A Selective Annotated Bibliography of Multiculturalism By Lyle Allan Social Alternatives Vol 3 No 3 (July 1983) pp 65-72 p 65 The literature of multiculturalism

is academias latest growth industry, particula rly among educationalists. Much of the work is narrow and esoteric, forgotten by most researchers, let alone looked at by general readers. This bibliography aims to provide a reasonably comprehensive listing of signific ant contemporary writings on multiculturalism and related topics. 1. General Theory of Multiculturalism Multiculturalism means many things to many writers. Only the most foolhardy woul d attempt any all-embracing single theory of multiculturalism. The term multicul turalism has come, nevertheless, to be identified with ethnic identity. Multicul turalism s supporters would generally agree that the concept implies a tolerance of diversity-an acceptance that ethnic groups in Australia have the right to re tain their own identity if they wish rather than be compelled to assimilate into some greater Anglo-Celtic Australiana. Al Grassby (1.1, A Multi-Cultural Society for the Future, Canberra, AGPS, 1973) popularised the term in Australia, with emphasis on some mystical family of the nation . The term is in fact borrowed from Canada, where the Canadian Governmen t may be more concerned with bi-cultural policies of equality for French-Canadia ns rather than genuine multi-cultural polices (1.2 F. Hawkins. Multiculturalism in two countries, the Canadian and Australian experience, Journal of Canadian St udies 17:1, 1982, 64-80). Policies of assimilation, integration, cultural plural ism and multiculturalism in Australia are compared and contrasted in an early an d relatively uncontroversial work by the Hungarian-Canadian writers M.L Kovacs a nd AJ Cropley (1.3 Immigrants and Society: Alienation and Assimilation, Sydney, McGraw-Hill, 1975). Jerzy Zubrzycki sees multiculturalism in terms of upward mobility, an Australian ethos of egalitarianism and a de-emphasis of class (1.4 Australian Ethnic Affai rs Council, Australia as a Multicultural Society, Canberra, AGPS, 1977; and 1.5 Australian Council on Population and Ethnic Affairs, Multiculturalism for all Au stralians: Our Developing Nationhood, Canberra, AGPS, 1982), The Fraser Government accepted the broad principle of multiculturalism in its ad option of the Galbally Report (1.6 Migrant Services and Programs, Canberra, AGPS , 1978). Galbally has much appeal to political conservatives with its stress on the desirability of unity, consensus and order (1.7 F. Lewins, The GaIbaIly Repo rt: A Theoretician s Framework, Babel, 16:1, 1980, 18-24; and 1.8 A. Jakubowicz. State and Ethnicity: Multiculturalism as Ideology, Australian and New Zealand J ournal of Sociology, 17:3, 1981, 4-13). The former Fraser Governments position is , thankfully, readily accessible (1.9 Immigration Policies in Action, A selectio n of speeches by the Hon. Ian Macphee, Canberra. AGPS, 1982). For good or ill Al Grassby has been very successful in promoting changes in Aust ralian attitudes towards non-Anglo migrants. Alan Matheson (1.10 In or Out of th e Family of the Nation?, Dissent 31, Summer 1974, 7-12) credits Grassby with cha nging the rhetoric of migration. Multiculturalism is an accepted term in much of the contemporary literature (1.1 1 R. Birrell and C. Hay (ed.), The Immigration Issue in Australia, Bundoora, La Trobe University, 1978, 1.12 M Bowen (ed.) Australia 2000: The Ethnic Impact, Ar midale, University of New England Publishing Unit, 1977; 1.13 L Foster and D.Sto

ckley, Multiculturalism in the Australian Context, Australian and New Zealand Jo urnal of Sociology, 16.2, 1980, 109-114; 1.14 C. Bottomley, Migration Studies: Quo Vademus? (Quid Facemus?), Australian and New Z ealand Journal of Sociology, 17:3, 1981, 70-73). Widely used ethnic studies text books, with extensive treatments of multiculturalism are William Bostock (1.15 A lternatives of -Ethnicity, Melbourne, Corvus, Second Edition, 1981). and the Lat e Jean Martin (1.16 J.I. Martin, The Migrant Presence, Sydney, George Allen and Unwin, 1978; and 1.17 S. Encel (ed.) The Ethnic Dimension, Papers on Ethnicity a nd Pluralism by Jean Martin, Sydney. George Allen and Unwin, 1981). Multiculturalism has its critics on both the left and the right. Left-wing criti cs often argue that multiculturalism is little more than an attempt by some ruli ng elite to keep migrants down. They argue with some force that some ethnic grou ps will continue to be denied an equal place in Australian society, (1.18 M. de Lepervanche, From Race to Ethnicity, ANZ Journal of Sociology, 16.1, 1980 24-37; and 1.19 D. Storer (ed.), Ethnic Rights, Power and Participation. Toward a Mult i-Cultural Australia, Melbourne, CHOMI, 1975). p 66 Right-wing critics such as Lauchlan Chipman (1.20 Multi-Cultural Myth, Quadrant, March 1978, 50-55; 1.21 The Menace of Multi-Culturalism, Quadrant, October 1980 , 3-6; and 1.22 Ethnicity, in A. Tay (ed.). Teaching Human Rights, Australian Na tional Commission for UNESCO, 1981, 129-133) argue that multiculturalism is divi sive, being harmful to both the acceptance and assimilation of migrants. Frank K nopfelmacher (1.23 Beware of the Cauldron, Bulletin, 24 March 1981, 38-40; and 1 .24 The Case against Multi-Culturalism, in R. Manne (ed.) The New Conservatism i n Australia, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1982, 40-64) claims multicultur alism may eventually result in un-Australian ethnic violence. Popular attitudes may be changing towards anti-multicultural positions (1.25. Ro ss Warneke, Do we really want a multi-culture?, Age, Melbourne, 2 October 1981). Useful rejoinders to right wing critics come from Michael Liffman (1.26 Meaning ful multiculturalism, Age, Melbourne, 9 October 1981), and Andrew Jakubowicz (1. 27 The Myth of the menace of Multi-Culturalism, Quadrant, January-February 1981, 85-88). 2. Politics Australia has a small but growing literature on ethnic politics. The earliest st udies have concentrated on the Irish. Frank Hardy (2.1 Power Without Glory, Melb ourne, Realist, 1950) first illustrated the political strength of Irish-Catholic ALP machines in inner-Melbourne. The literature on the role of the Catholic Chu rch in Australian politics is extensive. Patrick O Farrell (2.2 The Catholic Chu rch in Australia, A Short History 1788-1967, Melbourne. Nelson, 1968) is a usefu l introduction. Andrew Parkin (2.3 Ethnic Politics: A Comparative Study of Two I mmigrant Societies, Australia and the United States, Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, XV: 1, 1977, 22-38) compares the role of the Irish in Aus tralia and the United States. Only recently have historians in Australia considered non-Anglo-Celtic voters in Australia s past (2.4 J.T. Stock, South Australia s German Vote in World War I, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 28:2. 1982, 250-265). For over two decades after the end of World War II non-Anglo migrants were minim al participators in Australian political parties (2.5 J. Jupp, Arrivals and Depa rtures, Melbourne, Cheshire-Lansdowne, 1966; 2.6 A.F. Davies, Essays in Politica l Sociology, Melbourne, Cheshire, 1972, 67-84; and 2.7 Bernadette Kelly. Ethnic

Participation in Australian Political Systems: A Griffith Case Study, Paper pres ented to Australasian Political Studies Association Conference, Canberra, 1980). Migrants who joined Australian parties frequently met negative experiences (2.8 L Richards, Displaced Politics: Refugee Migrants in the Australian Political Con text, Bundoora, La Trobe University Sociology Paper, No. 45, 1978; and 2.9 J.H. Collins, Migrants: The Political Void? in H. Mayer and H. Nelson (eds.). Austral ian Politics, A Fifth Reader, Melbourne, Longman Cheshire, 1980, Ch. 53). The earliest general survey of migrant voters found great differences in voting behaviour between particular ethnic groups (2.10 J.M. Hearn, Migrant Political A ttitudes, MA Thesis, University of Melbourne 1971). Class as much as ethnicity m ay, however, be responsible for migrant voting behaviour (2.11 I. McAllister and J. Kelley, Class, Ethnicity and Voting Behaviour, Politics 17:2, 1982, 96-107). The role of non-Anglo ethnic groups may be changing, with a major factor increas ed naturalisation and residence (2.12 N. Mistilis, The Political Participation o f Immigrant Electors, Politics 15:1, .1980 69-71). Political parties are increas ingly willing to accept inputs from non-Anglo migrants (2.13 I. McAllister, Migr ants and Australian Politics: A Review, Journal of Intercultural Studies 2:3, 19 81, 64-78; 2.14 P.R. Wilson, Immigrants and Politics, Canberra, ANU Press, 1973; and 2.15 P.R. Wilson, Immigrants, Politics and Australian Society in G.Duncan ( ed.), Critical Essays in Australian Politics, Melbourne. Edward Arnold, 1978, Ch . 8). Appropriate policies are sometimes formulated to meet the needs of specific ethn ic interest groups (2.16 Australian Labor Party. National Committee of Inquiry D iscussion Papers, Adelaide, APSA Monograph 23, 1979, Ch. 10; 2.17 P.R. Wilson, M igrants, politics and the 1980 s, Australian Quarterly, 52:1.1980,75-88; and 2.1 8 W.S. Logan, Australian Government Middle East Policy and the domestic Jewish v ote: an exercise in electoral geography, Australian Journal of Politics and Hist ory, 28:2, 1982, 201-217). Political party organisation is beginning to reflect post-World War II immigrati on, especially in inner-Melbourne, where Greek branches are powerful in the Vict orian ALP (2.19 L Allan, Ethnic Politics -Migrant Organisation and the Victorian ALP, Ethnic Studies 2:2, 1978. 21-31; and 2.20 L Allan, Ethnic Politics in the ALP, in J.Warhurst (ed.). Politics in Victo ria, Drummond Heinemann, 1983, forthcoming). The future of ethnic politics is uncertain. A new theory is that political parti es have imposed policies such as multiculturalism upon ethnic groups as a pure v ote-buying exercise (2.21 R. Sestito, The Politics of Multiculturalism, Sydney, Centre for Independent Studies. 1982). Such vote buying may not be necessary if ethnics vote the same way as everyone else (2.22 P. Grenard, The myth of the ethnic vote, Bulletin, 10 August 1982, 22-24). J. Jupp (2.23 The Ethnic Vote: Does it exist? A Case Study of Melbourne, Journal of Intercultural Studies 2:3, 1981, 5-23) claims that the ethnic vote as such is of limited importance in deciding election results. Particular ethnic groups can be expected to exert greater political pressure, at least in the short term (2.24 G. Korporaal, Ethnic groups exert their muscle, F inancial Review 10 October 1980, 8-9, 24). Such pressures appear to have been su ccessful in producing positive government responses, particularly in the creatio n of a plethora of ethnic bodies (2.25 Arthur Davies, Migrants, ethnics, refug ees and the new federalisms, Politics 12:2. 1977. 167-174). 3. Education Legislators realised fairly early that it required special skills to teach recen

tly arrived migrants who could not speak English. Government policies have shown a concern, even if not a quick or adequate response, for child migrant educatio n and the teaching of English as a second language. (3.1 Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs, Review of Multicultural and Migrant Education, Melbourne , AIMA, 1980). Such sentiments, however, reflect Anglo-conformist rhetoric that migrants should learn English. Teacher training courses have been unreflective o f a pluralist society for much of the period of mass immigration (3.2 B.M. Bullivan t, The Pluralist Dilemma in Education, Sydney. George Allen and Unwin, 1981; 3.3 and B. M. Bullivant. Race, Ethnicity and Curriculum, Melbourne, Macmillan, 1981). Teach er educators are now producing much multicultural material of practical help f or trainee-teachers (3.4 P. Wilkinson ed.), Education for a Multicultural Societ y, A Kit for Educators, Melbourne, CHOMI, 1981; and 3.5 R. Burns (ed.), Teacher Education in and for a Multicultural Society. Young Teachers Reflect and Act. Bu ndoora, La Trobe University, 1980). Broad sociological approaches are often crit ical of government intervention in education seeing this intervention in terms o f simplistic notions that greater government aid can bring about equality (3.6 LE. Foster. Australian Education: A Sociological Perspective, Sydney, Prentice H all of Australia. 1981; 3.7 N.R. White, Cultural Pluralism and Schooling Journal of Intercultural Studies, 1:1, 1980 41-48; 3.8 J.J. Smolicz,. Culture and Educa tion in a Plura1 Society, Canberra, Curriculum Development Centre. 1979; and 3.9 J.J. Smolicz, Shared Values and Cultural Diversity, Polycom, 26 October 1980, 2 -5). Government policies changed in the 1970 s not only in the sense that policy documents now used the word multicultural (3.10 R.J. Goldman, The Implications of a Multicultural Society for Australian Education, in Australia s Multicultura l Society, La Trobe University Meredith Memorial Lectures, Bundoora, 1978, 39-53 ; and 3.11 Committee on Multicultural Education, Education for a Multicultural S ociety, Canberra Schools Commission, 1979). The most significant, recent works e mphasise aspects of curriculum, with particular emphasis on a core curriculum wi th a multicultural component. (3.12 M. Bayly, Satay and Strzelecki: Breadth and Depth in a Multicultural Curriculum, Polycom, 25, August 1980, 12-16; 3.13 J.S. Shellard, A Conceptual Approach to Multicultural Education with Observations fro m an International Perspective, Journal of Christian Education, 65, July 1979, 3 0-45; 3.14 I.G. Malcolm, The Christian Teacher in the Multicultural Classroom, J ournal of Christian Education, 74, July 1982, 48-60; 3.15 J.F. Atchison, The Imm igration Policy Background to Multicultural Education, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2:1, 1981, 5-16; 3.16 M. Skilbeck, Core Curriculum for a Multicultural Society, New Education, 3:2,1981,51-58; and 3.17 B. Crittenden, Cultural Plurali sm and Common Curriculum, Melbourne University Press, 1982). p 67 The most significant criticism of multicultural education, by Geoffrey Partingto n (3.18 Is the Core Sound?, Quadrant, November 1980, 14-18; and 3.19 Education f or a Multicultural Society-A Policy Statement and a Critique, Australian Quarter ly, 53:4, 1981, 467-475), argues that the introduction of multicultural values i n school curriculum is harmful to both the integration of migrants and the futur e stability of Australia. Australians are poor linguists, and pressures for greater emphasis on the teachi ng of languages is probably a by-product of debates about multicultural educatio n (3.20 W.W. Bostock, Monolingualism in Australia, Australian Quarterly, 45:2, 1 973, 39-52; 3.21 T.J Quinn, Language Training and Multicultural Policy, Migratio n Action, 5:3, 1982, 4-9; 3.22 D.E. Ingram, Community Involvement in Language Te aching, Unicorn, 6. August 1980, 276-283; and 3.23 A Kerr, Language and educatio n in a diverse society, in J. Sherwood (ed.), Multicultural Education, Issues an d Innovations, Perth, Creative Research, 1981. Bi-lingual education is now activ ely supported by some educationalists (3.24 J. Mills, Bi-lingual Education In Au stralian Schools, Hawthorn, Australian Council for Educational Research, 1982). The results of bilingual education on learning by children seem beneficial (3.25

M. Rado, What Bilingual Education Can Tell Us, Ethnic Studies, 2:1, 1978, 48-52 ; and 3.26 K. Marjoribanks, Ethnic Families and Children s Achievements, Sydney, George Allen and Unwin, 1980). The role of education in creating a society tolerant of ethnic and racial differ ences is the most difficult problem faced by educational administrators and policymakers, if not by the classroom teacher (3.27 R. Smart. Ethnics and Ethics: Some Vital Dimensions of Education for a Multicultural Australia, Unicorn, 7:1, 1981, 73-78 ). Lorna Lippmann (3.28 The Aim Is Understanding, Sydney, ANZ Book Company, 1977 ) is a definitive work on prejudice and the relevance of prejudice to the work o f teachers. Teaching techniques have an important role in lessening inter-group tensions (3.29 R. Wiseman, Ethnicity in School, Journal of Intercultural Studies , 1:3, 1980, 5-15; 3.30 A.J. Grassby, The Multicultural Confusion. Racial Discri mination in Schools, Education News, 17, June 1982, 23-27; and 3.31 M. Liffman a nd P.J. Wilkinson, Schools, Refugees and Community Relations: Indo-Asians in Vic torian Schools. Polycom, 24, May 1980, 10-13). Ethnic schools, and their place in the whole educational system, have recently b een the subject of considerable re-assessment Ethnic schools are conducted by pa rticular ethnic communities, and normally conduct classes after regular school h ours in a particular community language. (3.32 M. Norst, Ethnic Schools: What Are They and What Would They Like to Be? Journal of Intercultural Studies, 3:2, 1982. 6-16). The role of ethnic schools in a wider s ystem is complicated by the perceptions of different ethnic communities (3.33 F. W. Lewins, Ethnic Schools and Multiculturalism in Australia, Journal of Intercul tural Studies, 1:2, 1980, 30-39; 3.34 A. Eckstein, What is the role of Ethnic Sc hools in Education for a Multicultural Society? Journal of Intercultural Studies , 3:2, 1982, 48-69: and 3.35 B.M. Bullivant, Are Ethnic Schools the Solution to Ethnic Children s Accommodation to Australian Society? Journal of Intercultural Studies, 3:2. 1982, 17-35). The political implications of ethnic schools were r ecognised by the Fraser Government s decision to provide these schools with fund ing (3.36 F. Lewins, The Political Implications of Ethnic Schools. Journal of In tercultural Studies 3:2, 1982. 36-47). Ethnic schools, in maintaining language a nd cultural resources, serve a useful function for both particular ethnic groups and the wider community (3.37 C. Castan, The Role of Ethnic Schools Now and in the Future, in Ethnic Communities Council of Queensland, The Role of Ethnic Comm unities in Education for a Multicultural Society, Brisbane, 1981: 3.38 E. Isaacs , Greek Children in Sydney, Canberra, ANU Press, 1976; and 3.39 P. Kringas and F . Lewins, Why Ethnic Schools? Canberra, ANU Press, 1980). The wider implications of multicultural education, with its relevance for langua ge and cultural awareness programs for professionals, are rarely recognised. Suc h implications were considered by the Galbally Report (3.40 D. Davis, Galbally R ecommendation 14: Evaluation Study, Canberra, AGPS, 1982). Special approaches to the training of professionals in multicultural situations are frequently neglected (3.41 M. Liffman, The Education of Professionals in a M ulticultural Society, Migration Action, 5:3,1982,10-17; 3.42 A.J. Grassby, Train ing Professionals for a Multicultural Society, TAFE Quarterly, 2.4, 1980, 32-34; 3.43 A.J. Grassby, The Problems of Multicultural Training, Training and Develop ment in Australia, 8.1, 1981, 23-25; 3.44 R. Smart, Intercultural Training for A ustralians, Richmond, Victoria. CHOMI, 1980; and 3.45 H. Moore, Ivory Towers or Grassroots: The Relationship of Theory and Practice in the Education of Professi onals for the Multicultural Society, Richmond, Victoria, CHOMI, 1981). 4. Language

The role of language in Australia has traditionally been a conservative one. Bot

h public policies and popular attitudes have served to re-enforce monolingualism (4.1 W.W. Bostock, The linguistic and cultural pre-requisites for participation in Australian society, Politics, 13:1, 1978,155-158). Post-World II immigration has led to a change in public attitudes towards non-English languages (4.2 M.G. Clyne, Multilingual Australia, Melbourne, River Seine, 1982). It is desirable t hat speakers of community languages should both maintain and pass on to their ch ildren fluency in their mother language (4.3 M. Gamer (ed.), Community Languages . Their Role in Education, Melbourne, River Seine, 1981). Emphasis on multicultu ral education has resulted in a great interest in language learning (4.4 R.B. Le al, Language and Multiculturalism, Journal of Christian Education, 65, July 1979 , 22-29). The regular use of community languages in Australia by future generati ons is not, however, very certain (4.5 M.G. Clyne, Factors Promoting Migrant Lan guage Maintenance in Australia, in P.R. de Lacey and M.E. Poole (eds.), Mosaic o r Melting Pot: Cultural Evolution in Australia, Sydney, Harcourt Brace Jovanovic h, 1979, Ch.9). The federal government has recently displayed interest in a nati onal language policy (4.6 Commonwealth Department of Education, Towards a Nation al Language Policy, Canberra, AGPS, 1982. Language policies were originally prop osed in Australia by academics (4.7 D.E. Ingram, The case for a national languag e policy in Australia, Babel, 15:1, 1979, 3-16). Changes in Australian attitudes towards initiatives (4.8 T.J. Quinn, What should we expect of community languag e programmes? Babel, 17:1, 1981, 36-47). 5. Demography

The statistical study of Australia s ethnic population is a well-developed art, largely due to the efforts of Charles Price, the distinguished Professor of Demo graphy at the Australian National University. Price s bibliographies of immigrat ion are invaluable (5.1 C.A. Price (ed), Australian Immigration. A bibliography and digest, Canberra, Australian National University, Numbers 1-4, 1966, 1970, 1 975 and 1979). Price s most significant earlier work is on Greek-Australians (5. 2 Greeks in Australia, Canberra, ANU Press, 19751 in which he demonstrates the l oyalty of Greeks to their cultural origins. In his chapter of a prominent sociol ogy text (5.3 C.A. Price assisted by Patricia Pyne, The Immigrants, in A.F. Davi es, S. Encel and M.J. Berry (eds.), Australian Society. A Sociological Introduct ion, Melbourne, Longman Cheshire, Third Edition, 1977, 331-355) it is suggested that the Australian population is likely to remain substantially Anglo-Celtic. T here has been, however, a significant increase in migration from Asia. The Frase r years have seen an increasing acceptance of non-European migrants (5.4 Immigra tion and ethnic affairs. In A. Patience and B. Head, From Whitlam to Fraser, Mel bourne, Oxford University Press, 1979). Social planners frequently neglect analysis of ethnic distribution in Australian urban centres. A useful guide exists for Melbourne (5.5 J. McKay, Ethnic Commun ities in Melbourne. An Atlas of the Overseas Born Population, Clayton, Departmen t of Geography, Monash University, 1981). Recent publications have suggested sev eral implications of population changes in Australia in the fields of economics, politics, education and social policy (5.6 P.J. Brain, R.L. Smith and G.P. Schu yers, Population, Immigration and the Australian Economy, London, Croom Helm, 19 79; and 5.7 W.O. Borrie and M. Mansfield (eds.), Implications of Australian Popu lation Trends, Canberra, Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia, 1982). 6. Law

Non-English speaking migrants, together with Aborigines and the poor, are the pr incipal sufferers from discrimination by the Australian legal system (6.1 A. Jak ubowicz and B. Buckley, Migrants and the Legal Service, Canberra, AGPS. 1975; an d 6.2 R. Sackville, Law and Poverty in Australia (Australian Government Commissi on of Inquiry into Poverty, Second Main Report), Canberra, AGPS, 1975, Ch. 8).

p 68 The creation of specialised courts has done little to promote equality before th e law for non-Anglo ethnic groups (6.3 K. Laster, The Family Courts Reactions t o Cultural Differences, Legal Service Bulletin, 7,February 1982, 28-31). The onl y substantial research on migrant crime explored the myth that migrants commit m ore crime than the Australian-born. In general migrants are more law abiding tha n native-born Australians (6.4 R.D. Francis, Migrant Crime in Australia, St. Luc ia, University of Queensland Press, 1981). Of great concern to many overseas-bor n Australian residents are government immigration and naturalisation policies. A comprehensive treatment is available (6.5 B. Boer, I. Irvine, M. Lippman, S. Sa vinski and P. McMullin, Immigration, in J.R. Gardner, D.J. Neal and P.K, Cashman (eds.), Legal Resources Book, Fitzroy, Vic. Fitzroy Legal Service, 1982, Ch. 21 ). Residence in Australia is a leading factor influencing migrants in deciding t o seek naturalisation. An important consideration that migrants from some countr ies must consider before becoming an Australian citizen is the possible loss of a pension or benefit paid by an overseas government (6.6 J. Kelley and I. McAlli ster, The Decision to Become an Australian Citizen, in ANZ Journal of Sociology, 18: 3. November 1982. 428-440; and 6.7 M. Liffman (ed). Citizenship and Human R ights, Multicultural Australia Papers 21, Richmond, Vic., Ecumenical Migration C entre, 1982). 7. Media and The Arts

The print media is long established and influential in Australia among a number of ethnic groups. It does, however, have problems of identity and survival (7.1 J. Doveihi, Ethnic Press. Its Role and Influence, Media Information Australia, 15, 1980, 38.40). Of the electronic medi a radio has the greatest potential for expansion and influence among ethnic comm unities (7.2 G.A. Sklovsky, The SBS and Ethnic Radio Broadcasting in Australia, Media Information Australia, 15, 1980, 15-19). The Australian Broadcasting Commi ssion, unfortunately, has been unwilling or incapable of providing domestic broa dcasts in non-English languages (7.3 W.W. Bostock, Multicultural media in the 19 80s, Media Information Australia, 15,1980, 44-45; and 7.4 R. Patterson. The Orig ins of Ethnic Broadcasting: Turning the Dial in Australia, Journal of Intercultu ral Studies, 2:1, 1981, 37-60). Government restrictions have prevented meaningfu l participation by ethnic communities in ethnic broadcasting (7.5 A. Bonnici, Ar t Tongue-Tied by Authority, Media Information Australia, 15. 1980, 28-33: and 7. 6 J. Dugdale. Radio Power. A History of 3ZZ Access Radio, Melbourne. Hyland Hous e, 1979). The development of public broadcasting is likely to both complement an d encourage the continued existence of ethnic broadcasting (7.7 A. Bear, The dev elopment of ethnic broadcasting in relation to public broadcasting. Media Inform ation Australia, 15, 1980, 24-27). Multicultural television in Australia is the creation of the former Fraser Gover nment arising from a promise in Malcolm Fraser s 1977 federal election policy sp eech (7.8 J.J. Bailey, The Road to Ethnic Television- Key Dates and References, Media Information Australia. 15,1980,12-14). Multicultural television is controv ersial. It is costly, and often watched by a minority who are claimed to be Angl o middle-class trendies (7.9 P. Grenard, Ethnic TV a real snow job, Bulletin, 24 June 1980, 34-37). Migrant women are claimed to be largely ignored (7.10 John Clemenger Pty. Ltd, The Migrant Woman, Sydney. 1979). The economic viability of the service is questioned by an examination of poor ratings (7.11 P. Grenard, Ethnic Television: Massive Funds but Poor Ratings, Bulletin, 3 August 1982, 51-54 ). p 69

Whatever its faults multicultural television provides an excellent news service and a variety of programs not otherwise viewable. Its greatest benefit is probab ly to native speakers who now have access to quality programs in their first lan guage. It is to be hoped the Hawke Government will not discontinue or radically change one of Malcolm Fraser s most enlightened achievements, It was not long ago many suburban libraries in Melbourne contemptuously refused borrowing rights to children under the age of fourteen. A similar mentality exis ted in regard to the holding of books in community languages. Most Australian pu blic libraries refused to cater for a growing potential readership in non-Englis h languages (7.12 L. Bertelli, Libraries and the non-English speaking immigrant, Australian Library Journal, 30: 2, 1981, 37-42). The study of non-Anglo culture by Anglo-Australians is a relatively recent development (7.13 R. Bosworth and J .Wilton, Novels, Poems and the Study of Europeans in Australia, Teaching History, July 19 81, 43-68), with the possible exception of the Irish. Irish folklore has a respe ctable history in Australia (7.14 B. Wannan, The Folklore of the Irish in Austra lia, Melbourne. Currey ONeill, 1980). Recent works have examined children s books (7.15 M. Aiken, Multiculturalism and Australian Children s Books, Orana, 17: 1, 1981, 19-23); short stories, poetry and anthologies by Aust ralian and other authors (7.16 R. Burns (ed.), Voices From Other Cultures, Sydne y. ANZ Book Company, 1975; and 7.17 M. Jurgensen (ed.), Ethnic Australia, Brisba ne, Phoenix, 1981). 8. Migration Theory

Australia s immigration policy has at various times pursued the somewhat contrad ictory goals of racial and ethnic homogeneity, greater defence capability ( popu late or perish ) and an abundance of unskilled labour for Australian industries (8.1 G. Sherington, Australia s Immigrants, Sydney, George Allen and Unwin, 1980 ). The post World War II period saw mass immigration from Continental Europe, an d much of the credit for this can be given to A.A. Calwell, Minister for Immigra tion in the Chifley Government (8.2 C. Kiernan, Calwell. A Personal and Politica l Biography, Melbourne, Nelson, 1978). Much of the history of Australian immigra tion is concerned with immigrant assimilation or adaptation, without regard to a wider contextual base (8.3 R. Bosworth and J. Wilton, A Lost History. The Study of European Migration to Australia, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 27: 2, 1981, 221-231: and 8.4 A.Markus, History of Post-War Immigration, in G. Osborne and W.F. Mandle (eds.), New History: Studying Australia Today, Sydney, G eorge Allen and Unwin, 1982. 94-112). Official policies must respond to politica l realities. Australia no longer needs large numbers of unskilled workers. Gover nment policies react to an amalgam of pressures - family reunion, skilled and pr ofessional workers in short supply, humanitarian feelings and our international obligations to accept refugees (8.5 W.D. Borrie, First Report on the National Po pulation Inquiry, Canberra. AGPS, 1975; 8.6 Australian Population and Immigratio n Council, Immigration Policies and Australia s Population ( Green Paper ), Canb erra, AGPS, 1977; 8.7 Australian Population and Immigration Council and Australi an Ethnic Affairs Council, Multiculturalism and its Implications for Immigration Policy, Canberra, AGPS, 1979: and 8.8 K. Rivett, Immigration and the Green Pape r, Australian Quarterly, 50:1. 1978, 67-79). Critics of immigration have not, an d probably will not, influence government policies to any great extent. Robert B irrell is perhaps the best-known critic of additional Australian immigration (8. 9 R. Birrell and T. Birrell, An Issue of People: Population and Australian Socie ty, Melbourne, Longman Cheshire, 1981). At the popular level aspects of food, festivals, dress and music appear to perme ate a recent series of books devoted to Making Australian Society by the Melbour

ne publisher Thomas Nelson (8.10 M. Brand. The Chinese, 1978; 8.11 S. Drury, The Greeks, 1976: 8.12 L Fox. The Aboriginals, 1978; 8.13 P. Hamilton, The Irish, 1 978; 8.14 R. Johnston, The Italians, 1978: 8.15 J. Bell, The British, 1978; 8.16 R. Apple, The Jews, 1981; 8.17 S. Drury, The Lebanese, 1981: and 8.18 J. Bell, The Dutch, 1981). An impressive case-study approach of migrant families has been produced primarily for school use (8.19 Seventeen Australian Families, Canberra . Curriculum Development Centre and Qantas, 1981). The admission of refugees is a continuing issue. Often the politics of refugees is considered important by ma ny Australians (8.20 K. Rivett, Do a refugee s politics matter?, Australian Quar terly, 51: 2, 1979. 19-30). The experiences of refugees sometimes helps make the m great assets to Australian society (8.21 B. Grant, The Boat People, Ringwood. Penguin, 1979; 8.22 Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. Please Listen to What I m Not Saying: A Report on the Survey of Settlement Experiences of Indo chinese Refugees 1978-80, Canberra. AGPS, 1982; 8.23 C.A Price (ed.), Refugees: The Challenge of the Future, Canberra, Academy of the Social Sciences in Austra lia, 1981, and 8.24 C. Pearl,.The Dunera Scandal, Sydney, Angus and Robertson. 1 982). Racism is sometimes experienced by non-European migrants in Australia (8.25 F.S. Stevens (ed.), Racism: The Australian Experience, Sydney. ANZ Book Company, 197 2. Vols. 1-3). The White Australia Policy of the past officially sanctioned raci sm and still influences official practices (8.26 K. Rivett (ed.), Australia and the Non-While Migrant, Melbourne University Press, 1975: 8.27 A. Curthoys and A. Markus (eds.), Who Are Our Enemies? Racism and the Worki ng Class in Australia, Sydney, Hale and Iremonger. 1978). Racism is alive, but f ortunately is declining (8.28 L Lippmann, Current Attitudes to Asian Immigration into Australia, Ethnic Studies, 3:1, 1979, 35-45). Stereotyping of some Europea n ethnic groups can have a negative impact on some European migrants in Australi a (8.29 Racialism in Schools, in Social Issues of the Seventies, Sydney, Austral ian Broadcasting Commission. 1976, 5-21: 8.30 A. Fitzgerald, The Italian Farming Soldiers, Melbourne University Press, 1981; 8.31 G. Cresciani, The proletarian migrants: fascism and Italian anarchists in Australia, Australian Quarterly, 51: 1, 1979, 419; and 8.32 Commissioner for Community Relations, Annual Report, Canb erra, AGPS, 1976-61). Refugees are often settled in Australia for good, for they cannot return home. W here migrants have a choice, the decision to return to their home country can be infl uenced by homesickness, a failure of Australia to live up to their expectations, failure to find suitable employment, and even reasons which are irrational (8.3 3 A.Richardson, British Immigrants and Australia. A Psycho-social Inquiry, Canbe rra. ANU Press, 1974; and 8.34 S.L Thompson, Australia Through Italian Eyes, Mel bourne, Oxford University Press, 1980). 9. Religion

The Anglican and Presbyterian Churches have always enjoyed high status in Austra lia. Anglo-Scottish Protestants have always held the majority of positions of po wer (9.1 H. Mol, Religion in Australia, Melbourne, Nelson, 1972 . Irish-Australi an Catholics are no longer an ethnic out-group , perhaps in part due to changes in the character of Australian Catholicism (9.2 P. OFarrell, The Catholic Church and Community in Australia: A History, Melbourne, Nelson, 1977; 9.3 G. Henders on, Mr Santamaria and the Bishops, Sydney. Studies in the Christian Movement 198 2: and 9.4 E. Campion, Rockchoppers, Growing Up Catholic in Australia, Ringwood, Vic., Penguin. 1982). The Catholic Church is reacting slowly to changes in the ethnic composition of Australias Catholic population. Italo-Australian Catholics, for example, are very different from their Irish-Australian counterparts (9.5 F .W. Lewins, The Myth of the Universal Church, Canberra, Australian National Univ ersity, 1978).

Many small churches in Australia cater largely or specifically for particular et hnic groups. The Lutheran Church in South Australia was, and probably still is, largely a German Church (9.6 H. Lehmann, South Australian German Lutherans in th e second half of the Nineteenth Century. A Case of Rejected Assimilation?, Journ al of Intercultural Studies, 2:2. 1981. 24-42). Some churches can claim to repre sent the overwhelming majority of migrants with particular ethnic backgrounds. T hese include Armenian Orthodox (9.7 A Mirzaian, Armenians: A Pilgrim People in T ierra Australia , Sydney, Rev. Fr. A. Mirzaian,.1975): and Greek Orthodox (9.8 A . Papageorgopoulos. The Greeks in Australia-A Home Away From Home, Sydney, Alpha Books, 1981). The Greek Orthodox Church in Australia has a history of division and factionalism. Several churches with a high membership of refugees are also d ivided, for example Russian, Serbian and Ukrainian Churches in Adelaide (9.9 J.I . Martin, Community and Identity, Refugee Groups in Adelaide, Canberra, ANU Pres s, 1972). Several ethnic groups have divided religious loyalties, which sometime s lead to disharmony within these groups. Examples are the Dutch between Catholi c and Protestant Churches (9.10 H. Overberg, Dutch in Victoria, 1947-80: Communi ty and Ideology, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2:1, 1981, 17-36): and Lebane se between Christian and Moslem (9.11 A Ata, The Lebanese in Melbourne: ethnicit y. inter-ethnic activities and attitudes to Australia, Australian Quarterly, 51: 3, 1979, 37-54). Anti-Semitism has sometimes surfaced in Australian society (9.12 A. Grassby, Rel igion in a Multicultural Society, St. Mark s Review, 107, September 1981, 50-58) , but is generally a creature of fringe political groups (9.13 A.A. Campbell. Th e Australian League of Rights: A Study in Political Extremism and Subversion, Co llingwood, Vic., Outback Press, 1978: and 9.14 A.H. Hughes, Psychology and the P olitical Experience, London, Cambridge University Press, 1975). Changes in the A ustralian Jewish community arising from post-World War II Jewish immigration to Australia are unclear (9.15 P.Y. Medding (ed.), Jews in Australian Society, Melb ourne, Macmillan, 1973). 10. Welfare and Social Services

Migrants in theory have equal access to the variety of welfare services provided for the benefit of the Australian community. In practice welfare services frequ ently do not take into account cultural differences and the special needs of mig rant ethnic groups (10.1 B.B. Hetzel, Health and Australian Society, Harmondswor th, Penguin, Third Edition, 1980). In particular, migrants especially the recent ly arrived, suffer the dual disadvantage of being both poor and unable, often th rough lack of knowledge, to secure maximum benefits from available services (10. 2 Australian Government Commission of Inquiry into Poverty: Welfare of Migrants (Henderson Commission), Canberra, AGPS. 1975). There is now an increasing accept ance that positive discrimination in favour of migrants is desirable (10.3 P. Bo ss, Social Welfare Policy and Migrants in Australia, Ethnic Studies, 1:1, 1977, 42-50). Information about welfare services received by migrants leaves much to be desire d. Often this information is received second-hand from friends and is unreliable 10.4 W.D. Scott and Company, Survey into the Information Needs of Migrants in A ustralia - Summary of Findings, Canberra. AGPS, 1980). Migrants are often fearful of the bureaucracy, and many feel intimi dated by persons in positions of authority (10.5 W. Lowenstein and M. Loh, The I mmigrants, Melbourne, Hyland House, 1977). Such fears have been reinforced by th e so-called Greek Conspiracy Case. In this cases number of persons were charged by the Commonwealth Police with fraudulently obtaining invalid pensions from the Department of Social Security. It was claimed a number of Creek migrants had fa lsified the state of their health (10.6 D. Grimes, Social security conspiracy case -a review, Australian Quarterly, 52:2, 1980, 128-143). All charges were subseque

ntly withdrawn. Many migrants do not understand the complexities of health care arrangements in Australia. Frequently migrants have inadequate health insurance (10.7 Australian Government Commission of Inquiry into Poverty, Health Studies of Selected Disad vantaged Groups, Canberra. ACPS, 1977). Migrants also suffer from a lack of cult ural awareness by doctors (10.8 J. Cawte, Multicultural Medicine, Australian Fam ily Physician, 9, July 1980, 491-492: and 10.9 J. Krupinski and R. Cochrane, Mig ration and Mental Health-A Comparative Study, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 1:1, 1980, 49-57). The recognition of overseas medical qualifications would do m uch to overcome this problem, but Australian doctors operate a very tight closed shop. Non-British medical qualifications have generally been regarded by Australi an doctors with the greatest suspicion; (10.10 E.F. Kunz, The Intruders. Refugee Doctors in Australia, Canberra, ANU Press, 1975). Child care is a special problem for many migrant women. Child care is often expe nsive, and few child care centres consider the special diet needs of certain gro ups. Migrant women make less use of children s services than Australian-born wom en (10.11 J. Reichstein, Migrant Child Care Needs, Migration Action, 5:1, 1981, 25-27). The ethnic aged are another disadvantaged group. Older established ethni c communities have established homes to cater for special needs, but the majorit y of ethnic aged must rely greatly on family support networks (10.12 S. Hearst, Ethnic Communities and their Aged, Melbourne, Clearing House on Migration Issues and Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria, 1982). Interpreter services are probably the most important service required by most re cently arrived migrants, yet their availability is often reduced by irresponsibl e government actions (10.13 L Rodopoulos (ed.), Catalysts for a Multicultural So ciety: Interpreter Services in Australia, Melbourne, Victorian Council of Social Service, 1981). The training of welfare workers is also a question of prioritie s so often neglected (10.14 L Rodopoulos (ed.), Readings for Helpers in a Cultural ly Plural Society, Richmond. Vic., CHOMI. 1981; 10.15 M. Liffman, The Education of Professionals in a Multicultural Society, Migration Action. 5:3. 1982. 10-17; and 10.16 E. Learner, Education and Training for Social Welfare Personnel in Au stralia, Canberra, AGPS, 1979). 11. Sociology

Sociologists are responsible for a great deal of the literature on ethnicity, mu ch of it of great value. A high quality general reference on ethnicity in an Aus tralian text-book is likely to be a definitive work (11.1 D. Edgar, Introduction to Australian Society. A Sociological Perspective, Sydney, Prentice-Hall of Aus tralia, 1980, Ch. 11). Most earlier sociological studies concentrated on a broad theme of absorption or assimilation (11.2 R. Taft, Ethnic Groups, in F.J. Hunt (ed.), Socialisation in Australia, Melbourne, Australia International. 1978, 96118; 11.3 R. Johnston (ed.), Immigrants in Western Australia, Perth. University of Western Australia Press,1979 and 11.4 J.Zubrzycki, Settlers of the Latrobe Va lley, Canberra. ANU Press, 1964). Sociologists have generally left the broad issues of multiculturalism to politic al scientists, preferring to study aspects of particular ethnic groups. One such aspect is the regional concentration of ethnic groups, the subject of extensive research (11.5 P.Fisher, How the trendy twees expelled the blue collars and et hnics, National Times, 14-19 January 1974, 13; 11.6 W.S. Logan, Gentrification i n inner Melbourne: problems of analysis, Australian Geographical Studies, 20, Ap ril 1982, 65-95: 11.7, I.H. Burnley, R.J. Pryor and D.T. Rowland (eds.), Mobilit y and Community Change in Australia, St. Lucia, University of Queensland Press, 1980: 11.8 I.H. Burnley, Social Environment, Sydney, McGraw-Hill. 1976:and 11.9 , I.H. Burnley (ed.). Urbanization in Australia, London, Cambridge University Pr ess, 1974). Ethnic concentrations may not have desirable consequences for social

planners (11.10 P. Grundy, The ethnic ghetto: help or hindrance?. Rapij (Royal Australian Planning Institute Journal), 18, November 1980, 134-136). Sociologic al literature on particular ethnic groups is uneven. Italians (11.11, R.Huber, F rom Pasta to Pavlova: A Comparative Study of Italian Settlers in Sydney and Grif fith, St. Lucia, University of Queensland Press. 1977); Greeks (11.12, G. Bottom ley. After the Odyssey. A Study of Greek Australians, St Lucia, University of Qu eensland Press, 1979; and 11.13 J. Vondra, Hellas Australia, Melbourne, Widescop e. 1979); and Latvians (11.14, A.L Putnins, Latvians in Australia, Canberra, ANU Press, 1981) have been the subject of recent studies with some sociological emp hasis, but not always the work of sociologically trained persons. Less academic studies sometimes provide broad insights of immigrant experiences which are marg inally useful to sociologists (11.15, I.Milutinovic, Talk English Can t Ya, Melb ourne. Hyland House, 1978: and 11.16, A.J. Grassby, The Morning After, Canberra, Judicator, 1979). 12. Sport and Recreation

Sport and recreation are unfashionable subjects for discussion at academic confe rences, yet they often have a place of major importance in the lives of many mig rants (12.1,A.J. Grassby, Recreation in a Multicultural Society, Australian Jour nal for Health, Physical Education and Recreation. 93, Spring 1981, 10-12). Many previously unheard of sports have been introduced into Australia by migrants (1 2.2 W.W. Bostock, Australias Ethnic Revolution, Quadrant, March 1978, 43). Bocce, one such example, is in Europe second in popularity to soccer (12.3 D. Jopson, The Slightly Different Ritual Called Bocce. National Times, 9-15 August 1981, 50 ). The most popular sport in Australia, with the possible exception of horse racing , is football. All codes played in Australia are overseas imports. Australian Ru les, a variety of Irish Gaelic football, probably owes much of its success to it s appeal last century to the rebel sentiments of Victoria s Celts. Such thoughts are anathema to present day nationalists, who claim that the game is purely an indigenous invention (12.4, L Sandercock and I.A.H. Turner, Up Where, Cazaly? Th e Great Australian Game, London, Granada, 1981). Most academic writing has been on soccer, a game largely popularised in Australia by migration after World War II (12.5, R. Paul, Patrick White, Soccer and Stan Ostoja-Kotkowski, in W.W. Bost ock (ed), Towards a Multi-Cultural Tasmania, Hobart, University of Tasmania, 197 7, 110-113). p 71 A political issue has developed over team names. Should team names be dinky di or a representation of some country in Europe (12.6 G. Harrison, Whats in an Ethnic Name?, Canberra Anthropology, 2: 2, 1979, 23-35). Many soccer officials are inte nt on Australianising the game. This attitude is considered as reverse multicultura lism (12.7 L Allan, Reverse multiculturalism and the politics of soccer, Soccer Action, 2 September 1981, 2). Community organisations probably play the greatest role in the recreational needs of migrants. The most extensive study of such ex amines Polish, Dutch and Maltese community organisations in Melbourne (12.8. R. Unikoski, Communal Endeavours. Migrant Organisations in Melbourne, Canberra. ANU Press, 1978).

13.

Unions and the Labour Market

The role of unions in Australia had traditionally been to seek increased wages,

often at the expense of improved working conditions. Many union officials are mo re interested in playing politics than anything else, even at the expense of neg lecting the union membership. Migrant workers face a dilemma. Many join unions f or protection rather than to support the politics of union officials (13.1, P. G eorgiou, Migrants, Unionism and Society, Australian and New Zealand Journal of S ociology, 9:1, 1973, 32-51). Experiences of migrant workers suggest that they ar e often not protected by union officials from unhygienic, unpleasant and even da ngerous working conditions (13.2 M. Loh, With Courage in their Cases, Melbourne , FILEF, 1980). Few migrants achieve office in trade unions, although this is no w changing (13.3 J.M. Hearn, Migrant participation in trade union leadership, Jo urnal of Industrial Relations, 18, June 1976, 112-123; 13.4, C. Lever-Tracy, The New Australian Working Class: The Case of Ford Broadmeadows, Arena. 62, 1983, 5 5-77). Migrant women are often employed in jobs of a boring and repetitive natur e (13.5 D. Storer (ed.), But I wouldn t want my wife to work here: A Study of Mi grant Women in Industry, Melbourne, Centre for Urban Research and Action, 1976). Migrants are often the first to be laid off in times of unemployment (13.6 D. S torer, Migrants and Unemployment, in D.J. Crough, E.L. Wheelwright and E. Wilshi re (eds.), Australia and World Capitalism, Ringwood. Vic., Penguin, 1980, 46-52) . Marxist economists find the use of migrant labour a tactic by employers to mai ntain low wages and a submissive labour force (13.7) J. Collins, The Political E conomy of Post-War Immigration, in E.L. Wheelwright and K. Buckley (eds.), The P olitical Economy of Australian Capitalism, Vol. I, Sydney, ANZ Book Company, 197 5; and 13.8, J. Collins, Fragmentation of the Working Class, in E.L Wheelwright and K. Buckley (eds.), Essays in the Political Economy of Australian Capitalism, Vol. III, Sydney, ANZ Book Company. 1978). There is evidence of segmentation of the labour force along ethnic lines. One study finds evidence of ethnic-occupat ional ghettoes, jobs primarily done by non-British migrants (13.9 C. Lever-Trac y. Labour Market Segmentation and Diverging Migrant Incomes, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 17: 2. 1981, 21-30). p 72 Some employers are reluctant to employ workers with certain national backgrounds . British migrants workers, for example, are sometimes regarded as militant and whi ngers (13.10 Working for the Company: Work and Control in the Whyalla Shipyard, M elbourne, Oxford University Press, 1980). The depression of the 1980 s may postp one migrant participation in higher management. Migrants have yet to occupy mana gerial positions in Australia in large numbers (13.11 L. Simon, Some comments o n the migrant workforce, Australian Quarterly, 53:2, 1981, 187-197; and 13.12, J . Higley, D. Deacon D. Smart, Elites in Australia, London, Routledge and Kegan P aul, 1979). 14. Overseas Material The vast array of overseas material on ethnic and related studies areas makes a meaningful survey of the literature a huge task to put together. Most of the mat erial is American, and most is not useful to Australian readers. General works o n racism, for example, generally draw conclusions from American experiences whic h are irrelevant to the study of, say, non-white migrants in Australia (14.1, P. L van den Berghe. Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective, New York, John Wil ey, 1967). A most useful work on racism is by Claude Levi-Strauss (14.2, C. Levi -Strauss, Race and History, in UNESCO, Race and Science, New York, Columbia Univ ersity Press, 1969, 219-262). Assimilation in the United States has generally be en assumed (14.3 M. Gordon, Assimilation in American Life, New York, Oxford Univ ersity Press, 1964), but the American melting-pot of different ethnic groups does not appear to be melting (14.4, N. Glazer and D.P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot, Cambridge, Massachusetts, MIT Press, 2nd edition, 1970: 14.5 N. Glazer and D.P. Moynihan (eds.), Ethnicity: Theory and Experience, Cambridge. Massachusetts , Harvard University Press, 1975; and 14.6 N. Glazer, The Ethnic Factor, Encount

er, 57:1, July 1981, 6-17). Cultural pluralism became an issue in the United Sta tes much earlier than it did in Australia. It has generally been taken for grant ed that people in the United States are free if they wish to publicly proclaim t heir ethnic background (14.6 N. Glazer, The issue of cultural pluralism in Ameri ca today, in J.A. Ryan (ed.), White Ethnics: Life in Working Class America, Engl ewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall. 1973). so much so that one writer sugge sts the United States literature is concerned with minority ethnicity to the exc lusion of majority ethnicity (14.8 M. Banton, The Two Ethnicities, Journal of In tercultural Studies, 3:1, 1982, 25-35). Studies of United States immigration sug gest that it takes a long time before members of immigrant ethnic groups enter e lite positions (14.9 M.A.M. Jones, American Immigration, University of Chicago P ress, 1960). Assimilation is relative, and cross-cultural perspectives are bette r in providing explanations of its rate. Blacks in the United States have assimi lated hardly at all into the mainstream of American society (14.10 P.L van den B erghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon, New York, Elsevier, 1981). The use of language in immigrant societies can have much relevance in assessing proposals for an Austra lian national language policy. Mother tongue use will decline over time without positive encouragement in immigrant communities (14.11 J.A. Fishman, J. Gertner, E. Lowy and W. Milan, Language Maintenance. The Ethnic Revival and Diglossia in t he U.S.A., Journal of Intercultural Studies, 3:1, 1982. 5-24). Ethnic politics an important issue in the United States, where certain ethnic groups can and do decide election results (14.12 E. Litt, Beyond Pluralism: Ethnic Politics in Ame rica, Glenview, Illinois, Scott Foresman; and 14.13 M.R. Levy and M.S. Kramer, T he Ethnic Factor: How America s Minorities Decide Elections, New York. Simon and Schuster, 1973). Ethnic and race politics is not confined to the United States (14.14 P.J. Taylor and R.J. Johnston, Geography of Elections, London. Croom Helm , 1979) and is an important factor in the distribution of power in most developi ng countries (14.15 C.H. Enloe, Ethnic Conflict and Political Development, Bosto n, Little Brown, 1973). The division of armies on ethnic lines is in fact a devi ce used by most countries to secure the loyalty of their soldiers (14.16 C.H. En loe, Ethnic Soldiers, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1980). Immigrant workers are frequ ently used as a reserve army of labour. In Western Europe immigrant workers freq uently have few civil rights, and are employed in the most unpleasant jobs (14.1 7, S. Castles and C. Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Eu rope, Oxford University Press. 1973). Western European experiences in this respe ct have some similarities with Australia, but the expectation that most migrants come to Australia as permanent residents is a most significant difference. Ther e is an expectation in Western Europe that most migrants will eventually return to their home countries. The Canadian experience with migrants and the official commitment to multiculturalism, probably come closer to the Australian position (14.18) J. Berry, R. Kalin and D. Taylor, Multiculturalism and Ethnic Attitudes in Canada, Ottawa, Minister of Supply and Services, 1977).