-IWi established the rule that "to change a statement
rational.,,86 In the first place, changing ;ilhir to mu 'owwa/ involves textual argument,
which is considered valid ooly if the ;Ohir is replaced by a certain text (ntl.f.f qat -,). For
example, the verse 17:16 says, "If Gad wants to destroy a village, He asles the people of
the village [to commit sinsl,50 that they commit sins." This verse, which linguistical1y
speaking seems clear enough, is renderred less 50 by a certain text (,,~~ qa,-i) which
reads: "Indeed, Gad does not ask ta commit sins ffal1sha 1." By contrast, it is considered
invalid to replace one ;ahir with another ~ir. This is because, according ta al.RizI,
textual argumentation does not always yield certainty.
54
• 2.2.2. The Priority of Reason Over Revelation
Al-Rizi was not the tirst scholar to discuss the confliet between revelation and
reason. 17 The split between Ash'arites and Mu'tazilites developed primarily over this
matter. An endless debate between them ensued over the issue of human fteedom. Basing
alleged that human beings had complete fteedom of will and of action. The Ash'arites
held, on the other hand, that although human beings could distinguish good ftom evil, God
retained His power over them; if He wished their will to be other than what it was, they
Al-R&zi was the first to discuss the confliet between revelation and reason in a
hypotbetical demonstration. l ' In bis view, both revelation and reason were sources of
• knowledge; neither one invalidated the other. 89 However, in the event of contlict between
them, reason had to be given priority. This is because "the validation of the scriptural
17 AJbeny cIiscusses al 'luite seme length the development of the contliet between revdation and
reason. For a discussion of the origin and early deveJopment of this confliet, see A.I. Arberry, Revelation
and Reason in Is/am (London: George Allen. 19S7).
a Nicholas Heer cIiscusses al·Rizit s treabDeDt of verses wbich are in contliet either with other
verses or with reason. He al50 discusses al·Rizi's influence on the later Muslim theologians
(mlltakallimin), sucb as al-TaftizinI (d. 79UI389). and al-IurjinÎ (d. 816/1413). Nicholas Heer. "The
Priority or Reason in the Interpretaùon of Scripture: Ibn Taymfyah and the MutakallimÜD," in Literary
Heritage ofClassical Islam: Arabie and Is/amie SlrIdies in Honor ofJames A. Be/lamy, cd. Mustansir Mir
(Princeton. New Iersey: Darwin Press, 1993), 181-95.
19 Al.Riz} was very much intluenced by al-Mâturidi, in the sense that the latter had made a
synthesis between tradition (naql) and reason ('aq/). Not ooly was he able to balance revelation with
reason. he showcd the validity or reason within the context of Islamic tradition. One of the most profound
•
findings of this Ash~arite sc:holar is bis theory of knowledge. On al-Mâturidits religious ideas, Mustafa
Cerié, RoolS of Synthetic The%gy in Islam: Ji Stlldy 01 the The%gy ofAbU. Man~r Q/.uQturidi (d.
J33194.{) (Kuala Lumpur: International InsIitute oflslamic Thought and Civilizaûon, 1995).
go Al-Râzi. al-MasQ 'il a/-Khamsin (C8iro: al·Maktab al-Tbaqi.t 1989). 329-87.
• yielded certain knowledge (yatin), had to be given priority over probable knowledge
Fakhr aI-Dk al..Rizi asserted that if decisive rational evidence (ai-dala 'il al-
qat 'iyyah al- 'aq/iyyah) established something to be tnle, and we then round that the literai
were four possible ways out ofthis contradiction. Ofthese, the first three were as follows.
First, "the implications of both reason and scripture may be affirmed;" second, "the
implications of both reason and scripture may be rejeeted;" third, "the scriptural evidence
may be affirmed and the rational evidence denied.,,91 The first and second options, in al..
Rizi's view, are impossible, because they require either the affirmation or denial of two
•
contradictory propositions. He sees the third alternative as impossible tao, because
Muslims cannat know the validity of the scriptural evidence unIess they know it through
rational proof (ai-dala 'il aI-'aq/iyyah). In short, therefore, 4'it is c1ear that impugning
reason [a/-qadl!.fi al- 'aql] in arder ta validate the scripture leads one ta impugn bath
reason and scripture, and that is absurd [a/_bapl]."n Since these three options are ail
impossible, there remains onIy one, that on the basis of what is entailed by the decisive
U
rational evidence, either that the scriptural evidence cannot be said ta be sound [FI/fI/l, or
it can be said ta be sound but what was intended by it is not its literai meaning [ghayr
~ah;rihâ]."93 For this contradiction between rational and scriptural evidence, al-Rizi
suggested two solutions: first, to interpret the scriptural text allegorically and in agreement
93 Ibid.
• with rational evidence;M second, to entnlst its meaning ta Gad.95 Clearly, allegorica1
Al-RiZf provided a set of conditions for judging whether or not a text yielded
certain knowledge. He says that the language of the text -- i.e., its vocabulary, syntax
(naJ,w), accidence (~arfJ, must he known for certain. The intent (irOdah) of the speaker,
meanings can the intention of the speaker be known for certain. 96 Another condition that
he bas set is that there should be no decisive scriptural counter-argument ('adam al...
mu "u;c{ al-naqii al-qa,'i). Ifthere is such an argument, then, as he mentioned earlier, "the
•
's-
94 i"akhr al-Dia al.RizL al-Arba 'in ft UfÛJ al-Dln (Cairo= Maktabat al·Kulliyyit al-Azhariyyah.
1987),417.
95 Ibid., 417. Sec aIso Nic:bolas Heer, "The Priority of Reason in the Interpretation of Sc:ripture:
Ibn Taymlyah and the Mutakal1im~" 185. ConœmiDg the second solutio~ he suggests, that il is
obvious that il is Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's tbeological alliance (Asb~arite) that speaks.
96 Compare wim Bcmard Lonergan, Method in The%gy (Toronto= University of Toronto Press,
1994), 155-65. He mainrains that in the field of henneneutics, there are three basic principles to be
considered: first, understanding the tex!; second, judging the c:orrectness of the understanding; and third,
stating the correct understanding of the tat. In orcier to understand the te.û. one needs to pay attention to
the abject mentioned in the te.,1. to the words, to the autbor of the tC-'1. and to the proc:ess of
•
understanding.
91 AI-Rizi. a/·Maso .;/ al-Khamsin. 329-87. Nicholas Heer. "The Priority of Reason in the
Interpretation of Saipture: Ibn Taymlyah and the MutakaJljmw.." in Literary Heritage ofClassica/ Islam:
Arabie and Is/amic Strldfes in Ronor ofJamesA. Bel/amy. 183.
57
• 2.3. The Scope of Fakhr a1-DID al-Rizi's Exegesis
Fakhr al-D'in al-R'zI's exegesis is best known for its wide range. Al-Ta/Sir al-
Kabl, is considered encyclopedie," and al-RizI said to be "the greatest figure in the
history ofexegesis.,,99 His creative understanding ofthe Qur'in, the reasons for wbich are
discussed in chapter one, is retlected in bis inclusion of ManY "secular sciences" ioto bis
tafstr. ln bis interpretation of Qur'inic verses, he used not only other Qur'inic verses,
prophetie traditions, and linguistics, but also "seeular sciences." In bis al-TafSir al-Kabir,
extraordinary dialectic skill, Shifi'ite fiqh, and a love of stories and story-telling."lOO
Lammens states that al-Râzi "bas insened in bis rambling commentary literary, philosophie,
•
juridic, and other dissertations, veritable monographs having nothing in common with
exegesis." 101
rahbah wa-imma bi- ',-,aghbah). Punishment sbould precede reward, because "daf' al-
qmar muqaddœnun 'a/a ja/hi 'n-naj'. ,,102 For this reason, the verses ask believers to
91 See MaIpnüd. Basyüni Füdah. Nash ~at al-Taftir wa Manahijuh fi Qaw· al·MadhQhib al-
Is/âmiyyah (Cairo: MaJba~at a1·Amana h• 1986). 194.
99 Anthony Rearle JobDs, MOn Qur'inîc Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Stucly in the
Transmission of Islamic Leaming, in Islam: Essays on ScrlplU1'e. Thought and Society; A Festschrlft in
t9
lot H. Lammens, Islam: Beliels and Institutions. trans. Sir. E. Denison Ross (Frank Cass:
• Londo~ 1968)~ 45. Lammens' statement. bowever. i5 Dot basecl on a propcr e.~tion of al·Râzi"s
wode.. but possibly on Ibn :r~"s criticism. stated in many biographical wo~ oC al-Rizl's position.
Sec. for e.umpl~ al-$aCadi. Wiift. 4:254.
101 Sec al-Rizi, al-Ta/if, a/-Kabl,. vol. 8. 171.
51
• praetice taqwa, to adopt Islam, to hold fast to the rope of Gad,103 and then to remember
His grace, in that arder. 104 Al-Rizi a1so says that the mention of the rewards in this world
should go before that of the hereafter. 105 These statements worm us that in addition to
exegesis he brings in arguments trom al least three disciplines -- namely, psychology ('i/m
Al-Rizi clearly takes this attitude when interpreting the Qur'an's opening chapter
(SÜTat al-FanlJah). He claims that there are about one million points of discussion in the
phrase a/-hqmdu li t//Qh of the second verse: "al-~amdu li- 'l/ahi mushtamilun 'ala alft
a/ft mas'a/atin, aw-akthara aw-aqa/l. ,,106 To support this position, he relates the
interpretation of this phrase to all kinds of benefits which Gad grants to human beings. 107
•
For an example, he explaines that a human being consists of spirit (nofs) and body
(badDn). Body, which is the less advantageous, is created for more than tive thousand
benefits. Thus, at least ten thousand benefits (Jtikmah) are linked to the creation of a
human being; aIl ofwhich should be covered in any interpretation of al-hqmdu li tl/ëzh. IOI
It seems that al-Rizi's inclusion of themes ftom various disciplines into bis ta/Sir
book wu derived tram bis basic assumption that the truth of the Qur'in can be examined
through every discipline. This is due to the faet that the Qur'ïn speaks about a wide range
103Aller descnbing many opinions conœming the meaning of the rope of God, al-Riz{ concludes
tbat it meaDS everytbing tbat leads to the truth. It seems to me tbat this signifies that everything.
including science. might be considered the rope of Gad if il lads to the truth. AI-Rizi, a/..Ta[iir a/.Kabir
t
vol. 8, 173.
lOot Ibicl, 171.
lOS Ibicl, l7S.
•
106 Ibid. vol. 1. 6.
101 Fakhr al-Dln al-Rïzi cites Q. 31:20 and 45:13. which reads: wa sakhkhara /akum mi.fi S..
samawali va mip "/"4
te. Sec al-RizI, al..Ta[iir a/..Kabïr. vol. 1,6.
st
• of subjectS. 109 This assumption does not negate bis basic idea that the Qur' in is a religious
document, the essence of which is the bellef that what Gad says therein constitutes the
truth. Rather, al-Rizi held that rellgious truth could be reached by employing severa!
One May see ftom the previous discussion that al-Rizi based his interpretation of
the Qur' in on the bellef that everything in the Qur' in was truthful. Given this faet, it
would be interesting to see whether or not bis interpretations aimed at rationally proving
bis interpretations of verses 3:31, 33, 40, 122, and 159 - which he interpreted in such a
way as to support the notion of the impeccability of the prophets (~Ipnat a/-anbiya ).110
Al-Riz! maintained that the prophets were proteeted ftom every wrongdoing (mah.fü~
minjamt' a/-ma'Qii1. 11l Obviously, he stated in bis 'I~at al-AnbiyQ' that the prophets
were protected (ma '~mün) trom intentionally committing either minor or major sins
109 Dividing the contents orthe Qur'in ioto doctrine and conduet. Mustansir Mir summarizes the
vast scope of the Qurtin as foUows: "The Qur'in deals with a vast number of subjec:ts ~ ethical,
philosophica1, metaphysicaJ, social, politic:aJ. and economic." See Mustansir Mir, Diclionary ofQu,. 'anic
Tenns and Concepts (New York and London: Garland Publisbing, 1987), 174.
110 The term 'if"lah in the Arabie Ie.~con meaus "preventîng." In Islamie disco~ this tenu
stands for a doctrine which holds that the prophets wcre told they would he preventecl by God ftom
committing sin. Therefore. this docttine does Dot mean tha! the pro,phets wc!c of thcir own nature
infalbble, but only by the will and the power of God. see al-Râzit al-Talsir a/·Kabir. vol. 8t 170. Sce a1so
Ibn ~, Lisan al- tA,.ab a/.Muliit. ed. ~ Abel Allih al-~ AliyilÏ and Yüsul Khayyif, vol. 4 (Bcirut: Dar
•
al-Jil and Dar al-Lisin al·~Arabt 1988), 798. Tbere are many English translation of this tenu such as
impcccable infàllible, and sïnless. In this ~ these tenns are used interchangeably.
9
111 Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, a/·Masi"il a/·Khamsin ft UfÜl a/·DÏn {Cairo: al-Maktab al-Thaqifi,
1989)t 66.
• ("inna 'I-Anbiya a 'a/ayhimu '~-~/atu wa- 's-salamu ma '~mUna
J ft ZQmani 'n-nubuwwati
'ani- '/-kabD 'ir WQ- 'f-~ghQ'iTi bi- '1- ~amd').1l2 To support this doctrine, al-RitI relied on
which are deduced ftom bis understanding of certain verses in the Qur' an. First of aU, he
asserts that there are four kinds of creatures: angels, jinn, Satan, and human beings. Of
these four, human beings are the most excellent, even compared to angels. This higher
degree is inferred ftom Gad's command to the angels to bow down to Adam, who wu
human. Secondly, al-RizI argues that there are ditTerent levels of human beings,
depending on their morta! and spiritual strengths. Sînce the prophets, for instance, had
extraordinary charaeters, they were better than ordinary people. This classification applies
to the prophets too, in the sense that some prophets occupied higher positions than otherst
as indicated by the Qur'in 3:33. The next point ofbis argument is that Gad asks people to
61
• foUow the prophets; this is a precondition for Gad's guidance. It would be impossible for
the prophets to accept this duty, had they not had exceptional characters. The command
to follow the prophets, in al-RizI's view, wouId not make any sense if the prophets had the
potential to corrupt the messages revealed to them. This argument implies that everything
the prophets said and did accorded with God's messages, without any personal
intelVention. In what follows, we shall see how al-Riz! interpreted the Qur' in in keeping
is not an explicit part of the Prophet's teachings, but a logical consequence of admitting
•
God. 1l4 Human beings' love for Gad is perfect only ifthey foUow the prophets. l15
Conceming verse 3:33, al-Riz! says that Gad has chosen some people - namely,
Adam, N~ the household of IbrâbIm, and the household of 'Imrïn - as His best
creatures. He maintaines that these people were better (aftfal) than angels or any other
creature. l !6 God chose them because their charaeters were free of defects and because of
their refined manners. These prophets, according to hiJn, excelled in their moral and
spiritual strengths.111 Since they were the chosen people, they must have been impeccable
• ordinary people and thosc oC the prophets. Un1ikc ordinary peopl~ the prophets had perfect and pure
souts, called a/-nais a/-qudsiyyah al-nabawiyyah. This, according to ~ is because t.hey emanate fiom
Qod's $ouL Ibid, 22-3.
111 Al-Rizi~ 1~at a/-Anbiyi t. 44.
61
• In the case ofverse 3:159, al-Rïzi advocates the idea that the Prophet Mu~ammad
was the best human being, and 50 the best creature. 119 Citing Many other verses in
support, he ISserts that Mu~ammad' s tender attitude towards ail MUSÜlnS, including those
who did not foUow bis orders during the Battle of ~ud, was evidence of bis good
charaeter (kQna akmala 'l-/chalqi fi /pJsni '1_/chu/uq).120 Al-Riz! held that MuQammad's
soul was like that of an ange~ having no desire to pursue either personaI or material
ambitions. In other words, bis was the MOst exalted and perfect soul (wa /cimat nafsuhü
This theological emphasis in al-Rïzi's exegesis is evidence that he favored 'ilm al-
u~1 (theology), and indeed he says 50 in bis interpretation of verse 3:18. In that
•
interpretation he aflirms that God, His angels, and those possessed of knowledge (ulil '/-
'i/ml aU beu witness to the unity ofGod (walldimiyyatah). Stating that ulü '1_ ';lm means
those who know His unity through indubitable evidence (al-Iadhtna 'arajU
waJ1dimiyyatahü hi- 'd-dala 'il; '/-qat; 'ah), al-Rizl affirmed that this verse indicates the
knowledge into the religious and the non-religious sciences. Examples ofthe tirst category
are theology, exegesis, prophetie tradition, and Islamic jurisprudence; those of the second
category are physics, mathematics, and medicine. 1D Usmg several Qur' inic verses, he
•
l:n Ibid~ 62.
ln Ibid, vol 7~ 220.
123 Fakhr aI-Dfn aI.Rizf, bi,al-Taniil wa Anwir a/-Ta wil. ecL AIpnad IJijm al.Saqqi (Bcirut:
Dira1-J~ 1992)~ 30-1.
63
• concluded that the declaration of Gad's oneness (tawI17d) was advanced before a code of
conduet (shari'ah) had been established, and considered 'ilm al..u~1 the MOst honorable
science, on which depended the validity of every other religious science. An exegete,
according to him, cannot produce a true and reliable interpretation if he does not master
film al..~/. He based this argument on the idea that the "root" (~l. pl. u~l) is more
important than the branch (jar' pl. juTÜ .). He presents other arguments in support of this
t
idea - (1) the idea that film Ql-u~l deals with Almighty God and related issues,124 while
other religious sciences are a consequence of the acceptance of tawliid. and (2) the idea
that unlike other religious sciences, 'ilm al..u~1 does not allow abrogation and change
• human fteedom of will and of aet. l26 He tirst presents the idea of the Ahl al-Sunnah.
whom he calls our ftiends (tq~abuna). The Ahl al-Sunllah held that God created human
actions (annaji'la '/-'abdi makhlüqun).127 Gad's creation, however, does not take place
directly, but by way ofa motive within the heart. Since human actions materialize through
a motive (dQ'iyah) and since God creates this motive, it follows that God creates the
124 Although he raised the Slatus of reaso~ al·Rizi wu aware of its limitations. In bis Agar a/-
Tamil, he decla:res tbat there was no way for reason to know the essence of God. Sec al-RizI, Asrar al·
Taniil wa AnwiT a/-TawÎI, 131.
1:!S Ibicl., 31-2.
•
Tafsir al-Kabir." Hamdard Islamicus, vol. 17. no. 3 (1994).. 80-1. See also Murtada A. Mubibbu-Dïn,
"The Pbilosophica1 Tbeology in the Tafsir of Imim Fakhr al-Din at-Rizi" (M.PhiL dissertatio~ University
oflbadan. 1983), 116-42.
121 Al-Rizi, al-Torii,. al-Kabi,. vol. 8. 170.
• actions. 121 Al-Rari Dext presents the four Mu'tazilite views on this matter. The first is al-
QafFil's idea of an additional tendency to perform la 'at (obedience); the second, that men
are guided ta the straight path; the third, that whoever upholds God is guided on the way
towards Paradise; and the fourth, Zamakhsharl's bellef is that whoever upholds Gad has
already gained guidance. l29 Unlike the Mu'tazilites, however, al-Rizi seemed ta advocate
the idea that human beings were not ftee either to will or te aet.
principles. 130 Basing bimself on these and related verses, he argues for the Ash'arite
position, which is that mu1u:l/lafs are divided into believers (who will enter paradise) and
•
unbelievers (who will enter bell). There is no mention of an "in-between position"
anywhere in the Qur'in. In this connection, be cites al-Qi4Ï 'Abd al-Jabbir's answer to
this objection, saying that the mention of two kinds of faces in the hereafter is stated in
Conceming verse 3:103, al-Rizi argues that there is only one tnlth in Islam, in
accordance with which Gad commands MusÜIDs to unite and forbids them ta divide. 132
Referring ta this truth, he quotes a prophetie tradition which reads: "My people will be
12Ilbicl.. 175.
129lbicl.. 170.
130 Initiated by J1asan al-Bafri (d. 728). the Mu tazilah was an Islamic movemcnt tbat supponed
l
the superiority oC reason. There are basical1y five prindples which every Mu~tazi1ite holds. namelyt QI·
rawltid. QI- 'adl. Q/-mQnzi/ah bayn QI..manzilQtayn. a/-wa 'd wa al-wa"id. and Ql..amr bi al-ma '!üf wa al-
nahy 'an al-munmr. For more discussion on these prindplest see the translation of al-Qi4i ~ Abel al-
Jabbirts Kitab al-U~I a/..Khamsah in Richard C. Marti~ Mark R. Woodward. and D\\i S. Aunaj~
•
Dejénden ofReason in Islam: Mu 'tazilfsm from Medieval School to A/odem Symbol (Oxford: Oneworld..
1997). 90-115.
131 Al-Rizi. a/-Ta/Sir a(-KIlbir. voL 8. 181.
131lbid.. 174.
65
• divided into seventy two groups; one group will be saved and the others will be in hell."
The one group that will be saved is the jama 'ah, i.e., that ofthe Prophet, bis Companions
and an who foUow them. 133 It is clear to him that there is on1y one absolute truth, though,
t
he seems to say that such an assertion would work ooly on the level of theologyt not on
that of"reality."
• 133 H~ he seems to point to the tnlth of the Ash~arite version of Ahl al-Sunnah wa al.Jamâ'ah.
or the Sunnite branch ofIslam. Ibid.. 174.
• Ch.pter Three:
Methodologieal Principles
Having studied Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's basic assumptions regarding the Qur'in, 1 will now
discuss severa! principles1 of bis Qur' in interpretation covered by the following themes:
openings of chapters, and variant readings. The purpose of this discussion is to gain an
•
1. The Structure orthe Ttl/Sir
A quick glance at Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's writings revea1s that there is something
distinct about how he expresses bis ideas. Scholars ofbis generation, such as al-SubkI and
al-SafadI, had noticed this distinct mode of expression throughout bis writings. 2 Al-SafadI
claimed that the method ofpresentation was original, that no one before bim had used such
1 In analyzing the principles behind al-Rizi's anal}tsi~ this cbaJ'ter will concentrate only on the
terms and charaeteristics meDtioned or applied by Fakhr al-Din al-Râzi himself. Wansbrough's twelve
proccdural devices wbich are vDriae lect;ones. poetic loci probantes. lexical explanaüon, grammatical
explanation, rbetorical explaDation. periphrasis. analogy, abrogation, CÎrcumstal1œ5 of revclation,
identification, propbctical tradition, and anecdot~ -are only refcrred to for a clearer pieture. For more
discussion on bis division of the types of e.~egesis ioto baggadic. halakhic, masoretic. rhetorical, or
aUegori~ see John Wansbrougb. Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation
(Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1977), 119-246.
• Z See Tij al-Dio AbI N.- "Abd al·WabhaD b. ~ AlI b. Abd al-KitÎ al-Subtrl. Tabaqât af-
Shiji 'iyyah al-Kubra. ed. MabmWl Mul)ammacl al-TaniI)Ï and Abd al-FattilJ, Muhammad al-lJa)awl (1).
L
vol. 1 «(Cairo}:LÎSi al-BaDI ai-lfalabi. 1964). 344. Sec also KhaIÜ b. Aybak a1.adL al-WOfi bi af-
Wafayât, vol. 4 (Istanbul: MaJbaLatai-Dawlah, 1931).249.
67
• a method.3 This part will discuss two major aspects relating to the structure of al-Rizi's
exegesis. One aspect coneems how he organizes bis interpretation of Qur'inic verses.
The other concems the conceptual organization of his treatment of the Qur'inic verses he
is ioterpreting. The combination of these two aspects may account for the distinct
Al-RizIt s al-TafSir al-Kabïr differs in sorne respects ftom other scholars' works.
First of ail, he discusses ideas usiog a dialectical methodt inviting his readers to take part in
the discussion of the themes addressed. He takes up sorne problems that spring from the
•
main therne he explained in advance. Secondly, the organization of his narrative is quite
unique. In many instances, he states the main therne of discussion ftom the outset, then
divides that therne, and subdivides each part further iota subdivisions. Wherever necessary
he continues this process ta arrive at sub-subdivisions, and sa on until there is no need for
after first dividing them ioto sections. In bis interpretation of Sùrat Al' Imrin, he follows
!Wo approaches. Firstt he sometimes takes one verse" or several verses' and interprets
3 Sec Jane Dammen McAu1iff~ Qu,. tânic Christians: An Ana/ysis of Classica/ and Alodem
•
Exegesis(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1991).69. See also KhaJil b. A)'bak al-Safadi. a/-WajÏ
bi a/-Wafayat. vol. 4, 249.
4 Verses 32, 6S. 69. 8S, 139, 177, ancl198.
s Verses 100-1. 12~7, and 199-200.
61
• them together. Second, he more often takes one verse' or several verses' and interprets
them after dividing them into sections. 1 In the tirst approach, there is neither extensive
explanation nor any deep analysis. In the second approach, by contrast, an extended
discussion ensues, which is sometimes far removed from the main focus of his
connotations, variant readings, or ideas. In doing 50, he usually elucidates the central
ideas behind these verses, and subsequently goes iota detai~ 9 dividing them inta parts,
ioterpreting them in arder, and raising points or problems discussed by his cantemporaries
or previous scholars.
He usually subdivides his exposition by using terms such as mas 'a/ah, baJtth, qaw/,
•
wajh, su 'al, il1tima/, muqaddimah, and riwQyah. Although he is not completely consistent
in bis use of these tenns, each indicates a point or proble~ theme of discussion, idea or
thought, question, possibility or probability, principle, and report. The term mas 'a/ah is
the MOst ftequently used tenn, and is usually employed to initiate discussion of certain
6 Verses 3,4, 7,8,9, ID, II, 12. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20,28,29,30,31,38,44,49, SS, S6,
S7, S8, S9, 60, 61,64, 70, 71, 72, 77, 78, 83, 84,90, 91, 92, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121-2, 123,
124, 12S, 128, 129, 133, 134, 135-6, 137-8, 144, 14S, 146, 147, 148, lSl, lS2, lS3, 154, 155, lS9, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 171, 172, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 183, 186, 187, 190, 193, 194, and 195.
1 Verses 1-2, S-6, 21-2, 23-5, 26-7, 33-4, 3S-7, 39-40, 41-3,45-6,47-8, SO-I, 52-4, 62-3, 66-68,
734, 75-6, 79-80, 81-2,86-9, 93-5,96-7,98-9, 102-3, 104-9, 110-11, 113-5, 130-2, 140-1, 142-3, 149-S0,
156-8, 166-7, 169·70, 173-4, 181-2, 184-5, 188-9, 191-2, and 196-7.
1 Most of the verses he interprets are divided into sections. In bis interpretation of Sürat Al
.Imrin,. only 13 out of 200 verses are interpretecl without any division.
•
9 Al-Rizi makes this c:1aim implic:it when he interprets verses 1-2, sa~ing: ~After we summarized
the inc:lusivepointofthe statemeDt [at-maqfÜ~ af-/cuIIÏ_min af-"'!liml, let_us retum to the interpretation of
eveIY one orthe statemeDt5." Sec Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi. al-Tafsi, al-Kabir. ''01. 7 (Cairo: al-MaJba~ah al-
Bahin'ah al-Mipiyyah. 1357)~ 168.
6'
• issues lO or of previous scholars' opinions.
In bis interpretation of the fust two verses of Sürat Al 'Imr~ for instance, Fakhr
al-D'in al-RizI divides bis exposition into three parts, each of which is called a mas 'a/ah.
The first mas 'a/ah deals with the variant readings (qira 'at) of the first verse ualif lim
mIm," which falls into the category of verses known as the openings ifawatifJ). This
mas 'a/ah is further divided into two parts, each of which is called qawl (pl. aqwal). The
first part explains two opinions concerning the readings of the fawâtiIJ and treats of the
letters' vowellessness (sulcün) or pause forms (mawqUfah). The second part treats of the
voweUed letters (mutaJtarrikah) and is itselfdivided into two parts, each caUed a baJ,th. In
•
its discussion of the origin of lJarakah, the first baltth malees three presuppositions
(muqaddimah). The second baJ,th discusses the kinds ofvowels (~QTakQt), which can be
either fat1lah or sukün. The second mas'a/ah discusses the background of the revelation
(sabab a/-nuzül). In tbis mas 'a/ah, he considers two opinions, those of Muqitil b.
Sulaymin and Mul)ammad b. Is~âq. The last mas 'a/ah discusses the organization of the
arguments establishing the divinity (i/âhiyyah) of Allah and the prophethood (nubuwwah)
of M\Ù}ammad. This mas 'a/ah is divided into two balttM, the tirst bal!th speaking about
Fakhr al-Ok al-Rizi treats verse 32 in a ditferent manner tram that ofthe first two
verses, in the sense that he interprets this on its own. Although sorne problems might arise
•
10Sec bis interpretationofverses 18~ 19~ 20.
11 Al-Jarl. al..Tafi ir al.Koblr. vol. 7. 163-8. For the scbolastic organization or al-Rizi·s talSir.
see George Makdisi, The Rise ofColleges: Institutions of uQI1I;ng in /s/flm and the West (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press. 1981). 116-8.
71
• in the mind ofone reading this verse, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi does not detect any difticulty in
bis interpretation of this verse. 12 In many other instances, he deals with problems such as
whether or not the degree of obedience accorded to the Prophet is the same as that
accorded to God; and why the structure of the sentences changes ftom the second persan
(mu/chatab, which is the phrase "ail 'ü, ., or UBe obedient... ln) to the third person (ghQ 'ib,
which is the phrase "in tawallaw, or .4ifthey leave off:..").
U
the prophets, and ends by referring to their people, who rejeeted their teachings- al-Riz!
construes verses 35-7 as forming one story that explains verse 36. These three verses,
therefore, stand together as one part. To explain them, he splits them into two divisions,
•
comprised ofverses 35-6 and verse 37. The
headings (mas 'a/ah, pl. masa 'il). The second division is divided into three parts: in the
first, he discusses two problems; in the second, three; and in the thir~ two .13
(/cuntum), he discusses four possible meanings, each of which he assigns the heading
il1tima/. For the second point, he introduces two opinions, each called a wajh (pl. wujüh).
With respect to the khitab of the sentence, he discusses ooly brietly whether the audience
was the Companions only or all Muslims, and he does not further divide tbis point. Nor
71
• Having discussed these points (masa 'i/), he undertakes a deeper interpretation of
these verses by discussing them phrase by phrase. Regarding the phrase ta 'murüna bi '1-
three problems (su '01), whereas for the phrase minhumu 'I-mu 'minûna wa aktharuhumu
'l-jQsiqün, he introduces two problems (su 'a/) for discussion. For the last part of verse
Ill, which starts with the phrase wa-in yuqati/ükum, he suggests that three problems
exegesis. Not only does he limit his explanation orthe verse(s) that he wants to discuss,
he also breaks them up into parts, which he divides and sub-divides as necessary.
•
Wherever warranted, he introduces as ManY divisions as seem necessary. Needless to say,
he bases this mode of expression on rational considerations. It would have been difficult
to develop this arrangement without a wide knowledge and rational understanding of the
topics discussed. However, al...Rizi was inconsistent and obscure in his use ofthese terms.
This inconsistency MaY cause confusion. In subdividing the tenn mas 'a/ah, he
sometimes uses the tenn wajh, and at other times. qawl or il1timâl. The difticulty lies in
the fine distinctions between these terms. Mas 'alah is used sometimes to Mean "problem,"
tenns, --e.g. bal1th, qaw/, wajh, su 'a/, and il1tima/. With the exception of su 'al, which
indicates "problems," and il1timo/, which indicates "possibility," these terms may mean
• 14 Ibid.• 188-95.
71
• "discussion," "point," uidea," and "opinion." A1though al-Rizi's use of them is unclear,
In terms of procedure, there are at least two methods that have developed in the
history of Qur'ànic interpretation. One method treats the Qur' in one verse at a time and
in aceordanee with its canonical order, ftom the first verse of Surat al-Fatil1ah, through
the second ehapter (Sürat al-Baqarah), and 50 on to the last verse of the ehapter entitled
•
the early development ofthe genre and therefore is considered tradiûonal.
The other method involves a subject-based approaeh ta the Qur'an. Known as al-
tafSir al-maw4ü r; (uthematic interpretation"), this method approaches the Qur' in tapie by
topie. 16 In praetical terms, Qur' âme verses relating ta ftee will and action, for example,
are eollected and analyzed together, 50 that one verse funher clarifies the others with a
view ta arriving at an "objective" understanding of it. 17 The reasoning behind this method
15 See~ for example. Mul)ammad b. Sarlr al-Tabarl (cl. 310 H.), rami' al-Bayan ft Ta/if, a/-
Qu,'an, 12 vols. (Seirut: D~ al-Ma·lÜah.! 1986); ·AlI b. Mul)ammad b. ~bib al-Mi~ (364-450 H.),
a/-Nukat l'a al- 'Uyin: Ta/si' al-krawardi, edited by ~Abd al-Maq~ b. ~ Abd al-RaI)im, 6 vols. (Beirut:
Dâr al-Kutub al-~IIJnin'ah. 1992); and :MaIJmüd b. ~Abd Allih al-A1üsi (cl. 1280 H.), Riil1 al-Ma'anl ft
Tapi, a/-Qu, 'an al-'A;fm wa a/-Sab' al-MathanÎ, 30 vols. in 15 (Beirut: Dâr D,yi' al·Turith al··Arabi,
(1980».
16 ·Â'isbah ·Abd al-Ra1)min, Muqaddimah Ji a/-Manhaj «(Cairo): Ma·had al-BuI)üth wa al-
Dirisât ale· Arabiyyah. 1971), 137.
1T This method in faet bas been common since classical limes. Ibn al-Qanim aI-Iawziyyah (751/
13S0), whose \\'ritings inspirecl Sint al-ShiJi' lO develop ber thel!.ry about qosam, dealt with the
• interpretation of qosam \oathj in the Qur'in. See Mu1)ammad b. Abi Bakr b. Ayyuo Ibn al-Qayyim al·
Iawziyyab. al.nbyânfl ..lqsim al-Qu,'ân, editecl by Mul)ammad f:limid al-FiqI (Cairo: MaJba·at IJijizi,
1933); Abü Bakr AIpnad b. ~ AJI al-I8$fiJ al-Riz! (30S-370 8.) wrote on the Ï!'terpretation of the legal
aspects of the Qur'in. CA!tkim al..f2u' ·an. 3 vols. [Beirut: Dar al-Kitib al·~Arabi, ad.]); and Mul)ammad
73
• is that the Qur'in contains a single system of revelation, 50 that no Qur' WC verse can be
fully understood independently. Rather, every verse has to be compared with others in
order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the Qur' an. This method developed in
modem times as a result ofthe many weaknesses inherent in the traditional method. la
With tms division in mind, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi combines these two models of
interpretation in bis Mafâii" al-Ghayb. He basicaIly interprets the Qur' in according ta its
proper arder, but whenever necessary he also refers to other verses. This approach
enables mm to raise sorne problems relating to the interpretation of one verse in light of
the interpretation of other verses, and to evaluate them simultaneously, in arder to reach a
•
In bis exegesis, Fakhr al-DIn al-RizÏ pays close attention to the structure of the
verse (wajh al-~), either on its own or in connedion with other verses. 20 Known as al-
munasabah, tlùs method links the verse he interprets with other verses. 21 Exegetes,
including both those who rely principally on traditions and those who avail themselves
al-I:fusayn al-DhababI, al-TaISi,. wa a/-Mufassiriin: Ba~th TaliilÏ :an Nash ta! a/-Tapi,. wa Tatawwurih wa
A/wanih wa Madhahibih ma' 'tut! Shâmil li Ashhar al-Mufassirin wa Tait/il /Camil li Ahamm Kutub a/-
TaISi,. min j4.fr a/-Nabl s.a.w. i/a 'A.p-ina al-ifQt/irt vol. 1 (Cairo: Dit al-Kutub al-ljadÏthah, 1961), 148-9.
II Ahmad Iamil al.'umari. DI,.asat fi a/-Ta/Si,. al-Mawtlü'j li al-QtlfDf a/-Quroani (Caire:
Maktabat al-IÔumJL 1986). 38046. In bis tems. ~ere are al-lalSir al-ta/tlÏlÏt al-talSir al-ijma/Ï wbich is
similar to al-ttUjamah al-ma 'nawiyyah. and al-talsi,. a/-mawclü '1. They successively represent the modes
of interpretation word by ward, interpretation based on general meaning, and interpretation based OD
specifie tapies.
19 Malpnûd Fü~ Nash tat al-Ta[iir wa Manâhijuh fi Qaw • al-Madhahib al-Is/amiyyah (Cairo:
MaJba~at al-AJninab. 1986). 190.
~ In bis al-Itqân fi ·Ulüm al-Qurtan, ]a)i! al-Dfn al-S~J1 iDcludes al·Rizi am~ng those
scholars who paid much anention ta stnleture oCverses. See Ialil al-Din •Abd al-Ra1)min b. Abi Bakr al-
SU)1ÎJÎ. a/-Itqanfl ·U1iim al-Qurtan. vol. 2.. 3rcl ccl (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-·Ilmiyyah. 1995).234.
• :1 In bis study oC the structure of al-Rizi·s talSi,., Mal).müd proves how in bis interpretation of Q.
2:34 al-Râzi cIeaIs with the problem or whethcr lblÏs is a sort of jinn or ma/ak. R.elating this verse wim
omers such as 18:S0 and 34:41. al-Rizi concludes that IbHs is a son oCjinn. not a ma/ale. Malpnüd F~
Nash tatat-TaliirwaMDnahijuhfl Qaw' al-MadhDhib al-Islam;yyah. 190·2.
• mostly of reason, apply this method in their interpretation of the Qur' an. 22 Ibn Kathir,
whose Ta/rir a/-Qur 'an a/- 'A#m is very much based on traditions, proposes the axiom al-
Qur 'Qnu yufassiru ba'quhU ha'qa ethe Qur' an explains itself by itself'),23 and considers it
the best method for interpreting the Qur'in.24 Ibn Taymiyyah too declares that this
Al-Rizi likewise choases not ta look al each verse in isolation, but extends bis
this linkage: first, by relating the passages or verses he interprets to those that precede it;
and second, by relating the interpretation of certain passages or verses to sorne other
•
such holistic interpretation allows exegetes to arrive at a more objective and thorough
In the following, l will otrer examples of how al-Rizi applies this method. When
interpreting the first passage of verse 3:1S, which reads "Qui a 'unabbi 'ukum hi khayrim
•
müqil!alun lah).
26 nese lWO methods are desipated. by William Montlomery Watt as atomistic and contextual
intcrpretations. rapedively.. For fùrt.bct discussion, sec William Montgomery Watt. /s/amic Reve/ation in
the Modem Wo,ld (Edinbursh: EdinburJh University ~ 1969). 76-9.
1S
• min dhQ/ilcum. " he takes into consideration the last passage of the previous verse (Q.
3:14), which reads, u wa /i 'l/Qhi 'indahü '/pIsnu ·/-ma'ab. ,.21 He also links this verse with
other related verses, such as 2:3 with 87:17; just as he links verse 3:16 with 3:193.21 He
relates verses 3:104-9 to a set of earlier verses, 3:98-103. This enables him to detect a
system (napn)29 behind the revealed text, which in bis view makes rational sense. As he
explains it, God first blames the Pec,ple of the Book for disbelieving and for calling other
people non..believers. When speaking to Muslims in the following verses, God then
commands them ta believe in Him, and to exercise taqwiz. He finally commands them to
call other people ta do good. 30 Al..RizI compares the white and the black faces referred to
in verse 3:106 with reference white and black in other verses, such as 39: 60, 10:26, 80:41,
75:25, 83:24, and 55:41. From this comparison, he concludes that bayQcf ("whîtenessn )
• stands for happiness in paradise, attributed to believers; while sawQd ("blackness") stands
Al·RizI asserts tbat SÜfat Al 'Imrin has an excellent structure which is smooth and
unique. He detects in it indications that the Christian delegation of Najrin have debated
with the Prophet on two issues introduced in this cbapter. The tirst issue was a matter of
theology, in particular, the Christians claims that God had a son; the second revolved
• li ln rd'erence to this subject. he discusscs the question oC wbether the terms black ancl white are
uscd in a figurative or real sense. Here. al·Rizi does not besilare to accept the idea or Mu~tazilite Abü
Muslim al.Ilfibini. who uses white ancl black figurative1y to mean happiness and sorrow respec:tively.
Sec al·RizI, a/-TafSir al-Kabir. vol.S. 181-2.
76
• around the prophethood of Mul}ammad, which the Christians calIed into question.
Subsistent Fount of AIl Seing") atributed to God is an argument against the concept of the
Trinity in which the Christians of Mu~ammad's time believed. The same concept also
opposed the idea that Gad, whose existence is necessaty of itself (Wàjib al-Wujüd),32
could bave a son. He says that it is impossible for any being te be a son and at the same
time God, for God must have no need for anything else to estabUsh His existence. AI-RizI
further says that if Gad were in need of anything else, He would then not he self..sufficient,
and that this is impossible for Gad.33 In arguing on behalf of the prophethood of
Mul}ammad, the Qur'in describes itself as having been revealed by God just as were the
•
Torah (Tawrtit) and the Bible (Injf/). Since these scriptures were consecutively revealed as
signs of the prophethood ofMul)ammad, Moses, and Jesus, any deniaI ofthe Qur'in -and
with lhis the deDiai of the prophethood of Mubammad-.. would Mean the denial of the
Torah and the Bible, and at the same time the denial of the prophets, to whom the
For this declaration ofinfidelity, al..RizÏ declares, Christian will receive punishment
32 For more discussion on Ibn SIni's ontological arguments, Re, for instance, L.E. ~
Avicenna (London: Roudeclge, 1992),49-122;
33 Ibid.. vol. 7" 167. Sec also al-Rizl. MpnQ;arah ft al-Radd "a/o a/-NtJlara. ed. ~ Abd al-Majfd
al-Na.ijâr (Beirut Dar al-Gharb al-Islimi, 1986), 22-7.
34 Al-Rizi. ai-Ta/Si,. al-Kabi,.. voL 7. 167-8. Compare with al·Rizi. A-Iuna;arah fi a/-Radd ·a!a
al-N~Q"Q. 21-2. Al-RizI says that Moses" Jesus". and Mul)ammad s ability to perform mu ïi:al
9
(miracles) was a sign of the uuth of their mission. If one said that miracles do not neœssarily prove the
•
tme mission ofMul)ammad, this would deny the true missions of the remaining prophets. including Moses
andIcsus.
3S Q. 3:106.
]6 Q. 3:112.
"
• does not pertain ta ail Christians, al-Ri7I states, basing himself on interpretation of verses
113·5 and 199. With respect to verses 113-5, the first part ofwhich reads, "They are not
ail alike: among the people of the Book, there are upright people," Fakhr al-Din al-Riii
admits that among the Christians of Najrin there were believers as weil as infidels. He
quotes a report ftom Ibn 'Abbas, Jibir and Qatidah saYing that the Prophet Mut,ammad
prayed for the soul of a dead Christian tram Najjish. This report, confinned by verse 113,
indicates that the dead Christian was a believer, and therefore prayer for him was
In verse 3:106, Fakhr al-Dio al·Rw notes that uthe people with white faces" are
placed ahead ofuthe people with black faces," while their respective fruits in the Hereafter
•
are inverted. The consequences for 'ihose with black faces" are, therefore, mentioned
before the consequence for ''those with white faces." On lhis issue, one might doubt that
such an arrangement should not logically happen. Al-Rïzi suggests two solutions: first,
that the waw is used for the purpose of conjunction in a general sense, not a sequential
one; second, as in the former verse, the mention of mercy (ral1mat) for "those with white
faces," precedes that of punisbment ('adhilb) for "those with black faces," in order to
stress that God wisbes that His creatures receive His blessings. In the latter verse, the
mention of "those witb white faces" is placed after Uthose with black faces" in order to
Al-RizI suggests a very interesting interpretation ofverse 3:17, which reads: ..~
78
• This verse explains the two verses before it. The five charaeter traits mentioned in verse
17 (~ab;r, ~Qdiq, qanil, munfiq, and muslaghfir bi 'l-as"ar) are the charaeteristics of
"those who fear God," as mentioned in verse 15, and ''those who will enter Paradise," as
mentioned in verse 16. Since verse 3:17 uses a conjunetion (waw al- 'a!/) instead of an
adjective (#/ah), Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi argues that '~bose who fear God" and "those who
will enter Paradise" are furthermore those who have one or more of the characteristics it
mentions. This may indicate that in order to enter Paradise one need not necessarily have
all five charaeteristics. As long as they have faith (iman) in Gad, as mentioned in verse 16,
tbey will enter it even if they have only one of the five. 38 This interpretation is in line with
Fakhr al-D'in a1-Rizi's Ash'arite theological beliefthat whoever has faith in God, -in the
manner of Lâ ilDha il/a 'llah ("there is no gad but God")- will enter heaven, regardless of
• his faults. 39
To detennine the meaning of the Qur'in, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi avails himself of
poetry as weil as of other Qur'inic verses. This is evident in bis interpretation of verse
113. Interpretîng the phrase 'lamong the People of the Book there are upright people,"4O
Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi asserts that even though the phrase mentions only one group, it refers
to two groups ftom the People of the Book, namely, the upright (ummah qa'imah), and
the blameworthy (ummah dhamimah). This is because mentioning one thing implies the
other too; there is no need at ail to mention both. One example of this is the expression
39 Sec Alpnad }jijizI aI-Saqqa. Kal-Taqd1m li al-Kitib." in Fakhr al-Dm al-Riz}.. Asrar a/-Tanzfr
•
WQ ..4nwar al-Ta ·wfl (Beiruc Dar aI-JiI. 1992). 7•
.eo Q. 3:113. Based on Ibis verse. al-Riz! asserts tbat one of the charaeteristics oC uprigbt people
is that they believe in GocI and ail the prophels tbat Gocl sent. inclucling the Propbet Mul}ammad;
otbemise mey do not believe in God. Al-Rizi. al.Taliir al-Kohlr. voL 8. 200-3.
79
• UDo goodl" Athough the order is to do good, it is also an order ta avoid doing what is
bad. In support of this interpretation, Fakhr al-olo al-Rizi quotes a poem, composed by
Abü Dhu'ayb, where one category of items is mentioned when in raet its opposite is
equa1ly intended.41
Among scholars, there have been many approaches to the interpretation of the
c1ear (muÎ/kamat) and the ambiguous (mutashabihOt) verses. Some scholars simply
suggest that mullkom describes any Qur'inic verse whose meaning is intelligible, while
mutashabih applies to any Qur'inic verse whose meaning can be understood after
•
explanation and interpretation.42 Tms group starts nom the assumption that only Gad
knows the absolute meaning (ta 'wtl) ofthe mutashabihat. and that ail that scholars can do
is to derive some lessons ftom them. 43 Another approach pays much closer attention to
discovering the deeper meanings of the Qur' ~ including the verses that have clear and
mutashabihQt. Not only were Islamic legal theorists interested in studying this issue, but
43 Ibid., 15.
• .... Good sununarics oC the interpretation of mullkamat and mutashâbihat in the c:lassical period,
see M. Lagarde, "De l'ambiguilé (ImItashibih) dans le Coran: tentatives dtexplication des e:<égètes
musulmans." Quoderni de SlUdi Arabi 3 (1985)t 45-62; L. Kinber& "M~t and Mutasbibihit (Koran
317): Implication ofa Koranic pair oflerms in medieval exegesis," Arabica 35 (1988)9 143-72.
80
• There were many opinions on the difticulties to be encountered and their solutions.
understood in their figurative sense (majaz). This principle, according to Abü Zayd, was
the instrument by which they resolved the contradictions suggested by their apparent
meaning (;Qhir al-/aA).4' Al-Rizi applies this same principle. In bis Asas al-Taqdts, he
maintains that sorne exoteric meanings (;awahir, pl. of ;ahir) of the Qur'an should he
understood tiguratively.46 There are statements, for example, to the eifeet that God has a
face, eyes, a back, hands, and a tnmk. If these statements are taken in their exoteric sense,
he reasoDS, there should be a Being who has a face, back, trunk, eyes and bands.47
However, one can argue against such an understanding. Since God is described as the
•
Creator, reason tells us that He must be different nom His own creation; otherwise He
would Himself be one type of creation. On this point, al-RizI says that God is
umunazzahun 'ani 'l-jihah wa 'l-jismiyyah. ,,,,a Besides, there is also a clear verse
(mul1kam) tbat declares the opposite of these ambiguous statements (mutashabihat). The
Qur' in states: "There is none like unto Him" (·'Laysa ka-mithlihi shay 'un Ir). This
45 N. ijimid Abü zayd. Falsalat al-Ta "'il: Di,ôsah ft Ta ~wil al-Qu, tan tïnd k/uhyt al-Dtn b.
"Arabi (Beirot: Dar al·W~ 1983)t S.
4' ln this treatise. aI·Rizi does not limit bis e..'1)Osition to the e..xoterie meanings of the Qur'~ but
•
includes the e.xoteric meanings of some prophetie traditions in bis discussion. Fakhr al-Diu al-Razi, AsQs
a[-Taqdfs. ed. Alpnad f.lijizI al_Saqqit (Cairo: Maktabat al-Kulliyyit al-Azbari}'Yab. 1986), 103·9.
47 IbicL t 105.
"Ibid.. 109.
Il
• the muJPcamat.mutashilb;hat division is found. 49 This verse, whese interpretation is
"unanimously agreed to represent the point of depanure for a1l scriptural exegesis,,,50 reads
as follows:
It is He who sent down upon thee the Book, wherein are clear verses
[muJPcamiztJ that are the essence of the Book, and others which are
ambiguous {mutashabihQtj. As for those in whose hearts is swerving. they
follow the ambiguous part, desiring dissension and desiring its
interpretation; and none knows its interpretation, but God. And those who
are firmly rooted in knowledge say: "We believe in it; all is trom our Lord";
yet none remembers but men possessed ofmind. (Qur'an 3:7)
In bis interpretation of the term mul1kamat. al·Rizi quotes other Qur'inic verses to
demonstrate two possible meanings of the term: that in ils totality, the Qur'in is mul1kam
in the sense that it is a valid and reliable scripture; and that in ilS individu al parts, the
Qur' in consists of mul1kmnar, which are verses that have a clear indication, and of
• mutashQbihilt, which are verses that have no such qualification. 51 Moreover, he uses other
Qur'inic verses to confirm the meaning of the text. In support of the tirst possible
definition of mul1kam as it applies ta the meaning of the Qur'in, he explains that the Roly
Book is ·'f~1tu '/-a/fâ# ~ïJtu 'I-ma 'an/. "'2 To support this assertion, he quetes verse
Jane Dammen McAuliffe considers mis verse "t\mdamental 10 the development of exegetical
49
methodology." Jane Dammen McAuWre, "Qur'inic Hermeneutics: The Views of al-Tabari and Ibn
KamIr, in Approaches to the History ofthe Interpretation ofthe Qur liin ed. Andrew Rippin {Oxford:
ft t
S1 "The Qur'in is eloquent in its lat and meaning." Al-Rizit al-Ta/str al-Kabir. vol. 7t 176.
Muslim scholars consider eloquenœ as evidencc of the miraculous nature of the Qurtin. On the
miraculous nature of the Qurtift. sec al-BiqiDinI Kilab a/-Bayan "an al-Farq bayn a/-Mu 'jizah WQ a/-
t
• 19S8); al-RununïnL Tha/iith Rasâ·fl ft I1az al-Qurtiin (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~irit [1950)); Issa 1. Boulla~
"The Rhetorica1 Interpretation of the Qur'in: I1iz and Relalecl Topics," in Approaches 10 the History of
the Interpretation ofthe Qur·mr. cd. Andrew Rippin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988),. 142; ancllssa J.
BouUa~ "rjiz." in ER. vot 7, 87-8.
82
• 10:1: "aliflim ri'. These are venes orthe Book ofwisdom;" and verse Il:1: "aliflim ri
[This is] a book, whose verses are perfected [uJ,/dmat QyQtuh]." As a consequence, in the
Qur'in no verse contradiets another. 53 This is further asserted in the Qur'inic verse, "!fit
had been ftom other than Gad, they would have round therein much incongruity. ,,54
Finally, he uses other Qur'inic verses for the purpose of stimulating further discussion.
For example, he contradicts one verse with another, suggesting a possible meaning for one
verse in addition to another. By this method, he brings out some problems which he
discusses in greater depth. For example, verse 39:23 states that "Gad bas sent down the
best statement, a Book [whose parts] resemble each other [and] are oft-repeated (kitaban
mutashQbihan mathQnjya). n This verse may signify that in its totality the Qur' in is
•
ambiguous (mutashQbih), and therefore cannot he relied on. Accarding to al-RizI,
however, this is not the case. What is meant by mutashabih in this verse is that ilS parts
are similar ta each other in terms of their excellent structure and style, and fit the meaning
intended. 55
Interpreting the portion of verse 3:756 wbich reads, "those in whose hearts is
swerving, they foUaw the ambiguous part, desiring dissension and desiring its
51 Al-Rizi, AsQs al-TaqdÎs, 230. There is a consensus among Muslim scholars that there is no
contradiction in the Qur'in. Mustansir Mir states tbat "the Qur'in is markecl by a remarkable coherence
that is bath hermeneutica1ly significant and aestbetically pleasing." Sec Mustansir Mir, Diclionary 0/
Qu,.'Qnic Terms and Concepts, (New York and London: Galland Publishing. 1987), 174-5. Nevertheless
Mir does not acknowledge the fact that thcre are verses which, at least out\\'ardly, do not appcar to be in
hannony.
.54 Q. 4:82.
• 56 There are diJrereDt opinions conceming the translation and interpretation oC the waw in this
verse. SolDe interpret it as an initiation of another sentence (isti 'nif), ",hile some othcrs conjunetion
(-alaf). This eventual1y leads 10 di1ferent opinions on whether or DOt human bcings cm understanel the
meaning orthe ~in.
83
• interpretation," al-RizI states that swerving (zaygh) is "a tendency ta depart trom the
truth. ,,57 Wbat this means is that those in whose hearts is a tendency ta depart from the
truth will follow the ambiguous parts orthe Qur'in. There are two reasons for trying ta
discover the meaning ofthese ambiguous parts: the desire to sow dissension and the desire
to interpret them." The first reason entails looking for the meaning in order to cause a
dispute (fitnah) when interpreting the mutashabihOt. In other words, such people will pay
more attention to the ambiguous verses (mutashabihat) than to clear verses (multkamat).
Al-Rizi gives an example of this kind of person by quoting a I!ad/th, in which the People
of Najrin asked the Prophet: "Is not [Jesus] Gad's word and spirit?" [a/aysa huwa
ka/imam tl/Ohi wa-rü1pln minhu]. These people, al-Rizi suspects, did not question the
•
Prophet in order to arrive at the truth, but wanted to foment fitnah based on the Prophet's
anticipated answer.'· Knowing this, Gad then revealed verse 3:59: "Verily, the likeness of
~sa [Jesus] before Allah is the likeness of Adam. He created him ftom dust, then He said
to him: 'Be!' and he was." The second reason is that people look for the meaning of
mutashabihat simply in order ta discover their meanings, where the Qur'in offers no such
interpretation. 59
those which have but one meaning (ncq~)t and those with severa! connotations but among
which there is one preferable meaning (~ir). The mutashabihat, on the other hand~
include those that have severa! meanings, none of which is to be preferred (mu 'awwa/),
•
S7 Ibicl, 173.
SI For more disc:ussio~ sec Ibn IsI)iq, The Lifê ofMullammad. traDS. A. Guillaume (Oxford:
Oxford University Press. 1980), 270-7.
5' Al-Râzi, a/-Ta[si, a/-Kabi,. vol. 7t 176.
• and those that have two or more different meanings (mushtarak or mujma/).6O Thus,
unlike mu"la:unat statements. mutashâbihOt have no textual certainty. Therefore, they are
not considered a valid source for argumentation, for which reason al·Râzi says that "to
depend on mutashQbihQt is not allowed. ,,61 Due to the strength of the mu"kamat, in one
way or another he supports the idea that mul1lcamëlt abrogate mutashabihat, in the sense
that one is allowed to depend on the former, but not on the latter. In other words, as
It is interesting in this regard to note that al-Rizi considers that mul1kamat and
mutasnbihQt instruments cao be used in support of one's personal opinion. He was weil
•
aware that Muslim scholars tended ta consider Qur'inic verses which conformed to their
school of thought as mu"kamat, and those that did not as mutashahihQt. According to
him, they recognized the literal meaning ofverses (ijra ' 'a/a a/-;âhir) when it suited them,
and saw the figurative meaning (Ff 'an a/-;ahir) when it did not. 63 He disputes al-
Iubbi'l's and Abü Muslim al-I,fahinI's claim that the Jabriyyah focused exclusively on
mutashizbihât. 64 As we saw above in Chapter Two, tlùs was a trap that Fakhr al-DIn al...
62 Ibid., 6-8. Also al...Tabarit Jamr aI-BayOn fi Ta[si,. al-Qu,.·an. vol. 6, 170; McAulüf~
"Qurtinic Henneneutics: The views of al-rabali ancllbn Kathir," in Approaches to the History of the
Interp,.etation ofthe Qu,·an. 51·2.
64 ~g the arJUD!enIS of the Iabriyyab, who based themselves partly on Q.. 17:16.27:4, and
4:26. al-Iubbâ'i and al-I$fahinI quoteel same Qurânie verses (verses 8:53. 28:59. 41:17. and 10:108) to
support the idea offree will and action. AI-Rizl, a/.TQfii'Q/~KQbi,.. vol. 7. 187.
15
• Rizi sometimes feU into whenever he declared Qur'inic verses that did not accord with bis
rational understanding ofthem as mutashabihal.
many scholars. From the earliest period of Islam, Muslim thinkers have paid great
attention ta this genre.65 It cannat be denied that this discussion took place among the
Companions of the Prophet Mw,ammad, altbougb in less detail than among the generation
ofthe tabi'ün. The growing number ofbooks on abrogation between 130 A.H.l747 AD.
and 790 AH./130S AD. bas led Powers to affirm that this genre gained importance not
ooly in the field of tafSir, but more importantly in legal discourse. 66 From the perspective
• of the application of Sharl 'ah (tashrl~, one principle applied to the issue of abrogation is
that the abrogating verses have to have been revealed after the abrogated ones. 67 For
these reasons, the discussion of nQsilch and mansü/ch unavoidably developed hand-in-band
From the first century Hij~ the discussion on abrogation in the Qur'in bas been
both positive and negative. It bas revolved basically around the idea that "[sorne1verses
are abrogated by others, and [that] sorne deny the existence of any abrogation in this
• that there arc two abrogated <the first and the fast) and one abrogating (in th~ midcDe) phrases in the verse
which reads "1chudhi ·1- 'ofiva WQ- 'mur hi- t/_ 'u,ft WQ-Q'riq 'an;..'I-mushrikin. ,. NQf tfimid Abü Zayd.
Majhûm al-NQff: D;rasahji 'Ulüm a/-Qur'ân ([Caire]: al-Haytah al-Mipiyyah al·~Ammah li al-KUU8D.
1990). 135-6.
16
• sense.,,61 This dispute does not rest on a doctrine to be found in the Qur' ~ but on an
influence, one that "poses a difticult theological problem.,,65) The proponents of this
doctrine argue that there is a reference in the Qur' in aftirming the doctrine they hold. The
Qur'in contains at least two technical terms which seem to justifY this doctrine -namely
fonn of nbadda/a-yubaddilu. f, The first term, naskh. May Mean '10 replace," as signified
by verse 2:106: "For every verse (ayah] we replace [lJansakh] or cause to be forgotte~
We bring a better one or one like it." This term may also mean "to cance~" "to annu~" or
"to suppress," as understood in verse 22:52, which reads: "Never did we send a messenger
or a prophet before thee, but, when he framed a desire, Satan Threw some (vanity) ioto bis
desire: but Allah will cancel [yansakh] anything (vain) that Satan throws in, and Allah will
• confirm (and establish) His Signs: For Allah is full of Knowledge and Wisdom." The
second term, tabdll. May Mean "to replace" or "ta exchange," as signified by verse 16:101:
this juridical argument (shar'an), supporters of naskh maintain this doctrine by rational
justification ('aqlan) as well. A charge (taklÏj) depends on the will of the charger
(mashi 'at al..mulcallif), which allows the possibility that the charger May freight or not
freight people, and on the good of the subject of charge (m~IlÙ!at al..mulaz/lafJ, which
allows for an obligation at one moment but not al another.'O The opponents of this
doctrine) on the other hand, argue that these verses do not refer to the abrogation in the
61 Mul)ammad ~ Ati al-sI~ "The Hermeneutical Problem ofthe Qurt in in Islamic Histo~ (ph.O.
•
dissenation. Temple University. 1975). 170•
• David S. Powen. "On the Abroption of the Bcquest Verses, Arabica. vol. 29 (1982). 246.
ft
70 Abü al-Farrij ~Abcl al-Ralpnin Ibn aI..Ja,,'Zi, Nawâsikh al-Qu'"ân (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-
~Dmiyyab. 19801). IS.
87
• Qur' in but rather to the shari 'ahs before Islam.71 Consequently, these verses refer to the
replacement of Jewish and Christian shorf 'aM with the Islamic one.72 They argue further
that if the Qur' in were subject to change, it would caU into question the wisdom of Gad
The Mu'tazilites challenged the Ash'arites, who believed in the uncreatedness of the
Qur' in and at the same time in the doctrine of abrogation, and contended that if tne
The dispute over abrogation persisted not ooly between those who rejeeted it and
those who accepted il, but aise among different supporters of the latter position. They
disagreed on what is really abrogated: the text itself (ti/awah), the meaning (lpIkm), or
both text and meaning. 74 Abü Zayd, 75 on the one hand, basing himself on the principle of
• the application of shari 'ah, which advocates tay~r and tadarruj, argued that abrogation
means tabdt/ a/-a1JkQm, not taghjir a/-nu#i~. 76 Ibn Salimah aI-Nqr (d. 410/1019), on the
•
1982); N3$f Himid Abü zayd, Majhüm al-Nll#: Dirasah fi ·U/üm a/-Qu"Qn (Cairo: al-Hay'ah al-
Mifriyyah al-~Àmmah li al-Kilib, 1990); and N3$f ijâmid Abü zayd, Naqd al-Khi{ab al-Dtnï (Cairo: sIDâ
li al-Nasbr, 1992).
75 Abû Zayd, Majhüm al·N~ Dirisahft 'Ulim al-Qu,·ân. 138.
Il
• other band, maintained that one type of abrogation is abrogation in the text (/choU) and
The development of this doctrine May be traced back to the time of M~ammad,
wben revelation first took place. Whenever a question arase regarding the content of the
Qur' in or daily life, MulJammad answered it through revelation, sa that there is praetica1ly
no difficulty in understanding the Qur' in and applying it in everyday life. When the
Qur'&nie revelation ended witll the death of the Prophet, Muslims encountered various
difficulties in their understanding of the holy text. One difticu1ty was bow to deal with
those Qur'inic verses which do not seem to accord with each other." Although this issue
was mainly rooted in the existence of"problematic" Qur' wc verses with regard ta certain
themes, the discourse in various disciplines had led ta the development of the abrogation
• doctrine.
"problematic" Qur'inic verses have been of a legal and theological nature, due ta the idea
that the Scripture is ~'the prime source in law and theology.,,79 Legally, these verses
present sorne difficulties. Scholars have to deternûDe which verses are operative and on
whicb ofthese legal rulings they can be based. Ta respond to this challenge, scholars have
71 He holets the idea that thcre are three types of abrogation: (1) ma nusikha khattuhu wa-Ilulcmuh
(thOIe whose te.û and meaning arc abrogated). (2) ma nusik/ra k/ral!Uhu wa-baqiya /pI/anuh (those whose
text is abrogated, but whose meaning rcmains). and (3) ma nusikha lIulanuhü wa-baqiya kha!!Uh (tbose
whose. meaning is abrogatecl. but whose text rcmains). For more discussio~ see Ibn satimah al-N•• "al-
~asikh \VI al·Mansükb," ~ AlI b. A1)mad al-\VâIPdÏ Asbib a/-Nuzül (Cairo: MaJba~at Hindiyyab, [l897}).
t
9-10.
~I Referring to this diffic:uIty in the fidd of Qurtinic studies. Andrew Rippin states that wme te.,"(
•
of the Qur~in presents many ambiguities. difticu1t words whose prec:ise readings are ~ problems of
te.~ division and apparently incompatible statements." Andrew RiPPÎDt Mus/ims: The;,. Religious
Be/ie[sandPracticu(Volume 1: The FOmuJtive Period) (New York: Roudedl~ 1990).27
'li Ibid.. 2S.
19
• developed a set of rules known as ufÜl al-ftqh. In exegetical discourse, it is thought that
the Qur'an was revealed in time and spaee, 50 that one may argue tbat the Qur'an was
revealed in aceordanee with its historieal context. As the history of revelation tells us,
certain verses were revealed in response to either the questions posed by MUQammad' 5
changed, Qur' inie teachings revealed in the early years could be different ftam those of
later tîmes. There is no problem where there is no discrepancy between earlier and later
verses. However, since there seems to be disagreement in sorne cases, scholars have tried
Seholars offer two methods to re50lve the problem. One method is to apply
•
abrogation, which they claimed to be found in the Qur'an. This doctrine primarily offers a
choice between one of a number of problematic verses. The one eonsidered operative is
called the abrogating verse (nOsikh). Its opposite is called the abrogated verse (mansükh).
Scholars have difTerent thoughts on the rules whieh apply in this doctrine. However, the
abrogating verses were usually revealed before the abrogated verses. IO The other method
contradiet each other. In a practical sense, this principle distinguishes verses with general
connotations ftom those with specifie meanings. Unlike in abrogation, titis method takes
into account these problematic verses, with a special treatment for those wbich have the
• 10 For example. Abü al-fmij ~ Abel al·Rahmin Ibn al-IawzJ. NawOsi/ch a/-Qur'an; ~Umar b.
AIpnacl b.'Uthmân (Ibn shihin) (cl. 380/991). aÎ-frasiü WQ a/·Mansilch min a!-1!adirh. ed. ·Ali
MulJammad Mu·awwïeJ and •Adn AIpnacl •Abd al-Mawjüd (Beimt: Dir al·Kutub a1-.IImiyyah. 1992).
90
• The discussion of this doctrine a1so occupied the mind of our author, a great
exegete and legal theorist. Although he did not write any specifie treatise on Qur' wc
abrogation, its importance for him forces us to discuss it in this chapter. Lagardé points
out that with respect to the theoretical framework of his interpretation, Fakhr al-Din al-
discusses this issue in connection with IsIamic legal theory (UfÜ/ a/-.ftqh) at sorne length.82
In comparison to the previous discussions on this issue, his remarks include some
important points relating ta the theory of Qur'inic abrogation. Based on bis research on
classical texts, Powers otfers the following outline of the theoretical discussion on
abrogation:
•
A typical introduction includes the following six chapters: (i) exciting
interest in the study of the abrogated and abrogating verses; (ü)
disagreement among scholars regarding that wlùch the Qur' in and the
sunna may abragate; the meaning of naskh, and its derivation; (iü) the
various modes of naskh: (iv) the ditrerence between naskh and badQ '; Cv)
mention of sorne relevant lladith; (vi) the mrahs in which both abrogating
and abrogated verses are mentioned. 83
As far as our discussion is concemed, abrogation in the Qur'in bas two meanings.
First, the shari 'ah ofthe Que' ân abrogates the shari 'aM of previous revelations. Second,
sorne verses of the Qur' in are abrogated by one or more later verses. As for the first
meaning, a1-Rïzi was very much in favor of the idea that the sharl'ah of the Qur' in
abrogates the shari 'ahs ofprevious revelations. This idea, however, is challenged by verse
Il Michel Lagardé, Index du Grand Commentaire de Fa!lr al-DÎn a/-Rait (Leiden: E.J. Brill.
1996)~ 47.
• IZ For instan~ Fakhr al-Oin al-IW1 al-Ma~fÜl ft '/lm U~/ a/-Fiqh. cd. Tihâ Jibir al-~ Alwint
t
91
• 3:3, which declares that the Qur'an is "mu~iqa 'I-lima bayna yadayh." This statement
posed a difticulty: uHow can the Qur'an abrogate the previous short'ahs. while the Qur'an
justifies (mu~iq) them, as this verse ïmplies?" Al-Rizi suggests that the Qur'in
validates the sharÏ 'ahs of previous Books in terms of theological issues, while invalidating
those of previous Books in legal issues." Here, al-Rizi does not state clearly whether or
not there is abrogation in the Qur'in. In one instance, he presents the arguments of the
proponents ofthis doctrine, in another the arguments of its opponents. This ambiguity has
forced later scholars to speculate on bis real position. On the issue of the bequest verses,
Powers, for instance, asserts that al-Rizi stands against abrogation, which had gained wide
support among the majority of Muslim scholars. This assertion is based on three
considerations:
In faet, as Powers bas noted, al-RizI rejects the idea that verse 2:240 was abrogated by
•
14 Al-Rizi, al-Ta/si,a!-Kabir. vol. 7, 169·70.
15 Powen, "On the Abropuon of the Bcquest verses," 289-90.
16 See al-Rizi, al-Ta/Si,. al-Kabir. vol. 6, 169-70. See also Powers, "On the Abrogation of the
Bequest Verses," 289.
92
• Presenting the arguments of the proponents of abrogation, in bis al-M.I. al-
Rizi nevertheless fails to state clearly bis position. First he says that Muslim scholars have
agreed (ajma a) that there is abrogation in the Qur' in. n Then after citing the arguments,
J
based chiefly on verses 2:106; 16:101; and 22:52, he exposes al-I~fahinI's arguments
against abrogation. Against this leading Multazilite scholar's contention, al-RizI does two
things. First, he avoids making any statement which might indicate bis agreement with al-
wouId seem that al-Rizi rejected al-I~ahini's extreme stance on abrogation in the
Although Fakhr al-D'in al-Rüi does not state clearly his position within the debate
•
over abrogation, 19 Muhammad Ati al-SId's thesis on this matter is reasonable. Al-S'id says
that like al-suyüiL l'Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi [was) reluctant to take the abrogation principle
for granted."go In other words, it is more probable that Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi himself
preferred to say that there is no abrogation in the Qur' an. In addition to previous
arguments, bis reluetance to apply naslch can be seen in bis apparendy straight forward
statement that in principle there is no abrogation in the Qur'in (inna 'l~/a 'adamu 'n-
lJaslchl).91
11 Al-RâzL at-MoIMil ft fIlm UF/ a/-Fiqh. vol. 3, 460. For this agreement, sec Ibn al-Jawzi,
NawQsikh al-Qu,"an, 14.
Il For al-Riz1~s discussion on al-I$fàhini's disagreement on abrogation. sec al·Rizi, aJ-Mal1~1 ft
'/lm UfÜ/ al-Fiqh. vol. 3~ 460-8.
19 One migbt argue that bis vague position wu because he did not ",ant to oppose the majority of
sc:holars orbecause he was proud ofprevious sc:holars ftom the Ash~arite and Shifrite sc:bools. However.
•
ms bold criticism or whomever he disagn:ecl with makes this spcçuJation ratber unlikcly.
90 Al-sid. 1'be Henneueuûca1 Problem orthe Qur'in in IsIamic History," 170.
91 Al-Râzf. al-Ta/si, al-Ktlbi,. vol. 13, 141 and 233. Sec aJso Lagardé. Inder du Grand
Commentain de Fa!1r al-Dln al-RizÏ. 47.
93
• As al-S'id suggests, this preference may have been due to a difference of opinion
among the Companions of the Prophet conceming the issue and the difticult theologica1
problems arising trom it.92 According to Many scholars, there has been disagreement on
the existence ofabrogation in the Qur'in ever since the fust generation ofMuslims. While
the majority of scholars agreed that verse 2:62 is abrogated by verses 3:85, some
Secondly, as Muslim theologians had noticed, there are theological difficultiesM in the
application of this doctrine. Such a difficulty led scholars to limit the growing number of
nDsikh-mansükh verses. Like other theologians, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi probably udrastically
reduced the instances which are frequently enumerated as cases ofnaskh. ,,95
Sorne scholus suggested that there are sorne abrogated verses in SÜTat AI lfmran•
• In his NawDsi/ch al-Qur 'an, Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1201), who is better known for bis
exegetica1 work zad al-Maiir,9CS discussed ten verses which are supposed to be abrogated.
However, he argued that none ofthese verses was really abrogated. Instead of considering
them abrogated, he applied another method of resolving the uproblematic verses, i.e. by st
•
9S Al-Sid, "The Hcrmencutical Problcm orthe Qurtin in IsIamic History." 170.
• For a short discussion on bis carecr in the field of Qurtinic interprel8ûon. sec Mani· •Abd al-
l:falÏm Mal)mûcl. Manihij al-Mufassirln (Cairo: Dar al-Kitib al-MîfrL 1978). 117-24.
97 Al-Bagbdidi. Nawisikh al-Qu,.·an. 104-10.
• In considering Fakhr al.D'in al-Rizi·s ideas on abrogation. there seems to be
inconsistency in his reasoning. On the one hand. he seems reluetant ta apply the doctrine
of abrogation, sinee rationally there are theological obstacles to applying abrogation to the
Qur.in, given its status as the very words of God. On the other hand. he acknowledges
that seme Qur. wc verses were abrogated by athers. or even by prophetie traditions 98
Allah Al Ja'far maintains that Fakhr al-D'in al-Rïzi supports the idea that the Qur'in might
Shifi'ite scholan. loo In support ofthis assertion, 'Abd Allih gives two examples ofFakhr
al-Dk al-Râzi·s argument, namely, the abrogation of the Qur'in101 by a hadith which
reads: "la wap,WQta li-wQrlthin" -meaning "there is no will for an inheritor" - and the
Fakhr al-D'in al-Râzi does Dot ooly speak of the notion of abrogation within a
theoretica1 ftamework, but also in its application. Aceording to him, nQsi/ch verses can be
recognized in either oftwo ways: one is bi-II-tan and the other bi-ghayr; Il_ltiff.l03 As for
the first, one may find the word naslch or its derivatives in various Qur'inie verses. One
may aise find one or more prophetie traditions which say that this verse abrogates that
• Compared with Ibn al-lawzf, who maintains "anna 'l-Qur'ana la yansakhu illa '/-Qur'Qn~'
("none abrogates the Qur'ân but the Qur'in"). Al-Rizi went tao far in supponing the doctrine of
abrogation. Ibicl., 74.
!Ii Al-Râzi. QI-Ma~/fl'llm U.fÜ1 al-Fiqh. vol. 3, 519-30.
100 Musi~icl Muslim ~ Abel AlJih Al Ja~far, Atha, al-Ta{awwu, al-Fikrl.fi al-Tafsi, ft al-:Aofr al-
~4bbisi (Beirut: Mu'assasat al·Risilah, 1984),201.
connotation of the tm within the particular historical consciousness in which the Qur' in
was revea1ed, or as al..Rizi hismself says: "an ya 'tiya bi-naqil/i '1-IpJ/cmi 'l-awwa/i aw bi-
qiddiht ma·a 'l-llmi bi- 't-tOrtlch. ,,104 To extract this bistorical information, he suggests
that the same means of recognizing apply as above, i.e. bi- 'l-loft and bi-ghayri 'l-Iaf;. lOS
It is bi- 'I-laf~ when there is a report indicating that one lladfth was narrated before the
other. To explain bis notion of bi-ghayri 'I-laff, on the other hand, Fakhr al..Din al..Rizi
cites three instances. If there is a report saying that one IJadtth refers to an event in one
year and another in a later year, or if one report or Qur'ânic verse was revea1ed at the
battle of Badr and another at the battle of tJ'bud, or if two Companions report two
•
different J,adiths on the same issue, and yet it is known that one of the two accompanied
the Prophet earlier than the other, then, it would Mean that the first Companion reported
In bis interpretation of the third chapter of the Qur'in, Fakhr al..D'in al-Rizi does
not confirm any abrogation. In his interpretation of verse 3:102, for instance, he differs
tram previous scholars in saying that this verse contains no abrogation. He criticizes Ibn
'Abbas, for having staled that the phrase inaqu '/laha ltaqqa tuqatih is abrogated by fa
'naqu '/IQha ma 'stata·mm (Q. 64:16).106 Ibn 'Abbas assumed that the l1aqqa tuqanh
means that Muslims sbould he obedient, thanldùl, and remember Gad, without any chance
of disobedience, of striking, or of forgetting -all of which are impossible for any human
•
104 Ibid.. 561.
lOS A1.RizL al-Ma1l~/ft olim U~I al-Fiqh. vol. 3, 562-7.
106 Ialil al-Ofn al-SUYÜ,I aIso mers to the idea that Q. 3:102 is abrogatecl by 64:16. Al-SU)'Üti,
a/-Itqanft 'Ulim a/-Qu,'an. vol. 2,49.
• being. Because of this difticulty, Ibn ~ Abbas says, the verse ittaqu 'l/aha IJaqqa tuqatih
was revea1ed to abrogate ittaqu 'llaha ma 'stata 'tum. Al-Rizi on the contrary suggests
that ittaqu 'l/Qha l1aqqa tuqanh means "to avoid every disobedience," so that the meaning
ofboth verses is the same, which is to perform taqwa as long as Muslims are able to do it.
In the case that a Muslim disobeys God because of forgetfulness, he argues, this
disobedience does not count, for there is no tak/if when one Corgets. 107
The MOst familiar way of inferring the context of revelation is to study the reports
related to revelation, a science known as 'ilm asbQb al-nuzül (uthe science of the
occasions of revelation"). Many exegetical works, mostly those of the variety known as
• ta/Sir bi a/-ma 't},Ur, include reference to the occasions on which certain verses were
revealed. Eaeh of the seven I!adith collections contains reports relating to the
considered one of the most important in ail of Qur' in interpretation, since if' the Qur' in is
known. Without sueh an understancling, one might misread certain issues. 108 Due to the
importance of the science of asbab al-nuzûl, Qur'in exegetes regularly rerer to it. This is
not limited to exegetes who base their interpretation on the Qur' ân and prophetie
•
9
Il» Mu1Jammad al-KhU4arl9 U.fÜ/ al-Fiqh (Beirut: Dar al-Fœ, 1988), 209-11. For those who
consider that tbere is abrogation in the Qur9~ the asbib al-n",.;l are very impodaDl for detennining
wbich verses came ~ 50 tbal the verse mal was revealecl al a laler lime mighl abrupte one that was
rcvealeclcarlier. SeeAbü'Zay~ ..\lQjhüma/-N~ Dirisahfl 'Ulim al-Qu,'an. 135.
97
• Many tenns are used ta refer to the circumstances ofrevelation. Some ofthe MOst
common terms are annaha nuzzi/at fi... ("this verse was revealed in such and such");
annaha nuui/at bi-sabab; ... ("this verse was revealed because of such and such");
fanuzzi/at... (uthen, the verse was revealed"). log The first two terms are normally used to
initiate an explanation of the context of the revelation, while the other one is used after
At titis point in our discussion, let us examine al-RizI's view of the functions ofthe
sabab reports in bis interpretation of the Qur' an. In bis treatment of the third chapter of
the Qur'ïn, these reports are generally meant ta explain the context ofthe verses. Without
considerang their sabab or asbab. the meanings of texts remain vague. In Andrew
•
Rippin's words, the functions of asbab reports are "interrelated in their basic haggadic
nature.,,110 In al-RizI's exegesis, this fimction serves only to arrive at the meaning.
SinùIarly, sabah or asbah reports do not imply a causal relationship with the events. 111
As seen in al-Rizi's interpretation of the fust two verses, the sabab reports serve
to give the context of revelation. In what foRaws, we will see that there is a great deal of
evidence of this. Al-Rizi, fo instance, cites two accounts of asbOb a/-nuzül in bis
commentary on the third chapter. 112 The first account, which is accepted on the authority
of Muqitil b. Sulaymin, relates to the sabab of the first verse ooly, which is the same as
•
(ph.D. dissenatio~ McGill University, 1981),443.
UI ",\'isbah "Abel al-Ra~miD. al-Taf~' a/-Bayinf li a/-Qu,'in al-Karim, 7th ecL. vol. 2 (Cairo:
Dâr al-Ma"irif, 1990), 10..1.
112 Al-Rizi. al-Ta{ii,al-Kabl,. vol. 7, 165..7.
91
• the sabah ofthe first verse ofthe second chapter. The account reports that this verse was
revealed conceming the Jews of Medina. The second account applies to the occasion of
revelation of the first eighty-odd (bit!' WQ Ihamimtn) verses, which have ta do basically
with the Christian delegation ofNajrin. 113 Based on M~d b. Is~iq's Strah. which
contains the same account as that round in al-wiI)idI's Asbab Nuzü/ al-Qur'Qn and most
other exegetical writings, al-Rizi says that sixty envoys of the Najrin tribe114 came to the
Prophet. The leaders of the envoys carried on a theological debate with the Prophet
conceming the oneness of Gad and the prophethood of MuI)ammad. In the first place,
they argued that Jesus was either himself Gad, His son, or one of a trinity. They based
their first claim on the ideas that Jesus resuscitated the dead, made a live bird out of a clay
•
one, healed the blind and the lepers, and spoke about the unseen. The second claim they
based on the idea that Jesus had no rather. The third and last claim was derived ftom the
passages in scripture where Gad speaks ofHimself while referring ta others as well, saYing
such things as "We did ifa'a/nâ)," and "We created (ja'alna)." In response ta their
allegations, the Prophet asked them to surrender themselves (aslimû). However, he did
not respond when they repeated their second claim and asked him who the father of Jesus
was. Subsequendy, the first eighty-odd verses were revealed, and the Prophet answered
113 Mahmoud M. Ayoub, The QurtQn and Ils interpreters. voL 2, The House of 'Imrall (Albany:
State University ofNew York Press, 1992), 1.
114 Among them there were seventeen imponant people: one leader calJecl ~ Abd al.Masi~ one
guide called al-A}'ham, one expert on the Midrisbi $Choal caUed Abü ijirithah b. ~ Alqamah. ancl rouneen
noble men. On their way to the Prophet, Abü ijârithah b. ~ Alqamah ta1ked \\'ith bis bromer Kan. In this
• conversation, ..Alqamah admitted that Mul)ammacl was the pronùsecl Prophet as mentioned in their
saipture. While"Alqamah hcsitatcd. 10 admit the propbethood of Mul)ammad because of the rcwards bis
people gave bim, Kan 181er on admiuecl MuI)ammad's propbccy and embracecl Islam.
us Al-Râzi. ai-Tafiir al-Kabir. vol 7, 165-6.
99
• When speaking ofthe interpretation of verse 3:12, which reads "Say ta those who
disbelieve: 'You will be defeated and coUected in Jahannam, the worst place,'" al-RïzI also
uses the sabab reports to discover the sense of the text from its context. In 50 doins, he
affinns tbat there are three versions ofthe occasion that led to the revelation of this verse.
The tirst version holds that this verse was revealed in accordance with the Medinan Jews'
rejection of Mul)ammad's call to Islam after the BattIe of Badr. A similar notion is
suggested by the second version, i.e., that this verse was revealed after the Battle ofBadr,
and relates to a debate among Medinan Jews concerning the truth of Mul}ammad's
prophethood. A third version establishes a more general pieture of the sabab. It states
that this verse was addressed to all unbelievers.lUS This last version, according to him,
la bi-khu~
•
corresponds to the principle "al- 'ibratu bi· 'umümi 'l-Ioffi 's-sabab," or as
stated in another place: "wa khuF~ 's-sababi la yamna'u 'umüma 'l-Iaf;. ,,117 He applies
this principle in bis interpretation of3:197, where he affirms that the pronoun "ka" (you) in
U la yaghu"annaka" ("let it not deceive you") indicates "every listener" ofthe Qur' in, not
the Prophet Mul)ammad omy.lll Al-RïzI does not state at once bis opinion as to wbich
sabab he based the interpretation of this verse, but waits until the following verse, he
states that verse 3:12 was revealed in answer to the Medinan Jews who rejected
He asserts that rational conviction bas a high place in the pursuit of reügious truth. Basing
lUS Ibid.~
•
201.
U7 Ibid.~ 186.
UI Ibid.~ vol. 9~ 152.
ut lbid.~ voL 7~ 202.
100
• himself on the second report of the as!Ja!J. al-Rizi argues that it was in arder ta prove
religious truth that the Prophet did not reject the call of the Christian delegation ofNajrin
for a debate~ It is evident trom this. Fakhr ai-Ok al-Rizi aftirms. that rational
understanding is not forbidden, but is in faet necessary ta prove the truth ofreügion. In bis
words, "tms account proves that establishing the truth of religion and eschewing obscure
thoughts (shuhuMt) through debate [mull~arah] was in the tradition [J,irfah] of the
prophets, and that the ijashwiyyah' s position in rejeeting research and discussion is
Fakhr al-D'in al-Rïzi provides three difFerent asbQb for verse 3:31. One account
affirms that the verse was revealed to the Jews, who claimed they were the sons of and the
lovers ofGod (naJtnu abnil'u 'l/Oh; wa al!ibba 'uh). Another account states that this verse
• was revealed ta the Qurasyb, who said that they worsbipped idols for the sake oftheir love
for God. The third one confinns that it was revealed to the Christians, who said they
exalted Jesus because of their love of Gad. Although the groups to whom it was said ta
have been revea1ed dift'ered widely. the message of the narratives is the same -namely,
their worshipping ofwhat is other than Gad for the sake oftheir love of Gad. This verse
The Qur' in 3:100 was revealed in connection with the efoorts of a Jewish man
caIled Shis b. Qays, who reminded the Khazraj and Aws of their past tights in Jihiliyyah
rimes. He not ooly recalled their past, but also raised tensions by reating poetty which
was customarily recited in battles. He was sa successfull in raising tensions that the
• 1:0 Ibid.,
121
161.
Ibid., voL 8, 19.
101
• Medinan Muslims almost resumed fighting among themselves. The Prophet was informed
oftbis even~ and went out to the people to remind them ofthe peace they enjoyed because
of Islam. This verse, which warns them against a retum to infidelity, was therefore
revealed at that time. According to Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi, Muslims would never revert to
being infidels as long as the Prophet MulJammad was alive or they held to the Qur' in. ln
In bis interpretation of verse 128, Fakhr al-nin al-Razi quotes two opinions
concerning its asbab al-nuzü/. One opinion suggests that this verse was revealed at the
time of the Battle of Ul)ud, while the other suggests it was meant for the people of Bi'r
Ma'ÜDah. Tbere are different variants of the tirst opinion -that the Prophet condemned
the infidels in bis prayer, that he cursed Muslims who violated bis command, and that he
desired to forgive Muslims who break the rules of the Prophet. Conceming the second
• opinion, reported by Muqitil, al-Rizi says that the verse in question was revealed when the
Prophet sent sorne of bis Companions to teach the people of Bitr Ma'ünah the Qurt an.
Unfortunately, the infidels killed them all, angering the Prophet and inducing mm to call
down a curse on the infidels. With regard ta these issues, al-Razi supports the majority
opinion which holds that this verse was revealed at the BattIe of UQ.ud, for the reason that
the context of the verse is in line with the tirst opinion. l23 Here, al-R iv seems ta say that
a sabab is ta be accepted when it suits the narrative ofthe verses.
• l~ Aws and Kbazraj were brothers orthe same rather and mother. Before Islam. the two ln1Jcs
had Coupt against cach other for about 104 years. Ibid.. 169-174.
123 Ibidet' 231-2.
101
• 5. The Openinll ofCbapten (Fawitilf al-S"WtJl')
Of the 114 chapters in the Qur' in, 29 chapters begins with the so-called
"mysterious letters," known as the fawOti1l a/-suwar (uthe openings of chapters") because
they are round at the beginning of certain chapters. These letters are also known as the
/pJrüf al-hija' or 1pJrü/ al-Iahant.. Some fawiltill consist of one letter, and others of a
combination. The letters are: a1it: 1)i', ri', sin, ~d, Ji', ~ayn, Qi( kat: Iim, mIm, nün, hi',
and yi'. The following are the fawâtif! and the chapters in which they occur: with the one
letter "~4" (38), "qat' (50), and "000" (68); with two letters "li' hi'" (20), "fa' sin" (27);
"yi sin" (36), and "~. mIm" (40, 41, 43, 44, 45, and 46); with the three letters "aliflim
mIm" (2, 3, 29, 30, 31, and 32), "alif lam ri' (la, Il, 12, 14, and 15)," and li' sm mIm"
(26 and 28); with the four letters "aliflim mIm pq" (7), and "aliflim mIm ra'" (13); and
• with five letters "kif hâ' yi' 'ayn ~4" (19), and "1)&' mIm 'ayn sin qat' (42). With the
exception of four chapters, the fawënif! are followed by a mention of revelation in the fonn
there is a reference to knowledge, which is symbolized by the word qalam (pen), after the
fawOtiI1 of chapter 68; to God's promise to make the Byzantines vietorious over the
Persians after those of chapter 30; to God's testing of the believers after those of cbapter
Scholars disagree on the interpretation ofthese fawinil!. They mostly maintain that
they should be considered mutashabihitt and that, therefore, ooly God knows their
meanings, for '~thefawatil1 are among the secrets ofGod.nl24 However, Many studies have
• 1241bicL. vol. 2, 3.
103
• sought to discover the secret meaning ofthesefawatilJ. In Kitab al-Khawatir al-Sawanil]
ft Kashf Agar al-Fawatil], Ibn Abi al-I$ba' aI-Mi,ri (d. 654) discusses this issue at some
length.125 Bint al-ShiJi' tao has done researeh on the fawatil1 al-suwar. In ber al-] JQz al-
Bayant, she cornes to the conclusion that every mrah starting with the fawëltill al-suwar
must talle about the triumph of the Qur' in and provide an explanation of ilS miracu10us
nature. 126
uTheologians negate this ide&, and they say that there should not be anything in the Qur' in
that cannot be known to creatures.,,127 Like other theologians, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi
asserts that the meanings of the fawatill should be known. He suggests that these fawalil1
are alsa names of chapters. 121 In addition to this, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi aftirms that the
• fawatil1 have several purposes, the most important of whicb is to stimulate people ta
"think about the Qur'in, 50 that they May solve its difficulty."l29
In bis interpretation of the Qur'in, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi refers ta variant readings
(qira 'al). He considers the Seven Systems, the most popular readings, but he aise refers
to the Ten Systems, and the Fourteen Systems. Yet he does not limit himself to these
1~ Ibn Abl al-I$ba~ al-Mipi. Min l'jaz a/-Qu,.'an: a/-Khawâ{i,. a/-SawaniIE fi Asrâr a/-Fawatil[.
ed. Hathi Mul)anunad Sharaf(n.d. and n.p.• 1960).
1:6 ~ A"ishah ~ Abd al-RaJ!mjn. a/-l'jar a/-Bayanl li a/-Qur 'an \Va lv/osa °il Ibn al-AZI'aq: Dirasah
Qu,.°aniyyah Lughawiyyah \Va Bayin{vyah, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~ârif. 1987). 155•
13 Ibid.. 8.
129 Ibid.. IL
104
• readings, for on many occasions he quotes the variant readings of other scholars like Ibn
judgecl according to whether certain words are read as fatl1ah, kasrah, t/ammah, and with
words and verses. For his interpretation of verses 3: 1-2, for instance, al-Rizi elucidates
variant readings. He quotes the readings of' ~im, al-Farrâ (d. 207/822), and the scholars
ofB~ah. They aU held the idea that the ends of the fturiifa/-tahajjt should be read with a
full stop (annaasma' a/-Ipnüfmawqüfatu '/-awQkhir), to read a/if/am mtm. 131 In relation
to verse 2, which reads A//Dhu /a i/aha il/a huwa '/...1Jayyu '/-qtlJ')lÜm, Fakhr al-D'in al-RizI
suggest two possible approaches. The first, based on '~m' s reading, is that the mIm of
• "aliflim mIm" should be read with a sukün, as this verse is read with a full stop (waqf);
and that the hamzah of fan a/-ja/a/ah (Al/ah) should be read fatl1ah, for one of two
reasons: (1) the vowel ofthe hamzah is fatltah because this is at the beginning (ibtidiz 1: or
(2) the hamzah of /an a/ja/a/ah (Allah) should be read with a fatltah for the purpose of
taflchtm and ta'ilm (glorification). The second approach, based on the reading of al-Farri'
130 The Seven Systems. which Ibn Mujihid (cl. 324/935) believed 10 be canonical, are those of
Nafi~ of McdiDa (d. 169n85), Ibn KatbIr of Mecca (d. l20n38). Ibn ~ Amir of Damascus (d. l20n38).
Abü ~Amr ofBa$rah (cl. lS4n71), ~Â$im ofKütah (d. 128n4S). lJamzah ofKüfah (d. lSBn74), and al-
Kisi·I ofKüfah (d. 1891805); the Ten Systems include the Seven Systems along wim those or Abü la"Car
of Medina (cl. 130n47). Kba1af oC Kiïrah (cl. 229/843), and Ya~qüb of Ba$rah (cl. 205/820); and the
Fourteen Systems consist of the Ten Systems plus those of Ibn Mul)ay~ ofMecca (cl. 123n40). al-Yazidi
•
of Bqrah (d. 2021817), al-1Jasan of Ba$rah (d. 110n28). and a1-A~mash of Küfah (cl. 14Bn6S). Arthur
Jeifay. Materia!sfo, 'he History o/the Tut o/the Qu, -an:
The Old Cod/ces <Leidcn: El. Brin, 1937), 1-
2.
131 Al-RizL al-Ta/if, al-Kabir_ vol. 7. 163.
105
• and most Blfran scholars, the mtm of "a/if /a", mfm" should be read with a fatlIah, 132 as
the result ofthe transmission of the vowel of hamzat a/-w~1 of laft a/-jala/ah (AI/ah) to
the mtm. In short, one cao choose either to read "alif Ian. mfm" with a full stop
(mawqü/ah) or to read them as a continuing into the following verse, in which case the
mtm should accept the fatltah ofthe wllfl (continuous reading) with the hœnzah ofthe laf~
a/-ja/a/ah.
and al-Kisi'L one reading sugests that this phrase should read fanildiIhu 'I-mala 'ilœh,
without la' al-ta 'nith, thus retaining the masculine form of the verb. Another reading,
supported by the majority of authorities, suggests fanildathu 'f-ma/a 'ikDh with la' al-
• ta 'ntth on the consideration that the word mala 'ikah is feminine. The reading of Ibn
Mas'üd suggests that it should readfanadQhu Jibrll. In this respect, Fakhr al-Dk al-Ri2i
seems to support the reading of the majority. However, he alsa tries to reconcile lhis
majority stance with that ofIbn Mas'üd. He seems ta accept the idea that "the angel who
calls" is Iibri!, if there is independent evidence for this assertion. Linguistically, he says,
such an understanding is possible, if one considers Iibrll the chief of the angels. He gives
an analogy with the statement "somebody ate excellent food and wore excellent clothing."
This statement does not Mean that this persan ate every single variety of excellent food
and wore every single excellent garment, but ooly a small seledion ofthem. By lhis logic~
"the angel who calls" could be one ofthe angels. who would most likely be their chief: i.e.
• 132 Abü lJayyin·s a/-&I!r a/4/ulii{ iŒludes this re8diog among the seven acœpled readings (a/·
qirà 'QI a(-sab 'ah). MuIJammad AlpDad Khipr, ecL. a/-Qi,.à 'QI a/-Qu,.·aniyyah fi a/-Bali' al.Mulii{. vol 1
(Mecca: Maktabat A.z:4r Mugati al·Biz, 1995, 94.
106
• Jibrll. 133 When interpreting the following phrase, which is n anna 'lIëzha yubashshiruka bi
yaJtyëz, " be reconciles tbe readings of Ibn Amir and 1:Ia.mzah, who suggest that the anna
Il
should be read with a /tasrah (inna), on the one band, and that of the majority, who
suggest ajatlJah (anna), on the other. For tbose who read it with a kasrah, the following
phrase is considered the content of a speech (qawl), sa that this verse should be
understood as janadathu 'l-ma/a 'ikatu ... inna '//Qha yubashshiruka bi yal1Ya. But for
those who read the text with afatllah. the phrase is considered an indirect abject, 50 that it
yaJtyQ.134
'Amir,
•
For the former he quotes two readings: one is the reading of Ibn who reads
munazzalÏn ("to be sent down for many timestt ); and for the other he quotes that of other
scholars, who read munzaIin ("to be sent downtt). For the latter, he quotes the readings of
Ibn KathIr, Abü 'Amr, and '~im, who read musawwimtn ("send downtt), and that of
Interpreting verse 3:15, al-RizI raises two points for discussion. namely,
Q 'unabbi 'ulcum and riqwân. He gives two different readings for the ward a 'unabbi 'u/cum,
referring ta the seven readings with the exception ofIbn KathÏr's. The first reading, which
is reported under the authority of Ibn Il Amir, '~im, l:Ia.mzah, and al-Kisi'i, reads
a 'unabbi 'u/cum with two &amzahs. The other, narrated on the authority ofNifi' and Abû
• 133
134
135
Al-~ a!-Ta[iira/-Kabi,.. vol. 8 36.7.
Ibid.. 37.
Ibid.• 228-9.
t
107
• 4 Amr, reads it 'unabbiulcum with one hamzah. 136 For this verse, al-Rizi prefers the
reading of ~im without giving any explanation for this preference. In tbis case, 1 do not
4
see any point in explaining these different readings, except to restate repons on the
readings. For the second ward, he quotes the reading of' ~im as rut/wan, and that of
others as ricfwan. In this instance, al-RÏl.i seems to accept both, basing himself on al-
In explaining the meaning ofverse 3:18, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi presents the narration
of Ibn 'Abbas. Unlike MOst readings, the former reads this verse as "shahida 'llahu
innahü la ilaha il/a huwa wa- '/-ma/a 'ikatu wa- 'ulu '/- 'ilmi qa 'imam bi- '/-qisp /a ilQha
il/a huwa '/-'aiizu '1-1Ia/dm. "138 By raising a difticult theological consequence from
accepting tbis reading, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi states that lhis reading is not accepted by the
Following Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's exposition of the variant readings in bis exegesis,
one might ask about the funetion ofthese readings. As far as his exegesis of the Qur' in is
concemed, there is no mention of why variant readings of the Qur' in are explained. By
looking at bis exposition ofthese readings, one may speculate that he meant to say that the
Qur' in we have is, in one way or another, ditrerent trom the one which was revealed to
MuQammad and disseminated among the early Companions. In faet, he does not state
clearly whether or not he recognizes the current Qur'inic text (mu#1aJ) as the authentic
lOI
• one revealed to Mw,ammad. 139 However, in view of the departure point of Fakhr al-Din
a1-RizÏ's exegesis, it is highly unlikely that he questioned the authenticity ofthe Qur' in.
139 Basccl on the presence of many variant readings of the Qur'i!L wlûch someÛlnes difl"er widely
• !rom the ~ut1uninl te.~ Arthur Jeffay feels doubtful that the present Qur'in is the samc as the one
revealed to Mul)ammad. Ieffery shows three books, namely, Kilab a/..MaraJ1i[oflbn AbI Diwücl. Ibn al-
Anbiri, and Ibn al-Asbta. in wbich the detaiIs of variant readings were set down al an carly date.. For
more discussion, sec Arthur IefI"CIY, Materia[sfor the H;sto", ofthe Text ofthe Qur "in; The O/d Codices.
109
• Conclusion
interpretation of the Qur' in. Its unique perspective is the result of his exposure to a wide
range of subjects, sueh as kalâm, philosophy, logie, fiqh, and astronomy, on ail of whieh
exegesis of the Qur'in. There is alsa evidence of the influence exercised on him by
scholars, especially those in the fields of philosophy and ka/am, of both the previous and
the contemporary generations. This contributed greatly to the way he perceived the
Qur'in, and lent a unique eharaeter to the methodological principles bebind his
In bis al-TafSir al-Kabir, al-RizÏ approaehes the Qur'in rationally. This results in
philosophical in the precise sense of the word but it does employ reason in explaining a
variety ofIslamic teaehings as well as the meaning orthe Qur'an. His rational approach to
scripture can be seen in bis basic assumptions regarding the Qur'in, such as when he
reconciles Qur' wc teachings with bis rational argumentation, or in the way he interprets
maintains first of all that everything in the Qur'in should be understandable. This is
because, as the Qur' in itself declares, it is a guidance for human beings. In order for the
•
Qur' in to give such guidance, everything in it must be understandable. Al-Riif supported
110
• this idea with the fact tbat the Qur'in wu revealed in Arabie in order that the people to
whom Mul)ammad wu sent could understand its message. He also holds the idea that the
i JO: of the Qur' in lies in its f~l1ah. In maintaining this, he gives a rational explanation
ofthe Qur' in' s miraculous nature. However, it is sometimes dif1icult for bim to apply this
rational approach. When he discusses "problematie verses" he often faUs into a circular
argument. Faced with difficulties posed by certain verses, he does not provide a
satisfactory solution to them but instead argues on the basis of the belief that ~'if the
Qur'in were from other than God, they would have found in it a lot of diserepancy." Here,
al-Rü.i justifies the truth of ODe Qur'inic belief by invoking another, which in this case
With regard to the way al-Rü.i interprets the Qur'in, he systematizes bis exegesis
each of them with certain terms, such as mas'a/ah, su 'al. bal1th, qawl, il1timal, and
riwayah, depending on the nature of their content. This enables him to discuss some
problems and oirer solutions to them in greater detail. This process, however, does not
prevent him trom considering other verses, for he links a given verse with others, which
Similarly, al-RizI's definition and sources of exegesis rely very much on the use of
reason. He believes that anything that cao explain the meaning of the text constitutes
exegesis, whether it is found in the tradition or not. Thus in bis taf~r he draws on several
•
branches of knowledge, such as philosophy and psychology, in addition to the sciences
111
• wbieh are directly related to the Qur'in. In order ta interpret a verse, al-RizÏ refers ta
both revelation and reasan. He places revelation, consisting in bis referenee to other
Qur'inie verses and prophetie traditions, on the same level as other rational disciplines,
sueh as linguistics and logie. He maintains that neither revelation nor reason CID invalidate
it.
Like other exegetes of the Qur'an, al-RizÏ had to address certain themes and
follow certain standard principles in discussing them. His lengthy discussion of the
tbis discussion is a case in point. He maintains that a mul1kam (clear) statement is one that
• May have any number ofconnotations, but ofthese one preferred, obvious meaning (~ir)
stands out. On the other band a mutashDbih (ambiguous) statement is one whose
connotations are more than one, yet none is to be more preferred ta another (mu 'awwa/'
mushtarak, and mujmal). In spite of having carefully established this framewor~ he was
as much a reduetionist as other exegetes who tended ta consider the interpretation that
suited their school ofthought as mul1kam, and that which did not as mutashabih.
Gad's divine ward, he appears unwilling to accept that abrogation should Mean "ta
•
replacement ofthe previous sharÎ'ahs of other religions with Mu1)ammad's sharl'ah. As tp
112
• in bis al-M./' he discusses in al-TafSir al-Kabir the pros and the cons of abrogation
without stating ta which group he belongs. It is obvious, though, that in al-Ta/Sir al-
Kablr he disagrees with scholars who support this doctrine in its traditional sense.
Al-Rïzi also pays close attention to the occasions of revelation (asbab al-nuzül).
He uses asbab reports ta arrive at a sense ofthe meaning, indicating as they do the context
in which the text was revea1ed. His use of these reports, however, does not imply that he
saw the meaning of a text as depending on its context. Rather, he supports the idea that
the meaning of a text depends on its general reference, not on the special occasion on
Last but not least, a1-Rizi quotes variant readings, not only tram the three
canonical reading systems -namely, the Reading ofthe SeveD, the Reading ofthe Ten, and
• the Reading ofthe Fourteen- but also trom other authorities known in the fields of taf~r
and linguistics. His quotations tram these readings serve primarily ta show the various
possible interpretations which previous exegetes had attempted. Al-RizI avoids any
discussion of the implications ofthese variant readings, which Jetrery held showed that the
text ofthe Qur' in in Mul)ammad's time was different trom that orlater generations.
AlI things considered, al-Rizi' s rational approach comes across quite clearly in bis
methodology in interpreting the Qur' an. In faet, this rational approach is even more
apparent in bis manipulation of the sources of exegesis, and on the issue of mu~kœnQt
mUlashabihat, for there a1-Ri,j' s use of reason outweighs bis reHance on revelation. In
the tirst instance, whenever there is a verse that does not accord with other verses or
•
reason, he relies on linguistic evidence. In the second instance, the categories of
113
• mul1kœnat and mutashDbihDt are detennined by bis rational evaluation of certain Qur'inic
verses.
•
11~
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