TheSydneyGlobalist

VOLUME VIII ISSUE I AUGUST 2012

SHIFTING SEATS

TRANSITIONS OF POWER IN NATIONAL LEADERSHIP

CHINAS NETIZENS THE BO XILAI SCANDAL SUPER PACS PAPAL DECLINE IN SOUTH AMERICA NEW MEDIA IN MALAYSIA SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION PUTINS RUSSIA THE ISLAND PRESIDENT A1 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

A2

August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

Editorial tEam
Editor-in-Chief Deputy Editor-in-Chief Publisher Assistant Publisher Executive Director Assistant Executive Director Chief Copy Editor Global 21 Liason Online Director Artistic Design Associate Editors Lewis Hamilton Hitesh Chugh John Fennel Raihana Haidary Tom Neale James McElroy Rebecca Dang Laurence Hendry Pristine Ong Jack Luxford Rafi Alam, Nick Boyce, Ben Brooks, Natasha Burrows, Stephanie Constand, Madeleine King, Dennis Mak, Jahan Navidi, Oswin Perera, Drew Rooke, Michael Shiraev, Dominique Spoelder, Vaishnavi Suryaprakash, Zac Thompson, Dmitry Titkov, Trevor Tsui Lucy Bradshaw, Lasya Chitrapu, Hae-Ran Chung, Sarah Copland, Felix Donovan, Jeremy Elphick, Alicia Gray, Robert Lozelle, Colleen Ma, Timothy Maybury, Nathan McDonnell, Kristin Romano, Erica Taylor, Stephanie Zughbi

A WORD FROM THE EDITOR

Board of advisErs
The Hon. Catherine Branson QC, President, Australian Human Rights Commission Professor Alan Dupont, Senior Fellow at the Lowy Institute for International Policy Professor the Hon. Gareth Evans AO QC, President Emeritus, International Crisis Group Professor Graeme Gill, University of Sydney Mr. Owen Harries, Senior Fellow, Centre for Independent Studies Professor Michael Jackson, University of Sydney The Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG

sponsors
Gold Sponsors Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales Sydney Law School, University of Sydney Faculty of Law, University of Technology The Sydney University Business School Department of Government & International Relations, University of Sydney Distribution and Launch Partners The University of Sydney Union The Sydney University Politics Society The Sydney University Law Society.

HIS last year has been a significant one when it comes to transitions of power. From the edging democratic reforms in Burma that have seen Aung San Suu Kyi rise from the political ashes, to the revolutionary and violent uprisings throughout the Arab Spring, to the passing of the family torch from one North Korean dictator to another, and to the extravagant and expensive democratic competition that is ensuing in the United States, this year has been a catalyst for change in the upper echelons of national leadership. One thing is certain: transitions of power change nations. The way a country presents itself to the world is shaped by who leads the helm of government. Their international reputation, their alignment with other nations and their ability to maintain internal control and legitimacy, is all banked on who has the decision-making power to shape their combined national future. When a change happens, the world watches. For this edition we have asked our authors to watch as well and the ideas expressed within these pages are the culmination of extensive research and work. Our lead article for this editionCitizens Divided by Daniel Zwiexamines a question critical to the health of American democracy and the upcoming election: is the free injection of corporate cash into the U.S. electoral system undermining its representative character? Other contributions to this edition critique leadership transitions on a variety of fronts. Sarah Copland leads us on a trail through the life of a dictators spouse and her vital influence over her husband. Dmitry Titkov laments the Russian democratic process (or lack thereof) and the continued predominance of Vladimir Putin. Both Nicholas Findlater and Helen Xue trace the scandalous downfall of two national figureheads, and Fabian Di Lizia and Ina Hoxha narrate the grand tale of the ailing Catholic Church in South America. All the while these articles, amongst others, trace worldwide transformations in leadership. For some nations the transition is quick and seamless, for others it is violent, abhorrent. But ultimately we hope that, in this edition, we have caught a snapshot of significant changes in leadership around the world that will no doubt have an effect on international relations for years to come. The Sydney Globalist, while being a key part of the student experience at the University of Sydney, is part of something much bigger. Chapters all across the Global21 network continue to be at the cutting edge of international affairs by providing a platform for engaged students to deliberate on the major issues facing their world. What began at Yale University in 2005 has become an experience shared by thousands of students around the world, and as always we are honoured to play our part. Yours in global affairs, Lewis Hamilton Editor-in-Chief TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 1

Front Cover image courtesy of Lason Foounten, United Nations Photo from Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

CONTENTS
TheSydneyGlobalist VOLUME VIII ISSUE I AUGUST 2012

16
Citizens Divided Daniel Zwi
Mark Fischer from Fotopedia (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

REGULARS 5
6 7 8 The Roundtable Interview: Nicolas Michel Catherine-Josephine Tayeh Documentary Review: The Island President Patrick Hurley Foreign Correspondent: A Womans Right to Choose Cathy Huang Two Sides of the Coin Dominique Spoelder and Felix Donovan The Last Word Hitesh Chugh

FEATURES
26 27 28 Bringing Serbia Back to Europe Nikola Popovic A Dangerous Paradise Virat Nehru The Blind Holy See: Catholicism in South America Ina Hoxha & Fabian Di Lizia Disavowing the Mao Model Helen Xue The Great Firewall of China Deborah White Irans 2009 Green Movement Revisited Jahan Navidi The Peoples Autocracy Natasha Burrows

30 31 32 34

9 40

SHIFTING SEATS
12 13 14 15 18 20 22 How to Rig a Russian Election Dmitry Titkov Desert Rose or Real Dictator? Sarah Yvonne Copland Littler Britain Ben Brooks The Meaning of Total Rejection Nikila Kaushik A Tide in the Affairs of Men Nicholas Findlater Time for a New Solution? Lucia Osbourne-Crowley PNGs Big Men Lachlan Gell

OPINION
36 37 38 39 Roll Over Mugabe Lydia Cornu New Media Levels the Playing Field Robert Kennard The Curse of Clientelism Jack Luxford Effective Advocacy for Migrant Workers Laura Scott

PHOTOGRAPHIC ESSAY
24 A Turning Point for Burma? Drew Rooke
TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 3

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THE

ROUNDTABLE
Anna Belgiorno-Nettis responds to An Arab Spring in Autumn, from Volume VII Issue II of The Sydney Globalist: Energy Politics.
It began in Tunisia with Mohammad Al Bouazizi, a fruit seller who set himself ablaze in protest against police brutalities. Aamir Aziz to put power back in their own hands. Finally, Aziz stresses the common fight for justice, seen in the Arab Springs fruit seller and in the student deaths during the 1978 demonstrations that started the Iranian Revolution. Stagnant regimes, totalitarianism, and a call for justice: are these conditions present in Uganda today? Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni, has been in power for 26 years: stagnant regime. Museveni installed legislation preventing political parties from holding rallies and extended the presidential term limit, allowing him to maintain political control: totalitarianism. Albeit its flaws, Kony 2012 reminded the world of injustices, such as the prevalence of child soldiers, that exist in Uganda. A lesser-known problem is Ugandas load shedding. As energy demands outweigh supply, there are frequent power outages. This affects public facilities, including hospitals, impacting on the ability of doctors to save patients: the call for justice. Azizs analysis gives insight into what causes revolutionary change. Now, analysts of the Arab Spring can turn to the future to look at where else revolutions might occur, such as Uganda. Anna Belgiorno-Nettis is in her fourth year of a Bachelor of Arts (Media and Communications).

HO could have known this fruit seller would have started the Arab Spring? Although Aziz admits the difficulty of predicting revolutions, his analysis of the Spring and the 1979 Iranian Revolution highlights similarities between the Arab countries and Iran prior to their revolutions. These similarities suggest a set of conditions conducive to revolts such as these. To further Azizs argument, and to address the challenge of predicting revolutions, I would like to look at another country that is presently in a similar, pre-revolutionary state: Uganda. Ugandas geographic proximity to the Middle East and the support shown for the Arab Revolution by its citizens already suggest the possibility of a sub-Saharan Spring starting there. African experts, in exploring the possibility of a new Spring, have used Uganda to strengthen the concepts plausibility. In light of Azizs article, how does the current situation in Uganda compare with pre-revolutionary Iran and the Middle East? Aziz identifies three similarities between the Iranian Revolution and the Arab Spring. First, the uprisings grew from non-revolutionary political settings. Some Arab Spring nations had been under 30 years of authoritarian rule, while the Iranian Revolution replaced a Shah who had ruled for 38 years. Second, revolutionaries in both cases rejected totalitarianism and sought

Gwenael Piaser from Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

The Sydney Globalist meets

NICOLAS MICHEL
Catherine-Josephine Tayeh speaks with Nicolas Michel about the history and future of international law and the International Criminal Court.
ICOLAS Michel is the former UnderSecretary General for Legal Affairs and United Nations Legal Counsel, and the former head of the Swiss Mission to the Preparatory Commission for the International Criminal Court (ICC). He was also behind the steering wheel of the End of Impunity campaign. Today, Michel is a professor of international law at the University of Geneva. Given his vast experience, Michel is a man with invaluable insight into the development of international law. He admits that it is often easy to overlook the improvisational nature of the creation of the first International Criminal Tribunals. The drafting of the [Rome] statute was extraordinarily fast, by a small number of people who were working in secretthey didnt have at their disposition what the creators of ad-hoc tribunals have today. So they had to base their work on the First Protocol of the Geneva Convention, on the law of the Hague, and on the jurisprudence of Nuremburg, he said. The judges at the start were remarkable....they practically erased the difference between international armed conflicts and non-international armed conflicts. I believe we were very much in a phase of creating international criminal law and these people acted with the End of Impunity in their sights, Mr Michel said. Although these developments supported a universal criminal jurisdiction, Michel admits that there were numerous challenges in working towards creating the Rome Statute and establishing the ICC: namely, that negotiators of the Statute held discordant views. For a certain number of countries, the definition of the elements of the crimes in the International Criminal Court was insufficient, in particular for the United States. They wanted the crimes to be even more precise and a document on the elements of those crimes, he said. Finally there was a deal struck for a court which was more independent but competent for a limited number of crimes the most serious crimes. 6 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

Michel believes that the new ICC prosecutor may dramatically change the types of cases brought before the Court. The new prosecutor is an African woman [Fatou Bensouda]. It will be very interesting to see if and how the prevalence of an African prosecutor plays a roleI adamantly believe that the current prosecutor did not focus on Africa for discriminatory reasons. However, it is certain that Fatou Bensouda will be sensitive to the issue because she was the candidate of the African Union. In one aspect, she needs to prove her independence and in another aspect, she herself will be very perceptive of the need to show that the court has a competence apart from Africa, Michel said. Michel noted that internal difficulties arise when nations refer their own citizens to the ICC. The risk that a Government would use the Court against the Opposition was clear. But above all, what certain people in these Governments forgot was that it can fire backWhen the Court investigates the accusation, it must also investigate the situation of the country with regards to other acts committed by other actors in the countrys territory [The principle at large is that] the Court has allowed countries to denounce their own state of affairs, he said. But the effect of universal criminal jurisdiction goes beyond punishment; in fact it goes all the way to peace: The relationship between, on one hand, the future of justice and the End of Impunity and, the other hand, re-building peace after conflict, can be harmonious, Michel said. However, Michel noted that, whilst putting justice in practice can lead to peace, it can also create difficulty. For instance, if you need the commander of a guerrilla faction at the negotiation table, if he knows that hes going to be arrested after the negotiations, well then hes not going to show up, Michel said. Peace may trump justice in negotiations but, as Michel observes, this logic also affects UN law-making. Under

Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the UN Security Council has the power to stop the ICC from examining judicial questions and situations if they constitute threats to the peace. The Security Council has the power to suspend cases before the court. Its extraordinarily problematic because it supports the idea that states can sidestep and that a certain number of people need to be protected from the courts jurisdiction, potentially permanently, he said. If anything can be said, it is that this new culture of international criminal jurisprudence marks the progressive recognition that justice delivered from victors is unacceptable and insufficient. The changing hands of power at an exclusively national level are now accountable to the non-derogable norms that form the basis of the ICCs competency. However, even if the international regime is gaining exponential legitimacy, it should ensure, as its greatest object, that power players abide by the rules it so resolutely esteems. Catherine-Josephine Tayeh is in her final year of a Bachelor of Combined Law, majoring in economics and political economy. She is currently on exchange at the University of Geneva Law School.
International Institute for Sustainable Development

WHAT WOULD YOU DO IF

YOUR COUNTRY WAS SINKING?

The Island President: A documentary review by Patrick Hurley.

OHAMED Nasheed knows only too well that power isnt given up easily. While leading a pro-democracy movement in the Maldives, he was imprisoned more than 20 times for challenging the 30-year dictatorial reign of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. In spite of the repeated incarcerations, exile and torture, Nasheed never gave up. In 2008, he became the Maldives first democratically elected President, holding office until February 2012 when he was forced to resign at gunpoint in a military coup instigated by Gayoom loyalists. Dramatic as these events were, Jon Shenks new documentary, The Island President focuses on neither Nasheeds incredible journey to the top job, nor his sudden, unconstitutional ousting. Instead, this film presents Nasheeds first year in office as he takes charge of a nation facing a new kind of threat: the ocean. As one of the worlds lowest-lying countries, a mere three foot rise in sea-levels would submerge the 1200 islands of the Maldives, making them uninhabitable. As Nasheed puts it: It wont be any good to have democracy, if we dont have a country. And so begins this world leaders diplomatic campaign to secure international cooperation on combating climate change. In essence, The Island President is a film about an action man. As the waves that crash on the

stunningly beautiful beaches of his homeland creep closer every day, Nasheed recognises that there is no time to waste. The filmmakers were first compelled to approach the Maldives new President when they heard of his prompt announcement that the Maldives would be the worlds first carbon-neutral country within a decade. Gaining unprecedented access to a head of state, the documentary takes us behind closed doors as Nasheed does everything within his power to try to save his sinking country. The camera crew were given permission to film during Nasheeds Cabinet meetings, including one held completely underwater! It is creative-small-power diplomacy at its best. Students of international relations are sure to appreciate this documentary. For those who regard the outcome of the Copenhagen Climate Summit as unsatisfactory, Nasheeds consistent glass half full attitude may be somewhat difficult to relate to. However, The Island President offers a rare insight into the high-level diplomacy that occurs in the lead-up to such global negotiations. In short, it is the West Wing: Maldives-style. Patrick Hurley completed a Bachelor of Economics with Honours in Government and International Relations in 2009.

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

A WOMANS RIGHT

TO CHOOSE
JS Barrie from Flickr (CC -SA 3.0)

FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT Cathy Huang from Yale University explores the dangerous path for aspiring mothers in Guatemala.

ALUD Alarcon, 15 years old with brunette ringlets framing her grinning face, has written her favorite saying onto the first page of every fresh notebook she purchased for school: No hay mal que dure cien aos. There is no evil that lasts 100 years. There is nothing one cant endure. For Salud, whose mundane high school routine in Antigua, Guatemala presents her few real stressors, this saying reminds her that she is lucky. She entered the world on a humid evening in February, barely surviving a fight against her mothers umbilical cord, which had wrapped around her, trapping her inside her mothers uterus. A womans first labor lasts, on average, eight hours. Saluds mother was in labor for over twenty painful hours before hemorrhaging to death after Salud was finally extracted. The birth attendant left the house with few things to say. Saluds father prepared a low-key funeral. Two years later, he remarried. Of the 500,000 womens deaths each year from complications that arise during childbirth, 99 percent occur in developing countries, where a womans lifetime risk of dying from pregnancy and related complications is almost 40 times greater than that of her counterparts in developed countries. A womans risk of dying in childbirth in the United States is one in 3,700 whereas in Latin America the risk is one in 130. In Guatemala, with its 13 million residents, a population that doubles about every 22 years, promising natural resources and mounting tourism, the maternal mortality statistics are more than soberingthey are unacceptable. With the second most skewed income distribution in the Western hemisphere, Guatemala is split, geographically and culturally, between the rural indigenous people of Mayan descent who carve their villages in the highlands, and the urbanized Ladino population. As estimated by Hurtado and Saenz de Tejada, the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance in Guatemala, there are 248 deaths out of every 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality among indigenous Mayan women in certain rural areas, however, may be as high as 446 in 100,000. These statistics make pregnancy in Guatemala more dangerous than pregnancy in any other Latin American country. The causes of maternal mortality in Guatemala, the most common of which are postpartum hemorrhage, puerperal sepsis (a bacterial infection of the blood), or eclampsia (unmitigated seizures) are all attributable to abnormally prolonged labor that August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

is quickly detected by trained obstetricians. But the majority of rural Guatemalans who speak indigenous languages and practice centuries-old home remedies will never set foot in a hospital. Not surprisingly, the health of indigenous Guatemalan mothers and children is dramatically poorer than that of the Ladino population. Rural women will only trust their local midwives at their bedsides. Traditional midwives attend 80 percent of home and inclinic births in Guatemala and virtually 100 percent of births in rural areas, where drug-less, tool-less home birthing is the only option. Unfortunately, there are only 20 trained midwives for every 10,000 Guatemalans. But Western medical training might not yield lower mortality rates: Several field studies suggest that many obstetrical routines have cultural rather than medical determinants. In the mid1990s, an independent researcher hired by the World Health Organization to survey routine obstetrical practice around the world concluded that only 10 percent of all routine obstetrical procedures were scientifically based. The evidence points to childbirth as a largely cultural or spiritual event in a womans life. [Some] rural midwives bring relics to the bedside, said Dr. Jean Albright, the director of a global health project at the University of Michigan designed to expose medical students to the ethnic, religious, and linguistic barriers to equalizing rural health care access in the Guatemalan highlands. Some of the traditional communities in the highlands dont have what we refer to as biomedical beliefs. They simply dont get the point of hospitals or physicians. Albright had to send her first batch of student health workers back to Ann Arbor so she could spend a year calibrating the program to better suit these ethnic divides. Understanding midwifery, traditional or otherwise, precedes any attempts to build hospitals or wrestle with a corrupt and Ladino-dominated national health care bureaucracy. A targeted global health intervention will wisely select the most instrumental player in the rural childbirth gamble, the comadrona, the traditional midwife, as the locus of progress. But do researchers and global health workers force midwives to speak their jargon of elapsed seconds, bacterial this or that, pre- or ante-natal precautions, or do they try to make room in their proposed professional and results-based interventions for the fact that childbirth is spiritual before it is medical? Jennifer

Houston, a practicing midwife in both Antigua, Guatemala and Catskill, New York, believes in the latter. Traditional midwives have knowledge and skills that are unique and different from the biomedical or technocratic model, she argues. The unique gifts that traditional midwifery has to offer, unexposed to biomedicine, is a profound trust and belief in the sacredness of birth and womens power. Nearly 15 years ago, Houston founded Ixmucane, a birthing center disguised as a quaint colonial house in the narrow streets of Antigua. The center hosted several foreign nurses each year who paid nominal fees to a local comadrona for several months worth of home cooking and for cot space. Upon arrival, the foreign nurses would shadow their midwife hosts for several weeks under a program called Midwives for Midwives. Houston, whose birthing center was forced to close after the national government dropped its promised funding, emphasizes the need to respect the sanctity of childbirth. Midwives for Midwives still facilitates home stays, and while visiting nurses must submit reports about tools and educational methods they believe would best work in fighting prolonged labor in rural contexts, there is little mention of offering professional instructionno graduation or approval system for a midwifes skills only culturally adapted suggestions for preventing life or death situations. Were working to reverse the global trend of devaluing traditional systems, and to prevent the natural process of birth from becoming a total medical and technological procedure done to women, said Houston resolutely. Her tone, authoritative and fearless, suits a woman who delivered all of her own children at home with only herbal medications.

Of the 500,000 womens deaths each year from complications that arise during childbirth, 99 percent occur in developing countries.
Pregnant women in developed countries often enter labor under the much-appreciated spell of an epidural. Whether at the preventative stage, through the use of contraceptives, family planning, shopping for an ob-gyn, or during delivery itself, being able to choose drugs or agree to Caesarean sections, women have choices. But in countries like Guatamala, where the perspective insisting that women exist to deliver is still prevalent, birth, as Houston argues, is done to women. By allowing rural midwives to host educated, foreign nurses, and by making room for their ritualistic or unscientific birthing methods, exchange programs like Midwives for Midwives aim to empower midwives by letting them know that their jobs are valued. Even if biomedical childbirth with its blood pressure cuffs and cervix dilation readings remains a foreign concept in the Guatemalan highlands, midwives learn that their art demands skillsskills to be shared and developedand that they possess a gift rare among women in their rural communities: an education. But according to Daniela Adabi, exchange and cultural accommodation is not enough. Abadis missions as a midwife with Doctors Without Borders have taken her to Cambodia, Thailand, Nicaragua, and, most recently, back to her home in the lush valleys surrounding Lake Atitlan in southwest Guatemala. Its there that she plans to launch a professional midwife training center. Abadi, a French-educated Argentinian, speaks slowly about her experiences with maternal mortality, enunciating her syllables above the rapid metronome of raindrops on her corrugated metal roof. The responses from the local women have been good. Most of them accept the idea that things need to be improved, explains

Abadi, whose proposed project will recruit graduating high school senior girls and offer them professional obstetric training, the kind dispensed to home birth attendants in the United States. Abadis model replaces home stays with on-site instruction, and will collaborate with local universities to provide some sort of initial certifications for its first graduates. This will be a model where you dont just impose on the women where to give birth, how to give birth but also [provide] workshops, classes around nutrition, around child care. Abadi, unlike Albright or Houston, is a local. Health workers dream of places like Lake Atitlan, with its lush climate punctuated by the occasional intense rains and its hushed Mayan tradition tucked into all hours of the day, but Abadi knows the local school systems, some of the local midwives, and has faith that her proposed model has calibrated itself to fit the culture. For the few women who complete their high school education in the Atitlan highlands, there are few skills-based jobs. The only other alternative in the health professions is assistant nursing, which tends to be less appealing than marrying young and rearing children. And while Abadi concedes that there [will be] a lot of challenges to her model, the biggest challenge will be to have trained midwives recognized by the community they serve and by the national health system. But by reinforcing technical education and offering a program that a midwife can say she graduated from, women can find confidence in their skills and status. And the introduction of professional midwives could be empowering in new ways, too. [Women] choose the traditional birth attendant because that is all they know. Thats the tradition. But if you have trained professionals, women can ask for what they really want and what they really need not just feel like they have to say yes to anybody. Childbirth is spiritual and empowering. But it sometimes involves no choice for the women involved. Childbirth is, for many women, a celebration, a milestone. But childbirth can be deadly. In Xelaju, Salud Alarcon is studying to become a doctor. She regularly complains about her homework and often procrastinates by playing soccer at the gimnasio downtown. Her urban upbringing affords her the opportunity to study in school and pursue higher education. It even has her considering an unlikely path to medicine. Maths is so hard, she mumbled. But it will be worth it. I want to make people feel good. Over the years, Saluds voice has developed an undeniably warm, maternal timbre. Despite harboring the usual teenage anxieties about boys and fashion, she speaks to her younger stepsiblings and shares her career dreams with a mature inflection. One day, she will live up to her name and might even, as a physician, help propagate what it represents. Salud in Spanish, after all, translates to health. For women in the rural highlands, the legitimization of existing female roles, as midwives and valued homemakers, is the closest thing to female professional development. Whether the process will involve ritual exchange or diploma exchange is unclear. But a womans agency rests at the center of every movement to fight maternal mortality. These movements offer the promise of education, of cultural understanding, and of advanced medical methodologies. Above all else, they offer women the ability to choose health in the face of tradition. Cathy Huang is a third year undergraduate at Yale University interested in global reproductive health. Her article in the upcoming issue of the Yale Globalist concerns clandestine abortions in Chile. TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 9

OF THE COIN
Felix Donovan and Dominique Spoelder debate whether Greece should stay in the eurozone.
Eadaoin_o_sullivan from Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

TWO SIDES

GREECE SHOULD LEAVE THE EUROZONE Felix Donovan

GREECE SHOULDNT LEAVE THE EUROZONE Dominique Spoelder

REECES pain is best measured in human cost. One fifth of the country is out of work, and those with jobs have seen wages cut dramatically. The Orthodox Church is feeding 250,000 starving Greek citizens. The country limps under the weight of its national debt, with investors fleeing its pariah economy, and budget cuts tearing into the safety net that is now needed most. The apostles of austerity have leveled the blame for the current crisis at Greek laziness, irresponsibility and government largesse. But the Greek crisis is not one of its own making. Since it signed the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 and entered the eurozone, Brussels not Athens - has been the master of Greeces fate. And it is the folly and hubris of Brussels that is to blame for Greeces shattered economy. The eurozone was a flawed project from the beginning. It brought together countries with divergent productivity rates, budgets and investment incentives under one currency. Greece, Spain and Italy had to compete with Germany and France on the global market without the advantage of currency flexibility that China among others has demonstrated the utility of. The less-competitive countries ran up massive debts in order to subsidise struggling industries or soften the effects of debilitated manufacturing and tourism sectors. And when that debt became toxic, when Greeces economy began to free-fall, the Eurozone failed it again. It never provided sufficient bailout funds to generate growth, and imposed austerity measures on the country that have served to entrench Greeces suffering, rather than alleviate it. The high priests of European finance signed the death warrant for Greeces economy. Recognising this, Greece should not bow its knee to them; it should not continue to eat the poisoned apple that Brussels offers. In lieu of the unlikely establishment of a United States of Europe, with more centralised fiscal control, leaving the Eurozone is the only option left to Greece. Tourism will prosper when travelling to Greece doesnt cost Euros, but cheap drachmas. Manufacturing will bring revenue when Greek policy-makers have the same currency flexibility as they did in the 1980s. Let me be clear: returning to a devalued drachma and an export-led economy will not be simple or painless. But for a Greece trapped in a union of economic folly and human suffering, it is how growth begins, and justice for Greek workers returns. Felix Donovan is in his second year of a Bachelor of Arts.

HE eurozone crisis is significant because if the wrong decision is made when it comes to Greece, the repercussions will be felt worldwide. We are sailing into unchartered territory and the results, whether Greece exits the eurozone or not, will be sticky. But Greece as the sacrificial lamb is not the answer. The eurozone was established as a marriage between 17 European Union member states that have adopted the euro as their official currency. A possible divorce was never considered, let alone one this messy. But the end of the honeymoon period has opened the floodgates to talk of a possible Grexit. The same issues that face the eurozone today would intensify in the case of a Greek exit. There is no constitutional or treatybased mechanism for exit or expulsion, and this demonstrates the clear idea that the eurozone is designed for entering, not leaving. The entire case for creating a common currency was to assure markets that the union was designed to be permanent, and also to guarantee huge losses to any state that decided to leave the common market. An exit would force Greece with the unpopular prospect of leaving the euro, re-adopting a currency doomed to collapse, and projected inflation and unemployment rates of over 30 per cent. Considering Greeces own issues with coming up with a government for itself, a reversion back to the drachma would cause it unprecedented economic and political problems. The eurozone is responsible for the wellbeing of its membership for its own survival. A Greek exit would likely cause huge capital outflow, with financial institutions and investors unwilling to engage with an unstable economy. Unless Portugal and Ireland are able to successfully restructure their economies to weather the Greek storm, they are in danger of being the next to leave. If the problem spreads to the larger economies of Spain and Italy, the existence of the eurozone itself will be in question. Further, a debt default initiated by Greece would mean that Germany and the European Central Bank (ECB) would realise large losses, undermining the strongest elements of the eurozone as well as devastating the weakest. To maintain the euros strength, the ECB must persuade markets that there will be no sacrifices to the eurozone. In doing so it must also hold onto Greece, not treat it like a lamb to the slaughter. Dominique Spoelder is in her final year of a Bachelor of Arts.

10

August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

HOW TO RIG A RUSSIAN ELECTION

Dmitry Titkov laments the lack of fair elections in Putinist Russia.
OVY Arbat Street was strangely silent on the morning of 7 May this year as Vladimir Putins black, armoured Mercedes sped down it towards the Kremlin for an historic third inauguration as President of Russia. Precisely why Putin chose to have his cosmonauts as the Russian opposition has nicknamed the OMON riot police sweep clean central Moscow of any public presence for his procession is not clear, but the optics were striking. The supposedly popular President-elect was all alone in his moment of triumph. By contrast, even at his controversial first inauguration in 2001, George W. Bush braved the emotionally-charged crowd, some 300,000 strong, to stroll openly along Pennsylvania Avenue. If Putin hardly looked like a man who only two months ago had won 64 per cent of Russias Presidential popular vote an impressive 46 per cent ahead of his closest contender, the Communist Partys Gennady Zyuganov it was because in truth he had not. Leo Tolstoys Anna Karenina opens with an oft-quoted observation about families: Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. Something similar can be said about elections: instead of happy, substitute fair, and for unhappy, read fraud-ridden. The two most recent Russian elections the Presidential election and last Decembers legislative election make for fascinating study of fraudulency in all of its dazzling variety. Essentially, Putin and his party, United Russia, appear to have adopted an all of the above approach to electoral fraud.

Firdaus Omar from Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

energy to the pro-democracy opposition. On 4 February, a crowd of 100,000 turned out in a -20 C chill to call for fair elections at Bolotnaya Square in Moscow. The rise of the Internet in general, and social media sites in particular, had helped the Russian opposition disseminate fraud-related discourse at the time of the elections. Stories of votetampering spread swiftly on Twitter, ballot-stuffers were shamed on YouTube, and volunteer election monitors wrote in outrage on LiveJournal, highlighting the discrepancies between the numbers they saw being submitted to the Central Election Commission and those later reported in the official election results. Most notably, a correspondent for the online news portal, Lenta.Ru went undercover to infiltrate one of United Russias infamous carousels, which involved packs of well-paid professional voters being abused from one polling station to another to garner support for Putins party at each stop.
Lawrence Jesterton from Fotopedia (CC -SA 3.0)

but also that these activities were carried out on an enormous scale. The studys bottom line is that the anomalousness of the voting data suggests that a staggering 7 million votes were fabricated for Putins return to the Presidency, with another 11 million or so in service of United Russias cause in the earlier legislative election. Furthermore, once one considers the various sorts of soft fraud for which there is no account in this study including, among other things, considerations such as the restrictions on the registration of new parties, and United Russias power over the mass media it is impossible to imagine what fair elections in Russia would look like, much less demonstrate a positive path towards them. People power in Chernogolovka As a counterpoint to this pessimistic outlook, consider the case of Chernogolovka: a tiny town in the vicinity of Moscow known mainly as an outpost of the Russian Academy of Sciences, but known to me as my birthplace. As Russia took to the polls to pick a President on 4 March, the citizens of Chernogolovka were charged with choosing their new mayor, too. An independent physics professor, Vladimir Razumov, triumphed with more than twice the vote share of the local United Russia candidate. However, the Central Election Commission voided his victory on the basis of a supposed error in the registration of his candidacy. In a small-scale reenactment of the scenes at Bolotnaya Square, Chernogolovkas town hall was besieged by local babushki, berating the Commissions bureaucrats. But, unlike the opposition protestors at Bolotnaya Square, the babushki got their way and Razumovs victory was reinstated. Only time will tell whether such small but sweet successes at the local level are instructive for the future of fair elections in Russia. Dmitry Titkov is in his second year of a combined Bachelor of Commerce/Bachelor of Laws at the University of Sydney.

One stolen vote is a tragedy; a million are a statistic.

Russias modern-day citizenry are not natural protestors. Seventy-odd years of Soviet repression, and more than a decade of Putinist stability, have served to stifle even the most rebellious of spirits. But the brazenness of Putins United Russia party in meddling with elections has given new 12 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist A statistical analysis submitted to arXiv an Internet-based archive for academic pre-prints on 3 May by a trio of Russianborn scientists, shows not only that the effects of the fraud described above are detectable in the official election results,

DESERT ROSE OR REAL DICTATOR?

Sarah Copland explores the many sides of Syrias First Lady, Asma al-Assad.

HE wife of a dictator has the dazzling opportunity of swaying a nation by persuading, cajoling or nagging at one man, wrote Time magazine in a 1928 article, Dictators Wives. Eight decades on, the question of whether a dictators wife can shape the future of her country is again being debated. Since protests erupted in 2011, Syrias First Lady, Asma al-Assad, once the darling of the Middle East, has disappeared from public view. An online campaign, spearheaded by wives of ambassadors to the United Nations, has aimed to persuade her to speak out against the bloodshed: they have been met with a deafening silence.

educated woman raised in liberal Britain and seemingly dedicated to good works, think of the evils being perpetrated daily across Syria nowhere more so than in her familys home city of Homs? In response, Asmas office released its first and only statement, which said: The President is the President of Syria, not a faction of Syrians, and the First Lady supports him in this role.

Is Asma a willing bystander or a liberal going through a moral crisis yet unable to speak up or escape?
Is Asma indifferent to the suffering being inflicted by her husbands security forces or appalled? And if it is the latter, just how much influence does she have? As Syria slides into civil war and the international community watches for cracks within the regime, understanding Asma could be crucial to understanding the Assads and the future of the Syrian crisis. Born and raised in London, Asma met Bashar al-Assad in the early 1990s and the couple married in 2000 after he was installed as the President of Syria. Young, glamorous and well educated, Asma appeared to represent a new liberal and modern face of Syria. This image was carefully cultivated over the years. Asma travelled around Syria getting to know peoples concerns with a self-professed mission to encourage young Syrians to engage in active citizenship. She was vocal in condemning abuses, calling Israels 2009 offensive on the Gaza Strip barbaric and, as a mother and a human being, called for its end. The Western media soon dubbed her a desert rose and an eastern Diana. In early 2012, The Times asked What does Assads wife, an intelligent,

Ammar Abd Rabbo from Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

University of Essex lecturer in authoritarian regimes, Natasha Ezrow, believes Asmas apparent lack of compassion may be borne of fear. Having grown up in Britain, she is familiar with democracy and human rights, so she has no excuse in terms of her standing by as these atrocities are committed, she said. Unfortunately, the al-Assad family has been in power for decades and they are extremely brutal and ruthless. There is little she can do she may even fear for her own life. Indeed, the Assad clan reportedly didnt like Asma, not least because of her Sunni Muslim origins. According to writer and historian, Gaia Servadio, who spent time with the Assads before the uprising, Asma was constantly under watch by the family, adding, She was rather frightened. I saw them shouting at her. However, Syrias bloodshed and

tyranny goes far beyond the confines of the past 15 months and leaked emails present an image of a woman with a cavalier attitude to the crisis. I am the real dictator, he has no choice, she said about her husband, making light of the political situation. Meanwhile her prolific spending on designer goods added to the growing image of Asma as more Imelda Marcos than Princess Diana. While Asmas Western upbringing has led to a perception that she should know better. Bashar is seen as a product of the regime he inherited. Bashars father led a brutal regime characterised by extreme dependence on the President alongside a precarious balance of power. While it was initially hoped Bashar would be a reformer, there was little surprise when he reverted to his fathers ways. According to the Governments official narrative, the regime is essentially blameless: Violence is the result of an international conspiracy aiming to divide Syrian society and subdue a leadership that dared to defy Israel and the West. This paranoia is not without precedent: Syria has long confronted a hostile geopolitical environment and technically remains at war with Israel. While conspiracy theories may be a convenient excuse, the International Crisis Group has suggested Bashar was possibly persuaded by his regimes own propaganda. If this were the case, it would be unrealistic to expect Asma to think differently. Servadio believes Asmas liberal ideas were genuine but she was deeply misinformed and had delusions about what she could change in Syria. She suspects Asmas public appearances and statements were staged for regime propaganda. Is Asma a willing bystander or a liberal going through a moral crisis yet unable to speak up or escape? Wherever the truth may lie, it is clear that Asma is entangled in the heart of the shadowy inner circle of the Assad regime. Sarah Copland is currently completing a Master of Human Rights. TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 13

LITTLER BRITAIN
Ben Brooks examines the trend towards independence in Scotland.
for Westminster as evidence of their readiness for full legislative autonomy. A majority of Scottish voters support devo max short of independence. If David Cameron insists, then, on a singlequestion plebiscite, they could return a resounding no, and though the SNP won a majority of seats in the 2011 Scottish elections, more Scots voted against them than for. Pinning his legacy to the referendums success, all Salmond can hope is that unionisms fatal association with the UK Conservatives is enough to galvanise his exceptionally anti-Tory countrymen, or that the 2015 UK General Election drives the major parties apart. But for all the pan-Britannic solidarity in London, Scottish self-government is peculiarly English-driven. Much as the Celtic fringe bemoans its limited autonomy, English voters resent that England herself has no dedicated assembly. The West Lothian Question is a fixture in the British political landscape, asking whether non-English MPs should be prevented from voting on exclusively English Bills: a principle taken for granted in the devolved parliaments. English legislation cannot be isolated in practice, at least while Westminster remains a national body. The complicated Barnett Formula for allocating funds from London means that most English Bills indirectly affect funding to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. If further fiscal responsibility is delegated, the proposal will become more credible, and more urgent. But segregating the Commons could accelerate the then-inevitable slide towards full independence. Disaffected English voters also see Scotlands comparatively progressive social policies as irresponsible, populist economic grandstanding. Edinburgh receives the third largest pocket money payout although it is the fourth wealthiest part of Britain. Against this milieu, the inflammatory First Minister argues that Westminster should absorb the debts of the Royal Bank of Scotland postindependence, for Westminster had failed to properly regulate the financial sector. But advanced democracies are not torn apart by surliness and indignation. The emergence of full independence as a legitimate constitutional prospect suggests that the British have begun to reevaluate their layered identity. A comprehensive survey by the Institute for Public Policy Research last year found that 74 per cent of English respondents identify as English as much, or more, than they identify as British. 86 per cent of Scottish respondents said the same of Scottish. Significantly, no Westminster party was seen as standing up for English interests, though the militant British National Party enjoyed almost no support. Thus, as the state decentralises, sub-state identities become increasingly relevant, founded not on tribal nationalist fanaticism but political pragmatism. A poll by U.S.based YouGov found that the English tellingly advocated EU separatism, whilst the British sought to retain the status quo and make do. That is, perhaps, the chief function of Britishness: to unify disparate ethnic nationalisms in a single, civic framework.

Guillaume Paumier from Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0)

geishaboy500 from Fotopedia (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

IVORCE saddens the Queen of Great Britain. Yet in the midst of her Diamond Jubilee, Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond launched his Your Scotland, Your Referendum consultation. Voting on whether Scotland should become an independent country in 2014, Scottish residents may elect to annul the Anglo-Celtic political marriage at the heart of the United Kingdom, or at least devolve it beyond constitutional recognition. Salmonds Scottish National Party (SNP) confidently proposes a return to 1707: to share the Head of State, as Elizabeth I of Scotland, but reverse the parliamentary union. Laced with references to historic English oppression, the secessionist case turns on taxation and fiscal responsibility. The Scottish Parliament controls some 60 per cent of total public expenditure in Scotland, but is only empowered to raise 6.4 per cent of the necessary taxes. For the remainder, it relies on grants from a UK Parliament, four-fifths predominated by English MPs. As a minimum, supporters of independence expect to secure a compromise, with Basque-style maximum devolution: taxes raised and spent locally, with a tribute to London covering defence. Nor, Salmond argues, does Scotland enjoy the benefits of its North Sea oil industry. Data from 2008 to 2009 suggests that, with crude revenue, Edinburgh provided 1.3 billion ($A2 billion) more to London than was actually spent in Scotland. It is an arrangement, he says, constituting the greatest act of international larceny since the Spanish stole the Inca gold. But oil alone is an uncertain basis for secession. The SNP also offer their renewable energy initiatives one of the few high profile responsibilities not reserved August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

The emergence of full independence as a legitimate constitutional prospect suggests that the British have begun to re-evaluate their layered identity.
But on the whole, British governance has outlived its usefulness for the English core and Celtic periphery alike. The category is more political conceit than social or ideological reality; more vestigial than necessary. In 14 short years, the Scottish Parliament has embraced aspirations for social equality, welfarism and economic management, which plainly diverge from those of the national legislature. It is unlikely that the referendum will achieve total self-government, though it could facilitate more ambitious devolution. Yet negotiations over taxation will likely prove contentious, fraught with national implications, and unsatisfactory too little, too late. Symbolically and politically, independence is an attractive option. But it would leave the diminished husk of a proud state: the shadow of a shadow of an imperial superpower. Ben Brooks is in his second year of a Bachelor of Arts/Bachelor of Law degree, majoring in History and English.

14

THE MEANING OF

TOTAL
I
N February this year, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (the Charter) entered into force, to protect democracy and constitutional order within African nations. It enhances and consolidates previous declarations of the African Union, enshrining a range of aspirational democratic ideals, including: nondiscrimination, political pluralism and the separation of powers. Most importantly, it deflates soaring allusions to universal values and appeals to democratic culture that often characterise African Union declarations. The Charter imposes a definite and binding set of obligations on State parties. Perhaps because of the Charters legal force, the inclusion of articles designed to protect societies from unconstitutional changes of has been particularly celebrated. Chapter 8 creates a framework of sanctions and obligations in an attempt to address, among other things, military coups. The recent uprising in Mali, where a relatively stable democracy was undermined by a band of mutinous Government soldiers, tested the strength of the Charter in addressing unconstitutional transitions of power. The Situation in Mali Until recently, Malis Government had been heralded as a showpiece of African democracy, despite protracted tensions created by the separatist Tuareg movement in the north of the country. In March 2012 however, a military uprising spurred the uneasy situation to descend into a series of bloody clashes between Tuareg rebels, armed radical Islamist groups and Arab militia. Coup leaders cited former President, Amadou Toumani Toures poor handling of the Tuareg rebellion as the reason for the coup, and announced

REJECTION
Nikila Kaushik considers the role of the African Charter in opposing Malis leadership change.
the formation of a national committee for the rebuilding of democracy and the restoration of the state. Yet, somewhat ironically, the coup threw Government forces into disarray, paving the advance of Tuareg rebels across the Malian Sahara to declare an independent state. At first glance, the situation bears tedious resemblance to the internal upheavals that have arisen in so many of Malis African neighbours. But Toures leadership stands in contrast to that of many of his ousted counterparts: due to Constitutional term limits, he was not standing for re-election in the vote scheduled for 29 April. The coup, then, seems less a carefully orchestrated power grab than a sudden surge of anger, stemming from deep dissatisfaction over the management of the Tuareg rebellion. Divided public opinion in Mali about Toures leadership and the Tuareg movement makes it difficult to discern a united will of the people in the coups aftermath. It is hard to know what a popular Malian Government would look like. Role and Application of the Charter The Charter contains provisions designed to reinstate constitutional order in exactly this kind of situation. It provides for sanctions against the perpetrators of coups and excludes affected States from participating in activities of the African Union. Moreover, it prohibits the leaders of military coups from seeking election once democratic order is restored, demanding their trial or extradition. These provisions are enforced by the African Unions Peace and Security Council. It is obligated to intervene and re-establish order within any country affected by an unconstitutional change of government. In practice, however, the codification

of existing norms did not ensure their faithful or complete implementation. The African Union suspended Malis participation in all West African decisionmaking bodies, imposed economic sanctions and dispatched the Peace and Security Council to Bamako to oversee the restoration of constitutional order. But the Charter was only partially implemented and, to date, has failed to reinstate democratic order in the way envisaged by its drafters. Instead, a political compromise was painfully negotiated, contrary to the spirit of the Charter in enforcing democratic norms with legal force. The leader of the coup, Captain Amadou Sanogo, brazenly rejected the deployment of a stabilisation force to Mali. The Economic Council of West African States eventually persuaded the rebel forces to return the government to civilian rule, under the oversight of an interim leader, in exchange for lifting the sanctions placed on Mali. Worryingly, however, coup leaders were granted international amnesty to protect them from prosecution for war crimes, and Captain Sanogo was recognised as a former head of state and given accompanying entitlements to a salary and mansion. Future Role and Application Perhaps it was unrealistic to expect the Charter to solidify vague democratic norms in a way that immediately and effectively addressed unconstitutional changes of government. In spite of the fact that the African Union did not strictly enforce the Charter to overcome Captain Sanogos challenge, two hopeful developments emerged. First, the African Union acted as a unified entity: no single state bore the burden of condemning the coup, limiting the scope of states to support unconstitutional changes of government in politically favourable situations. Moreover, the Charter provided a concrete foundation for African nations to unequivocally reject the change of government as contrary to the values of the African Union. It affirms the African Unions respect for democracy, even if it cannot displace political imperatives. In situations where the spirit of popular uprisings is confused with notions of the will of the people, this is a step towards realising the democratic ideals underpinning the Charter. Nikila Kaushik is in her fourth year of a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws. TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

Embassy of Equatorial Guinea from Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

15

CITIZENS DIVIDED
Daniel Zwi explores how a U.S. Supreme Court decision has increased the influence of money in U.S. politics.

HILST the United States presents itself as a beacon of democracy, it is often condemned for propping up undemocratic regimes. However, a less frequently leveled criticism of the U.S. is that its own democratic process is strained. The U.S. Supreme Courts 2010 decision in Citizens United v Federal Electoral Commissioner is the latest example of the decline in the democratic virtues of U.S. politics. The decision has so remarkably increased the capacity of the wealthy to influence election outcomes, that U.S. politics is in danger of losing its representative character. The Effect of Citizens United The U.S. Presidential election will take place in November 2012 amidst an uncommonly partisan political climate. The Republican Party has been pulled far to the Right on social issues by its Conservative base, and the lacklustre economy has brought unequal income distribution to the forefront of the national debate. With the finance industry perceived as bearing responsibility for the GFC, and the top 1 per cent of earners in 2008 receiving 17.7 per cent of gross national income, the deregulation of campaign finance is an explosive issue. Citizens United has been scorned by those who ask how elected politicians can maintain any pretence of independence, given their

indebtedness to the corporations that advertised on their behalf. The case has led to a marked increase in independent political expenditure by corporations and individuals. While a cap on direct corporate contributions remains, it was decided in Citizens United that the First Amendments guarantee of freedom of speech protects the right of corporations to spend unlimited amounts on electioneering communications in parallel to, rather than as part of, politicians election campaigns.

Citizens United is dangerous because it allows for an extreme degree of reliance by politicians on corporations.
A direct result of Citizens United has been the proliferation of Super PACs (Political Action Committees): organisations that pool corporate funds and purchase advertisements in support of their preferred candidates. Super PACs allow corporations and individuals to donate money to a particular candidates campaign without having to pay directly for advertisements, thereby circumventing the need to attach their names to those advertisements. By remaining relatively anonymous, corporations that spend money on political advertisements and other supportive measures short of direct

contributions, can do so with impunity. Citizens United is dangerous because it allows for an extreme degree of reliance by politicians on corporations that expend capital on their behalf. Given that the population of America is roughly 300 million people, effective communication with the electorate is difficult and expensive. A politician elected on the back of advertising funded by corporations or influential individuals will be hard-pressed not to give those benefactors preferential treatment. Responsible democracy is undermined because, regardless of the multifarious identities of a successful candidates voters, the preferences of a candidates largest backers are likely to take priority while that politician is in office. The Courts Reasoning The decision in Citizens United was based on the doctrinal premise that Congress can only limit electoral spending to the extent necessary to prevent the existence or appearance of corruption. Surprisingly, the majority of the Court found that independent political expenditure, as opposed to direct corporate contributions to political parties, does not cause corruption. In reaching this conclusion, the Court restricted their definition of corruption to quid pro quo occurrences, that is, the

16

August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

Mark Fischer from Fotopedia (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

direct payment of money to politicians in exchange for political commitments while in office. The majority of the Court found that, because independent expenditure does not reach a candidate directly, it cannot be used to procure specific promises from the candidates that it champions. Yet, the idea that independent corporate expenditure cannot catalyse corruption seems implausible. Even adopting the Courts conception of quid pro quo corruption, it is foreseeable that a corporation can approach a candidate and offer to pay for favourable advertisements in exchange for the candidates commitment to further that donors agenda. The fact that the candidate does not receive the money directly does not diminish the value of the advertisement to their campaign. Michael S. Kang, Associate Professor at Emory University School of Law, has described the conclusion that contributions can corrupt, while independent expenditure cannot, as absurd as a matter of political reality.

The decision certainly seems arbitrary and incomplete, given that quid pro quo corruption is only one instance of corruption. The capacity of certain groups to use money to gain access to politicians, even if they do not procure specific benefits, can also be conceived as corruption. Indeed, in McConnell v Federal Electoral Commission, a previous Supreme Court decision overruled by Citizens United, the prevention of improper influence and opportunities was deemed to be a legitimate ground on which to limit independent political expenditure. Changes to Electoral Finance Laws since Citizens United The impact of Citizens United has been stark. The Center for Responsive Politics, which tracks national campaign expenditure, has recorded a dramatic increase in independent expenditure since Citizens United. In the 2004 and 2008 electoral years, total spending was $U.S.14 million and $U.S.37.5 million respectively. During this election campaign, over $U.S.88 million has already been spent. Professor Richard L. Hasen of Loyola Law School has drawn attention to these substantial increases from previous electoral periods, pointing

The relaxation of political expenditure laws has benefited Republicans more than Democrats. As a political party that rigorously defends low corporate tax rates and minimalist market regulation, the Grand Old Party has always been the preferred political choice for corporate America. Citizens United significantly aided the campaigns of Republican candidates vying for the partys Presidential nomination over the last year. Now that Mitt Romney has been elected the Republican nominee, corporate funds hitherto directed against rival Republicans will be used to attack Barack Obama, who will thereby bear the brunt of independent corporate electioneering. The amount of money funneled through Super PACs is enormous. Mitt Romney was the beneficiary of $U.S.17 million worth of advertising by the main pro-Romney Super PAC, Restore Our Future, in the lead up to the Iowa caucus of 3 January 2012. According to the New York Times, at that date, almost 60 corporations and wealthy individuals

IChaz from Flickr (CC)

The First Amendments guarantee of freedom of speech protects the right of corporations to spend unlimited amounts on electioneering communications.

out that this years numbers are 234 per cent of those in 2008 and 628 per cent that of 2004. Nevertheless, proponents of Citizens United argue that increased political expenditure through Super PACS is not detrimental to the U.S. democratic process. They say that more political advertising means that the public will be better informed about policy debates. Arguably, galvanising interest and engagement through political advertising is especially important in a country where voting is voluntary. However, this ignores the fact that the main danger with unlimited corporate political expenditure manifests once a politician is in office, and not during the election campaign. It may or may not be the case that pervasive political advertising increases voter participation. The problem is that, while newly elected politicians are expected to act in the interest of those that elected them, beneficiaries of large amounts of independent expenditure are likely to act in the interest of those that invest in them: the two groups are not necessarily the same.

had donated $U.S.100,000 or more to the Super PAC. William Koch, whose family represents one of the foremost donors to Conservative causes, donated $U.S.1 million to Restore Our Future. Large contributions to Super PACs have not been limited to the Romney camp. In January 2012, casino owner Sheldon Adelson donated $U.S.10 million to the predominant Newt Gingrich Super PAC, Winning Our Future. Republicans have garnered four times the amount of independent political expenditure of Democrats during the first months of 2012. In lieu of lump sum payments to Super PACS, electoral disclosure laws have indicated that Democrats rely primarily on direct contributions. Such contributions are capped at $U.S.2500. Democrats raise far more than Republicans from this source of funding, with President Obama amassing $U.S.140 million in 2011, compared with the $U.S.57 million raised by Mitt Romney. Certainly, there is no reason why different political parties should receive comparable amounts, either directly or indirectly, from the electorate. The fact that Republicans receive the lions share of corporate expenditure is no reason for scorn. However, just as direct contributions to politicians are capped in a bid to prevent excessive dependence on wealthy benefactors, so too should independent expenditure be limited. They are both equally valuable to candidates but, whereas the former requires the politician to appeal to a spread of people, the latter concentrates a politicians attention on the few who are particularly wealthy. A Questionable Legacy The Supreme Court was at best politically nave and at worst biased in deciding that unlimited independent political expenditure could not result in corruption. In a nation that places a premium on preaching the rule of law to the world, the majority in Citizens United displayed a flippant attitude towards Americas own democratic institution. Next time campaign finance laws are brought before the Court, it should cap independent corporate expenditure and eliminate Super PACS, such that a persons ability to have a politician to listen to him or her is not based solely on how much money they have to spend.

Daniel Zwi is in his fourth year of Combined Law, majoring in English. TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 17

AFFAIRS OF MEN
Nicholas Findlater draws some lessons from the recent scandals plaguing Germanys heads of state.

A TIDE IN THE

Deutsche Bundesstiftung Umwelt on Fotopedia (CC by NC-SA 2.0)

Y no measure is scandal unfamiliar in our political arenas. The beast traces its lineage to ancient times, and its strength has not since waned. From Caesar to Clinton, scandals have emerged with as much force and determination as the political settings which have reacted to contain them. In February this year, the nowformer German President, Christian Wulff, resigned following allegations of misconduct. The alleged misconduct was relatively low-range: the primary allegation being that Wulff relied on personal connections to obtain a low-interest home loan. The scandal did not feature sexual misdemeanours, inflammatory remarks or policy blunders. Nevertheless, Wulffs case provides an interesting lesson about scandals: that the response to a scandal is not to remedy the alleged misconduct itself, so much as to pander to the demands of that vague, elusive and unquantifiable yardstick public perception. We begin our learning curve in Berlin.

Shall we now Contaminate our fingers with base bribes? Julius Caesar [4.3.23]
In December 2011, the German tabloid Bild published allegations that Wulff had received a low-interest home loan with an approximate value of 500,000 ($A618,324) from the wife of a wealthy business associate, one Mr Egon Geerkens. The transaction was alleged to have taken place in October 2008, while Wulff was Premier of the state of Niedersachsen (Lower Saxony). Other allegations against Wulff included that he had accepted free holidays and political favours from business executives. It also emerged that 18 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

Wulff had earlier left an angry voicemail with Bild, threatening legal action if it ran the story. When questioned on the matter of the home loan, Wulff denied that he had business relations with Mr Geerkens. Wulff did not mention Mrs Geerkens. In January 2012, Wulff conceded that his actions in receiving the loan were not right, but maintained that they were legal. He apologised to Bild for the threatening voicemail, arguably to circumvent claims that he was interfering with the freedom of the press. Yet Wulff still refused to step down. By February, prosecutors from Niedersachsen believed that they had sufficient evidence to justify an investigation into Wulffs conduct. In response to the prosecutors request, the Federal Parliament removed Wulffs presidential immunity in order to formally facilitate that investigation. Activists had taken to gathering outside the presidential residence and holding shoes in the air as an expression of their discontent. Wulff announced his resignation on 17 February. News magazine Der Spiegels headline declared Germany breathes a sigh of relief. In his announcement, Wulff stated that he had lost the trust of the German people, that his effectiveness as President had been damaged, and that it was no longer possible for him to fulfil the duties of the office. He maintained his innocence regarding the home loan allegations. The prosecutors investigation continues.

Not that I loved Caesar less, But that I loved Rome more. Julius Caesar [3.2.22]
Chancellor Angela Merkel responded swiftly to Wulffs announcement, declaring that she accepted Wulffs decision with respect but also with

regret. In her press statement, Merkel emphasised Wulffs dedication to the interests of Germany and said that he had represented the country with dignity. She referred to Wulffs assertion that he had never acted illegally and stated that he had chosen to step down out of service to our people. Merkel had backed Wulff during the June 2010 presidential nominations. They belong to the same political party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and are both regarded as moderate conservatives. As a candidate, Wulff had the benefit of having previously held public office. He was seen as experienced and low-risk. Wulffs appointment was interpreted as a political win for Merkel as well the CDU. As such, the timing of his departure was less than ideal. The European debt crisis was already harming Merkels popularity at home, and the Wulff debacle led to the postponement of the Chancellors visit to Rome to meet with the then-new Prime Minister, Mario Monti, to discuss the Italian and Greek economic rescue plans. Whilst it is the chancellor who is the head of government in Germany, the President is essentially a figurehead. The purpose of the Presidents role, aside from administrative functions, is ceremonial; to be the moral compass of the nation. Ironically, Wulffs own predecessor, Horst Khler, had himself been forced to resign in May 2010 after making critical remarks about Germanys military involvement in Afghanistan.

He reads much; He is a great observer, and he looks Quite through the deeds of men. Julius Caesar [1.2.209]
In under a month, the Federal Assembly

had appointed Wulffs replacement. Joachim Gauck received 991 of the 1228 votes cast, and was sworn in as the sixth President of the unified Germany on 18 March. Significantly, Gauck is also the first in German presidential history to lack political affiliation: no President of either East or West Germany has ever been an Independent. Gauck is a 72 year old Protestant pastor, who was a vocal human rights activist in former East Germany and led the opening of Soviet-Stasi archives after the fall of the regime in 1990. He is widely characterised as an individual who speaks his mind and believes that Germans undervalue their freedom. With Merkel as Chancellor and Gauck as President, the unified German political system now has two former East Germans at its head. Both the British Guardian and the German Der Spiegel newspapers reported that Germany should prepare to be put on the psychiatrists couch. Sigmar Gabriel, the head of the Social Democratic Party, remarked that Gauck will help to bridge the gap between parties, politicians and the people. Interestingly, Gauck had come close to defeating Wulff to become President in 2010 following Khlers resignation.

He hath left you all and to your heirs for ever; Common pleasures, to walk abroad And recreate yourselves. Julius Caesar [3.2.252]
Some important observations about scandals more generally can be drawn from Wulffs resignation and Gaucks

appointment. Firstly, scandals are opportunities for the ruling elite to reset the agenda and reaffirm their original political values. Wulff was intended to be a fresh start following Khlers inappropriate remarks about Germanys participation in Afghanistan. But, as a fresh start, Wulff himself came to rot. To replace Wulff with Gauck (after Gauck came so close to defeating Wulff in 2010) is like pressing the rewind button. It returns Germany to where it would have been two years ago. Roland Nelles, writing for Der Spiegel, made a similar point. Noting the relaxed atmosphere of the March ballot, he said that, a mature democracy can take such things [as Wulffs misconduct] in its stride. Secondly, every scandal is a product of its time. Where a scandal is symbolic of a deeper social, political, economic or institutional crisis, then the response to it is likely to be firmer. Perhaps Wulff would have waited for the Niedersachsen prosecutors to make a formal investigatory finding against him before resigning, had Europe not been in the midst of a severe economic crisis, in which his receipt of low-interest home loans and free holidays aggravated existing public anxieties. By contrast, we have in Gauck a President who is not a member of the old boys club (he is politically independent), has a proven ethical compass (his political activism in East Germany), and whose CV lists the pursuit of freedom of information (the opening-up of Stasi archives) among his achievements. Gauck is as much a pragmatic choice as a symbolic one.

Thirdly, the dramatic value of a scandal should not be underestimated. Of course, citizens may in the normal conduct of their lives engage with their political settings. They may meet with their members of Parliament or be politically active. They may also vote. However, a scandal captures the imagination of the public at large. There is something in a scandal with popular appeal. It is a drama played out on their television screens, on the Internet, and in their newspapers. Its beginning is a little fuzzy on the facts, and its conclusion is often drawn out. Nonetheless, its characters display vices and virtues, their actions allow for catharsis, and their stories add colour to politics something that remains for many a grey and featureless landscape. Wulff has reportedly sought respite in a monastery after stress-induced health problems caused him to be hospitalised. Gauck, meanwhile, enjoys a reported 69 per cent public approval rating.

There is a tide in the affairs of men Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune We must take the current where it serves, or lose our ventures. Julius Caesar [4.2.295]
Nicholas Findlater is in his fourth year of a Bachelor of Laws/Bachelor of International and Global Studies degree, having majored in Government and International Relations.

World Economic Forum on Fotopedia (CC-NC)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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TIME FOR A

NEW SOLUTION?
Lucia Osborne-Crowley investigates a welcome shift in leadership that may provide a new perspective on how to save the eurozone.
Jmayrault from Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

RANCOIS Hollandes triumph in the recent French presidential election marks an historic shift in the right-wing political climate that has spread across Europe since the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. Since the crash, Europe has witnessed increasingly extreme rightwing policies, particularly on economic issues. A clear example has been the severe austerity measures implemented throughout Europe in an attempt to recover from the crisis. As the situation worsens across the continent, however, it seems that this political direction may be changing. The defeat of ring-wing French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, and the election of left-wing social democrat, Francois Hollande, illustrate that the French, at least, are looking for a new solution to the grave economic difficulties which France now faces. Hollandes presidential campaign centred on policies that have long been unfamiliar in France, a country that has not elected a left-wing leader in 17 years. The campaigns platforms included tax rates of up to 75 per cent for top income earners, a lowering of the retirement age, and, most importantly, staunch opposition to the severe austerity measures that have been proposed and implemented throughout Europe in response to the debt crisis. These policies, when viewed in light of Sarkozys increasingly extreme rightwing economic and social policies, made for a highly polarised electoral process. Sarkozy, presumably attempting to win more of the far-right vote that revealed itself in Marine Le Pens success in the primary round of voting, promoted European austerity and incited antiimmigration sentiment throughout the later stages of his campaign. Clearly, then, Hollandes victory against Sarkozy will have profound and widespread implications not only for France, but also for the political and August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

economic future of the Eurozone, as it may mark the beginning of the end of the right-wing policies that have dominated the region since 2008. Notably, however, Sarkozy became one of 11 European leaders of varying political persuasions to lose office since the crisis. This signals that Europeans are democratically expressing their dissatisfaction with the economic solutions governments have presented to them. Hollande will commence his term faced with an almost unmanageable scale of national debt, and unemployment rates at a high of almost 10 percent. His actions and strategies in the coming months will be crucial. Of great significance is the impact Hollandes leadership will have on Frances relationship with Germany and its Chancellor, Angela Merkel. Merkel had a very close political relationship with Sarkozy, and together the nations had negotiated an economic rescue plan that may now fall apart without Hollandes support. Merkel expressly favoured Sarkozy in the recent election, as their economic policies aligned and she perceived that together they stood a good chance of resolving their respective debt crises. The question remains how the two countries will approach the crisis in Europe now that the leaders stand at odds in their views on an appropriate economic solution. Hollande has vowed to fight back against Germanys austerity model and to transform the European response to the debt crisis in his own image. In fact, Hollande has stated that his first act as President will be to convince Germany to renegotiate the budget discipline pact to include a significant clause on growth as a means of redirecting the regions strategy on the debt crisis. Angela Merkel responded

to this by re-emphasizing that the agreed fiscal pact, which of course includes measures to stimulate economic growth, is not negotiable. The outcome of the debates surrounding this issue, which will be sure to occur in coming months, will be pivotal for the future of the Eurozone. Whilst Merkels strong attachment to austerity measures requires large cuts in spending as a means of combating the debt problem, Hollande promises to avoid such stringent measures and focus rather on stimulus spending to encourage economic growth. Hollande announced that austerity need not be Europes fate. Merkel may not be able to defend the austerity-based rescue plan against such strong resistance from France, and already has shown some signs of recognising a need to compromise by announcing that progress may be achievable through solid finances plus growth. It seems, then, that Hollandes election may signal a restructuring of the European solution, particularly if Frances anti-austerity sentiment is replicated in the rest of the continent. A simultaneous expression of discontent with the austerity-led approach to solving the crisis prevailed in the Greek federal election, which though it has not yet decided which party should lead Greece through the uncertainty of the coming years certainly revealed that

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voters had changed their attitude towards the current approach to the crisis. By withholding votes from the major political parties and swinging instead towards the elections more extreme choice of parties (including extremenationalists Golden Dawn and far-left Syriza, both of which promised an end to austerity), the public clearly announced that they would no longer tolerate the extreme austerity measures that have dominated Greeces fiscal policy in the last two years.

Hollandes election may signal a restructuring of the European solution, particularly if Frances anti-austerity sentiment is replicated.
However, the parties that won votes by rejecting austerity measures must still form a functional coalition before they can begin governing and thus introducing reform, which is another issue that emphasises the difficulty of solving such a grave crisis. Economists have stated, however, that the publics shift towards left-wing solutions in France and increasingly strong anti-austerity sentiment in Greece will finally necessitate a welcome restructuring of Europes economic rescue plan. This comes in the wider context of growing recognition within European countries that the austerity measures that have been championed as the best way to solve the debt crisis have had little success, and often negative side effects. The focus on austerity was intended to settle investors concerns about lending to countries with such formidable debt in relation to their prospective economic

output. However, the measures required to do this in an effective manner were extreme. Budget cuts have extended to higher taxes and serious reductions in social welfare programs and cannot boast positive outcomes that outweigh the negative impacts of such extreme budget cutting. As the Zones economy struggles more and more under this doctrine, the public has become increasingly skeptical of its merit, a growing sentiment that has culminated in the results of France and Greeces federal elections. It seems that, in light of a second default for Greece seeming increasingly likely, and unemployment rates rising to a record high of 10.9 per cent across Europe, the stakes have been raised and, thus, the anti-austerity tide is strengthening. The question remains, however, whether there is a better option. Hollande is proposing to increase spending immediately in order to adopt a stimulusbased approach to solving the crisis. His plans to increase spending also involve an immediate surge in investment in infrastructure and small business as a means of stimulating the economy in the long term. To counter this proposed significant increase in spending, Hollande plans to dramatically increase taxes imposed on the wealthy. Outstanding issues and concerns remain over whether these mechanisms to keep the deficit under control will be sufficient when compared with the proposed increases in spending, and when compounded with the debt the nation already faces. Hollande will have to bear in mind the consequences faced by Greece and Ireland when their respective borrowing costs became unmanageable. France must avoid seeking a similar bailout, but also clearly must restructure

its economic approach. Hollandes proposal could in fact mark an important change in European policy that could be the key to solving, or at least alleviating, the crisis. It now seems increasingly likely that Merkel will agree to revise the fiscal pact to include some of Hollandes policies. The two announced that they will release joint proposals at the European Union summit this year, which will involve new growth measures being added to the agreement. Merkel has shown that she is willing to concede on issues such as flexibility regarding the use of European Union structural aid and investment in infrastructure, transportation and energy. If the nations are able to come to an agreement that comprehensively includes Hollandes growth measures, it could potentially be very successful in stimulating Europes economy. However, this relies on the German and other European governments recognising that any minimal growth measures will likely not be effective in regards to countries in the depths of very serious recession such as Greece, and that a larger restructuring may be required. While the exact consequences of Hollandes forceful repudiation of austerity measures and the corresponding shift in public opinion that put Hollande in office are still unclear, it is certain that, as the debt crisis worsens, the Eurozone desperately needs a new means of solving it. We can only hope that Hollandes new perspective can help the European Union to collectively devise a workable solution.

Lucia Osborne-Crowley is in her third year of a Bachelor of International and Global Studies.

Suzan Black on Fotopedia (CC BY 3.0)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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eGuide Travel from Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

PNGS BIG MEN

Lachlan Gell explores the continuing leadership struggle in Papua New Guinea.

OR those familiar with Papua New Guineas dysfunctional and often tumultuous political culture, the recent leadership struggle has been as disappointing as it is unsurprising. For 10 months, the damaging struggle has left the country with two Prime Ministers, two Cabinets, two Governors-General, and at one point during a failed mutiny attempt two Military Commanders. While the political impasse has fortunately not escalated into full-scale violence, the future of the countrys fragile democracy

depends largely on the success of its national elections scheduled for June 2012. The struggle began when former Prime Minister and 75 year old veteran, Sir Michael Somare, left PNG in March last year to receive treatment for a heart condition. Having remained out of the country for five months, Parliament declared Somares position vacant in August, and swore in Peter ONeill as the new leader of Government. Upon Somares return to Port Moresby in December, a Supreme Court ruling declared ONeills Government to be illegal and ordered the restoration of his predecessor. The decision pitched the Judiciary squarely against the Legislature. With a large majority in Parliament, and significant popular support, ONeill 22 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

refused to honour the courts ruling and instead passed retrospective legislation rendering the change of government legal. On 19 December, Somare sought to break the ensuing political stalemate by publicly calling upon the military to adhere to the court ruling and restore his Government. The mutiny was a failure. Since December, the constitutionally illegitimate ONeill Government has, curiously, been recognised by Australia and the international community as politically legitimate, despite Somares protest that the upheaval was a bloodless coup. Although Somare has sent out conflicting indicators regarding his ambitions to contest this years national election, Mr ONeill, whose Government is riding on an election promise to provide free education, is likely to secure victory. But if there was initial enthusiasm for the fresh look of ONeills Government in a country that usually sees over half of its Members of Parliament replaced at elections, such confidence has subsequently been eroded. ONeill has invested MPs with extended emergency powers aimed at weakening the Judiciary, and has passed the controversial Judicial Conduct Act, which allows the Government to suspend judges. Although both laws have been stayed in court, in both March and May this year, ONeills Government has made two outrageous attempts to arrest the Chief Justice, Sir Salamo Injia, for sedition. Despite these attempts, the Chief Justice remains on the bench, and the Courts ruling that the ousting of Somare was invalid still stands. In late April, a national strike organized by the major trade unions was narrowly averted when the ONeill Government guaranteed that elections would proceed as scheduled at the end of June. The strike was mobilized in response to a motion passed by Parliament earlier that month deferring the five-year elections by six months. Although critics of the motion declared it a breach of constitutional process, MPs have continued to argue for deferral in light of the volatile law and order situation existing in parts of the

country. While the ONeill Government has just recently announced a troop callout to the Southern Highlands, in the neighbouring Enga province to the north, reports have surfaced that an MP is allegedly arming himself in preparation for the June election. The planned strike, along with two peaceful protests in Port Moresby since March, are evidence of a young, urban population clearly fed up with the ruling elites reputation for corruption, intimidation and economic incompetence. Improved telecommunication infrastructure and the rising popularity of social media websites are believed to have been major contributors to the organization and strength of the demonstrations. Citizens are becoming more aware. For the first time, theres great demand for good leadership and accountability, says Alphonse Gelu, the registrar of PNGs Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates Commission. Theres an unprecedented amount of action by civil society groups and trade unions, taking stands against Government decisions. But despite this more active, emboldened citizenry, the national election represents a serious test for the Pacific Islands ambitions to stabilize the current political quagmire. Many islands and mountain villages remain unreachable save by air travel, and besides the persistent threat of campaign instability and violence, the electoral roll is often left incomplete, names are doubled or forged, and bribery before polling is rife. The upcoming elections also represent a significant challenge for Australia, which has traditionally held a significant security role in the region and is set to provide assistance for the election. Although the Foreign Minister, Bob Carr, has urged that an election take place as quickly as possible, one local electoral Governor Powes Parkes provides a grim reminder that patience, not expediency, must be the order of the day if PNGs current political instability is to be resolved: Australia has to realize that people die during an election year in PNGwe want the election to be conducted on time so that our people exercise their rights, [but] we must make sure that the process is up to it so that we reduce the possibility of people dying. Lachlan Gell is in his fourth year, studying a Bachelor of Arts (Hons)/Law.

INTERNATIONAL LAW

IGNITE THE POSSIBLE sydney.edu.au/law

Sydney Law School is a powerhouse for critical legal thinking. It attracts academics of the highest calibre from the most reputed universities across the globe, and fosters an environment where academic enquiry and rigour is actively nurtured and encouraged. My study has enabled me to learn from experts in public international law, challenged my thinking and greatly supported my professional development. Sashika Jayewardene, Master of Laws (LLM)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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A portrait of a monk in Amarapura, central Burma. In late 2007, a peaceful protest by Burmese monks was brutally put down by the military junta government.

A TURNING POINT FOR BURMA?

Drew Rooke reflects on the changes taking place in Burma.

URMA is at a critical juncture. Wedged between India and Thailand, the country has been shrouded in political controversy for much of its recent history and has been largely closed off from the West. In 1988 a number of pro-democratic demonstrations were brutally put down by the military-junta government. In 1990, the situation worsened as the government refused to cede power to the National League for Democracy (NLD) who had achieved an overwhelming victory in the elections of that year. Even more recently, the Saffron Revolution of 2007 which involved a series of anti-government protests led by Burmese Buddhist monks was put down harshly yet again by the military. However, since 2008, the government has gradually been embarking on a series of democratic reforms. The NLD, and their leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, have been allowed a growing presence throughout the country, censorship of the press and internet has been relaxed, hundreds of political prisoners have been released and the economy is opening up to the world market. August 2012 || TheSydneyGlobalist August 2012 TheSydneyGlobalist

Yet, the motive behind these reforms is unknown and there is international debate as to whether they signal the beginning of genuine change in Burma. Whilst the reforms are definitely significant, ethnic conflict still plagues the northern and western parts of the country, there are reports of numerous human rights violations still occurring, and the Burmese people remain very impoverished. Whether these reforms continue or not will determine the path that Burma goes down in the coming years. It may transform into a genuine democracy and an emerging Asian economy, or it may retreat back to the stage of oppression and violence that has come to characterise the country in past years. Outside the NLD headquarters in Yangon last year, Aung San Suu Kyi said to me that, I have so many hopes for Burma. Hopefully, for the sake of the Burmese people, these hopes for democracy become a reality. Drew Rooke is currently completing a Bachelor of Arts (Media and Communications). He spent one month in Burma last December.

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Children walk barefoot in the central market of Dala. Burma is the poorest country in South East Asia, with 32% of the population living in poverty. Endemic government corruption and a failure of the government to support its citizens are major reasons for this - in the 2011 budget, the Burmese government allocated only 5.4 percent of funds for the health and education sectors combined.

An open air produce market on 22nd Street in downtown Yangon. This is one of many in the countrys largest city. Being largely shut off from the world for so long has meant that life in Burma remains very traditional.

A local monk watches the city go by as he rides the Yangon train line. The Burmese people are hoping for further democratic reforms and freedoms, but are still constrained by the oppressive military government.

A lady selling fried noodles to Burmese military officials on a train in Hsipaw, northern Burma. The Burmese military, even with the recent reforms, maintain a very privileged position in Burma.

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 25 25 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

BRINGING SERBIA

BACK TO EUROPE
Nikola Popovic explores how Serbia is casting aside its sovereignty for economic integration.
Jepoirrier from Flickr (CC BY-SA 3.0)

INCE the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, Serbia has continuously struggled to prevent its autonomous region, Kosovo, from asserting political independence. After centuries of bloody conflict over the territory, Serbia is now hoping to lay the dispute to rest and join the European Union (EU). As a precondition for Serbia acceding to the EU, 22 of the 27 EU member states have urged the Serbian Government to recognise Kosovos independence. It is now recognised as an independent state by over 80 countries, including Australia. However, Kosovo is still regarded by most Serbian citizens as an integral part of their territory, given its significance as a cultural and religious centre, often dubbed the Jerusalem of Serbia. Nevertheless, whilst the reintegration of Kosovo is still on the political agenda, changes have swept through Serbia since the Democratic Revolution of 2000, which saw the end of the anti-separatist Milosevic regime and the subsequent enforcement of EU demands for regional stability. For many Serbian citizens, the Presidential victory of right wing and pro-Russian leader Tomislav Nikolic on 20 May 2012 offers a fresh direction for Serbias future, hopefully as an EU member state. Yet, recent Serbian politics has not always appeared so hopeful. As a member of the ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, Nikolic opposed the EU for almost a decade. In subsequently forming the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), he came to appreciate the popular appeal in the EUs ability to fight corruption and improve economic management in its member states. Democratization and justice Two key processes have shaped Serbias recent democratization and liberalization. First is the influence of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a private organisation funded by the U.S. State Department, in the democratic revolution of 2000 and the

International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Both have liberalised the mindset of politicians and eroded Serbias sovereignty as a whole. The NED invested millions of dollars to promote Serbias path towards democracy. In particular, it funded the underground youth opposition group OTPOR (Resistance) which demonstrated and rallied against Milosevics regime in the 2000s. This became a stepping stone for Serbias evolving political environment. The ruling Democratic Party (DS) emerged reinvigorated by the chaotic protests and advocated pro-democratic reforms and EU integration. In fact, many of the OTPOR members joined DS to help Serbia adopt a Western model of social and political organisation.

Whilst the reintegration of Kosovo is still on the political agenda, changes have swept through Serbia since the Democratic Revolution of 2000.
A condition for Serbias integration into the EU includes cooperating with the ICTY in The Hague. With the assistance of the Serbian Government, the ICTY has now successfully indicted Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic. The extradition of these wartime generals demonstrates the Governments determination to end its war torn past and highlights Serbias commitment to joining the EU. Nevertheless, whilst the Hague Tribunal promotes justice for past crimes in the former Yugoslavia, many analysts believe that it is an attack on Serbian nationhood. Marko Gasic, of the Serbian Information Centre, regards it as an unjust political instrument and a Kangaroo Court that targets Serbian sovereignty. The Economy Secondly, EU economic integration

policies and pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank to reform the economy have improved economic growth, but at the cost of economic control. The EU has been providing incentives to Serbia as part of their wider integration program in the Western Balkans. A 2008 agreement with the EU reduced tariff barriers and increased other mutual economic activity. Just months before the May 2012 election, Serbia finally gained EU candidacy: formalizing and beginning a process of harmonising its economic rules. Since the 2000s, Serbian politicians have welcomed such incentives and treaties as a source of fresh election promises, allowing them to offer a sense of optimism to Serbian citizens. The IMF has also shaped the structure of the Serbian economy. Structural adjustment policies in Yugoslavia during the early 1990s led to the painful privitisation of 1000 companies, mostly located in Serbia. After the break up of Yugoslavia, Serbia has continued to accept such policies. For example, in the wake of the Eurozone crisis in 2009, Serbia accepted an IMF loan of 3 billion ($A3.7 billion) to stabilise the depreciating dinar and assist with the construction of EU-quality infrastructure. Whilst improving the economic outlook thus far, the acceptance of these foreignimposed economic conditions will inevitably undermine Serbias ability to independently oversee its own development in future. The long list of conditions required for joining the EU will affect all elements of Serbian society and the economy. However, as Serbia is being asked by the EU to forsake its sacred Kosovo, it is uncertain whether the Governments accession to foreign demands will be politically tenable for a population already facing tough economic times. Nikola Popovic is in her second year of a Bachelor of International and Global Studies.

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PARADISE
O
N 8 April 2012, Pakistani President, Asif Ali Zardari, became the first Pakistani head of state to visit the Indian capital in seven years. Even though it was a private visit, leaders of both nations acknowledged the significance of it in improving bilateral relations between India and Pakistan. Y et, after another joint press statement that seemed to carry no substance, it has become imperative to realistically assess the foreign policy obstacles that lie ahead for the two nations. The long-term obstacle is the Kashmir issue, while the short-term obstacle includes accusations by the Indian government of militants taking refuge in Pakistan. Firstly, let us turn to the long-term obstacle of the conflict in Kashmir. It is part of folklore that Mughal Emperor Jehangir, citing Persian poet Amir Khusrau, said this of Kashmir: Agar firdaus bar roo-e zameen ast, Hameen ast-o hammen ast-o hameen ast (translation: If there is paradise on earth, it is here, it is here, it is here). However, this paradise is hardly a welcoming sight these days: its aesthetic beauty proving to be a dark camouflage to an ever-rising death toll. The Kashmir conflict remains unresolved after more than six decades and is perhaps the major reason for the nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan. Pakistan. Unable to decide, he signed a standstill agreement between India and Pakistan, maintaining Kashmirs neutrality. There are two opposing views of what happened next, which continue to be propagated by the governments of India and Pakistan. The official view maintained by the Indian Government is that, in October 1947, Pakistan initiated unrest in Srinagar, the current capital of Kashmir. As a result, Hari Singh had to appeal to the Indian government for military assistance. He consequently signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding Kashmir to India on 26 October 1947. The Pakistani Government officially maintains Hari Singh was coerced into signing the Instrument of Accession, which they claim was fraudulent. According to this narrative, the Indian Government falsely implicated Pakistan in initiating unrest, however the actual source was the locals themselves, who wished to be a part of Pakistan rather than India. Whichever view one might hold, the reality is that, today, Kashmir is divided into three parts: Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK, also known as Azad (liberated) Kashmir), Indian held Kashmir, and the region of Aksai Chin, which has allegedly been illegally occupied by China. Interestingly, however, the war over Kashmir has less to do with territory and more to do with how India and Pakistan, as nation-states, perceived their identities after partition. Pakistan saw itself as an abode for the Muslims of South Asia while, India modelled itself as a secular nation. Therefore, for Pakistan it became imperative that the largely Muslim population of Kashmir saw a home in Pakistan. The Indian government, however, realised that if Kashmir became a part of Pakistan, it would be a direct threat to the secular image of India, with separatist forces leading the to the disintegration of the country based on religious factions. Secondly, let us focus on the short

A DANGEROUS

Virat Nehru explores the issues behind the Kashmiri conflict and the future of Indo-Pakistan relations.
term obstacle regarding accusations of militants taking refuge in Pakistan. Indias national security and intelligence agency, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), claimed to have definitive proof that Pakistans Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) aided Pakistan-based militants who were responsible for the 2008 Mumbai attacks. This view was supported by S.M. Krishna, the Indian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who publicly threatened to release the alleged evidence to the United Nations unless Pakistan agreed to extradite the suspects to India. The situation was further complicated when the U.S. Government placed a bounty of $U.S.10 million ($A10.9 million) on Hafiz Mohammad Saeed the primary suspect in the orchestration of the Mumbai attacks, who was last seen in Pakistan by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in March 2012. How the conflict in Kashmir is resolved, along with Pakistans reaction to accusations of propagating militancy, will undoubtedly have a significant impact in shaping the future of Indo-Pak relations. These relations currently appear bleak at best, much like the countless words of hollow comfort that have permeated the past six decades of the relationship between India and Pakistan. Virat Nehru is currently in his second year of a Bachelor of Arts/Bachelor of Laws, majoring in Media & Communication, and Philosophy.

The war over Kashmir has less to do with territory and more to do with how India and Pakistan, as nation-states, perceived their identities after partition.
The origins of the conflict date back to the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. According to the partition plan set out under the Indian Independence Act of 1947, Kashmir was free to accede to India or Pakistan. At the time, Hindu monarch, Maharaja Hari Singh, ruled Kashmir, whereas the majority of the population of Kashmir was Muslim, thus leading to his indecision whether to join India or

Prabhu B from Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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CATHOLICISM IN SOUTH AMERICA

Fabian Di Lizia and Ina Hoxha explore the decline of Catholicism in Latin America under the papacy of Benedict XVI.
Mattito from Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

THE BLIND HOLY SEE:

following Benedicts recent trip to Cuba and Mexico in late March 2012: the first during his tenure. The challenge for Benedict was to arrest the rapid decline of Catholicism in Latin America and to reintegrate the region with the Vaticans vision. The growing religious void, filled by the rise of secularism and a plurality of alternative faiths, has made the task difficult. This new religious landscape has challenged the traditional role of the Church in the region, which Latin American academic expert Professor Daniel Levine sees as wielding a great degree of moral and social authority within the boundaries of a defined national territory. Catholicism: Past and Present Catholicisms monopoly of the religious field in Latin America began to decline towards the end of the 20th century. Ascending to the papacy in 2005, Benedict faced two adversaries: the rise of secularism and the emergence of Pentecostal churches seeking to provide a rejuvenating substitute for Catholicism. Benedicts first destination on his trip earlier this year was Mexico, the second largest Catholic nation in the world. Yet the faithful are rapidly decreasing. In 1970, 96 per cent of Mexicans identified as Catholic, whereas by 2000, the numbers had dropped to 88 per cent. The last decade has recorded the sharpest decline, however, down to 82 per cent. Secular trends are also emerging in the Mexican public sphere, elucidating the rapid decline of Catholicism in the country. In Mexico, 3.1 per cent of people readily identify as Atheist and this number is currently increasing at a rate of 5.2 per cent a year. These have been reflected in changing social and political norms, including decisions to legalize gay marriage and abortion by some provincial governments and ongoing debates on euthanasia. In Cuba, Benedicts second destination, only 10 per cent of the population currently identifies as Catholic. The rise of secularism can clearly be observed on

HE rule of the Roman Catholic Church in Latin America has recently been proclaimed dead. The leadership transition from Pope John Paul II to Pope Benedict XVI has greatly undermined the Churchs power and influence in a region where it has traditionally flourished. During his leadership, Pope John Paul II developed a strong presence for the Church in the region but failed to consolidate Catholicism at large. Benedict has made little further progress, hampered by his perceived Eurocentric approach, ignorance of clerical abuse, and restated criticism of Liberation Theology. The role of Catholicism in Latin America has come under scrutiny

the island as 85 per cent of the population had followed the Vatican prior to Castros Communist regime. Conversely, Pentecostalism has been surging in Latin America since the 1950s. Catholicisms failure to change and adapt its doctrines has seen it decline in relevance for many ordinary Latin Americans. Pentecostalism is seen as an antidote to Catholicisms outdated practices and values, with its vivacious music and greater emphasis on personal expression capturing many individuals. While Brazilians have most readily adopted this strand of Christianity, Mexico and Cuba also have growing contingents. The Cuban Council of Churches estimates there are 800,000 Pentecostal believers on the island. Although Mexico has a Pentecostal base of about 3 per cent, it is also increasing rapidly. Overall, Latin America contains about 160 million Pentecostals, illustrating the success of the alternative churches that have emerged in the decline of Catholicism. Attempts at Resurrection To a limited extent, Benedict was able to generate increased support for Catholicism through two strategic actions. In his recent visit, he primarily positioned himself as empathetic with the fears and struggles of everyday people. Moreover, he strengthened diplomatic and political ties with government leaders. In Mexico, Benedict attempted to re-establish the Catholic Church as a moral leader and a mechanism for social reconciliation and healing, as well as a spiritual antidote for daily struggles. He called upon Latin American governments to take more action on drugs and urged Mexicans to turn away from the rampant materialism he sees as the root of social problems such as drug violence. Reports of Benedicts visit to the region of Guanajuato suggest that his leadership and presence remains inspiring. Whilst an opinion poll conducted by Demotecnia prior to the visit suggested that 75 per cent of Mexicans were less interested in Benedicts visit than Pope John Paul IIs visits, when he arrived in Lon, a 32km

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August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

corridor of worshippers welcomed him as a Mexican. Benedict cleverly tailored his message in Cuba to further promote the status of the Church. He denounced the American trade embargo, almost acting as a voice for the people in suggesting that it causes much plight for everyday Cubans. Moreover, he called on the Government to grant its citizens greater personal and religious freedoms. Benedict was also careful to develop highly important diplomatic ties with government leaders that would advance the interests of the Church. He was seen to be liaising cordially with Castro and other top Cuban officials. Similarly, in Mexico, Pope Benedict was seen to be closely relating to Mexican President, Felipe Caldern. These diplomatic ties will be useful as the Church seeks to consolidate its interests at a socio-political level in Mexico, especially in public policy. Catholicisms Crises Catholicism has faced a variety of challenges in Latin America in recent years. The clerical abuse scandal has crippled the Church globally. Whilst its history is irreversible, the Church has faced much criticism for its lack of accountability with the issue and failure to properly reconcile past wrongs. Such an approach alienates Catholics who have suffered from abuse and projects a negative image of secrecy to nonCatholics. Benedicts failure to deal with the clerical abuse issue was manifest most clearly in Mexico. On the eve of his visit, a book entitled The Will Not to Know, written by abuse victim Juan Barba, was published. The work details the abuse by former priest Marcial Maciel and expands on local knowledge that Maciel not only abused seminarians, but also fathered three children by two different women. Benedict denounced Maciel in 2010, but has failed to apologise and reconcile with victims. This has left a crisis of confidence with the Church and disillusioned many Latin Americans. Benedicts recent Eurocentrism has also damaged the Church in the region, disenfranchising a large portion of Latin American Catholics and entrenching the sense of discord with the Vatican. Benedicts recent visit may have improved the Churchs position but broader structural issues in the Church remain unchanged. This was manifest in February 2012, a month before Pope Benedicts

trip, when 22 new cardinals were appointed. Only one cardinal was Latin American the Brazilian, Joao de Aviz fuelling the Churchs Eurocentric image. Such appointments disallow sufficient liaison and connection with Latin America, sending the message that the Church cares little for the region. Additionally, Benedicts denunciation of Liberation Theology is a doctrinal shift that has contributed to Catholicisms deterioration and hinders its regrowth, particularly in Latin America. Liberation Theology has historically been a seminal component of the regions Catholicism. It places strong emphasis on Biblical calls for social justice and emancipation of the oppressed, and was championed by martyrs like Oscar Romero. Liberation Theology has recently regained strong socio-political relevance in Latin America. The most prominent example is in Paraguay, where former Catholic bishop Fernando Lugo mobilized a large part of the population on Liberation Theology. In 2008, this resulted in his election as President. Similar Catholicleftist movements are gaining palpable political gravitas in Brazil, Bolivia and Ecuador. Benedicts rejection of Liberation Theology as heresy on a number of occasions has perpetuated the division in Catholicism between the rich center of the Vatican and the daily hardships in many parts of Latin America. Filling the Void: Alternatives to Catholicism The leadership transition from Pope John Paul II to Benedict failed to consolidate the ailing position of the Church in the region and to reintegrate it with the vision of the Vatican. Essentially, the poor leadership and limited inspiration offered by Catholicism has given way to competition and hence a plurality of religions filling the void. Secularism has also risen rapidly in Latin America. This is particularly evident in Cuba where more than 60 per cent of the population were baptised Catholic but only 5 per cent actively practice the religion. Increasingly liberal religious policies in the region have also reflected the growing discontent amongst the once faithful population. Whilst secularism is clearly on the rise, the full impacts of this religious change on the social and political structures of Latin America remain to be seen. As mentioned earlier, Pentecostalism is another force that has sought to fill

the religious void in Latin America. Its churches have proliferated greatly and are competing vigorously with Catholicism. Many academic experts have linked the rise of Pentecostalism with the attacks on liberation-minded Catholics and the increasing desire for greater religious and personal freedoms in Latin America. The Churchs leadership change has not been able to recapture any of the faithful it has lost. The image of Catholicism perpetuated by Benedict in his recent visit failed to garner hope and inspiration for Latin Americans, and thus failed to recapture the religious void in the region, leaving room for other religious and non-religious movements. Fabian Di Lizia is in his second year of a Bachelor of Arts (Media and Communications)/Bachelor of Laws, majoring in Government and International Relations. Ina Hoxha is in her third year of a Bachelor of International and Global Studies, majoring in Government and International Relations and History.

Catholic Church (England and Wales) from Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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DISAVOWING THE REAL OF THE IMPLICATIONS

THE MAO MODEL
BO XILAI SCANDAL

Helen Xue explores the ramifications of Bo Xilais downfall and its impact on the future of Chinese politics.

Lanfranch from Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

HE fall of Bo Xilai on the eve of a once-in-a-decade leadership change in China will be remembered as a watershed moment in Chinese politics. The abrupt dismissal of Bo from power is confirmation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has once and for all rejected its Maoist, socialist historical roots in favour of a more moderate and democratic state of governance. Bo Xilai was a political star. A princeling within Chinese politics, he is the son of a legendary comrade of Mao Zedong from the 1949 revolution and served as the Party Secretary of Chongqing. Whilst it appeared that Bo was guaranteed a place on the exclusive Standing Committee of the Politburo in the leadership changeover in October, he was stripped of all political power in early April this year. Many have attributed Bos demise to the soap-operatic events of his personal life. Bos right-hand man, Wang Lijun, fled to the U.S. embassy in February, claiming he had evidence implicating Bo in the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood. Bos wife, Gu Kailai, has been arrested for Heywoods murder. Allegations of corruption, such as Bos ability to afford his sons overseas education at Harrow, Oxford and Harvard on a modest party officials salary, have dominated much of the discussion on this subject. Yet these sensational scandals threaten to overshadow the real reasons behind his political demise. It is indeed true that Bos personal scandals have been the source of much chagrin for the CCP. However, one is forced to wonder whether his private blunders alone would have warranted his removal from power, particularly during such a sensitive period in the lead-up to the leadership transition. In an age where corruption still runs rampant among the Chinese political elite, Bo is certainly August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

not the first, nor will he be the last corrupt party member to violate party discipline. So why did the CCP target Bo in particular? The answer becomes very clear if one examines Bos political ideology. As the figurehead of the New Left movement in Chinese politics, Bos political career was marked by attempts to reignite Cultural Revolutionary fervour through the implementation of the Chongqing Model. Campaigns such as dahei (smashing the black criminal activities), changing (singing red songs from the Maoist era) and minsheng (the promotion of distributive social and economic policies), became defining features of Bos policies in Chongqing. By resurrecting Mao-style politics, Bo presented the CCP with a legitimate opportunity to re-embrace its historical roots and re-establish socialism as the dominant party ideology. However, this was undermined severely by the flaws within the Chongqing Model. It is now well established that Bos anti-mafia campaigns enabled the strategic removal of his political enemies through torture, falsified charges, and imprisonment, with no regard for the law or human rights. Victims of these campaigns include some of the wealthiest individuals in Chongqing, and their persecution was legitimised by Bos ultra-egalitarian policies. Under Bos leadership, Chongqing was descending into the lawless ochlocracy that fueled the humanitarian disaster that was the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Thus, the persecution of Bo Xilai was not motivated by the murder of a foreigner or the deflection of political embarrassment. Instead, it marked a significant decision made by the CCP to firmly and completely reject any possibility of returning to a Maoist, socialist state. Bos downfall is therefore

singlehandedly informed by his political ideology and policies, which were not only archaic but fundamentally incompatible with the future direction of the CCP. This is echoed by the sentiments of Premier, Wen Jiabao, as he warned of the dangers of falling back into the historic tragedy of the Cultural Revolution, shortly before Bo was fired from the Politburo.

Bo is certainly not the first, nor will he be the last corrupt party member.
The manner in which the CCP has handled the Bo Xilai scandal demonstrates an improvement from the traditional opacity of Chinese politics. The CCPs new emphasis on the need for transparent accountability will allow the party to maintain checks on individual power under the purview of the law. The CCP has therefore created a precedent through the removal of Bo from power, which has raised the expectation of the Chinese people that persecution of corruption within the party will continue. This is the first step towards constitutional reforms and change within the Chinese legal system, as well as the CCP. Vowing to bring Bo to justice marks the beginning of a great change in the CCP, which privileges more progressive and moderate state development over Chinas socialist historical foundations. It also proves that even the most authoritarian and inflexible regimes are capable of adaptation and change. Therefore, the downfall of Bo Xilai assumes epochal significance in its implications for the future direction of the CCP, and provides many reasons to remain hopeful and optimistic for Chinas political future. Helen Xue is in her second year of a combined Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws.

30

THE GREAT FIRE WALL OF CHINA

Deborah White explores online activism in China and its threat to the Chinese Communist Party.
Whether we can cope with the Internet is a matter that affects the development of socialist culture, the security of information, and the stability of the state. President Hu Jintao. an investigation where Zhou was found guilty of accepting bribes and was subsequently imprisoned. These local complaints are generally tolerated, unlike protests that call for the upheaval of the overall regime. Such protests include those of renowned blogger Ran Yunfei, who was arrested for advocating the Jasmine Revolution. Thus, so long as online protests target men rather than principles, a revolutionary challenge to the regime remains unlikely. The Decentralisation of Online Activism Online activism does not pose a serious threat to the regime, as protests are often episodic and reactive to local and individual grievances. Rarely are they directed at the national Government. As it is difficult to instigate collective action for-non-exclusive public goods such as free speech, Chinese public opinion is compartmentalised into localand individual grievances that do not challenge the CCP regime overall, but instead seek immediate and material concessions such as welfare provisions. The limited social composition and territorial reach of online protests means that there is no significant organisational focus, whether manifested in a political party, unifying leader or social movement, that has evidently emerged to challenge CCP leadership. Whilst netizens have heightened Government accountability, the CCP has strategically divided state power to shift political blame from the toplevel-authorities to lower-level officials, thereby protecting the legitimacy of the regime. There is a general perception that the central Government is unaware of local corruption. The ideological basis of protests are largely supportive of the regime, echoing state endorsed principles such as social welfare rather than advocating alternative principles such as democratic representation. While the Internet is breaking down the monopoly of information, the CCPs monopoly of power is largely retained. Networked Authoritarianism Deng Xiaoping states that one thing a revolutionary party needs to worry about is its inability to hear the voice of the people. The thing to be feared most is silence. The CCP has attempted to embrace and adapt to the challenges of the Internet through networked authoritarianism. In a networked authoritarian state, citizens are able to express their opinions. However, the Government will monitor and censor online content and use coercion and state powers to eliminate the formation of a viable opposition movement. The CCP has combined censorship with more proactive methods of controlled engagement such as launching an E-Parliament website where citizens can post policy suggestions to the National Peoples Congress. The website also hosts annual webchats between netizens and President, Hu Jintao. Through networked authoritarianism, the CCP is creating the impression that China is-liberalising. Yet, citizens abilities to engage in serious political dissent or organise movements that might challenge-the regime effectively has in fact diminished. Thus, both state and society are mutually empowered by the Internet, and the CCP has adapted to retain its authoritarian leadership both online and offline far better than Western media represents. Conclusion The reconfiguration of state-citizen interaction through the Internet has fostered a political evolution rather than revolution. While the Internet hascreated new avenues for citizens to voice their political opinions, online activism currently does not pose a serious threat to CCP leadership. State censorship, divided and localised protests, and Government strategies of networked authoritarianism have stifled the development of a viable oppositional movement to the CCP regime. Deborah White is studying a Bachelor of Laws / International & Global Studies.
Anderson Mancini from Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

ONTRARY to popular opinion that the Internet will democratise China, online activism does not pose a serious threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), as rigorous censorship, divided public opinion and networked authoritarianism has stifled the formation of an organised translocal opposition movement. Whilst the Internet has indeed enhanced civil participation in political issues, online activists lack the freedom, resources and unity to challenge the regime effectively. The Concession-Repression Dilemma The CCP faces a concession-repression dilemma as it extends the authoritarian tradition of censorship to the Internet. The CCP employs a sophisticated Great Firewall of China to monitor online postings for threatening language that may undermine a harmonious society. However, censorship in China is a Sisyphean struggle as not even an estimated 30,000 cyberpolice can keep up with 231 million bloggers. Whilst the Internet has certainly created greater avenues for-citizens to express dissatisfaction with the Government, the opportunity for netizens to vent their frustrations with the Government online can-in fact stabilise the CCP regime as it appeases the general population with a greater sense of empowerment without the Government actually making significant concessions. Thus, online activism can serve as a safety valve taking protests off the streets and into chatrooms. One blogger notes: If you talk everyday online and criticise the Government, they dont care But if you organise, thats what they [will] crack down on. Local bloggers in Nanjing posted complaints that former local official Zhou Jiugeng smoked expensive cigarettes that were too expensive for his salary. The online complaint led to

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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IRANS 2009 GREEN MOVEMENT REVISITED

Yeowatzup on Flickr (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Jahan Navidi revisits his previous work on Irans Green Movement and assesses its future amidst the regions historic leadership changes.

N 2009, at the height of the controversial Iranian elections that saw the most widespread protests in the Islamic Republics 30 year history, I wrote the lead article for the New Face of Power edition of The Sydney Globalist: The Technological Revolution: Freedom, Change and Democracy in Iran. Expressing deep admiration for the courage, perseverance and creativity of the protestors in challenging the allegedly fraudulent electoral results, I explored the emergence of a new kind of political dissent inspired by the phenomena of social media. Technologically armed with Twitter, Facebook and YouTube, the efforts of the Iranian protestors have largely been heralded as the precursor to the wave of leadership challenges and depositions of dictators in the Middle East in 2011. Almost three years since the uprisings, Irans leadership crisis, unlike those in Egypt and Tunisia, has failed to garner regime or leadership change. By contrast, in a continued and meticulous campaign August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

aimed at crushing dissent, the regime prima facie appears to have a stranglehold on power stronger now than ever in its 33year history.

necessarily Green in colour, remains a pertinent force and a significant thorn in the Islamic Republic that may eventually lead to its demise. Ahmadinejads Isolation Since his Election in 2009, Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a leader much criticised in Western media for his apparently provocative rhetoric, has become increasingly isolated. Ironically, his distance has not been prompted by so-called reformist figures, many of which have been gaoled, tortured or subjected to house arrest. Rather, political infighting has emerged between the more theocratic members of the Iranian regime loyal to the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and Ahmadinejad supporters, the former accusing Ahmadinejad of deviating from conservative Islam. As such, deep divisions have appeared amongst the ruling religious aristocracy. In 2009, it may have been difficult to foresee the strange turn of events

The Iranian Movement stands in a world of divided discourse and rhetoric surrounding an increasingly powerless man.
However, an analysis of Irans movement as having reached a considerable and meaningless plateau is far from accurate. A closer and more qualified inspection indicates that Irans progression into the depths of theocracy and totalitarianism has been coupled with the development of an even larger movement for broader social change. In a time of leadership changes and crises, Iran represents an anomaly of sorts, one that cannot be said to conform to the current wave of overt democratic movements throughout the Middle East. And yet the movement, whilst no longer

32

where those once loyal to Ahmadinejad abandoned his rhetoric in favour of a more extreme theocracy. The man lambasted in international media is also viewed by the religious elite within the country as dangerous, but for vastly different reasons. To the clerics, Ahmadinejad represents a threat to theocratic Islam. To everyday Iranians, Ahmadinejad reflects a barrier to achieving change and reform. To the Western world, Ahmadinejad is seen as a dangerous madman. It is hard to categorise where the Iranian Movement stands in a world of divided discourse and rhetoric surrounding an increasingly powerless man. In a blow to Ahmadinejads credibility, recent parliamentary elections saw the Iranian President fail to garner the support of the voting populace, giving way to the election of hard line individuals loyal to the Supreme Leader. Increasingly, Iranian conservatives have suggested that Ahmadinejads misgivings demonstrate the need to displace the position of President entirely. This would leave the Supreme Leader to rule every aspect of Iranian society. In the context of a movement towards greater theocracy, such a move would not be surprising. It would be a truer reflection of the facade of democracy the Iranian Constitution purports to promote and the reality of the subordination of the rule of law.

Further Suppression What does this political infighting amongst the ruling elite mean for the rest of Iranian society? The movement towards closer loyalty to the Supreme Leader has resulted in deeper efforts to clamp down on any political dissent. Arrests have increased. The threat of violence has suppressed any glimmer of public protest. Human rights activists, lawyers and so-called reformist politicians have been prevented from functioning within everyday society, and the security mechanisms of the country remain on high alert.

Rather, the regime is experiencing what scholar Ray Takeyh calls a deep crisis of legitimacy: a perpetual state of fear that the wounds of 2009 may reappear. And if Irans history in 1953 and 1979 is anything to go by, regimes are prone to eventual unravelling and collapse. The Future Ultimately, it is still difficult to predict where Irans movement is headed. Gone are the days where dissent is articulated through flagrant colours of opposition. Such protests have been suppressed through mass intimidation, show trials and torture. However, as long as the Iranian security apparatus continues to respond in such a ferocious manner, the movement of 2009 remains a relevant and active force. As the regime experiences increased political infighting and responds through greater suppression of the rule of law, the ideals of the Green movement lie beneath the surface of Iranian society. The seeds of social dissent have certainly been planted, but it is possible that in years to come the Arab Spring may have a distinctly Persian Winter. In a historic period of leadership transitions, serious trouble could be brewing for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Jahan Navidi is in his fifth and final year of a Combined Bachelor of Laws/Bachelor of International and Global Studies.

It is possible that in years to come the Arab Spring may have a distinctly Persian Winter.
Despite their deep divisions, the ruling conservatives remain united in their opposition to the movement and to the democratic rhetoric of 2009, where millions throughout Iran alleged widespread electoral fraud, and perhaps even the need for systemic change. But it is difficult to see the Iranian regimes increased security response as representing some form of stability within Iranian society, as the ruling elites would have observer believe. The suggestion that an increase in arrests and suppression of dissent represents a unified modern Iran is logically incongruent.

Jeff McNeil from Fotopedia (CC BY-SA 2.0)

TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012

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THE PEOPLES

AUTOCRACY
Natasha Burrows explores the orchestrated nature of leadership transition in Singapore.
Elfgo from Flickr (CC by SA 2.0)

HAT defines leadership transition in Singapore is not democratic elections but orchestrated nepotism, thus ensuring the continued success of the Peoples Action Party (PAP). Leadership transition in Singapore has been gradual and carefully manipulated by the PAP. Prime Minister Lee Kaun-Yew, the first Prime Minister of Singapore who is widely regarded as a paternal figure for the nation, stepped down in 1990 and paved the way for Prime Minister Goh Chok-Tong. A similar transition was coordinated in 2004, with current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong gaining office. Until 2011, both Lee Kuan-Yew and Goh Chok-Tong had official capacities in the Government as Minister Mentor and Senior Minister.

For this generation, economic success is not enough to legitimise the authoritarian practices of the PAP.
Lee Kuan-Yew is known as the father of Singapore. He has been described by influential political scientist, Samuel Huntington, as one of the most successful statesmen of the last century. He orchestrated Singapores transition from a struggling nation in 1965 to one of the most successful economies of Southeast Asia. The countrys success is directly credited to the PAP and has legitimised its authoritarian rule for the last 47 years. However the 2011 election saw the lowest result for the PAP since Independence in 1965. Due to electoral manipulation and the weakening of opposition parties, the PAP still won 81 of the 87 parliamentary seats and claimed 60 per cent of the popular vote. It is clear that the election results do not signal the end of the PAP in Singapore. However, given this is the lowest result for the PAP in its history, it does manifest a feeling of dissatisfaction with the PAP 34 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

by Singaporeans. Consequently, the result heralded a transition within the party, with former Prime Ministers Lee Kuan-Yew and Goh Chok-Tong stepping down to make way for a younger generation of PAP politicians. The election result exemplified a concern within the PAP that the methods used in the past to garner the support of the population are becoming untenable. The current Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, has admitted that the Party is undergoing soul-searching to ensure it continues to have the support of the electorate. Singapores leadership is based on a discourse of survival that has been adopted by the PAP. The Party has justified undemocratic practices by establishing them as necessary for the success of the Singaporean state. However, the currency of this discourse had recently waned. Cost of living is at record highs, infrastructure development is lacking, and wide income gaps are all signals that the methods the PAP have used to ensure support in the past may be becoming unsustainable in the future. Further, the population demographics of Singapore are changing. A younger generation of Singaporeans, born into the economically successful Singapore, are increasingly reaching voting age. These Singaporeans do not have the connection to the struggle that the country underwent in the years after Independence. For this generation, economic success is not enough to legitimise the authoritarian practices of the PAP. They want freedoms that the PAP has historically denied. This includes restrictions on the freedom of the press, government manipulation of electoral processes and nepotism in the PAP. Freedom Houses 2012 Freedom in the World report stated that Singapore is only partly free when it comes to addressing civil and political rights in the country.

The Party, recognising this generational change, has sought to arrange a leadership transition that reflects the generational transition occurring in Singapore. In a joint statement by Lee Kuan-Yew and Goh Chok-Tong on 14 May 2011, a week after the general election, the pair said that: The time has come for a younger generation to carry Singapore forward in a more difficult and complex situation. A question must be asked as to the impact of this change. In 1988, Lee Kuan-Yew threatened to rise from the grave to ensure that Singapores leaders continue to lead the country in the right direction. Therefore, although Lee KuanYew may have officially stepped down from Singaporean politics, his influence is likely to continue to be felt behind the scenes, particularly since he is the father of current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. Thus, this generational transition is likely to provide little substantive change to the nature of governance in Singapore, although it has seemed to maintain the legitimacy of the PAP. For the most part, the PAP continues to govern the Singaporean state successfully, and this has ensured the support of the majority of the Singaporean people. Discontent is minimal and relegated to the margins of society. Hussin Mutalib, a political scientist at the National University of Singapore, has acknowledged that in Singapore, leadership, succession and political renewal is not left to chance. Rather, such events are meticulously deliberate, planned and discussed. It is clear, then, that leadership transition in Singapore does not signal a departure from the old, authoritarian ways. Rather, it is being used to ensure that the PAPs dominance can continue into the future. Natasha Burrows is in her second year of a Bachelor of Arts (Advanced).

get ready to change the world

government & international relations

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thinking about a career working for the United nations, amnesty international, the Prime minister, the department of Foreign affairs and trade or the aBc? our graduates are already there.

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35

ROLL OVER

MUGABE
Malcolm M from Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Lydia Cornu analyses the evolution of Robert Mugabes actions and ambitions in Zimbabwe.

HIRTY two years ago, Zimbabwe celebrated its independence from British colonial rule, a moment that exhumed hope for a nation proclaimed the Jewel of Africa. After years of unrest and civil war, the elections of February 1980 brought Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) party to power through a landslide victory. Mugabe was pronounced an African Hero, credited with bringing about democracy and stunning the people with his conciliatory nature and addresses. For a decade, his policies were directly correlated with growth, success in both mining and agriculture, and overall prosperity. His success in the agricultural sphere was apparent throughout the period of Independence, when approximately 6000 commercial farmers owned 46.5 per cent of the countrys arable land. White farmers, who represented less that 1 per cent of the population, owned 70 per cent of this land. This was a result of the policies of Cecil Rhodes, the founder of Rhodesia and an ardent believer in British colonialism. Rhodes was responsible for promoting the idea to the House Of Assembly in Cape Town, South Africa, in 1887 that the native is to be treated as a child and denied the franchise. We must adopt a system of despotism in our relations with the barbarians of Southern Africa. Thus, he effectively commenced the trend of land grabbing. Under the Lancaster House Agreement of 1979, land redistribution was blocked for a period of ten years and Mugabe accepted a willing buyer willing seller plan when he came to power. The level of cooperation from ZANU PF was perhaps a front in so far as it enabled them to achieve independence and attain power. Unsurprisingly, once the agreed time frame had elapsed, Mugabe August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

began what he titled, the best thing that ever happened: land reforms. He made no attempts to hide his feelings towards the so-called white imperialists. In a speech at Mount Olivet Baptist Church in Harlem, New York, in September 2008, he declared: What we hate is not the colour of their skins but the evil that emanates from them. Later, in the same year, he spoke to the ZANU PF Congress in Harare, and proclaimed the white man is not indigenous to Africa. Africa is for Africans. Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans. It follows, perhaps only logically, that he would come to base the majority of his decisions on an aversion to the non-native Zimbabweans. Despite a worsening economy, extreme even absolute poverty, and widespread starvation, Mugabe maintained that he only ever wanted what was in the best interest of his peoples. In the past decade, the demise of the country and economic collapse has been predicted innumerable times. The 2008 elections were a telling time for the country, with Mugabe declaring that losing an election would mean being rejected by the people indicating, in that case, that it is time to leave politics. Yet when he failed to win, he proclaimed that only God could make him leave. If there was previously any doubt on the matter, the power-sharing agreement between ZANU PF and the opposing MDC (Movement for Democratic Change) party that followed the contested elections brought to light Mugabes evergrowing greed and his forthcoming, fullyfledged kleptocracy. David Coltart, MDC Senator and Human Rights lawyer, acknowledged the impotence of such an agreement but recognised that, in the face of complete degeneration, there are stark options. Power sharing is not uncommon in

struggling democracies, despite it being more of a fig leaf than a solution. Over the past two decades, Zimbabwe has shifted from a promising democracy to irretrievably troubled waters, and the former bread basket of Africa has taken a gradual downturn into the basket case that it is today. In an interview with the CNN in December 2008, Archbishop and Nobel Prize winner, Desmond Tutu, said of Mugabe: Hes destroyed a wonderful country, suggesting that Mugabe either step down or face indictment in the Hague. Mugabe brushed off Tutus comments as nonsense, saying the little man doesnt know what he is talking about, and that you dont leave power when the imperialists tell you to. Mugabe has blamed the downturn on economic sanctions imposed by the United States and European Union, which he attempted to have lifted when he addressed the United Nations General Assembly in September 2011. He did so to no avail, possibly heightening his hatred of the white imperialists. The octogenarian Presidents worsening health has his party worried: whether he will stand for re-election is anyones guess, but whether his party would survive without him seems highly unlikely. Mugabe claims to remain undecided on the decision to run once again. The once luscious nation has been stripped bare. Most of Zimbabwes estimated nine million inhabitants live in growing fear, disheartened by its failing leaders. The problem therein lies not in the impossibility of a change of government, but in the angst of taking action.

Lydia Cornu is in her third year of a degree in Science and Arts, majoring in Government and International Relations.

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THE PLAYING FIELD

Robert Kennards four-week internship at Malaysias The Star newspaper reveals how new media could be the crux of the Oppositions electoral hopes.
Pratanti from Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

NEW MEDIA LEVELS

YES, I personally practice selfcensorship, said Priya Menon, a journalist at Malaysias largest and most profitable newspaper, The Star. While some may argue that a reporters role is to present each story with an unbiased view, practicing self-censorship in a country where media laws are pretty tight can be beneficial for both the story and the people. Menons stance is rare in the Western press framework of objectivity and watchdog journalism, but in Malaysias teetering democracy, the role of the press has never been so fractured. The majority of Malaysias Bahasa, Tamil, Mandarin and English newspapers are owned by supporters of the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) Coalition, and are controlled by its repressive censorship policies. Hotbutton issues like Malay constitutional rights, racial employment inequalities and religion are silenced in the name of a developmental style of journalism that supports the status quo. Such censorship was evidenced in Kuala Lumpurs Bersih 3.0 rally of 28 April, which called for reforms to an electoral system that has entrenched Malaysias competitive authoritarianism. Although the tens of thousands of protesters at Merdeka Square attracted worldwide media coverage, the government-owned media in Malaysia painted Bersih 3.0 as a Pakatan Rakyat (PR) Opposition protest that was little more than a nuisance. Malaysian print news media is obviously somewhat governed by what we can or cannot write, says Tracy (name changed), another Star journalist. Having worked her entire career in Malaysias government-owned newsrooms, Tracy believes journalists have surrendered to the commercial and political interests of the BN. At the end of the day, a newspaper company is also a business

entity. Im quite sure that even a Western news organisation would not bite the hands that feeds him. Unfortunately for the Malaysian government, the paternal relationship with the press described by Tracy extends only to print and broadcast media. New media ranging from Facebook organisations to tweets, political blogs and independent news websites is rapidly filling the gaping hole of information edited out of government-controlled media outlets. Although the largest dailies have websites, it is the alternative and independent news portals that continue to attract the lions share of web traffic. This comes following the peak of print circulation in Malaysia: it is now on a steady, sustained decline. Little more than 2 million newspapers circulate daily to Malaysias 27 million people. More telling however, is a Nielsen poll conducted last year, which showed that Malaysia has the second largest penetration of desktops, laptops, tablets and mobile phones with internet capability in Southeast Asia, trailing only Singapore. These statistics reflect a sustained trend of development in Malaysia since 1980, which has seen the level of urbanisation in the country more than double in the last thirty years. It is a worrying sign for the BN coalitions control of not only the press, but of the State itself. With BN support in the most urbanised states of Selangor, Penang and the Federal Capital Territory of Kuala Lumpur at record lows, new media continues to challenge developmental journalism in an increasingly developed Malaysia. The 2008 federal election proved this. Although the PR was silenced in Malaysias mainstream press, an alternative message reached Malaysians through new media. Traffic on Malaysias largest online news site, the bipartisan Malaysiakini, far outstripped that

of The Stars website, which is the leading online portal for any Malaysian newspaper. Newer independent websites, The Malaysian Insider (established in 2004) and news blog, Malaysia Today (established in 2008) also attracted large readership figures and contributed to a more open marketplace of ideas in Malaysian media. Although factors including a cohesive opposition, a scandal-ridden government and minimisation of communal (racebased) politics contributed to the largest swing to the PR since independence, the power of new media to report and thus highlight an alternative view was the backbone of the PRs success. After the 2008 election, former Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi openly lamented that the BN lost the internet warwe thought the newspapers, print media and the television were supposed to be important, but the young people were looking at SMS and blogs [sic]. In Malaysia, new media serves a purpose similar to that which it assumed in the Arab Spring. Its role is educator, communicator and an alternative voice for the disenchanted. Just like the protesters in the Middle East, the Bersih 3.0 supporters were told to like, blog, tweet, share and stream their demands for electoral reform. While there is no direct correlation between Mubaraks openly authoritarian rule and Najibs democratic mandate, the upcoming Malaysian federal election will be determined not by the information reported by government mouthpieces in mainstream media, but by the rapidly expanding yet level playing field of new media.

Robert Kennard is in his fourth year of a Bachelor of Arts (Media and Communications). TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 37

CLIENTELISM
Jack Luxford explores the prevalence of vote buying in Africas emerging democracies.

THE CURSE OF

S persistent a practice Clientelism may be, it has continued to degrade the quality of democratic governance in Africa. In more positive political examples such as Botswana and Ghana, Clientelism is perpetuated by incentivising compromise. The attraction of coerced voter loyalty ultimately undermines developmental policy on the continent. Clientelism, synonymous with the provision of political patronage and vote buying, is characterised by the expectation of voting reciprocity rather than the specific service provided. Promised services are exchanged for a voters electoral loyalty- such as school fees, employment opportunities, legal assistance and basic household utilities. The nature of such a practice is that it occurs asymmetrically: the politician possesses the information, resources and prestige that the voter lacks, and wields the adequate provision of these services as a bargaining tool. In Ghana, 23 per cent of survey respondents reported voting for a candidate on the basis of the candidates provision of personal financial assistance. Even when aspiring and incumbent politicians desire and attempt to mitigate the influence of clientelism in their campaigns, it remains prevalent, particularly in the most contested electorates. Such was the case in Ghana, where the practice thrived in the most contestable regions, contradicting many political theories that assume that a competitive and multi-party democratic system effectively guarantees

rights and security for all. Instead, politicians targeted both their loyal followers and highly persuadable swing voters, whose relative importance in close elections literally raises the value and price of their vote. While these policies continue, all parties have a vested interest in entrenching their use so as to avoid missing out on any advantage. Clientelist practices are hugely expensive and time consuming, promoting an inversion of the power dynamic of modern democracies. Voters become accountable to politicians, and the provision of vital goods and services is made contingent upon a proven voting record. In populations with relatively poor access to education and limited engagement with an unreliable political system, the best bet for voters is to support a politician who is promising them security, food, and cash. The issue of contention is not that the provision of services is necessarily bad. Some have argued that if clientelism ensures their distribution, albeit in an inefficient manner, then it possesses a degree of instrumental utility. The problem is that the provision of those services becomes selectively dependent upon ongoing voter loyalty. Rather than encouraging collectivist policies, clientelism delivers highly unequal and temporary benefits to a select few, ignoring the needs of those who did not exercise their vote in favour of the winner. Clientelism also hinders organic political transitions by artificially reinforcing the power of the incumbent.

Incumbents generally possess demonstrable legitimacy and relative credibility in promising services, coupled with the assistance of considerable state resources, thus they are able to shore up support to maintain political power. The development of competitive opposition parties is further debilitated, since opponents have little ability to utilise and dominate state resources in the manner that incumbents do. Unethical and illegal, these practices continue to stymie the democratic, social and economic progress of many developing countries, tying up state resources in a constant attempt to maintain power. Suggestions to resolve clientelism often focus on its occurrence in developing democracies; the assumption is that increasing voter maturity will naturally produce a shift from patronage towards more equitable policy-driven voting records. However, these suggestions imply that the solution is to merely wait for democracies to grow up, ignoring the mutually reinforcing nature of clientelism in underdeveloped countries. Instead, demonstrable efficacy in voter education campaigns, plus strong and autonomous electoral commissions, show promise in reducing clientelist practices. Campaigns such as the delivery of leaflets encouraging constituents to vote with conscience and reminding them of the illegality of accepting cash for votes had a positive effect, resulting in an 8 per cent decrease in rates of witnessed and self-reported vote buying in Ghana. Evidently, the key is shifting the societal consensus: questioning the appropriateness and ethical nature of accepting cash, personal assistance and individually tailored services in exchange for promised votes. Whilst these moves against clientelism are cause for optimism, the practice remains an enormously persistent obstacle to economic, social and democratic improvements in much of Africa. Jack Luxford is in his 2nd year of a Bachelor of Arts, majoring in Government and International Relations, and Psychology.

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EFFECTIVE ADVOCACY FOR

MIGRANT WORKERS
Dcmaster on Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Laura Scott explores the benefits and limits of transnational support by activists.

N an increasingly globalised world, the opportunities for social activists to engage with issues from a transnational perspective, beyond the nation-state, are unprecedented. The challenge for activists is to operate at various levels: local, national and international. This is particularly relevant in the case of female migrant workers (FMW) in Southeast Asia who must not only be legally protected as a class at the national level, but also individually protected at the local level in order to secure fair treatment. These women are often poorly treated, vulnerable to abuse, subject to low wages, and suffer poor working conditions, maintaining few if any legal rights. The challenge for feminist activists is to balance action at the three levels: formulating a clear policy agenda at the national level; preserving individual activist autonomy at the local level; as well as sharing ideas across national boundaries in order to ensure the fair and effective treatment of FMWs internationally.

Women of China on Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Tens of thousands of women from Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines travel across national borders to find employment as FMWs annually. FMWs are transnationalised due to the highly mobile and transient nature of their work, pursuing work opportunities across national borders. They are often unrecognised by the host state making it difficult for activist organisations to assist and effectively engage. Nicole Piper of the Centre for Migration Policy Research at Swansea University argues that migrant worker activism is by definition a transnational activity because migrant workers are transnational subjects.

The NGO practices throughout different countries can have both a positive and a negative impact on the development of FMW rights. The international nature of FMWs means that NGOs must liaise between countries, working together to standardise their operations. The sharing and adoption of ideas and advocacy campaigns between NGOs in regions with similar cultures and histories can improve the rights of FMWs in that region. Due to a lack of legal support and protection, FMWs are vulnerable to exploitation by their employers.. The work of NGOs in the Philippines, where close to 20 per cent of the labour force is currently employed overseas, has been replicated in many countries across Southeast Asia, such as Malaysia and Indonesia, as well as Saudia Arabia. This typically involves lobbying governments and recruitment agencies. FMWs are the result of a globalised world where migration between countries in pursuit of economic motivators is a viable option. Yet their work is highly localised, with most women employed as domestic workers, remaining closely connected to their local communities and families. Many of the techniques used by NGOs to engage with major transnational organisations do not apply in these circumstances. Advocates, who focus either on international identity, or simply on their local environment, underestimate the multiple spheres in which these women operate. According to Lenore Lyons, the complex multiple identities of FMWs should result in an approach by activists that is both global and local, international and individual. The Internet has transformed the ways in which activists can learn from the experiences of other organisations. They are now able to connect with likeminded organisations to share ideas and experiences, creating space for discussion between activists, academics and engaged individuals. Activism can thus be channelled through regional organisations, such as the Malaysianbased International Womens Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific. This body

facilitates collaborative projects to achieve domestic implementation of human rights for women, helping to set an international human rights standard. There are, however, clear limitations to transnational activism. Internationalising activist movements can instead homogenise distinctive local activist groups, reducing their unique perspectives, experiences and expertise, and diminishing their effectiveness. Activists also have to face the challenges of organising and disseminating ideas in countries with closed political systems, often facing hostility in their efforts to organise and inform elements of the workforce. While issues of government freedom and openness impose limits on activists in Singapore, they have been given more autonomy in states like Malaysia. Here, a policy framework can be constructed with the assistance of other transnational actors, at the intersection of interests of national governments and multinational corporations and collectively benefiting from the commonality of the FDW experience in Southeast Asia. Activists must carefully consider the scope of their activities. Framing issues as global can give the issue momentum and achieve a broader solution, but intervention in different countries must often be tailored to specific local circumstances. Social activists need to be wary of the limitations of transnationalism, even in an interconnected world. The nation-state, governments and local communities remain the fundamental unit of society, where relationships are developed between FMWs and activists, and where practical changes are made. The most effective solutions will be developed for local conditions, not from a generic model, and will selectively draw from experiences and practices elsewhere.

Laura Scott is in her fourth year of a Bachelor of International and Global Studies, majoring in Government and International Relations. TheSydneyGlobalist | August 2012 39

THE LAST WORD

Bayerberg on Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

ATIONAL Leadership is no longer determined by the humble election. That being said, national leadership has always been subject to the monopolisation of power by those with the most influence, money or military might. While 2012 has featured, and is yet to see, transitions that have been scrutinized in great detail, the detrimental foreign and domestic implications will be watched most closely. Some of these transitions involve nothing more than personnel shifts; however others will be occasions for fundamental debate about the future course of their countries. To quote Fareed Zakarai 2012 is the year of elections. The articles in this edition of The Sydney Globalist pick apart the amicable and violent; the disputed and revered; and the popular and corporate sides of power transitions, paying particular attention to their policy impact. They do so with an understanding of the different paths each country goes through when deciding who is going to be their next leader. Whether it be through a democratic election, a coup dtat or through autocratic or familial patronage, there is consensus among the contributors that the nature of power transitions and their implications are shifting dramatically. This diversity is reflected in the variety of subjects addressed by contributors. In his article How to Rig a Russian Election Dmitry Titkov brutally questions the integrity of Vladimir Putins re-election, making for a fascinating study of fraudulency in all of its dazzling variety. Titkov argues that with no empirical account of the various forms of soft fraud such as United Russias influence over the media there seems to be no positive outlook for fair elections in Russia. 40 August 2012 | TheSydneyGlobalist

Similarly, Natasha Burrows, in her piece The Peoples Autocracy, dubs the Singaporean leadership transitions since the tenure of its founding father Lee Kuan-Yew, one of orchestrated nepotism. With the PAP now flooded with a new generation of politicians ones who arent tied to the struggles Singapore grew from Natasha argues that past methods may be becoming unsustainable for the future. She posits that for this generation, economic success is not enough to legitimize the authoritarian practices of the PAP. Conversely, with a title that reflects both its Supreme Court namesake and the state of the U.S. Electoral Process, Daniel Dwis Citizens Divided builds on the Supreme Courts decision that has so remarkably increased the capacity of the wealthy to influence electoral outcomes, that U.S. politics is losing its representative character. He posits that in the wake of this decision, the proliferation of Super PACS corporate conglomerates that donate money to a campaign rather than directly to advertising is guaranteed legal protection under First Amendment rights. Electoral spending has increased 234 percent since 2008, with Mitt Romney receiving $U.S. 17 million worth of advertising from a pro-Romney Super PAC. The problem is though, as Zwi argues, that corporate expenditure manifests itself during office, not so much during the campaign as the preferences of a candidates largest backers are likely to take priority while that politician is in office. Nicholas Findlater takes a leaf from Shakespeare in his article A Tide in the Affairs of Men which dramatizes scandal in German politics. He draws allegories from Julius Caesar

by accounting for Christian Wulffs fall from the Presidency and the subsequent appointment of the first non-partisan leader Joachim Gauck. Findlater argues that scandals are opportunities in disguise, of which a mature democracy can take such things [as Wulffs misconduct] in its stride. However as he so aptly describes, the dramatic value of a scandal should not be underestimated its characters display vices and virtues, their actors allow for catharsis, and their stories add colour to politics. Contributions have not been limited to written journalistic works, as this edition contains a photographic contribution from Drew Rooke and a documentary review from Patrick Hurley. Rookes images capture the spirit of democratic reform in Burma, and the idealistic struggles of Aung San Suu Kyi. Hurleys review of the controversial documentary The Island President, not only alludes to the prodemocracy movement in the Maldives led by now President Mohamed Nasheed, but also to the diplomatic challenges climate change presents to a nation that is literally sinking. Elsewhere, contributors have written skillfully on topics as diverse as female migrant workers, Internet censorship in China, the life of a dictators spouse, Greeces role in the Eurozone and womens reproductive rights in Guatemala a guest contribution from our Global21 partner at Yale University. This brief outlook only highlights some of the talented contributors in this edition, all of who should be applauded for their insightful and critical contributions. Hitesh Chugh is Deputy Editor-in-Chief of The Sydney Globalist.

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