Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2002) 464480 www.academicpress.

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Space syntax analysis of Central Inuit snow houses

Peter C. Dawson
Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Dr., NW Calgary, Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4 Received 12 November 2001; revision received 29 April 2002; accepted 11 June 2002

Abstract Space syntax is a graph-based theory used by architects to examine how the spatial layout of buildings and cities inuences the economic, social, and environmental outcomes of human movement and social interaction. Archaeologists have explored this concept by analyzing how social structure is reected in the spatial conguration of public and domestic architecture. In this paper, space syntax is used to examine the spatial morphology of snow houses built by three Central Inuit groups in the Canadian Arctic, based on ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts. The results of this study demonstrate that variation in family structure and the behavioral directives present in Inuit kinship systems are reected in the spatial congurations of snow house architecture. This has important implications for understanding how architecture might be used to identify enduring and changing patterns of household and community organization in the archaeological record. 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved.
Keywords: Inuit; Canadian Arctic; Architecture; Snow house; Social structure; Space syntax; Thule culture

Introduction The snow houses used by Inuit groups in the Canadian Arctic have long fascinated Europeans who marveled at their ingenious construction and thermal eciency. Ethnographic and ethnohistoric sources indicate that snow houses varied in both size and spatial complexity according to economic, social, and environmental conditions. In 1906, Marcel Mauss and Henri Beauchat suggested that large snow houses were designed to accommodate periods of collective social and ritual intensication that occurred as Inuit groups assembled in large numbers to hunt seals out on the sea ice. However, the idea that specic aspects of Central Inuit social organization might be re-

E-mail address: pcdawson@ucalgary.ca.

ected in snow house architecture has been largely unexplored. This is not surprising given that the use of snow houses had discontinued by the 1950s, and that structures used prior to this time have left no discernable traces in the archaeological record. However, these unique house forms were occasionally described and sketched by early explorers, missionaries, and ethnographers. Three of these sketches form the corpus of this study, and are used to explore the extent to which social information might be present in the geometric structure of their spatial layouts. The rst illustration is of a Copper Inuit snow house built in the vicinity of Dolphin and Union Strait and documented by the ethnographer and archaeologist Diamond Jenness, in 1915 (Fig. 1). The second is of a Netsilik Inuit (Netsilingmiut) snow house built on the sea ice of Repulse Bay, and mapped by the explorer Charles Francis Hall, in

0278-4165/02/$ - see front matter 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved. PII: S 0 2 7 8 - 4 1 6 5 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 0 0 9 - 0

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Fig. 3. Iglulik Inuit Snow House (Mathiassen, 1928, pp. 126127). Fig. 1. Copper Inuit Snow House. The names on each sleeping platform refer to family members occupying the house at the time it was documented by Jenness. A four-roomed dwelling with a dance house, from The life of the Copper Eskimo: Report of the Canadian Arctic Expedition 19131918, by Diamond Jenness, 1922, g. 20, p. 75. Canadian Museum of Civilization.

1866 (Fig. 2). The third is of an Iglulik Inuit (Iglulingmiut) snow house constructed on the east coast of the Melville Peninsula in the eastern part of the Central Canadian Arctic, and documented by the Danish ethnographer and archaeologist Therkel Mathiassen, in 1922 (Fig. 3). While few detailed illustrations of this type exist, other written descriptions of snow houses reveal that all

Fig. 2. Netsilik Inuit Snow House (Hall, 1890, p. 220).

three can be considered as representative of the styles of houses that were constructed by each group. These three snow house plans were analyzed using the theory and methods of space syntax. Originally developed by Bill Hillier and colleagues at University College London, space syntax has been used by architects to examine the inuence of the spatial layout of buildings and cities upon the economic, social, and environmental outcomes of human movement and social interaction. Recurring forms of spatial conguration have been discovered among buildings of similar function and ethnic aliation. This suggests that human activities and social processes have unique requirements that are realized in space. When the function of a building is altered, or when the social relations of its inhabitants change, new spatial orders are necessarily introduced. Archaeologists have explored this concept by analyzing how culture change is expressed in the oor plan geometry of Pueblo ruins (Van Dyke, 1999) and Levantine Neolithic architecture (Banning, 1996). Other researchers have examined how ethnicity is reected in the architecture of traditional versus urban house types in the west-central Nile Delta (Plimpton and Hassan, 1987) and Turkish houses from the 17th to 19th centuries (Orhun et al., 1995). However, few studies have used space syntax to analyze how social processes are reected in the dwellings of small scale hunting and gathering societies. This is unfortunate, as the

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Fig. 4. Map showing the regions inhabited historically by Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit groups. Adapted from Handbook of North American Indians (Arctic) 1984, p. viii.

architectural exibility and limited duration of occupation that characterize dwellings such as snow houses would have likely served to capture domestic life at a specic point in time. While space syntax analysis is relatively straightforward, the interpretation of results is often not. This is because space syntax assumes that relationships between spaces translate directly into relationships between people. As a result, ethnographic and ethnohistoric information is used to link dierences in spatial organization to variations observed in the social structures of Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit groups. The results of this study demonstrate that variation in social integration and the behavioral directives present in Inuit kinship systems are revealed in the geometric structure of snow house architecture through dierences in scale, integration, and spatial asymmetry. The Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit all occupy slightly dierent regions of the Canadian Arctic, yet they are known to have interacted periodically (Fig. 4). This strengthens the argument that variations in the syntactic properties among their reported architectural forms re-

ect dierences in regional socio-political structure, and not necessarily variations based on available raw materials or stylistic traditions. These results have important implications for archaeologists because they suggest that it might be possible to retrot the spatial characteristics of social processes observed in the ethnographic record to the archaeological record, thereby providing new insights into the social structures of prehistoric and historic societies.

Snow house architecture The architectural properties of Inuit snow houses represent a unique adaptation to an arctic way of life. Ethnographic observations indicate that two people could build a self-supporting, thermally ecient structure large enough to shelter a family in the space of only a few hours. The use of snow as a construction material eliminated the need to carry heavy portable shelters and allowed families to stay mobile throughout the winter months. Indirect evidence for the use of

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snow houses in pre-contact times has been cited primarily from the recovery of snow knives at Thule archaeological sites. Thule peoples arrived in the Canadian Arctic from the area of the Bering Strait approximately 1000 years ago. There is little evidence for snow house use in the Bering Strait region and this has prompted speculation that knowledge of snow houses may have been acquired through contacts with earlier remnant Dorset populations (Bandi, 1969, p. 150; Dumond, 1977, p. 145; Maxwell, 1985, p. 368; McGhee, 1984, p. 372; Morrison, 1983, p. 279; Plumet, 1979, p. 116 but see Park, 1993, pp. 216 217 for an alternate view). The use of large coastally situated semi-subterranean houses by Thule peoples suggests that snow houses would have functioned primarily as impermanent shelters for use when traveling (Park, 1988, p. 71). With the abandonment of bowhead whaling in many regions of the eastern and central Arctic in the 16th century, the snow house became the principal winter house form among many Inuit groups. Snow houses were used from October until May (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 129) and continued to serve as an important type of winter dwelling until the 1950s. Numerous descriptions of the techniques used to build snow houses exist in the accounts of explorers, missionaries, whalers, and ethnographers. The construction of snow houses was a cooperative endeavor between both sexes. Men were usually responsible for the cutting and placement of snow blocks while the shoveling of snow over top of the house was mostly the work of women (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 124). A man would begin by cutting snow blocks of a ne grain and uniform consistency from a suitable snow drift using a sulung or snow knife (Kershaw et al., 1995, p. 334). Once the initial row of blocks had been placed in a circle, the rst block was cut down to the ground and the top of the row inclined so as to form the rst thread of a spiral (Boas, 1964 [1888], p. 132). Subsequent rows were placed in a similar fashion until the vault or dome was completed. An entrance tunnel comprising two or three smaller vaults for storage was then tted to this doorway, and a small window was cut over the entrance and covered with either a translucent patch of sewn seal intestine, or a piece of freshwater ice (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 129). Snow was then shoveled overtop of the structure for additional insulation (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 124). Inside the house, an elevated platform was constructed at the rear of the dwelling and lamp (kudlick) stands erected

along the side walls adjacent to the opening of the entrance tunnel. The internal dimensions of living and storage spaces have been documented by Mathiassen (1928), Boas (1964 [1888]), Balikci (1970), Jenness (1922), and others and appear to have ranged from 3.35 m (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 125) to over 6 m in diameter for a single dome (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 128; Balikci, 1970, p. 63). Dead air spaces within snow blocks served to effectively insulate the interior of the dwelling from the cold outside air. Inuit groups such as the Iglulingmuit and Tunumeriut would also suspend skin linings from the walls and roofs of their houses. This could increase the interior temperature of the dwelling by as much as 10 C (Boas, 1964 [1888], p. 135). Sealskins sewn together to make these linings were often derived from worn out summer tents (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 128). Three primary sources of energy were used to heat snow houses: (1) the burning of sea mammal oil in lamps, (2) body heat generated by the occupants of the dwelling (including dogs), and (3) geothermal heat emitted from the soil below the dwelling when constructed on land rather than sea ice (Kershaw et al., 1995, p. 334). Restricted access to sea mammal oil, small family sizes, and lack of suitable snow occasionally placed limits on the size and spatial complexity of snow houses. Eorts to locate good snow drifts may have been considerable when winter conditions were less than optimal (Kershaw et al., 1995, p. 334). Jenness (1922), for example, reports that among the Copper Inuit limited access to snowdrifts of a depth appropriate for cutting snow blocks sometimes resulted in families constructing small, single-roomed snow houses. Regardless, many ethnographers and explorers encountered large multi-roomed snow houses grouped into villages of 100 or more people (Mathiassen, 1928; Maxwell, 1985). The construction of multi-roomed or composite snow houses has been documented among the Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit of the Canadian Arctic. Composite dwellings usually consisted of two or more domes that were connected by co-joining the walls or entrance tunnels of the structures. In 1830, British Naval explorer Sir John Ross observed 120 Netsilik Inuit persons inhabiting 12 snow houses and estimated an average household unit of 10 persons (Ross, 1835, p. 243). Among the plates included in Rosss published narrative is one entitled Snow Cottages of the Boothians (Fig. 5) (Ross, 1835, p. 248). The snow houses in this illustration are clustered close together and few entrance tunnels are

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Fig. 5. Snow Cottages of the Boothians (Ross, 1835, p. 248).

depicted, suggesting that perhaps some were interconnected. During his search for Sir John Franklin, Leopold McClintock commented on 12 persons inhabiting two snow houses with conjoining entrance tunnels (McClintock, 1868, p. 225). Likewise, Danish explorer Knud Rasmussen described ve domed huts with communicating passages which housed an extended family of 16 people at Cape Elizabeth, north of Lyon Inlet (Rasmussen, 1933, p. 46). While some composite snow houses consisted of living areas, storage areas, and dog rooms, others were built around special function spaces such as festival or dance houses which were used for communal activities such as singing, dancing, drumming, and competitive games (Fig. 1). The size of the dance house was often determined by the number of residential dwellings it was required to enclose. The more numerous the dwellings that had to be connected, the more dicult the dance house was to construct (Balikci, 1970, p. 62; Jenness, 1922, p. 77). As a result, the usual practice among the Copper Inuit was to build dance houses over the entrance passages of up to three houses, although Jenness (1922, 71) reports that building over the entrances of four snow houses was not unknown. Among the Netsilik Inuit, building dance houses over the entrances of four dwellings appears to have been more common

(Balikci, 1970, pp. 6263). While the use of dance houses to connect family dwellings was practiced by the Iglulik Inuit, they were also built as separate structures (Boas, 1964 [1888], p. 192). The greater ecological productivity of the Iglulik Inuit area (Damas, 1975b, p. 414) may have provided enough sea mammal oil to heat dance houses as stand-alone structures. In contrast, more limited access to sea mammal oil may have made it impractical to build dance houses as separate edices in the Copper and Netsilik areas. It would have therefore been necessary to heat these large spaces using the lamps of connected family dwellings.

Social structure and residence patterns in Central Inuit snow houses Damas (1972, 1975b) has argued that integration and cohesion in social structure intensied among Central Inuit cultures as one moved from west to east in the Canadian Arctic (Fig. 4). For example, household organization, leadership, kinship directives, and communal living arrangements all increased in formality and rigidity (Table 1). The reasons for these dierences are dicult to ascertain, and attempts have been made to explain them in terms of environmental variables and historic processes (Damas, 1969,

P.C. Dawson / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2002) 464480 Table 1 Comparisons of three Central Inuit regional groupsa Features Household organization Leadership Kinship directives Copper Inuit Nuclear Ephemeral Attenuated, narrow in scope Netsilik Inuit Extended Extended family head Restricted to extended family, weak dominance hierarchy (naalaqtuq), moderate aectional bonding (ungayuq) Greater duration and stability Iglulik Inuit Extended

469

Communal living arrangements

a

Fleeting and impermanent

Local group and extended family heads Broad in scope, strong dominance hierarchy (naalaqtuq) and aectional bonding (ungayuq) Greatest duration and stability

Adapted from Stevenson (1997) and Damas (1965, 1969, 1971, 1972, 1975a,b).

1975b). For example, it was thought that the reason why seal meat sharing networks were present among the Copper and Netsilik, yet absent among the Iglulik Inuit, was due to the fact that the former occupied areas of greater ecological uncertainty (Damas, 1969, p. 55). Likewise, the larger winter village aggregations of the Iglulik Inuit were linked to the greater ecological productivity of the areas they inhabited (Damas, 1969, p. 53). However, there were certain features of Central Inuit social organization that were not shared among groups occupying similar environmental zones. These included signicant dierences in leadership roles and in family structure among Copper and Netsilik Inuit groups (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2122). Damas (1969, 1975b) has suggested that those features of Central Inuit social structure not linked to environmental variables likely represent the eects of historical processes such as migration, diusion, innovation, and cultural drift. Space syntax theory predicts that the spatial congurations of Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit snow houses should reect many of the dierences outlined above. If true, then it might be possible to search for similar forms of spatial conguration in the archaeological record, and use the social correlates of these congurations as an armature for understanding the social structures of Thule culture and later historic Inuit groups. In order to examine this possibility, it is rst necessary to dene the characteristic features of Central Inuit social organization and then translate them into measurable properties of spatial conguration. Features that warrant special attention are the behavioral directives that structured interpersonal relationships. In general terms, these behavioral directives operated along two axes; one based on respectobedience (na-

alaqtuq) and the other on aectional solidarity and emotional closeness (ungayuq) (Damas, 1975a, p. 24; Stevenson, 1997, p. 9; Wenzel, 1981, p. 86). Together, these directives structured relations between dyads or paired sets of individuals. These dyads were usually determined by sex, generational and relative age dierences, and consanguinal/anal ties (Damas, 1975a, p. 24). Rather than working in opposition to one another, naalaqtuq and ungayuq directives were mutually inuencing and complementary in nature (Stevenson, 1997, p. 12). Damas (1965, 1975a) and Stevenson (1997) have examined how these two behavioral directives functioned in terms of kinship while Wenzel (1981) has analyzed how naalaqtuq and ungayuq patterned ecological activities in productive ways. Copper Inuit In the western Arctic, Copper Inuit winter villages consisted of loose clusters of nuclear families held together more by voluntary associations than by kinship (Damas, 1969). While some sets of relatives did have mildly expressed subordinate directives axed to them, the principals of naalaqtuq and ungayuq were virtually absent. Instead, the autonomy of nuclear families and a strong egalitarian ethic were stressed, and voluntary associations and partnerships were used to create symmetrical ties between individuals (Stevenson, 1997, p. 47). Among the most important of these were spousal exchange partnerships and singing/dancing associations (Damas, 1969, pp. 4950). Two nuclear families engaged in such relationships would normally live together in a composite snow house with separate living and cooking areas. Dance houses were used to connect such structures and likely increased the stability of

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alliances formed between nuclear families (Jenness, 1922, p. 77). Outside of these relationships, nuclear families occupied small unattached snow houses that were occasionally connected to the dwellings of other families for social purposes using walls or entrance passages (Jenness, 1922, pp. 6576). Co-residence within these communal dwellings was often eeting and impermanent, and rarely lasted more than one camp move (Jenness, 1922, p. 74). Netsilik Inuit As one moved eastward into the Netsilik area, kinship became a more important organizing principle (Damas, 1969). Extended families, integrated through kin ties, partnerships, and ungayuq and naalaqtuq bonds, formed mutually autonomous and highly territorial local groups. Damas (1972, 1975a) considered Netsilik social structure to be more integrated than the Copper Inuit but less integrated than the Iglulik Inuit. This assumption was based on his belief that ungayuq directives did not apply to the Netsilik. Stevenson (1997), however, has suggested that the continuation of aectional behaviors among cross-sex cousins into adulthood and the use of terms of endearment between wives and husbands imply that deep bonds of aection did exist between members of the local group. Consequently, he has argued that ungayuq bonds were present in Netsilik society, and that they were emphasized to a greater extent than naalaqtuq directives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 285). Within the family, naalaqtuq bonds structured fatherson relations, with sons submitting to their fathers authority in all aspects of daily life (Damas, 1975a, p. 18). The pair acquired a functional signicance for the extended family by cooperating in a range of activities (Balikci, 1970, p. 105). Other pairs that incorporated naalaqtuq directives included brothersister, unclenephew, and older siblingyounger sibling (Damas, 1975a, p. 16). Balikci (1970, 62) has stated that it was the usual pattern for two related families to share a snow house. In this situation, resident families would either occupy a single snow house or erect adjoining snow houses with a common fore porch. On occasion, four snow houses were used to form the foundation of a large communal dance house (Balikci, 1970, p. 62). Unlike the Copper Inuit, who dened co-residency primarily through partnerships, Netsilik families occupying composite snow houses were usually related through

kin ties. For example, recently married sons would frequently live with their fathers (Balikci, 1970, p. 62). As a consequence, Balikci (1970) states that the occupants of large composite structures constituted a single, close-knit social unit. While camp moves were relatively frequent during periods of winter sealing, the greater unity of the Netsilik family resulted in more stable patterns of co-residence than those observed among the Copper Inuit (Balikci, 1970, p. 112). Iglulik Inuit Moving further east into the Iglulingmiut area, social structure assumed the most internally coherent and integrated form of all three groups (Damas, 1965, 1975a). Strong kinship directives and numerous kin ties dened the extended family. Kinship factors and a diverse range of voluntary associations/partnerships functioned to integrate family members into households and local groups (Damas, 1975a, p. 19). Two features of Iglulik Inuit social organization that stand out are the solidarity of the extended family and the emphasis placed on naalaqtuq behavioral directives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 273). Within Iglulik Inuit culture, age, gender, generation, and consanguinal/anal ties determined ones place in the social hierarchy (Stevenson, 1997, p. 273). Hence, young were subordinate to old, sisters subordinate to brothers, children subordinate to parents, and in-marrying males subordinate to all males born into the kin group regardless of age or generational relationships. Outside of the kin group, social hierarchies were established and maintained through friendly competition designed to establish who was the fastest, strongest, or cleverest (Rasmussen, 1933, p. 227). So completely did naalaqtuq directives structure Iglulik Inuit social life that individuals would constantly inquire about age, purpose, and connection as a means of guring out how others t into the status hierarchy (Damas, 1965, p. 47). The emphasis placed on naalaqtuq directives resulted in pronounced leadership within both the extended family and the local group (Wenzel, 1981, p. 85). Extended families occupied large composite snow houses which were the most common form of winter dwelling among the Iglulik Inuit (Lyon, 1824; Mathiassen, 1928). The oor plans of Iglulik Inuit snow houses documented by Mathiassen (1928) from the Melville Peninsula suggest that they were among the largest and most spatially complex of all Central Inuit groups. These

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structures were commonly organized around a central system of spaces which linked together living areas, dog rooms, and storage areas (Mathiassen, 1928, p. 125). While dance houses were used to connect the snow houses of co-resident families in Copper and Netsilik culture, they existed more frequently as separate structures among the Iglulik Inuit (Boas, 1964 [1888], p. 192). These ceremonial houses usually consisted of a single, large dome 4.6 m in height and 6.1 m in diameter and were used for singing, dancing, and feasting (Boas, 1964 [1888], p. 192). Finally, communal living arrangements within composite snow houses appear to have been more stable and of longer duration than among the Copper and Netsilik Inuit. For example, Rasmussen (1933, 22) deduced that an extended family of 16 persons he visited at Lyon Inlet had lived in their large snow house for some time because heat had thawed the inner surface of the walls, forming icicles that hung down gleaming in the soft light of the blubber lamp. To summarize, integration and cohesion in social structure varied among Central Inuit cultures as one moved from west to east. The importance of kinship as an organizing principle increased between Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit groups, as did the solidarity and size of the residential family, and the number of non-kindred alliance forming mechanisms. Behavioral directives involving respectobedience (naalaqtuq) were most strongly expressed among the Iglulingmiut. Finally, residence patterns in composite snow houses shifted from several autonomous nuclear families integrated through voluntary associations and partnerships to large extended families integrated through strongly developed kin ties. These dierences appear to have been accompanied by increases in the duration and stability of family residency within the snow house. Space syntax provides a methodology for translating these key features into properties that can be measured in the spatial conguration of snow house oor plans.

The theory and method of space syntax In 1984, Hillier and Hanson published The Social Logic of Space in which they outlined a syntactic theory for the organization of space in buildings and settlements. In the book they argued that buildings, towns, and cities have particular spatial properties that translate into sociological rules which aect how people relate to one an-

other. Within this framework, the spatial conguration of a dwelling or settlement is believed to present a fairly precise map of the economic, social, and ideological relations of its inhabitants (Hanson, 1998, p. 13). Over the past 18 years, the theory and method of space syntax has undergone a great deal of development. This has been due largely to three factors; the application of space syntax to a wider range of building and settlement types (Hanson, 1994, 1998; Hillier, 1996; Peponis et al., 1997, etc.), the development of sophisticated computer software that has allowed researchers to numerically capture dierences in the conguration of spaces (Penn et al., 1998; Turner, 2001, etc.), and the organization of three international symposia on space syntax research (2002, 1999, 1997). Results indicate that integration and connectivity are powerful predictors for how busy or how quiet a space will be (Hanson, 1998, p. 10). Spaces are usually connected together in ways that vary the distribution of integration throughout the structure, making some areas of a dwelling more accessible than others. This sequencing of integration serves to regulate interactions among inhabitants, and between inhabitants and visitors. In an Ashanti palace, for example, integration is sequenced in such a way that one must rst pass through a series of intermediate spaces in order to access the personal space of the chief who occupies the deepest section of the conguration (Hillier and Hanson, 1984, p. 167). In this situation, the spatial conguration of the palace serves to reinforce the social inequalities inherent in Ashanti society (Hillier and Hanson, 1984, p. 167). Integration has emerged from empirical studies as the most important way in which houses convey culture through their spatial congurations (Hanson, 1998, p. 32). If houses display regularities in their spatial congurations, then they are said to share similar constructions of social interfaces among family members. Conversely, if houses display irregularities, then these social interfaces must also dier. One of the basic strategies of space syntax research, then, is to search for invariants in spatial patterning, and translate these into patterns of human interaction that are culturally specic. This is accomplished through congurational description. Congurational descriptions consist of justied graphs of lines and circles which map the permeability or accessibility of a building. Three properties of spatial conguration that can be measured from justied permeability graphs are scale, integration, and relative asymmetry (RA).

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Scale is simply the total number of nodes or bounded spaces contained in the conguration (Fig. 6A). Scale provides an indication of the size and spatial requirements of the residential unit. Integration encompasses two components: the number of rings and the number communal spaces. Rings occur when spaces are connected together into circuits that allow a single space to be accessed by more than one route (Fig. 6B). This results in short cuts between spaces that truncate the route of access. Communal spaces function to integrate other types of spaces by connecting them together in ways that create opportunities for social encounters and participation in group activities (Fig. 6C). As a result, well-integrated households often utilize greater numbers of rings and communal spaces. Relative asymmetry maps how integration is distributed throughout the structure, thereby immediately capturing the congurational properties of a building. This provides the researcher with a numerical means of comparing the congurational descriptions of dierent types of structures (Hanson, 1998, p. 23; Hillier and Hanson, 1984, pp. 108140). Relative asymmetry is determined

by calculating the relative dierences in trip lengths it takes to move from one space to all other spaces in the dwelling. This principle is reected in Figs. 7A and B, in which the justied permeability graph of an Iglulik Inuit snow house (Fig. 3) has been redrawn from the perspective of two dierent spaces. The dierent ways in which spaces 3 and 11 are connected to other spaces in the conguration changes the depth and symmetry of each graph. As a result, trips taken from space 11 to all other spaces in the structure vary much more in length than trips taken from space 3. This has the eect of making space 11 less accessible to a person moving through the dwelling than space 3. Relative asymmetry can be expressed mathematically using an equation developed by Hillier and Hanson (1984, p. 108). The mean depth (MD) of each space is calculated by assigning every other space a depth value, based on the trip lengths taken to move from the current space to all others in the dwelling. These trip lengths are then summed and divided by the total number of spaces in the house (k) less one (the current space). Relative asymmetry is then calculated as follows: RA 2MD 1 : k2

Because RA values can vary considerably across dwellings of dierent sizes, it is necessary to convert them into a measure of real relative asymmetry (RRA) using a table of constants

Fig. 6. (AC) Properties of spatial conguration comprising scale and integration.

Fig. 7. (A, B) Justied permeability graphs for an Iglulik Inuit snow house (Fig. 3) drawn from the perspective of two dierent spaces (3; 11).

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provided by Hillier and Hanson (1984, p. 112). The resulting RRA values are either greater than or less than 1, with higher values indicating more asymmetry or dierences in spatial accessibility. A computer program called Netbox has been developed specically for congurational analysis and allows for the rapid calculation of RA and RRA values. It is important to note that various criticisms have been leveled against the theory and method of space syntax. Many assert that space syntax is simply a nave form of architectural determinism. It should be pointed out, however, that practitioners of space syntax have made concerted efforts to distance themselves from this idea by portraying spatial organization as a means by which societies simply reconstitute or reproduce themselves. Critics such as Leach (1978) have stated that the theory itself lacks sociological sophistication, and that the mathematical models developed by Hillier and colleagues cannot account for the complexity of real life situations (Leach, 1978, p. 400). Space syntax also supposes that all cultures share similar strategies for privacy regulation, and that the accessibility of a space is equivalent to the power that occupants of the space wield over others in the household (ParkerPearson and Richards, 1994, p. 30). Regardless, a growing body of research indicates that the spatial structure of any house re-enforces to some degree, a customary pattern of integration among its occupants that is often culturally unique (e.g., Hillier, 1996; Hanson, 1998). Finally, it has been suggested that in order to use space syntax to make valid inferences about social relations from the ground plans of houses and settlements in the archaeological record, one almost needs to know the answer to the question before it is asked (Leach, 1978, p. 338). However, through the use of direct historic analogy and ethnoarchaeology, archaeologists can analyze the spatial congurations of historic or contemporary groups and then look for evidence of similar syntactic principles in the archaeological record. Thus, as Parker-Pearson and Richards (1994, p. 30) explain, space syntax is still a useful tool in archaeology.

following ways. The size of the residential unit translates into scale, with extended family households occupying dwellings of greater scale than nuclear family households. Behavioral directives based on aectional solidarity and emotional closeness (ungayuq) translate into integration, with strongly integrated families making greater use of rings and communal spaces. Behavioral directives based on respectobedience (naalaqtuq) translate into higher values of real relative asymmetry with strong subordinate relationships resulting in highly asymmetrical spatial congurations. Justied permeability graphs were drawn from the maps taken of the Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit snow houses using Netbox, version 4.1 (Figs. 8AC). Measures of scale and integration were then taken directly from the justied permeability graphs and RRA values were calculated for each graph also using Netbox. The results of the analysis are provided in Figs. 8DF and Table 2, and were used in conjunction with observations of space use in snow houses found in ethnohistoric sources.

Results of analysis Results indicate that the Iglulik Inuit snow house displays higher values of scale, integration, and real relative asymmetry than those of the Copper and Netsilik Inuit which share a similar spatial conguration. The measurements taken in Figs. 8DF and summarized in Table 2 reveal that the Iglulik Inuit snow house contains a greater number of spaces. While both the Copper and Netsilik Inuit snow houses used in the analysis are of the same scale, ethnogrophic data indicate that composite dwellings of one to three domes (living areas) were usual among the Copper Inuit (Jenness, 1922, p. 71) while structures of four domes were more common among the Netsilik (Balikci, 1970, pp. 6263). The largest Iglulik Inuit snow house recorded by Mathiassen (1928) contained ve family domes. These dierences in scale likely reect the fact that larger extended families formed the primary residential unit in Iglulingmiut society. Hence, the larger the residential unit, the greater the need for residential space, extra storage space, and activity space. The Iglulik Inuit snow house is also more spatially integrated. Figs. 8C and F contain a ring or circuit which connects spaces 2, 3, and 4, thereby integrating the residential space 10 into the rest of the structure. The Iglulik Inuit snow

Determining the space syntax of Central Inuit social structure The key features of Central Inuit social organization translate into the properties of scale, integration, and real relative asymmetry in the

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Fig. 8. (AF) Justied permeability maps and RRA values for Copper Inuit (A, D), Netsilik Inuit (B, E), and Iglulik Inuit (C, F) snow houses. Space 1 is the interface between the outside and inside of the dwelling. Solid black circles denote family living areas.

Table 2 Measurements of spatial conguration taken from the oor plans of snow houses House Scale # Nodes Copper Inuit Netsilik Inuit Iglulik Inuit 5 5 10 Integration # Rings 0 0 1 # Communal spaces 1 1 4 Real relative asymmetry Average RRA .9550 .9550 1.1920

house also contains a greater number of communal spaces (spaces 2, 3, 4, and 5). Many of these communal spaces appear to have functioned as dog rooms and storage areas for meat and communal property (Mathiassen, 1928). This stands in contrast to the single communal space used in Copper Inuit and Netsilik snow houses which commonly functioned as a dance house. In the case of the Copper Inuit, the greater autonomy of nuclear families may have required the use of communal spaces for rituals which encouraged cooperation and group solidarity. The strong solidarity of the extended family in Iglulingmiut

society likely made it unnecessary to use communal spaces for such functions. Perhaps most interesting, however, are the dierences in real relative asymmetry values displayed between houses. The Iglulik Inuit snow house exhibits a greater average RRA value (1.1920) than the Copper and Netsilik examples (RAA .9550). As mentioned previously, higher RRA values indicate greater asymmetry in the spatial conguration. This greater asymmetry is caused by the fact that trips of unequal lengths must be made when moving between dierent spaces within the dwelling. This has the eect of

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creating greater control over space and the direction of movement. To illustrate, in Figs. 8C and F space 6 is the most easily accessed family living area in the structure (RAA 1.20), followed by space 10 (RRA 1.28), and then by spaces 7, 8, and 9 (RRA 1.43). The hierarchical distribution of living spaces within this snow house is intriguing, given the emphasis placed on behavioral directives involving respectobedience (naalaqtuq) in Iglulik Inuit society. While Mathiassen (1928) fails to explicitly dene the relations held among the occupants of Fig. 8C, space syntax theory predicts that the occupants of space 6 were subordinate to those of spaces 7, 8, 9, and 10. Similarly, the occupants of space 10 would have been superordinate to those of space 6 and subordinate to those of spaces 7, 8, and 9. This interpretation is supported by Damass (1971, 61) observation that:

There appears to have been a denite accepted pattern of habitation of clusters or composite snow houses. The rearmost dome was inhabited by the father and his youngest unmarried son while the domes to the side were the dwellings of older married sons and the occasional son-in-law.

It therefore seems plausible that the greater control of movement in this particular Iglulik Inuit snow house is a spatial expression of the respectobedience directives present in the father son and father-in-law/son-in-law dyads discussed earlier in this paper. This structure is somewhat unique in this regard, as the other two snow houses used in the analysis situate families in spaces that would have been equally accessible. If snow house architecture is a true reection of social behavior, then we might also expect spatial conguration to change as the social dy-

Fig. 9. (AD) Congurational descriptions (C, D) of two Iglulik Inuit snow houses (A, B) built one month apart, and occupied by members of the same extended family (Mathiassen, 1928, pp. 126127). Solid black circles denote family living areas.

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namics of families were altered. A key feature of Inuit existence was the ability to vary social group size and composition in accordance with seasonal variations in resource availability and distribution. Snow is a exible building material that would have allowed for the rapid addition or demolition of rooms as friendships and partnerships were formed and dissolved, or as friends and relatives arrived and departed from camps. Mathiassen (1928) provides an illustration of a second Iglulik Inuit snow house (Fig. 9A) occupied by members of the same extended family as Fig. 9B, yet built one month later, following the departure of three families. Analysis of the smaller structure indicates that even though it possesses a higher average RRA value (1.2689), indicating greater control over movement, all family living areas are situated at the same level of integration (Fig. 9C). In contrast, while the larger ve family house has a lower RRA value, family living areas are hierarchically distributed along a dierent sequence of integration (Fig. 9D). Social dynamics would have likely been more complex among ve families than among three. Under such conditions, it would have been necessary to reorganize social interfaces between family members as a response to emerging scalar stress. The concept of scalar stress was rst formalized by Johnston (1982) who noted that as small groups increase in size, face to face contact increases to the point where the amount of information being exchanged between individuals rapidly exceeds what they are able to process. This leads to disputes, a decrease in the quality of decision-making, and factionalism. One of the ways that groups deal with scalar stress is by increasing the degree of social hierarchy. Among the Iglulik Inuit, this might have been accomplished by intensifying naalaqtuq directives promoting respect obedience (reected spatially in the dierential accessibility of family living areas), and ungayuq directives promoting aectional solidarity and emotional closeness (reected spatially in the lower RRA value). It is important to remember that the original ve families could have constructed two or more smaller houses to avoid such complications, yet they all opted to live communally within a single structure. In this way, Iglulik Inuit snow houses can be seen as classes of buildings that behave more like settlements than houses, and this further distinguishes them from other styles of Inuit architecture. In summary, as integration and cohesion in social structure varied among Central Inuit cultures as one moved from west to east, so too did

the properties of scale, integration, and real relative asymmetry in snow house architecture. The importance of kinship as an organizing principle increased between groups as did the solidarity of the extended family. This translates spatially into larger numbers of domes, increasing use of communal spaces, and the occasional use of rings or circuits. Behavioral directives based on respect obedience (naalaqtuq) were most strongly expressed among the Iglulik Inuit. This translates into dierent sequences of integration within the conguration, leading to variation in the relative accessibility of spaces in the Iglulik Inuit snow house. Seasonal changes in family composition also appear to have resulted in dierent spatial expressions of naalaqtuq and ungayuq behavioral directives, perhaps as a means of coping with scalar stress. These conclusions have important implications for understanding culture change in the Canadian Arctic.

Implications for Canadian Arctic prehistory Contemporary Inuit are the cultural and biological descendants of Thule peoples who arrived in the Canadian Arctic from the Bering Strait region about 1000 years ago. The principal winter house form used by Thule peoples was the semisubterranean house. Constructed from sod, stone, and occasionally the bones of large baleen whales, these houses took on three basic architectural forms based on the number of family living areas: single-lobed, bi-lobed, and tri-lobed. All three types of houses were excavated into mounds which were occupied separately or in conjunction with other dwellings. Semi-subterranean dwellings that shared mounds were sometimes co-joined; either by connecting the entrance tunnel, or by using a transitional or common space to integrate the living areas of two or three families. Large trilobed or clover leaf-shaped dwellings appear to date later than single-lobed and bi-lobed forms (Figs. 10A and B) (Schledermann, 1975, p. 276). The adoption of these composite house forms seems to correlate with the onset of cooler climatic conditions in the 16th century, which eventually resulted in the abandonment of bowhead whaling in the Central Arctic (Maxwell, 1985; McGhee, 1983; Savelle, 1987; Savelle and McCartney, 1991; Schledermann, 1975). Various explanations for the development of communal houses in areas of the Central Arctic, Labrador, and Greenland have been suggested. The principal arguments have

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Fig. 10. Thule winter house with 1 sleeping platform from Skraeling Island (A) (McCullough, 1989, p. 27); and a later Thule winter house with three sleeping platforms (B) (Schledermann, 1975, p. 276). SP denotes locations of sleeping platforms.

focused on the need to conserve building materials and heat energy (Schledermann, 1976), an increase in food sharing within the household (Petersen, 1974), and socio-economic factors associated with European contact (Richling, 1993). The appearance of communal dwellings at sites such as Haa Island, at the head of Hayes Fiord, Ellesmere Island, suggests that the term illuq meaning related house mate of my generation may have originated in Late Thule times, following the adoption of tri-lobate dwellings in the 16th

century in areas like Ellesmere Island. Illuq reects a merging of cousin terms (Sperry, 1952, pp. 15 16; Stevenson, 1997, p. 315; Thalbitzer, 1941, p. 721) and was used by the Angamasilik of Greenland following the introduction of communal houses in the 16th century (Thalbitzer, 1941). In many ways, the construction of large tri-lobed dwellings by later Thule peoples reect forms of spatial conguration that are not dissimilar to those discussed earlier among the Copper, Netsilik, and Iglulik Inuit. Tri-lobed dwellings represent increases in scale and integration over earlier Thule house forms because they contain larger numbers of bounded living spaces and utilize communal spaces. The use of communal spaces to connect the living areas of families diers from the simple connection of entrance tunnels because they provide a communal area for social encounters and group activities. Communal spaces also aord a means of observing the actions of other resident families. In contrast, the interconnection of entrance tunnels tends to segregate rather than integrate families because the living spaces of each family are bounded and unobservable. Changes in the scale and integration of later Thule dwellings therefore imply increasing integration and cohesion in social structure. This may have involved the intensication of kinship ties as primary organizing principles and might explain the increased level of architectural investment represented by Late Thule tri-lobed dwelling. While large composite snow houses could be constructed in the matter of a day, tri-lobed semi-subterranean dwellings would have required considerably greater expenditures of time, labor, and raw materials (Dawson, 2001, p. 456). Rather than the opportunistic and impermanent pattern of occupation observed by Jenness (1922) in Copper Inuit composite snow houses, building with greater investment may have motivated resident families to re-occupy their dwellings over longer periods of time. The integration of families through primary kin ties rather than solely through partnerships and voluntary associations would have facilitated these more stable patterns of co-residence. This might explain why communal spaces were used simply as fore porches for household activities in Late Thule trilobed dwellings and not as dance houses, as was more common in Copper Inuit snow houses. In the absence of well-developed kin ties, Copper Inuit families may have had to rely on the communal activities embodied in the dance house (singing/ dancing partnerships) as a means of increasing the social cohesion necessary for co-residence.

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While hierarchically distributed living spaces are largely absent in semi-subterranean tri-lobed dwellings, a few examples are known. These include two houses from Skraeling Island which were joined together using a short passage (McCullough, 1989, p. 46). A single entrance tunnel required that individuals pass through the living space of one family in order to gain access to the other. While these types of houses appear to have been rare at Thule sites, they nevertheless demonstrate that building living spaces along dierent sequences of integration in semi-subterranean houses was indeed possible. The fact that they are rare suggests that naalaqtuq-like behavioral directives were either absent or only weakly expressed in Thule households. To summarize, increases in scale and integration observed in Late Thule architecture are similar to those observed in Central Inuit snow house architecture. Space syntax theory predicts that these similarities represent the emergence of larger, more integrated, and cohesive households in Late Thule culture. This may have involved a greater emphasis on kinship factors as central organizing principles in Late Thule households. Hierarchically distributed living spaces are largely absent in semi-subterranean dwellings, suggesting that naalaqtuq-like directives were only weakly expressed. Taken together, this would imply that early Thule households were generally smaller and less socially integrated than later Thule households.

ing how socio-political behavior is expressed spatially in the ethnographic and ethnohistoric record, and then searching for similar patterns in the archaeological record. Future research will focus on broadening the scope of this study to include a wider range of Inuit house forms; investigating, for example, how seasonal variations in Inuit social dynamics might have been expressed spatially among dwellings used at specic points on the seasonal round. By examining the architectural record of Inuit cultures of the past and present, we may be able to discern whether there are enduring patterns of household and community behavior that can be identied in dierent parts of the Canadian Arctic, and whether changes can be seen in these patterns across time and space. Almost a century has passed since Mauss and Beauchat (1979 [1906]) rst suggested that social processes were reected in traditional Inuit architecture. While the snow house is the most archaeologically elusive of Inuit house forms, space syntax may provide archaeologists and anthropologists with an opportunity to revisit some of these intriguing ideas.

Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Charles Arnold, Gerald Oetelaar, Peter Schledermann, A. Kate Peach, and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments, suggestions, and ideas on earlier versions of this manuscript. The author assumes all responsibility for any errors in this paper.

Conclusions In conclusion, the results of this study reveal that dierences in Central Inuit social structure are reected in the spatial conguration of Copper Inuit, Netsilik Inuit, and Iglulik Inuit snow houses. An increasing emphasis on extended families, kinship as an organizing principle and behavioral directives stressing respect and obedience translate into dierences in scale, integration, and spatial asymmetry. Increases in scale and integration also distinguish early from late Thule winter houses and suggest the emergence of closeknit extended families with stable patterns of coresidence that were unied through the intensication of kinship ties. Space syntax approaches have the potential to shed new light on the relationship between house form and culture in both the recent and distant past. This can be accomplished by rst determin-

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