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Antisocial Behaior in Childhood and Adolescence

Tal U 1975 Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Ideology assault and cruelty (destructive and overt); (b) prop-
and Politics in the Second Reich, 1870–1914. Cornell University erty violations, such as stealing and vandalism (de-
Press, Ithaca\London structive and covert); (c) oppositional behavior, such
Toury J 1968 Turmoil and Confusion in the Reolution of 1848. as angry and stubborn (nondestructive and overt); and
Moreshet, Tel Aviv, Israel
Volkov S 1990 JuW disches Leben und Antisemitismus im 19. und
(d) status violations, such as substance use and truancy
20. Jahrhundert. Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich, Germany (nondestructive and covert). Aggression and violence
Wistrich R A 1991 Antisemitism. The Longest Hatred. Thames are related but not synonymous concepts. Violence
Metheuen, London usually refers to physical aggression in its extreme
Yavetz Z 1997 Judenfeindschaft in der Antike. C H Beck, forms.
Munich, Germany Clinical definitions of antisocial behavior are
Yuval I J 1993 Vengeance and damnation, blood, and defama- focussed on psychopathological patterns in indivi-
tion: From Jewish martyrdom to blood libel accusations. duals. Oppositional defiant disorder, which includes
Zion 58: 33–90 temper tantrums and irritable behavior, becomes
Zimmermann M 1986 Wilhelm Marr: The Patriarch of Anti- clinically less problematic by age eight, but some
semitism. Oxford University Press, New York
children, more often boys than girls, are unable to
S. Volkov outgrow these problems.
Conduct disorder is diagnosed on the basis of a
persistent pattern of behavior which violates the rights
of others or age-appropriate societal norms. To
individuals who must be at least 18 years of age, a third
diagnosis, antisocial personality disorder, can be
applied. These psychopathological patterns may in-
Antisocial Behavior in Childhood and volve delinquent behavior, but the criteria of their
Adolescence diagnosis are broader in terms of psychological dys-
Antisocial behavior is a broad construct which encom- Deelopmental approaches to antisocial behavior
passes not only delinquency and crime that imply are focussed on its developmental antecedents, such as
conviction or a possible prosecution, but also dis- hyperactive and aggressive behavior in childhood, and
ruptive behavior of children, such as aggression, below maladjustment to school in early adolescence. The
the age of criminal responsibility (Rutter et al. 1998). younger the children are, the more their ‘antisocial’
The age of criminal responsibility varies from 7 years behavior extends beyond acts that break the law.
of age in Ireland and Switzerland to 18 years of age in Different delinquency-related acts may be indicators
Belgium, Romania, and Peru. In the United States, of the same underlying construct such as low self-
several states do not have a specific age. Legal, clinical, control, or they may indicate developmental sequences
and developmental definitions of antisocial behavior across different but correlated constructs.
have different foci. Development of antisocial behavior is studied using
a longitudinal design which means repeated investi-
gations of the same individuals over a longer period of
time. The increasing number of longitudinal studies
1. Definitions of Antisocial and Aggressie indicates a high continuity of behavior problems from
Behaior childhood to adulthood. There is continuity between
disobedience and defiance of adults, aggression to-
Legal definitions of criminal offences committed by wards peers, and hyperactivity at age three, and similar
young people cover: (a) noncriminal but risky behavior or more serious behavior problems in later childhood.
(e.g., truancy) which is beyond the control of author- Hyperactivity during the preschool years associated
ities; (b) status offences where the age at which an act with aggressive behavior has the most robust links to
was committed determines whether it is considered later antisocial behavior.
damaging (e.g., gambling); (c) crimes to protect the Common definitions of aggression emphasize an
offender from being affected (e.g., possession of intent to harm another person (Coie and Dodge 1998).
drugs); and (d) crimes with a victim (e.g., robbery) References to the emotional component of aggression
broadly defined (Rutter et al. 1998). The most common are not typically made in these definitions. Anger, the
crimes among young people are thefts. emotional component of aggression, and hostility, a
Only some forms of delinquency involve aggression negative attitude, motivate a person for aggressive
which is a narrower construct than antisocial behavior. acts, but aggressive behavior may also be displayed
A meta-analysis of factor analytic studies of antisocial instrumentally. Hostile aggressive responding is char-
behavior (Frick et al. 1993) revealed four major acterized by intense autonomic arousal and strong
categories of antisocial behavior defined by two responses to perceived threat. In contrast, instru-
dimensions (overt to covert behavior, and destructive mental aggression is characterized by little autonomic
to less destructive) as follows: (a) aggression, such as activation and an orientation toward what the ag-

Antisocial Behaior in Childhood and Adolescence

gressor sees as a reward or expected outcome of During the second year of life, oppositional beha-
behavior. vior and physical aggression increase. Most children
Each aggressive act has a mode of expression, learn to inhibit physical aggression during preschool
direction, and motive. An aggressive act may be age, but other children continue displaying it
expressed physically, verbally, or non-verbally, and (Tremblay et al. 1999). Verbal aggression sharply
targeted, in each case, more directly or indirectly. It increases between two and four years of age and then
also varies in its harmfulness or intensity. The motive stabilizes. It is a time of fast language development
of the aggressive act may be defensive (reactive) or which helps children to communicate their needs
offensive (proactive). Among school children, proa symbolically. Delays in language development are
ctive aggression is often displayed in bullying beha- often related to aggressive behavior problems.
vior, which means purposefully harmful actions re- Between six to nine years of age, the rate of aggression
peatedly targeted at one and the same individual. declines, but at the same time its form and function
From four percent to 12 percent of children—boys change from the relatively instrumental nature of
slightly more often than girls—can be designated as aggression in the preschool period to increasingly
bullies and as many as victims depending on the person-oriented and hostile (Coie and Dodge 1998).
method of identification, age of children, and culture. Children become aware of hostile intents of other
Both bullying others and being victimized tend to people and they, particularly aggressive children,
endure from one year to another, and they are related perceive threats and derogations to their ego and self-
to relatively stable personality patterns. Besides Bullies esteem which elicit aggression. Most longitudinal
and Victims, the participant roles include Assistants studies show a decrease in the ratings of aggression,
who are more or less passive followers of the bully, that is, in the perceived frequency of aggressive acts as
Reinforcers who provide Bullies with positive feed- children enter adolescence. Nevertheless, serious acts
back, Defenders who take sides with the victim, and of violence increase. Individual differences in aggress-
Outsiders who tend to withdraw from bullying situa- ive behavior become increasingly pronounced.
tions (Salmivalli 1998).
Self-defense and defense of others are often cul-
turally accepted, and many children limit their
aggressive behavior to defensive aggression. Longitu-
2.2 Indiidual Differences in Aggression and
dinal findings show that ‘defense-limited’ aggression
Antisocial Behaior
in early adolescence predicts more successful social
adjustment in adulthood than ‘multiple’ aggression, Individual differences in anger expression emerge early
which also includes proactive aggression. Only mul- in life. At the age of two years, consistency of anger
tiple aggression predicts criminal offences at a later age responses across time is already significant. Individual
(Pulkkinen 1996). The distinction between hostile and differences in aggression remain rather stable during
instrumental aggression is not parallel to defense- childhood and adolescence. Correlations vary slightly
limited and multiple aggression or to reactive and depending on the measures used, the length of interval,
proactive aggression. Although proactive aggression and the age of children, but they are generally between
often is instrumental, reactive (or defensive) aggres- 0.40 and 0.70. The stability is comparable for males
sion may be either instrumental or hostile. and females. Individual differences in responding to a
conflict lie both in the frequency of aggressive behavior
and in prosocial attempts to solve conflicts. The latter
2. Deelopment of Aggression and Antisocial are facilitated by language development. Language
Behaior may, however, provide children with verbal means of
aggression. Additional factors, such as the devel-
opment of self-regulation, perspective taking, empa-
2.1 Deelopment of Aggression
thy, and social skills, are needed for the explanation of
Anger expression cannot be differentiated from other individual differences in aggression (Coie and Dodge
negative affects in newborns, but by four months of 1998).
age angry facial displays—the eyebrows lower and Gender differences in aggression appear in pre-
draw together, the eyelids narrow and squint, and the school age, boys engaging in more forceful acts both
cheeks elevated—are present and they are directed to physically and verbally. This sex difference widens in
the source of frustration (Stenberg and Campos 1990). middle childhood and peaks at age 11 when gender
The most frequent elicitors of aggression in infancy differences in aggressive strategies emerge: girls display
are physical discomfort and the need for attention. relational aggression (e.g., attempts to exclude peers
Peer-directed aggression, seen in responding to peer from group participation) more than boys, and boys
provocations with protest and aggressive retaliation, engage in fighting more than girls (Lagerspetz and
can be found at the end of the first year of life. At this Bjo$ rkqvist 1994). Both fighting and relational ag-
age children become increasingly interested in their gression may aim at structuring one’s social status in a
own possessions and control over their own activities. peer group, but by different means.

Antisocial Behaior in Childhood and Adolescence

Antisocial and other externalizing behavior is more perament, hyperactivity and other early behavioral
common, and the offending career is longer among problems, neuropsychological deficits, and poor peer
males than among females. There have been, however, relationships. Many problem behaviors are very com-
changes in the ratio between male and female offenders mon in adolescence. Self-reports show that half of
during the 1980s and 90s in several western countries. males and from 20 percent to 35 percent of females
Adolescent girls are increasingly involved in antisocial have been involved in delinquency. Rutter et al. (1998)
behavior. In the United Kingdom, the sex ratio was conclude that antisocial behavior ‘operates on a
about 10:1 in the 1950s, and 4:1 in the 1990s. The peak continuum as a dimensional feature that most people
age of offending among girls has remained at around show to a greater or lesser degree’ (p. 11).
age 14 or 15, but the peak age for male offenders has
risen in thirty years from 14 to 18 (Rutter et al. 1998).
The peak age of registered offences is related to police 3. Determinants of Antisocial Behaior
and prosecution policy, and varies by offense. For
instance, peak age is later for violent crimes than for With the increase of empirical findings, theories of
thefts. crime which try to explain crime with a single set of
causal factors have been increasingly criticized. The
climate has changed also in regard to the possible role
2.3 Continuity in Antisocial Behaior
of individual characteristics as determinants of anti-
A multiproblem pattern is a stronger predictor of social behavior. In the 1970s, theories emphasized
delinquency than a single problem behavior. For social causes of crime, and paid little attention to
instance, aggression in childhood and adolescence individual factors. The situation is now different.
predicts delinquency when associated with other prob- Empirical studies have revealed that determinants of
lem behaviors, such as hyperactivity, lack of con- antisocial behavior are diverse ranging from genetic to
centration, and low school motivation and achieve- cultural factors.
ment, and poor peer relations (Stattin and Magnusson Studies on genetic factors in antisocial behavior
1995). Peer rejection in preadolescence, which indi- have shown that the estimates for the genetic com-
cates social incompetence rather than social isolation, ponent of hyperactivity are about 60 to 70 percent.
predicts delinquency even independently of the level of Antisocial behavior linked to hyperactivity, which is
aggression. Continuity from early behavioral prob- generally associated with poor social functioning, is
lems to delinquency and other externalizing behavior strongly genetically influenced. In contrast, antisocial
is higher among males than among females, whereas behavior which is not associated with hyperactivity is
girls’ behavioral problems predict internalizing beha- largely environmental in origin (Silberg et al. 1996).
vior (depression and anxiety) more often than boys’ The genetic component for violent crime is low
behavioral problems (Zoccolillo 1993). compared to the heritability of aggression (about 50
Several studies show that a small group of chronic percent), but this difference may also be due to
offenders accounts for half of the offences of the whole differences in prevalence of these behaviors, and its
group. They tend to display the pattern of antisocial effects on statistical analyses.
behavior called ‘life-course-persistent.’ It is charac- There is no gene for antisocial behavior; it is
terized at an early age by lack of self-control, reflecting multifactorially determined. Genetic effects increase a
an inability to modulate impulsive expression, difficult liability for antisocial behavior, but they operate
temperament features, hyperactivity, attentional prob- probabilistically, which means that the effects increase
lems, emotional lability, behavioral impulsivity, ag- the likelihood of antisocial behavior, if environmental
gressiveness, cognitive, language and motor deficits, and experiential factors affect in the same direction.
reading difficulties, lower IQ, and deficits in neuro- This conclusion also concerns the XYY chromosomal
psychological functioning. Thirteen percent of the anomality.
boys in the study by Moffitt et al. (1996) met criteria The importance of experiential factors, particularly
for early onset, but only half of them persisted into early family socialization, in the development of
adolescence. Therefore, several assessments are aggression has been shown in many studies (Coie and
needed for the identification of life-course-persistent Dodge 1998). Aggressive individuals generally hold
offenders. positive views about aggression and believe it is
An adolescence-limited pattern of offending is more normative. Child-rearing strategies are related to
common than the life-course-persistent pattern. It subsequent aggression in the child, for instance,
reflects the increasing prevalence of delinquent ac- insecure and disorganized attachment with the care-
tivities during adolescence. Both overt (starting from giver, parental coldness and permissiveness, incon-
bullying) and covert (starting from shoplifting) path- sistent parenting, and power-assertive discipline
ways toward serious juvenile offending have been (Hinde et al. 1993). Low monitoring is particularly
discerned (Loeber et al. 1998). Compared to the life- important to adolescent involvement with antisocial
course-persistent pattern, the adolescence-limited behavior. Parenting affects children’s behavior in
pattern is less strongly associated with difficult tem- interaction with their temperament resulting in differ-

Antisocial Behaior in Childhood and Adolescence

ences in self-control that are related to adult outcomes, Aggression in Adulthood, Psychology of; Behavior
such as criminality (Pulkkinen 1998). Therapy with Children; Children and the Law; Crime
An adverse immediate environment which increases and Delinquency, Prevention of; Developmental Psy-
a risk for antisocial behavior in interaction with chopathology: Child Psychology Aspects; Early Child-
genetic factors includes parental criminality, family hood: Socioemotional Risks; Personality and Crime;
discord, ineffective parenting such as poor supervision, Personality Theory and Psychopathology; Poverty
coercive parenting and harsh physical discipline, and Child Development; Social Competence: Child-
abuse, neglect, and rejection, delinquent peer groups, hood and Adolescence; Socialization in Adolescence;
unsupervised after school activities, and youth un- Socialization in Infancy and Childhood; Violence and
employment. These risk factors also increase the use of Effects on Children
alcohol and drugs, which is often related to crime, and
are very similar in different countries, although there
are also some differences (Farrington and Loeber
1999). Bibliography
There are also several sociocultural factors which
may serve to raise the level of crime in the community, Anderson C A, Ford C M 1986 Affect of the game player. Short-
term effects of highly and mildly aggressive video games.
such as income differentials, antisocial behavior in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 12: 390–402
neighborhood, the availability of guns, media viol- Coie J D, Dodge K A 1998 Aggression and antisocial behavior.
ence, the quality of school and its norms, unem- In: Damon W, Eisenberg N (eds.) Handbook of Child Psy-
ployment rate, and involvement in a drug market. chology. Vol. 3. Social, Emotional and Personality Deelopment,
Poverty is strongly related to aggression and possibly Wiley, New York, pp. 779–862
operates through disruption of parenting. Violent Farrington D P, Loeber R 1999 Transatlantic replicability of
virtual reality is available for children of the present risk factors in the development of delinquency. In: Cohen I,
generation via electronic games playing. TV programs Slomkowski C, Robins L N (eds.) Historical and Geographical
and video films are passive in nature, whereas elec- Influences on Psychopathology, Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ, pp.
tronic games involve the player’s active participation Frick P J, Lahey B B, Loeber R, Tannenbaum L, Van Horn Y,
and often violent winning strategies (Anderson and Chirst M A G 1993 Oppositional defiant disorder and conduct
Ford 1986). Some minority ethnic groups are over- disorder: a meta-analytic review of factor analyses and cross-
represented in crime statistics, but causal factors are validation in a clinic sample. Clinical Psychology Reiew 13:
complex. Cultural traditions cause, however, vast 319–40
differences in crime rates between different countries. Hinde R A, Tamplin A, Barrett J 1993 Home correlates of
In Asian countries, particularly in Japan, crime rates aggression in preschool. Aggressie Behaior 19: 85–105
are lower than in western countries. Lagerspetz K M, Bjo$ rkqvist K 1994 Indirect aggression in girls
and boys. In: Huesmann L R (eds.) Aggressie Behaior:
Current Perspecties, Plenum Press, New York, pp. 131–50
Loeber R, Farrington D P, Stouthamer-Loeber M, Moffitt T E,
4. Conclusions Caspi A 1998 The development of male offending: Key
findings from the first decade of the Pittsburgh Youth Study.
Official statistics in developed countries show that Studies on Crime and Crime Preention 7: 141–71
crime rates among young people have been rising since Moffitt T E, Caspi A, Dickson N, Silva P, Stanton W 1996
the 1970s. The results of recent longitudinal studies Childhood-onset versus adolescent-onset antisocial conduct
have increased our understanding of factors con- problems in males: Natural history from ages to 18 years.
tributing to the incidence of antisocial behavior. A Deelopment and Psychopathology 9: 399–424
greater understanding of how causal mechanisms Pulkkinen L 1996 Proactive and reactive aggression in early
operate is, however, needed for the development of adolescence as precursors to anti- and prosocial behavior in
young adults. Aggressie Behaior 22: 241–57
effective means of preventing crime. Since persistent Pulkkinen L 1998 Levels of longitudinal data differing in
antisocial behavior starts from conduct problems in complexity and the study of continuity in personality charac-
early childhood, support for families and work with teristics. In: Cairns R B, Bergman L R, Kagan J (eds.)
parents and teachers to improve their management Methods and Models for Studying the Indiidual Sage,
skills are extremely important. An affectionate parent, Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 161–184
nonpunitive discipline, and consistent supervision are Rutter M, Giller H, Hagell A 1998 Antisocial behaior by young
protective factors against antisocial behavior. Parent people. Cambridge University Press, New York
management training is a neglected area in western Salmivalli C 1998 Not only bullies and ictims. Participation in
educational systems. Socialization of children and harassment in school classes: some social and personality
youth might also be supported by, for instance, factors. Annales Universitatis Turkuensis, ser. B\225, Uni-
versity of Turku, Finland
legislation against gun availability and sociopolitical Silberg J, Meyer J, Pickles A, Simonoff E, Eaves L, Hewitt J,
improvements of family conditions. Maes H, Rutter M 1996 Heterogeneity among juvenile
antisocial behaviours: Findings from the Virginia Twin Study
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escent Vulnerability and Psychological Interventions; J A (eds.) Genetics of Criminal and Antisocial Behaiour (Ciba

Antitrust Policy

Foundation Symposium no. 194), Wiley, Chichester, UK, mission) or the European Union (The Competi-
pp. 76–85 tion Directorate) would be indistinguishable at first
Stattin H, Magnusson D 1995 Onset of official delinquency: Its sight.
co-occurrence in time with educational, behavioural, and
While this article provides a view of antitrust
interpersonal problems. British Journal of Criminology, 35:
417–49 primarily from the perspective of US policy, the review
Sternberg C R, Campos J J 1990 The development of anger that follows illustrates a theme that has worldwide
expressions in infancy. In: Stein N L, Leventhal B, Trabasso T applicability. As our understanding of antitrust
(eds.) Psychological and Biological Approaches to Emotion, economics has grown throughout the past century,
Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ, pp. 247–82 antitrust enforcement policies have also improved,
Tremblay R E, Japel C, Pe! russe D, McDuff P, Boivin M, albeit sometimes with a significant lag. In this survey
Zoccolillo M, Montplaisir J 1999 The search for the age of the following are highlighted: (a) the early anti-big
‘onset’ of physical aggression: Rousseau and Bandura re- business period in the US, in which the structure of
visited. Criminal Behaior and Mental Health 9: 8–23
industry was paramount; (b) the period in which
Zoccolillo M 1993 Gender and the development of conduct
disorder. Deelopment and Psychopathology 5: 65–78 performance as well as structure was given significant
weight, and there was a systematic attempt to balance
L. Pulkkinen the efficiency gains from concentration with the
inefficiencies associated with possible anti-competitive
Copyright # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. behavior; (c) the most recent period, which includes
All rights reserved. the growth of high technology and network industries,
in which behavior theories have been given particular
Antitrust Policy
The term antitrust, which grew out of the US trust-
1. The Antitrust Laws of the US
busting policies of the late nineteenth century, de-
veloped over the twentieth century to connote a broad In the USA, as in most other countries, antitrust
array of policies that affect competition. Whether policies are codified in law and enforced by the judicial
applied through US, European, or other national branch. Public cases may be brought under Federal
competition laws, antitrust has come to represent law by the Antitrust Division of the Department of
an important competition policy instrument that Justice, by the Federal Trade Commission, and\or by
underlies many countries’ public policies toward each of the 50-state attorneys-general. (The state
business. As a set of instruments whose goal is to make attorneys-general may also bring cases under state
markets operate more competitively, antitrust often law.) Further, there is a broad range of possibilities for
comes into direct conflict with regulatory policies, private enforcement of the antitrust laws, which plays
including forms of price and output controls, anti- a particularly significant role in the USA.
dumping laws, access limitations, and protectionist
industrial policies.
Because its primary normative goal has been seen by
1.1 The Sherman Act
most to be economic efficiency, it should not be
surprising that antitrust analysis relies heavily on the Antitrust first became effective in the US near the end
economics of industrial organization. But, other social of the nineteenth century. Underlying the antitrust
sciences also contribute significantly to our under- movement was the significant consolidation of in-
standing of antitrust. Analyses of the development of dustry that followed the Civil War. Following the war,
antitrust policy are in part historical in nature, and large trusts emerged in industries such as railroads,
positive studies of the evolution of antitrust law petroleum, sugar, steel, and cotton. Concerns about
(including analyses of lobbying and bureaucracy) the growth and abusive conduct of these combinations
often rely heavily on rational choice models of the generated support for legislation that would restrict
politics of antitrust enforcement. their power. The first antitrust law in the USA—the
The relevance of other disciplines notwithstanding, Sherman Act—was promulgated in 1890. Section 1 of
there is widespread agreement about many of the the Act prohibits: ‘Every contract, combination in the
important antitrust tradeoffs. Indeed, courts in the form of trust of otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint
US have widely adopted economic analysis as the of trade or commerce among the several States, or
theoretical foundation for evaluating antitrust con- with foreign nations.’
cerns. Interestingly, however, antitrust statutes in Section 2 of the Sherman Act states that it is illegal
the European Union also place heavy emphasis on for any person to ‘… monopolize, or attempt to
the role of economics. Indeed, a hypothetical conver- monopolize, or combine or conspire with any other
sation with a lawyer or economist at a US compe- person or persons, to monopolize any part of the trade
tition authority (the Antitrust Division of the or commerce among the several States, or with foreign
Department of Justice or the Federal Trade Com- nations ….’ These two sections of the Act contain the


International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences ISBN: 0-08-043076-7