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America
By David Horowitz and John Perazzo
FrontPageMagazine.com | April 13, 2005
In word and deed, both of these allies make it plain that they
consider everything about the United States to be evil and
unworthy of preservation; that they wish to see American society
and its way of life crushed by any means necessary, including
violent revolution. Their position was well summarized by the now-
infamous professor Ward Churchill, who asserted that terrorist
violence directed against the United States is a morally justifiable
response to what he characterizes as the U.S. government’s
"rape" and "murder" of other peoples. "If we want an end to
violence," says Churchill, "especially that perpetrated against
civilians, we must take the responsibility for halting the slaughter
perpetrated by the United States around the world." Churchill does
not, however, harbor any hopes that America might mend its
alleged flaws; rather, he advocates the country’s destruction: "I
want the state gone: transform the situation to U.S. out of North
America. U.S. off the planet. Out of existence altogether." Toward
this end, Churchill candidly endorses further acts of anti-American
terror. "One of the things I’ve suggested," he says, "is that it may
be that more 9/11s are necessary." Lamenting that the terrorism of
9/11 had proved "insufficient to accomplish its purpose" of
eviscerating the United States, Churchill wrote, "What the hell? It
was worth a try."
International ANSWER
Though it currently has only about 2,000 members, the WWP has
been extremely effective in organizing the massive anti-war rallies
of recent years, some of which have drawn hundreds of thousands
of participants. To achieve its objectives, the WWP uses a number
of front groups, all of which are run by WWP members and
spokesmen. Among the most important of these groups is
International ANSWER, whose name is an acronym for Act Now to
Stop War and End Racism. In ANSWER’s view, the U.S. is the
world’s foremost terrorist nation and, as such, has no right to
respond militarily to any act of war committed against it. This was
the message that ANSWER, through its leaders and other guest
speakers, communicated to the cheering throngs attending its
demonstrations in 2002-03. It is impossible to estimate how many
of the ostensibly well-meaning attendees at such rallies concluded,
from the rhetoric they heard there, that being on the side of
"peace" required them to also embrace all of ANSWER’s scurrilous
assertions about the United States.
The founder and current leader of the IAC is Ramsey Clark, who
was the U.S. Attorney General during President Lyndon Johnson’s
administration. Now a defense attorney, Clark has built a career
representing and counseling individuals and groups he
characterizes as victims of U.S. political repression and human
rights violations. In his estimation, Saddam Hussein was not the
brutal tyrant of popular depiction; the real tyrant, said Clark, was
George W. Bush, and the real terrorist nation was America. In an
open letter to President Bush in 2003, Clark stated angrily, "A
huge, all-powerful nation has assaulted a small prostrate,
defenseless people [Iraqis] half way around the world with ‘Shock
and Awe’ terror." After Saddam’s capture in December 2003, Clark
eagerly volunteered to join the legal defense team of the ousted
Iraqi dictator accused of thirty years of war crimes. Retained by
Serbia as U.S. counsel, Clark has also been involved in the
defense of Slobodan Milosevic. His other clients have included
Communist North Vietnam, the theocratic Islamic regime of Iran,
and the Communist dictatorship of North Korea.
Like the WWP and ANSWER, the RCP shares the jihadist goal of
destroying the U.S. The RCP set up terrorist training camps in
Colorado, drawing people from the Iranian Student Association
and the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia
(ASALA) – the latter of which is known for its involvement in heroin
trafficking. Police have also linked the RCP to heavy-weapons-
trafficking endeavors carried out in unison with the Ohio-based
Outlaws motorcycle gang. In October 1983, the RCP collaborated
with the European terrorist underground to sabotage American
efforts to deploy Pershing and cruise missiles in Germany.
Kissinger led an eight-week tour of Germany to lay the framework
for those efforts. RCP members penetrated Mutlangen U.S.
military base in West Germany, where Pershing II intermediate-
range missiles were stored. In November 1983, RCP members
were involved, along with Red Cells and other German anarchist-
terrorists, in an assault against Vice President George Bush's
caravan during the latter’s visit to Krefeld, Germany. In its January
18, 1984 issue, Revolutionary Worker called for the assassination
of President Reagan. The RCP has ties to both Peru’s Marxist
guerrilla group known as the Shining Path and the Communist
Party of Nepal.
Patriotism As an "Embarrassment"
These latter two groups, which are discussed below, share with the
Islamists a negative bond of intense anti-American hatred. While
they do not share the Islamists’ religious ideals, they fervently wish
to see the United States and its capitalist economic system
crumble. As Osama bin Laden declared in a fatwa issued on Al-
Jazeera Television just before American and British troops entered
Iraq in March 2003: "The interests of Muslims and the interests of
the socialists coincide in the war against the crusaders." Just as
bin Laden characterizes Americans as "crusaders" seeking to
expand their empire into Muslim lands, so does the socialist left
charge that all American foreign policy is predicated on
imperialistic ambition and a lust for oil. Just as Islamic radicals
wish to impose their brand of Islam on America and institute strict
Islamic law on a global scale, so does the radical left seek to
create a socialist ideal state and abolish capitalism from the earth.
In the lexicon of Muslim fundamentalists, America is the Great
Satan; to the radical left, America is a nation worthy of destruction
because it is the embodiment of evil and injustice. The spirit of
contempt and the impulse to sow the seeds of destruction is
equally intense in both camps.
The same litany can be found in the writings and oratory of the
American peace left, whose mouthpieces regularly impugn every
conceivable aspect of U.S. culture and policy. Against the
backdrop of their negative view of their country, they consider
patriotism to be nothing short of shameful. This mindset is
explained by Professor Todd Gitlin, a former president of Students
for a Democratic Society and a self-declared "anti-anti Communist"
of the 1960s who chose not to support the West during the Cold
War against the Communist states. Notably, Gitlin did not feel a
positive identification with the Soviet Union, but rather with a
utopian ideal that he expected to emerge in Vietnam, Cuba, or
some other revolutionary state. His rejection of patriotism as an
American did not stem from his love for any particular enemy of
the United States, but rather from a negative revulsion he felt
toward America as a result of its participation in the Vietnam War.
"The war went on so long and so destructively," says Gitlin, "it felt
like more than the consequence of a wrong-headed policy. My
country must have been revealing some fundamental core of
wrongness by going on, and on, with an indefensible war. . . . The
American flag did not feel like my flag, even though I could
recognize—in the abstract—that it made sense for others to wave
it in the anti-war cause." In the early stages of the war, Gitlin
"argued against waving the North Vietnamese flag or burning the
Stars and Stripes. . . . But the hatred of a bad war, in what was
evidently a pattern of bad wars—though none so bad as Vietnam
—turned us inside out. It inflamed our hearts. You can hate your
country in such a way that the hatred becomes fundamental. A
hatred so clear and intense came to feel like a cleansing flame. By
the late ’60s, this is what became of much of the New Left." Adds
Gitlin, "For a large bloc of Americans, my age and younger, too
young to remember World War II—the generation for whom ‘the
war’ meant Vietnam and possibly always would, to the end of our
days—the case against patriotism was not an abstraction. There
was a powerful experience underlying it: as powerful an eruption of
our feelings as the experience of patriotism is supposed to be for
patriots. Indeed, it could be said that in the course of our political
history we experienced a very odd turn about: The most powerful
public emotion in our lives was rejecting patriotism."
Global Exchange
Conclusion