Bautista, Justa Aurea G.

2007 51950 Political Science 199 Review of Related Literature Citation Style used: APSA Legislator Gender and Policy Priorities in the Philippine House of Representatives

Politics was originally exclusive for men, and women were restricted to the domestic, private sphere. Upon the inclusion of women in politics, their representation has been widely encouraged. In the Philippines, women could not participate in elections until 1937 and since the right to run for public office was given to women in the Philippines, women public officials have been growing in number. There are two hundred seventy eight (278) members of the House of Representatives in the 15th Congress. Women comprise about 23% of its population. Sixty two (62) representatives are females while the remaining two hundred sixteen (216) are males. The gender gap in state-level representation is clearly present because according to the Philippine Commission on Women, 46.7 percent of the population is composed of women. It has been found out by scholars that women in Congress and state legislatures feel a special responsibility to act for women as a group (Burrell, 1994; Carroll, 2002; Dodson et al., 1995; Hawkesworth, Dodson, Kleeman, Casey, and Jenkins, 2001; Reingold, 2000; Swers, 2002; Thomas, 1994). (Sanbonmatsu 2003, 367) Poggione (2004) argues that women who hold public office differ with their male colleagues on policy opinionsthey are more liberal and more interested in representing womens issuesbecause of their experiences and responsibilities in the private sphere. Schwindt-Bayer (2006) accounts this interest of women elected officials on womens issues to their traditional roles as wives and mothers. Women see their positions as

2 extensions of these roles and felt responsible for issues derived from those. These suggest that improving the representation of womens interests depends on increasing the presence of women in office (Sanbonmatsu 2003, 367). The essential feature of representation is that there is an assembly mediating the citizenry and policy making, composed of those called representatives, who decide for the represented. This contrasts with the structure of direct decision-making where citizens come out with political decisions directly (Brennan and Hamlin 1999, 109). Representation, as described by SchwindtBayer and Mishler (2005, 407), is rich brocade whose complex weave is not always appreciated. Being one of the core concepts in the study and practice of politics, Galligan (2007) suggests that it is always a good starting point to consider three distinct, interrelated dimensions of representationhow a who represents what. Who represents? What is represented? How is it represented? Hanna Pitkin (1967) identified four dimensions of representation: 1) formal representation, which refers to the procedures and rules by which the representatives are chosen; 2) descriptive representation pertaining to the similarity of the represented and the representatives; 3) substantive representation, referring to the policy responsiveness or the congruence of the actions made by the representatives to the interests of whom they represent; and 4) symbolic representation, pertaining to the perception or attitudes of the represented towards the fairness and competence of their representation. These four dimensions of representation are integrated into one conception of representation. (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler, 2005) Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler (2005, 410) argues that for representation to be completely understood, all these four dimensions must be studied.

Schwindt-Bayer, L. A. and Mishier, W. 2005. An Integrated Model of Womens Representation. The Journal of Politics, 67: 411.

Figure 1 presents the linkages between the four dimensions of representation with each dimension affects the others directly or indirectly. The theory is that political systems with more open and competitive elections will elect representatives whose backgrounds more closely resemble those of the represented. Such political systems also will produce more responsive policies which will increase citizens' confidence in representative institutions. (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler 2005, 410) Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler (2005) applied the Pitkins model on women representation. They measured formal representation with the type of political system and the electoral system. The type of political system is measured by coding 1 if the system is presidential and 0 if the system is parliamentary. The electoral system is further observed with the district magnitude, which refers to the countrys mean number of legislative seats per electoral district, and whether

4 the country employs some form of proportional representation (coded 1) or otherwise (coded 0). Descriptive representation is measured as the percentage of women in the lower house of the national legislature. Substantive representation is indicated by measuring gender equality in political rights wherein the Index of Gender Equity in Political Rights, a three-point index by the UN Development Program, was utilized; gender equality in social rights using the Index of Gender Equity in Social Rights by the UN Development Program; national maternity leave policy, translated by the length of national maternity leave in weeks; and gender equality in marriage and divorce laws which is indicated by a three-point index of the Equity of the Sexes in marriage and divorce proceedings as observed by the UN Development Program. Symbolic representation is measured using the World Values Survey (1995-1997) data for womens and mens confidence on the legislature and feminist attitudes like the need to have a child, the pay problem and men education. Unlike other countries where studies on women representation have already been done, the Philippines have a small gender gap in its population and males comprise the larger number. Yet, females are still underrepresented in state-level assemblies. This calls for a renewed study of women representation in the Philippines. Does descriptive representation affect substantive representation? Are women representatives more responsive to womens issues than their male counterparts? Recent studies add to the findings on the descriptive-substantive link. Tremblay and Pelletier (2000) defined the scope and limits of this linkage and introduced the variable feminist consciousness which was measured as the product of the interaction between power discontent (the feeling that women are discriminated against or do not have equality with men), system blaming (the rationale for group disadvantageindividual or societal), and collective orientation

5 (recognizing the need for group solutions). (p.387) It was also found out that women are not only better equipped than men to represent women politically but also that they are better at representing men because of their more community-oriented approach to politics than men. (Lindgren, Inkinen and Widmalm, 2008) In examining the effect of legislator gender on policy making, scholars introduced constituency demands as an independent variable to be accounted for. (Poggione, 2004; MacDonald and OBrien, 2010) Poggione (2004) also accounted for the self-rated ideology of the legislator and the legislators party. The survey was the most commonly used method of scholars in studying the descriptivesubstantive link. (Tremblay and Pelletier 2000, 386; Poggione, 2004; Schwindt-Bayer, 2006; Lindgren, Inkinen and Widmalm 2008, 37) The developments in the study of women representation since the introduction of Pitkins model call for a renewed study of the concept with including the new variables. Does descriptive representation of women in the Philippine House of Representatives affect the substantive representation of women, accounting for constituency demands and ideology?

References: Brenan, G and Hamlin, A. 1999. On Political Representation. British Journal of Political Science, 29: 109-157. Retrieved February 4, 2010 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/194298 Galligan, Y. 2007. Gender and Political Representation: Current Empirical Perspectives. International Political Science Review, 28: 557-570. Retrieved February 4, 2010 from http://ips.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/28/5/557 House of Representatives, 15th Congress of the Philippines. (http://www.congress.gov.ph) Lindgren, K., Inkinen, M., and Widmalm, S. 2009. Who Knows Best What People Want: Women or Men?: A Study of Political Representation in India. Comparative Political Studies, 42: 31-55 Retrieved December 3 from http://cps.sagepub.com/content/42/1/31.refs.html

6 MacDonald, J.A. and OBrien, E.E. 2010. Quasi-Experimental Design, Constituency, and Advancing Women's Interests: Reexamining the Influence of Gender on Substantive Representation.Political Research Quarterly, XX: 1-16. Retrieved December 3 from http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Philippine Commission on Women. 2010. Population, Families and Household Statistics. (http://www.ncrfw.gov.ph/index.php/statistics-on-filipino-women/14-factsheets-on-filipinowomen/69-statistics-fs-population-families-household) Poggione, S. 2004. Exploring Gender Differences in State Legislators' Policy Preferences. Political Research Quarterly, 57: 305-314. Retrieved November 17 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3219873 Sanbonmatsu, K. 2003. Gender-Related Political Knowledge and the Descriptive Representation of Women. Political Behavior, 25: 367-388. Retrieved February 4, 2010 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3657309 Schwindt-Bayer, L. 2006. Still Supermadres? Gender and the Policy Priorities of Latin American Legislators. American Journal of Political Science, 50: 570-585. Retrieved November 16 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3694235 Schwindt-Bayer, L. A. and Mishier, W. 2005. An Integrated Model of Womens Representation. The Journal of Politics, 67: 407-428. Retrieved November 16 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3449637 Tremblay, M. and Pelletier, R. 2000. More Feminists or More Women?: Descriptive and Substantive Representations of Women in the 1997 Canadian Federal Elections. International Political Science Review, 21: 381-405. Retrieved December 3 from http://ips.sagepub.com/content/21/4/381.refs.html