Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Great Enterprise
Sovereignty and Historiography
in Modern Korea
Henry H. Em
The GreaT enTerprise
Henry H. em
2013
© 2013 Duke universiTy press
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1
PARti.Sovereignty
1.SovereigntyandImperialism 21
2.ImperialismandNationalism 53
PARtii.History Writing
3.NationalizingKorea’sPast 87
4.UniversalizingKorea’sPast 114
5.DividedSovereigntyandSouthKoreanHistoriography 138
Thisbookhastakenalongtimetowrite,andovertheyearsithasevolved
indirectionsIdidnotforesee.AfteraninitialeffortathistoricizingKorean
nationalismandnationalisthistoriography,itbecamecleartomethatmy
studyofmodernKoreanhistoriographywouldhavetoprovideamorecom-
prehensiveaccountoftherelationshipbetweenimperialismandnational-
ism.Thatrealizationledmetofocusonsovereigntyandthesovereignsub-
ject(chuch’e)asconceptsandassociatedpracticesthatweretransformed
byEuro-Americanimperialism.Ittookalongtimetofigureouthowsover-
eignty,andtheassumedequalitythatonegainsbybecoming“sovereign,”
becameasfoundationalastheconceptofnation(minjok)totheprojectof
modernityandhistorywritinginKorea.
Intheearly1980s,justoutofcollege,IspentninemonthsinthePhil-
ippinesworkingonhumanrightsissues.ItwastherethatIreceivedmy
educationinanti-imperialistrevolutionarymovements.Severalyearslater,
fromanothereighteenmonthsworkingonhumanrightsandlaborissues
at the Urban Industrial Mission in Inchŏn, South Korea, I learned how
theexperienceofpartitionandtheKoreanWarcontinuetoreverberate
powerfullyforsomany.Thoseexperiencesalsotaughtmethatthesenseof
individualagencyemergesfromcommunitiesofsolidarity.Iamgratefulto
PatriciaPattersonandMichaelHahmforthoselife-changingexperiences.
Icouldnothaveimaginedabookprojectlikethiswithoutthetraining
IreceivedfrommyteachersattheUniversityofChicago.Startingasan
undergraduate,IlearnedfromTetsuoNajitaandHarryHarootunianhow
historianscanandshouldposequestionsaboutideasthatseemnaturaland
commonsensical.IamgratefultoTetsandHarryforturningmyinterests
tohistoryandtocriticalmodesofhistorywriting.Agraduateseminaron
nationalismtaughtbyPrasenjitDuarashapedmyearlyworkonnational-
ismandnationalisthistoriography.MygreatestdebtistoBruceCumings,
myfriendandteacher,whosescholarshipandpoliticalstancehaveinspired
myworkoverthesemanyyears.
x aCknowLeDGmenTs
Ifirstpresentedmyworkonnationalismandnationalisthistoriography
ataconferenceorganizedbyGi-WookShinandMichaelRobinson.That
wasanimportantconferenceforme,andinthecourseofpreparingmy
articlefortheireditedvolume,Colonial Modernity in Korea,Iwasforcedto
grapplewithmyriadquestionsregardingthemodernityofthenationform.
JohnDuncan,myfriend,colleague,andmentoratuclA,willinglyengaged
meinmanyhoursofconversationaboutKoreanhistoryandhistoriogra-
phy.Johnhelpedmetosharpenmyargument,andIremaindeeplygrateful
forhisincomparablegenerosity.
Intheearly1990s,ChoiJang-jipintroducedmetothedebatesoverhis-
toryfollowingliberationin1945.MydebtstoProfessorChoicontinued
whenIreturnedtoKoreaasaFulbrightSeniorScholar,andagainin2007–
8,whenItaughtintheDepartmentofKoreanHistoryatKoreaUniver-
sity.ItwaswithhissupportthatIwasabletoorganizeaninternational
conferenceonthecolonialperiod,affordingmetheopportunitytolearn
fromaremarkablegroupofscholarsworkingonthecolonialperiod,in-
cludingMicahAuerback,TakashiFujitani,ToddHenry,KenKawashima,
HelenLee,JinheeLee,JohnLie,SerkbaeSuh,JunUchida,JanetPoole,
andTheodoreJunYoo.IamgratefultothemanycolleaguesatKoreaUni-
versityfromwhomIlearnedagreatdeal,especiallyProfessorsChoKwang
andKangMan-gil,whoallowedmetositinontheirlecturesandseminars
onKoreanhistoriography.
In1998KimDong-chooninvitedmetopresentmyworkonSinCh’ae-ho
andpostnationalismatYŏksamunjeyŏn’guso.Thatprovidedtheoccasion
forconversationsovertheyearswithKoreanhistoriansofmygeneration,
especiallyParkChan-seung.In2000AlainDelisseninvitedmetoParis
tospendamonthattheCentredeRecherchessurlaCorée,EHEss.Iam
gratefultoAlainandKoendeCeusterfortheircommentsandquestions
onthepapersIpresentedonSinCh’ae-hoandPaekNam-un.In2007,as
partoftheOxfordHistoryofHistoricalWritingproject,AxelSchneider
invitedmetoaconferenceatLeidenUniversityonthewritingofhistory
intwentieth-centuryEastAsia.Thatprovidedtheoccasionformetomap
outcertaintrajectoriesinhistorywritinginmodernKorea.In2009Jae-
JungSuhinvitedmetosAis-JohnsHopkinsUniversityforaworkshopon
mybookmanuscript.Astheinvitedrespondent,StefanTanakaprovided
valuablecommentsandcounsel.In2010AndreSchmidinvitedmetothe
UniversityofTorontoforanotherworkshop,andIreceivedveryhelpful
aCknowLeDGmenTs xi
commentsfromJanetPooleandKenKawashima.Andresharesmyinterest
inKoreanhistoriography,andhiscarefulreadingandcritiqueofmymanu-
scriptwereimmenselyhelpful.
I would like to thank the Academy of Korean Studies for providing a
publicationsubsidy.Noneofthechaptersinthisbookisareprintofearlier
publications,butmaterialsfromearlierpublicationshavebeenincorpo-
rated into various chapters. Those earlier publications include “‘Over-
coming’Korea’sDivision:NarrativeStrategiesinRecentSouthKoreanHis-
toriography,”positions: east asia cultures critique1,no.2(1993);“Minjokas
aModernandDemocraticConstruct:SinCh’ae-ho’sHistoriography,”Colo-
nial Modernity in Korea,ed.Gi-WookShinandMichaelE.Robinson(Cam-
bridge:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,1999);and“HistoriansandHistory
WritinginModernKorea,”Oxford History of Historical Writing:vol.5,His-
torical Writing Since 1945,ed.AxelSchneiderandDanielWoolf(NewYork:
OxfordUniversityPress,2011).
Iamhappyforthisopportunitytoacknowledgeotherfriendsandcol-
leaguesnotyetmentionedandwithwhomIhaveworked,whoencouraged
andhelpedmeovertheyears:CharlesArmstrong,RobertBuswell,Cho
Eun-su,ChoeMin,ChungmooChoi,MichaelChwe,AlexisDudden,Han
Suk-Jung,YukikoHanawa,MartyHart-Landsberg,HeoEun,TheodoreQ.
Hughes,ImChong-myong,RebeccaKarl,KwakJun-Hyeok,JoGye-Won,
JungTaeHern,ElaineKim,Kyung-HyunKim,LeeBeom-jae,LeeJin-Han,
LeeJung-Shin,TimothyS.Lee,LydiaLiu,AbéMarkNornes,Seung-Deuk
Oak,Se-MiOh,LesliePincus,ElizabethShim,RyuSi-hyun,J.T.Takagi,
Meredith Jung-En Woo, Lisa Yoneyama, Marilyn Young, and Jonathan
Zwicker.
Icouldnothavefinishedthisbookwithoutthesupportofatrulywon-
derfulgroupoffriendswhoreadpartsofthemanuscript,suggestedfur-
therreadings,andprovidedcriticalcomments.ToChristineHong,Monica
Kim,SuzyKim,NamheeLee,Jae-JungSuh,andYoungjuRyu,thankyou.
MyeditorsatDukeUniversityPresswereadeptandunfailinglysupportive.
Twoanonymousreadersprovidedextraordinarilypreciseandknowledge-
ablecritiques.Asformistakesandshortcomings,thoseremainmyrespon-
sibility.ToGraceKyoungwonEm,andtoChangbinandAerie,whogrew
upwaitingforthisbooktobepublished,Icanfinallysay:it’sdone.Thank
youforyourloveandpatience.Withgratitude,Idedicatethisbooktoboth
Kyoungwon’sparentsandmine.
inTroDuCTion
InanessaypublishedinTongkwanginSeptember1932,KimKi-rimcalled
on“MissKorea”tocutherhair.“Someoneoncedescribedthemodernas
theeraofthe3S’s(sports,speed,sex),butIwillinsteadcallthefirstthirty
years of our century the era of the short hair. As typified by ‘Nora,’ the
‘Bob’ (short haircut) is the ultimate symbol of liberation and of women
venturingoutside....Cuttingyourhairannouncesyourdeparturefrom
that‘harem’towhichyouhavebeenshackledforthousandsofyears;itis
thesignthatyouhavecomeoutunderthebluesky.”1InKim’sdiscourse
on modernity, he set aside the purportedly familiar characterization of
modernityassports,speed,andsextofocusonbobbedhair,feministsas
typifiedbyHenrikIbsen’sNora,andwomenofstatusventuringoutsidein
daytimeunconstrainedbymarriageandmotherhood.Indeedbythe1930s
onecouldhaveseenincolonialKoreabaseballgames,beautypageants,
exhibitions,displaywindowsfrontingthenewdepartmentstores,street-
cars,streetlights,andcafésthatenabledcrowdwatching.Startingabouta
decadeearlier,Kim’sreaderswouldhaveseenandfeltnotjusttherapidity
ofchangeinthephysical,spatial,andculturalorderingofcolonialSeoul,
aconstantlyself-negatingtemporaldynamic,butalsotheincreasingrate
ofchange itself. Asforsex,Kimbeganhisessaybyacknowledging that
inKoreainthe1930sthebobhaircutwasstillassociatedwith(feminine)
eroticism,alongwithbrightredlipstick,thesideglance(kyŏnnuntchil),
andothervulgarpracticesthatbelongedtotheworldofcaféwaitressesand
dancegirlsinThe Threepenny Opera.2Heimaginedthatifheweretosug-
gesttoacoed,“Goon,whydon’tyoucutyourhair?,”shemightturnredin
theface,furious,asthoughhehaddamagedherdignity.
InaddressingyoungKoreanwomen(“MissKorea”),Kimtriedtosubsti-
tutethosestillprevalentassociationsbydrawingcontrastshedefinedin
termsoftemporalityandcivilizationasmeasuredbythestatusofwomen:
womenshackledforpastmillenniaincontrasttoliberatedwomenofthe
twentieth century. He granted that their neatly braided hair was, well,
neat.Buttiedtothatneatlybraidedhairhung“thedreamsofabackward
2 inTroDuCTion
feudalera.”Hewanted“MissKorea”tolookathersistersinChinawhohad
kickedawaythebarbariccustomoffootbinding:Lookattheirstronglegs
runningtotheanti-imperialistfront(“t’adoXXjuŭiroXsŏnŭltalryŏ”).3He
urged“MissKorea”tolookattheirshorthair,andheendedhisessaywith
thequestion,“Deepinyourheart,don’tyouwanttodefendtheBobcut
thatissovilified?”Bytitlinghisessay“‘MissKorea’CutYourHair,”Kim
wasabletoaddressyoungKoreanwomenasiftheystoodontheworld’s
stage,onviewasinbeautypageantsthatareconsciouslyorganizedforboth
nationalandinternationalaudiences.HisagitationforKoreanwomento
liberatethemselvesandtoparticipatein(colonialKorea’s)socialandpoliti-
callife,offeredinapedagogictoneandwithoutreferencetopatriarchy,
wasacommonrhetoricalstrategyformalewriterswhowereasked,fre-
quently,towriteaboutwomenandwomen’sissuesincolonialKoreainthe
late1920sandearly1930s.
Publishedwithoutattribution,KimKi-rim’sessaywasthethirdofthree
essays on Korean women and short hair, coming after an essay by Kim
Hwal-lan,aprofessorandviceprincipalatEwha(Women’s)College,and
asecondessayby“K.Y.,”astudentat“XWomen’sSchool”whohadcut
herhair.Until1939EwhaCollegewastheonlywomen’scollegeincolo-
nialKorea,andinheressayKimHwal-lannotedthatEwhaCollegehad
twoorthreestudentswithshorthair.4Sheequatedshorthairwithconve-
nienceandpredictedthatthenumberofstudentswithshorthairwould
“naturally”increaseovertime.KimHwal-lan,whohadreceivedherPh.D.
ineducationfromColumbiaUniversityin1931,letitbeknownthatshe
neither encouraged her students from cutting their hair nor prevented
themfromdoingso.K.Y.hadmoretosayinheressay.Shebeganwith
thedeclarationthatshehadgainedmanythingsaftershecutherhair.She
noted,however,thatpeoplewhovoicedallkindsofopinionsaboutthebob
haircutdidsoonlyfromathirdperson’sperspective.Shealsonotedthat
shecouldnotshakeoffthefeelingthatmen,whethertheyarguedforor
againstthebob,continuedtolookatwomenasvisualobjectsfortheirplea-
sureandenjoyment.
ApointofdepartureforthisbookisKimKi-rim’sobservationthatthe
twentiethcenturywastheeraoftheshorthaircut:thatthecuttingofhair
signifiedthetriumphofreasonoverunreason,therealizationofindividual
autonomy,andtheemergenceofthemodernpoliticalsubjectthatestab-
lished the anti-imperialist front. Kim Ki-rim’s exhortation arose from a
inTroDuCTion 3
romanticinfatuationthatisthesubjectofthisbook,a“romanceofsov-
ereignty,”accordingtoAchilleMbembe,thatarticulates“acertainideaof
thepolitical,thecommunity,[and]thesubject.”Itwas(andis)aromance
that“restsonthebeliefthatthesubjectisthemasterandthecontrolling
authorofhisorherownmeaning...[andonthebeliefthat]theexercise
ofsovereignty,inturn,consistsinsociety’scapacityforself-creation.”5As
K.Y.observed,sovereigntyaspedagogyalsosoughttoreproducegender,
racial,class,andcivilizationalhierarchiesandwascomplicitwithpower.
Still,K.Y.madeitclearthatshelikedherhairshort:“Intruth,Ilikeit.It
waswhenIcutmyhairthatIlearnedsomethingabout[thepowerof]so-
cialconventions,andpeople’semotionsandrationality.”6Thegeneralaim
ofthisbookistoexaminethistruthandthepleasuresthatderivefromthe
ideaofbeingsovereign,possessingasubjectivewill(chuch’esŏng)capableof
reconstitutinglife,language,andlabor.Thisbookexaminesthehistoricity
ofsovereignty(chukwŏn),itscomplicitywithpower,anditscreative,pro-
ductivecapacity,andalsotheconventions,rationalities,andsubjectivities
thatsovereigntyelicited.
PartIfocusesonthehistoricityofsovereignty:howsovereigntyfunc-
tionedaspedagogyforimperialismandcolonialismandhowitbecamethe
paramountsignifierforKorea’smodernera,productiveofdesireandsub-
jectivity.Chapter1examinessovereigntyasalegalconceptthatstructures
themodernnation-stateandrelationsbetweenempiresandnation-states.
SovereigntywasnotfullyarticulatedbythePeaceofWestphaliaandthen
extendedtoEurope’speriphery.TheEuropeanconceptionofsovereignty—
thatis,equalsovereignty—hasamorecomplicatedhistory.Sovereignty
andinternationallawwereimprovisedoutofthecolonialencounterand
givenvariousarticulationsbyEuropeancolonizersinconditionsofhege-
moniccontestationwithothercolonialpowerstodeclarewhowassover-
eign,whowasnot,andwhy.7Thatistosay,colonialismwascentraltothe
constitutionofsovereignty,andonespecificaimofthisbookistoexplore
thehistoricityofsovereigntyinmodernKoreaanditsdeepcomplicitywith
bothJapaneseandEuro-Americanempiresandcolonialprojects.
AsahistoryofhistoricalwritinginmodernKorea,partIIexaminessov-
ereignty’s creative, productive power, calling on Korean historians who
wouldprivilegeanddeploy,fortheirownpurposes,theconceptofequal
sovereigntyastheconditionforrewritingKorea’spast.Koreanhistorians
didtheimagining,butitwassovereigntythatmadeitpossibletoimagine
4 inTroDuCTion
theKoreanethnicnation(minjok)andtoimagineitasaself-sameunitythat
evolved(ordeveloped)throughlineartime.Asnationalisthistoriansren-
deredtheethnicnationasthesovereignsubject(chuch’e)ofKoreanhistory,
theylocatedKoreainglobaltimeandhelpedcreateademocraticlogic,lim-
itedbynationalboundaries,thatinvitedallKoreans—maleandfemale,old
andyoung,high-bornandoflowstatus—tobecomesovereignsubjectsof
nationalhistory.
Torecognizesovereignty’scomplicitywithimperialismandcolonialism,
itshouldberecalledthatJapaneseauthoritieshadforcedKingKojongto
issuearoyaldecree(tanbalryŏng)thatorderedalladultmentocutofftheir
topknots.8BeforetheroyaldecreewasissuedonDecember30,1895,Yu
Kil-chun,thehomeminister,flankedbyJapanesetroops,hadpressured
KingKojongandthecrownprincetohavetheirowntopknotscut.9For
mostadultmeninlatenineteenth-centuryKoreaandChina,thecutting
ofhairwasassociatedwithhumiliationandviolenceagainstthebody,sev-
ering one’s ties to parents, ancestors, and a civilizational order.10 In the
decadesbeforeandaftertheturnofthetwentiethcentury,one’shairand
clothesbecameintenselyvisiblesignsofpoliticalandculturalallegiance.
Outragedbythetopknotdecree,fromJanuarytoApril1896localliterati
ledRighteousArmiesinarmedinsurrectionagainstofficialswhoenforced
thetopknotdecree.FortheJapanese,theavowedobjectivesbehindthe
topknotorderhadtodowithhygieneandwithconveniencewhileworking.
Intheroyaldecree,however,publishedbytheHomeOffice,KingKojong
associatedtopknotcuttingwiththegoalofachievingequalstandinginthe
nation-statesystem:“We,incuttingOurhair,aresettinganexampleto
Oursubjects.Doyou,themultitude,identifyyourselveswithOurdesign,
andcausetobeaccomplishedthegreatenterprise[taeŏp]ofestablishing
equalitywiththenationsoftheearth.”11Cuttingthetopknotmademani-
festone’sdecisiontorejectthe“cruelty”and“backwardness”thatdifferen-
tiatedKoreafromthecivilizednationsoftheworld.Thediscardedtopknot
signaledaseveringofthefuturefromthepast,becausethepastcouldno
longerbeinstructiveforactioninthepresent.Thetopknotorderwasone
amongmanyactsofundoinginlatenineteenth-centuryKorea,anditwas
Euro-Americanimperialism,withsovereigntyfunctioningbothaspoliti-
calpowerandpolicepower,whichequatedsuchactsofdeterritorializa-
tionandreterritorializationwiththegreatenterpriseofembracingWest-
erncivilizationandattainingequalstandingwithothersovereignnations.
inTroDuCTion 5
Thegreatenterprise,tobecarriedoutbyKoreans,requiredthatkindof
definitiveseveringsothatKoreacouldstandautonomousandfree,asan
equal.12ThusthereisnoironyinthefactthatJapaneseauthoritieshadto
forcesovereigntyonKingKojong.Sovereigntyandinternationallawwere
morethanjustcomplicitinimperialistprojects.KingKojong’sdeclaration
ofindependencefromChinaonJanuary7,1895,forcedonhimbyInoue
Kaoru,laidthelegalbasisforincreasingJapan’scontroloverKorea.13As
areminderofthatwhichexistedpriortosovereigntyandprecolonialhis-
tory,chapter1explainswhythestate-nessofChosŏnKoreawasnotmarred
intheeyesoftheChosŏnscholar-officialsbytheirmonarch’ssubordinate
ritualstatustotheMingemperoror,bytheeighteenthcentury,evento
theQing(Manchu)emperor.Tobesure,Ming-ChosŏnandQing-Chosŏn
relationswereneitherpredeterminednorstatic,andthenotionofChosŏn
Korea as a model tributary obscures periods of severe tension and con-
flict,forexample,duringearlyMing-Chosŏnrelations(especiallybetween
1408and1433),whentheChineseimperialcourtdemandedhumantrib-
ute(girlsfortheimperialharemandboystobeeunuchs),orduringearly
Qing-ChosŏnrelationswhenManchuarmiestwiceinvadedKorea,in1627
and1636,toforcetheKoreancourttoacceptvassalstatus.14TheManchu
invasionof1636wasespeciallydevastating,andsubmissiontotheQing
washumiliating;formanyyearsafter1636Chosŏnofficialskeptusingthe
Ming calendar in internal documents, and they never adopted Manchu
clothingorhairstyle.Buttributeboughtnoninterference,andformuch
ofitshistoryChosŏnKoreasuccessfullymaintaineditsautonomyaswell
astraderelationsbywayofthisrituallysubordinaterelationshiptoChina.
Moreover,whenrelationswiththeimperialcourtimproved,theChosŏn
literaticouldarguethatitwasKorea’sinclusioninaChina-centeredworld,
andtheirownfiercecommitmenttothebasiccategoriesthatdefinedthat
worldintermsofinnerandouter,civilizationandbarbarism(hwaandyi)
thatendowedChosŏnwithitsdistinctiveandcivilizedstate-ness.Thatisto
say,itwasoftenthroughengagementwiththatChina-centeredworldthat
Chosŏnscholar-officialsimaginedKoreancivilization(soChunghwa)realiz-
ingitsfullpotentiality,itscosmicmeaning.
TheimportanceandvaluefortheChosŏncourtofreceivinginvestiture
fromtheMingorQingimperialcourtrevolvedarounddomesticpolitics,
andtheChosŏncourttimeandagaindisplayedamultifacetedpersonain
itsrelationswithChina;formuchoftheChosŏnperiod,Koreanscholar-
6 inTroDuCTion
officialscouldreadilyacknowledgethatacentralfacetofthestate-nessof
ChosŏnKoreaderivedfromitssubordinateinclusioninaChina-centered
tributarysystem,andatthesametimeidentifyTan’gun,whostoodout-
sidetheChinesegenealogy,astheprogenitoroftheKoreanstate.Korea’s
China-centeredsovereigntywasnotabsolutesovereignty,andcertainlynot
equalsovereignty.Itsritualsandprotocolswereverydifferentfromthe
ritualsandprotocolsofpost-Westphaliansovereigntybasedonthenotion
ofequal,separate,andindivisibleauthorityandidentity.Inthelatenine-
teenth century, King Kojong’s default strategy was to utilize to best ad-
vantagetheprotocolsoftheChina-centered tributarysystemaswellas
theprotocolsofthesovereignty-basednation-statesystem.Itwashege-
moniccontestation—specificallyJapan’svictoryoverChinaintheSino-
JapaneseWar—thatprovidedtheoccasiontoeliminatethisambiguity,as
wellasthespaceformaneuverthatithadafforded.WhileInoueKaoru
mighthaveforcedKingKojong’s“declarationofindependence,”theking
andthegreaterpartofreform-mindedofficialsshouldbeseenascoauthors
oftheIndependenceOathtakenattheRoyalAncestralTemple.Chapter1
presentshistoricalsubstantiationofthisclaimandpreparestheground
fordiscussionoftherelationshipbetweenimperialismandnationalismby
lookingattherelationshipbetweenauthorship(aclaimofsovereignty)and
ritualaction.
Inthesensethattheking’sritualperformanceonJanuary7,1895,was
doubly prescribed (not just by ritual manuals dating back centuries but
alsobyInoueKaoru),itcouldbesaidthatKingKojong—asChosŏnKorea’s
supremesacerdotalauthority,itsmonarchandbearerofthedynasticmis-
sionandHeaven’smandate(ch’ŏnmyŏng)—was,andwasnot,theauthor
ofhisactions.ItwasunderstoodbyallthatonlyKingKojong’stakingthe
OathbeforehisancestorscouldmakeKorea’sindependence(fromChina)
inviolable.ItisinthatsenseofKingKojongascoauthorofhisownritual
performancethatchapter2takesupthequestionofhowsovereigntyas
anationformcouldbereplicatedacrosstheglobe,chieflyamongandby
newlyemergingbourgeoisies,forBenedictAnderson“thefirstclassesto
achievesolidaritiesonanessentiallyimaginedbasis.”15
Chapter2beginswiththeargumentthatbeforetheSino-JapaneseWar,
andbeforeKingKojong’sdeclarationofKorea’s“independence,”material
anddiscursiveconditionsalreadyexistedwithinKoreathatwouldallow
forthedisseminationofnotjusttheideaofnationalsovereigntybutalso
inTroDuCTion 7
thepresumptionthatrecognitionofKorea’ssovereigntybytheWesternim-
perialpowerswasanecessaryconditionforavoidingcolonization.Toward
thisend,intellectualslikeYunCh’i-hotookitforgrantedthatKoreahad
todemonstratecommitmenttoEuropeancivilization,asmeasuredbyspe-
cific“reforms”ofpolitical,economic,andculturalinstitutionsandprac-
tices (such as sumptuary laws), and also to participate in international
eventssuchastheColumbianExpositioninChicagoin1893.Theproblem,
asYunsawit,wasthatKorea’scommitmenttothegreatenterprisewasas
second-rateanddismalastheKoreaExhibit,somuchsothathefoundhim-
selfunabletowalkawayfromit.
TotheextentthattheKoreaExhibitattheColumbianExpositionfunc-
tionedforYunasasynecdocheofKorea’sabjection,itispossibletounder-
standthesadnessaswellasgenocidalcontemptthatYunfeltatthesightof
NativeAmericansintheAmericanWestcongregatingaroundrailroadsta-
tionsalongtheCentralPacificRailroad:“Indianswereseenatalmostevery
station.Someofthempaintedtheirfacesredandmosthadredorblue
blanketswrappedaroundtheirbodies.Asadandsomewhatcontemptible
sight:sadbecauseoftheirpasthistory,butcontemptiblebecauseofthe
inabilitytoimprovetheircondition.Aracethatfails,fromvoluntarylazi-
nessandignorance,toavailitselfoftheadvantagesofcivilizationbrought
soclosetoitsreachisn’tworthwhiletolive.”16Yun,aprogenitorofthe
Korean (Christian) bourgeois class that would emerge under Japanese
colonialrule,sawNativeAmericansintermsofavisualregimethatparal-
leledtheobjectifyinganddiscipliningoperationsofdiscourseson“civili-
zation.” If Native Americans did not avail themselves of Euro-American
civilization—iftheyvoluntarilychosetoliveinignoranceand“degraded
humanity”—thentheydidnotdeservetolive.ForYun,thedecisiontoem-
braceEuro-Americancivilizationwas,initself,proofofapeople’scapacity
forrationalityandautonomy.Hisprivilegingoffreedom,andruminations
onwhycertainpopulationsdonotdeservetolive,pointtonotjustthe
inclusionarypretensionsofliberaltheoryandtheexclusionaryeffectsof
liberalpractices,butalsotoliberalism’sessentiallinktoimperialismand
colonialism.17 His privileging of freedom also points to the centrality of
violenceintheconstitutionof(Christian)liberal-bourgeoissubjectivityin
earlytwentieth-centuryKoreaanditspermutationsthroughthecolonial
perioddowntopostcolonialanticommunistSouthKorea.18
Itmustbesaidthattheviolenceofsovereigntywasveryproductive.In
8 inTroDuCTion
language,sovereigntyasaformofcommandpromptedKoreanintellectu-
als,aswriters,historians,andtranslators,toproducenewmeaningsand
newnarrativesthroughsemanticinnovation.Inthetranslationofsover-
eigntyinitsnationform,chapter2focusesontheunavoidableaccommo-
dationtoEuro-Americanmodernityandonsemanticinnovationthrough
bothproductiveimaginationandthelegislativerationalityofcapitalistsov-
ereignty.19Attentionpaidtothelegislativerationalityofcapitalistsover-
eigntygoesagainstthegrainofscholarshipthatwantstoportraymoder-
nityandnationinKoreaasKorea’sowncreation,withKoreanintellectuals
selecting,translating,andtherebycreatingtheirownmodernityfromthe
Westernarchive.Ifthatwerethecase,themodernitythuscreatedwouldbe
sovereigntoKorea,dynamic,andongoing:Korea’smodernityasanincom-
pleteprojectthatisbothparticularanduniversal.Historianswouldthen
haveafirmbasisforwritingthehistoryofKorea’smodernityuntaintedby
imperialismandcolonialism;historiansneedonlytakedueaccountofthe
historicalandpoliticalcontextand“thelimitationsofhistime.”Thiskind
ofscholarship(also)emergesfromdesirecreatedbysovereigntyitself.
Intermsoflanguage,itwasthetranslationofcapitalistsovereigntyinthe
latenineteenthcenturythatproducedthediachronicidentityofnational
language (kuk’ŏ), discernible in the poetry (hyangga) of the Silla period
downtothelanguageofscholar-officialsinlatenineteenth-centurySeoul.
“TheKoreanlanguage”cametobeimaginedassingular,aunityevenin
itsgreatvariationsoverspaceandtime.Inanalyzingthisprocessoftrans-
lation,intheliteralsense,chapter2drawsattentiontotheradicaltrans-
formationsinlanguageandpoliticaleconomy,transformationsthatwere
overdeterminedbythelegislativerationalityofcapitalistsovereignty.One
keyexampleisthewordforeconomyusedtodayinChina,Japan,andKorea:
經濟 (C: jingji, J: keizai, K: kyŏngje). The lexical unit kyŏngje was a con-
tractionofkyŏngse jemin(經世濟民):togoverntheworldandrelievethe
people.Thatistosay,priortothenineteenthcentury,kyŏngjereferredtoa
politicaleconomythatwasnecessarilyandovertlymoral,amoraleconomy
structuredonobligationtothepeople’swelfare.WhenJapaneseintellectu-
alstranslatedeconomyaskeizai,however,theyassociatedkeizaiwithpro-
duction,consumption,andthewealthofnations,anintellectualapproach
thatlinkedpublicinterestwithcompetitionandthepursuitofprivategain.
Withkyŏngjerenderedaseconomy,theextractionofprofitwouldappear
asaseriesofrelationsofexchangeratherthantributeextractedthrough
inTroDuCTion 9
politicaldomination:thepeople,asworkersandproducers,becameau-
tonomousand“free”intheirpovertyandpropertylessness.Likecapitalism,
then,thetermkyŏngjecould(anddid)takeapurelyeconomicform.
In the late nineteenth century, Japanese intellectuals also created a
seriesofneologismsinthecourseoftranslatingfromEuropeanlanguages,
includingthewordfornation,minzoku(K:minjok).Itisimportanttonote
thatwordslikeminjok([ethnic]nation)wereincorporatedintoKoreanas
itwasbeingnationalized.Inotherwords,thenationalizationoftheKorean
languageoccurredwithinaprofoundlytransnational,translingualcontext.
Christian missionaries, especially Protestant missionaries, helped trans-
formtheKoreanalphabetintoaniconofKoreaandaniconfortheKorean
nation.TheyinspiredandtrainedmanyprominentKoreanlinguistsand
grammarians,includingthebrilliantlinguistChuSi-g yŏng.Missionaries
soughtandobtainedinternationalrecognitionforthescientificvalueof
theKoreanalphabet.Theypromotedrespectforandstandardizationofthe
KoreanvernacularandfosteredaspiritofprotectingtheKoreanscript.20It
waswithinthiscontextthatvernacularKoreanwrittenwithKingSejong’s
alphabet (created in 1443) was elevated to the status of national script
(kungmun),whileliterary(classical)ChinesewasdemotedtomereChinese
writing.ButwhileinternationalrecognitiongiventoKoreanwritingmight
seemtopayhomagetoKoreangenius,asReyChowhasargued,homageto
theWesthaslongbeenpaidintheformofwhatseemstobeitsopposite21:
inthiscase,theradicalinsistenceonkungmun(Koreanwrittenvernacu-
larasthenationalscript).Inthatsense,itwascapitalistsovereigntythat
promotedKorea’sdistinctionfromChinaandstandardizationoflanguage
practicesandpopulations,withKoreanandKoreansconstitutedasdistinct
unitsthatidentifyeachother.
Although Japanese authorities saw King Kojong’s declaration of sov-
ereigntyasanecessarysteptowardtheimpositionofaprotectorateand
eventualannexation,tojustifycolonizationtheyalsohadtoexplainwhy
Koreawasneverreallysovereignandneverreallycapableofmaintaining
“thesovereigntyJapanhadobtainedforKorea.”Chapter3,whichbegins
partIIofthisbook,showshow,outofancientruins,theJapanesecolo-
nialstateconstructedanexplanationforwhycolonizationwasnecessary.
SoonafterannexationtheJapanesecolonialstatepouredmoney,expertise,
and concrete to restore Sŏkkuram, an astonishingly beautiful Buddhist
statueseatedwithinaman-madestonegrotto“discovered”byaJapanese
10 inTroDuCTion
mailman.TheJapanesecolonialstatealsorestoredanumberofBuddhist
templesnearKyŏngjuandbreathlesslyextolledSŏkkuramandtheBud-
dhist art and architecture of the Silla period as the “culmination of the
religionandtheartoftheOrient.”22Thepedagogiclessonhadtodowith
Japan’sself-designatedroleascuratorforAsia’sartandacoloniallessonon
temporality.SŏkkuramandtheartandarchitectureoftheSillaperiodrep-
resentedtheapexofKoreanculturalhistory,brilliantartisticachievements
whichstoodinstarkcontrasttothesqualorofKorea’spresent.Thestory
ofSŏkkuram—itscreationandsubsequentslideintoobscurityandruin—
wasthesadstoryofKorea:abeautifulandbrilliantculturalpastthatwas
asmuchAsianasKorean,followedbyalongdownwardslide.Thecolonial
authoritiesdidnotjustteachKoreansabouttheirpast;theyhadtorestore
itforthem.
Ultimatelycolonialruledependedoncoercivepower:thepowertosup-
press protest and armed resistance. But Japanese colonialism could not
havebeensustainedwithjustcoercivepower.Toestablishsufficienthege-
mony,Japanesecolonialismhadtobe,aboveall,apedagogicendeavorin
whichthecolonizedwouldcometorecognizetherelativesuperiorityof
thecolonizer.RestoringSŏkkuramtoitsformerglorywaspartofthatpeda-
gogiceffort,teachingabouttheworldandKorea’splaceinitasdefinedby
JapanandtheWest.Inthiscolonizingproject,theJapanesecolonialstate
drewheavilyonEuro-Americancolonialpractices.LiketheBritishinIndia
andAmericansinthePhilippines,theJapaneseallocatedmoneyandexper-
tisetocarryoutexcavationsandsurveys,tostudyKorea’spast,andtore-
storesomeculturalsites(butnotothers)inordertoestablishthecategories
andnarrativestrategiesbywhichKoreaandKoreanswouldbeunderstood.
Thustherewasaproliferationof(competing)discoursesonKoreanidentity
thatemanatedfromtheJapanesecolonialstateaswellasKoreannationalist
intellectualsandorganizations.Inthiscompetition,theJapanesecolonial
statewasmoresuccessfulintermsofproducingdetailedstudiesofKorean
art, customs, language, religion, and history.23 For the Japanese colonial
state,thegoaloftransformingcolonialKoreaforitsstrategicendswent
handinhandwiththeworkoftransformingpeasantsintoChōsenjin(Kore-
ans).ThelogicofitsracistcolonialpolicycompelledtheJapanesecolonial
statetoreconstitute(disparate)KoreanidentitiesintoahomogeneousChō-
senjinthatbecamebothabureaucraticandaderogatoryclassificationfor
allKoreansregardlessofgender,regionalorigin,orclassbackground.
inTroDuCTion 11
Koreanpeninsula,andsoutheasternChina.26Suchnarrativeswouldde-
pictcolonizationofKoreaastherestorationofJapaneserule,Japanhaving
ruledsouthernKoreainancienttimes.Colonialhistoriansalsosuggested
thatJapaneseandKoreansweredescendedfromcommonancestors.Such
narratives,however,createdanxietyforcolonialistsaswellasanticolonial
Koreannationalists,ananxietyoversamenessorlackofessentialdiffer-
ence between colonizer and colonized. Colonialist historiography came
intoitsfullnesswithnarrativestrategiesthatcouldaffirmsamenesswhile
asserting colonial difference and colonial hierarchy, which were main-
tainedthroughnarrativesaboutabsence,lack,andtemporality.Colonial-
isthistoriographyarguedthatexternalforces—Chinese,Manchurian,and
Japanese—haddeterminedKorea’shistoricaldevelopmentfromitsvery
beginnings. Factionalism was deeply ingrained in the Korean political
culture,asevidencedbysuccessivepurgesofliteratiandfactionalstrife
duringtheChosŏnperiod,preventingtheemergenceofaunifiedpoliti-
calwill.Koreansocietypriortoannexationhadbeenutterlystagnant.In
otherwords,Koreanswerenotandcouldnotbecomesovereignsubjects
oftheirownhistory.
Ofthese,stagnationtheorywasperhapsmosteffectiveinestablishing
colonialdifferenceintermsoftemporality.Drawingontheauthorityof
thesocialsciences,specificallyKarlBücher’stheoriesonnonmarketeco-
nomics,FukudaTokuzōarguedthatfeudalismandprivateownershipof
landhadfailedtoemergeinKorea,andthusthelevelofdevelopmentin
late nineteenth-century Korea was comparable to that in tenth-century
FujiwaraJapan.Basedonatwenty-daytriptoKoreain1902,Fukudawas
abletoconcludethatKoreans“wholackthecourageouswarriorspiritthat
ournation[minzoku]represents”mustlooktoJapan,whiletheJapanese
havenochoicebutto“acknowledgetheweightofourappointedtask,a
naturalfateanddutyofapowerfulandsuperiorculturetoassimilateKorea
andKoreansbysweepingawaytheirutterlycorruptanddecayednational
particularity.”27Itwasagainsttheassertionofsuperioritybasedontem-
poral difference—a thousand-year gap between Japan and Korea—that
PaekNam-unwroteChōsen shakai keizaishi(1933)andChōsen hōken shakai
keizaishi(1937).28Paek’saimwastoshowthatKoreansocietyandeconomy
haddevelopedinaccordancewithuniversalstagesofdevelopmentandas
aresultofsocioeconomicforcesinternaltoKorea,thatis,Koreansassov-
ereignsubjectsoftheirownhistory,ahistorythatwasasuniversalinits
developmentasthatofEuropeorJapan.
inTroDuCTion 13
FocusingonPaekNam-un,chapter4examineshistorywritingasitbe-
cameanacademicdisciplineincolonialKorea.AmongKoreanhistorians
trainedatJapaneseuniversities,especiallyWasedaandlaterKeijōImperial
University in colonial Seoul, many adopted the narrative framework of
colonialisthistoriography,specificallyMansenshi,aManchuria-Koreaspa-
tialconceptionthatnegatedKorea’shistoricalsovereigntybypresenting
historyasamovement,inwaves,intoKorea,andmoregenerallythatof
Orientalhistory(tōyōshi),whichpresentedJapanasuniquelycapable,in
contrasttomoribundplaceslikeKoreaandChinathatweresaddledwith
debilitatingcustomsandalongtroubledpast.AsStefanTanakahasshown,
tōyōshiprovidedjustificationforJapan’simperialexpansion,29andhisto-
rianslikeYiPyŏng-do,thecentralfigureinpositivistandcritical-textual
historiography,concededagreatdealtotōyōshi,toitsstatusasobjective,
academic,anduniquelylegitimatinghistoricalscholarship.Thus,contem-
poraneouswithPaekNam-un’swork,the1930ssawKoreanhistoriansco-
alescingaroundthreecompetingschools:nationalisthistoriographyasit
emergedinthefirstdecadeofthetwentiethcentury,itsclaims,central
themes,andnarrativestrategyoutlinedbySinCh’ae-ho;socioeconomic
(Marxist)historiography,withPaekNam-unsituatingKoreanhistoryin
worldhistory,andKoreanhistoryunfoldinginaccordancewithhistorical
laws(andthusahistoriography“thatdoesnotknowdespair”);andpositiv-
isthistoriography,asrepresentedbyYiPyŏng-doandtheChindanSociety,
thataimedforanobjective,academicapproachtohistorywriting.
Thereareanumberofproblemswithatypologysuchasthis.Muchof
modernKoreanhistoriographydoesnotfitneatlyintothese categories,
andthecategoriesthemselvesdistortasmuchastheyexplain.Butthisty-
pologydoesofferausefulstartingpointforunderstandinghowamajority
ofSouthKoreanhistorians,untilquiterecently,thoughtabouttheirintel-
lectual genealogy, their relationship tocertain modes ofhistorical writ-
ing,andtheirpoliticalandideologicalstance.OncetheJapaneseEmpire
collapsedin1945,thecommitmenttoobjectivityonthepartofpositivist
historiansappearedaslittlemorethancomplicitywithcolonialism.Many
ofthehistorianswhohadprivilegedobjectivityhadparticipatedactively
ininstitutionsestablishedbytheJapanesecolonialstateandhadhelped
produce colonial narratives under the banner of academic rigor. In the
monthsfollowingliberation(August15,1945),itwasMarxistintellectuals
likePaekNam-unwhowereenergized,andtheybeganlayingthefounda-
tionsforpostcolonialKorea’shigheracademicinstitutions.Thedayafter
14 inTroDuCTion
Japan’ssurrender,PaekbeganorganizingtheChosŏnhaksulwŏn(Korean
AcademyofSciences),welcomingleadingprogressivescholarsacrossthe
disciplines,fromengineeringtoliterature,science,andart.Buttheparti-
tionofKoreaandU.S.militaryoccupationbelowthe38thparallelstopped
thisprocess.InAugust1946,whentheU.S.ArmyMilitaryGovernmentin
Korea(usAMgik)announceditsplantomergeKeijōImperialUniversity
withnineexistingprofessionalschoolstoformSeoulNationalUniversity,
Paekwasvocalinhiscriticismoftheplan:universityfacultywouldhave
littleautonomyfromtheusAMgik’sDepartmentofEducation,andaca-
demicswhohadactivelycollaboratedinsupportoftheJapaneseEmpire
wouldbeincludedinthefaculty.WithconservativesincontroloftheDe-
partmentofEducation,however,theKoreanhistoriansappointedtothe
facultyofSeoulNationalUniversityweremostlyChindanSocietymem-
bers,includingYiPyŏng-do.AsU.S.occupationforcespreparedtocreatea
separateanticommuniststateinsouthernKorea,manyMarxistintellectu-
als,includingPaek,wentnorth,pushedbyanticommunistrepressionand
pulledbyoffersofemploymentandopportunitytotakeimportantrolesin
thenationaldemocraticrevolutionunderwayontheothersideofthe38th
parallel.
Chapter5presentsabriefoutlineofhowpositivisthistoriographycame
tobereconstitutedasnationalisthistoriographyafter1945.In1961YiKi-
baekpublishedKuksa sillon(ANewHistoryofKorea),writtenasahistory
textbookthatincorporatedthenarrativeofkŭndaehwa(modernization).
EchoingW.W.Rostow’semphasisontheimportanceofcreatingnewso-
cial groups—intellectuals, merchants, and military personnel—for eco-
nomic development in the Third World,30 Yi attributed dynastic change
andhistoricalprogressinKoreanhistorytotheemergenceofnewsocial
classes. In thus adopting modernization theory promoted by American
academicsandadvisors,Kuksa sillonpresentedanon-Marxistpostcolonial
narrativethatwasanti-JapanesebutuncriticalofAmericanintervention.
Thisrenovationofthetextual-critical tradition, intheformofmodern-
izationnarratives,quicklybecamethedominantmodeofhistorywriting
inthecontextofthecoldwar.Chapter5makestheobservationthatthe
questionofneocolonialism(theUnitedStatesinSouthKorea),suppressed
bytheanticommuniststate,cametobesublimatedthroughdevelopmen-
taltime:SouthKoreawasdevelopingwithAmericanassistancebutalso
by using its own sources of modernity. The bulk of chapter 5, however,
inTroDuCTion 15
focusesonhowandwhyMarxisthistoriographyofthe1930swasrecon-
figuredasnationalisthistoriographyinthe1970sand1980s.BecausePaek
Nam-unwenttoNorthKoreain1948,historiansinSouthKoreacouldnot
citehiswork,andtheonlywaytointegrateandengagehisworkwasby
castinghimasanationalisthistorian.Throughtheirempiricalstudiesof
landtenure,growthofcommerce(merchantcapital),andthedevelopment
ofacommodity-monetaryeconomyinthelatterhalfofChosŏn,KimYong-
sŏpandKangMan-gilrevivedandconfirmedPaek’sdisclosureoftheinter-
naldynamicunderlyingKorea’shistoricaldevelopment,withclassstruggle
centraltothatprocess.
Underanationalistcanopy,then,KimYong-sŏpandKangMan-gilre-
established intellectual links to a form of history writing that had been
suppressedinSouthKoreaaftertheKoreanWar.Theirviewofhistorywas
basedonananticolonial,oppositionalnationalism,andtheirhistoriogra-
phycontributedgreatlytounderstandingthedynamicnatureofKorea’s
socialandeconomicdevelopmentinlateChosŏn.Inthislimitedsense,
KimandKangsharedcommongroundwithnationalisthistorianswhopre-
ferredmodernizationtheory;theircommonagendawastowriteaKorea-
centeredhistory.Buttheimplicationsoftheirhistoricalnarrativecould
notbemoredifferent.Formodernizationhistorians,theoriginsofKorea’s
modernityweretobefoundintheculturalandscientificdevelopmentsin
theeighteenthcenturyandtracedforwardtoWesternizedandWestern-
izingelitesofthenineteenthcenturyandtothenoncommunistnational-
istsinthetwentiethcenturywhowouldeventuallyestablishSouthKorea.
Kim,alongwithKang,laidthebasisfortheargumentthatthereweretwo
possiblepathstomodernity:arelativelymoreegalitarianandautonomous
pathfrombelow,withpeasantrebellionsprovidingthemainimpetusfor
progressivechange,andamoreexploitative,dependentpathfromabove,
ledbyeliteswhowouldultimatelycapitulatetoimperialistdemandsstart-
inginthelatenineteenthcentury.
KimandKanglocatedtheWesternizedandWesternizingeliteswithin
ahistoricaltrajectorythathadrootsintheculturalandpoliticalworldof
thelandedclassinthelateChosŏnperiod,whosemodernizationefforts
from the late nineteenth century to the present reflected their narrow
classinterests,andforthatreasontendedtowarddependencyonoutside
powers,thatis,collaborationwiththeJapaneseinthecolonialperiodand
withtheAmericansafter1945.Thiswasatrajectorythatpavedtheway
16 inTroDuCTion
forKorea’scolonizationbyJapan,formationofseparatestatesin1948,and
dictatorshipanddependentcapitalistdevelopmentinSouthKorea.Thisre-
visionisthistoricalnarrativefoundabroadaudiencewiththepublication
in1979ofHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi insik(KoreanHistorybeforeandafterLib-
eration),editedbythecourageousintellectualandjournalistSongKŏn-ho.
Thisbookpresentedapowerfulaccountofhow1945markedthebeginning
ofthemosthorrificchapterinmodernKoreanhistory.Itexposedthein-
gloriousoriginsoftheSouthKoreanstateandnegatedcoldwarhistoriog-
raphybypositingasnationalisttheresistancetotheun-sponsoredseparate
electionsin1948onwhichSouthKoreaclaimsitslegalbasis.
It was the people’s uprising in the city of Kwangju in 1980, however,
andthemassacreperpetratedbySouthKoreantroopsthatfinallybroke
theSouthKoreangovernment’sideologicalhegemony.Themagnitudeof
thestateviolencedrovestudentsandintellectualstosearchforthestruc-
turalandhistoricaloriginsofSouthKorea’sdictatorship.Drawingonhis-
toricalnarrativeslikethoseinHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi insik,throughminjung
(people’s)art,minjungtheology,andprotestmusicandperformance,stu-
dentsandintellectualssoughttoconstitutetheminjung(thesubaltern)as
anationalandnationalistsubject,asubjectivitythatcouldbeanalterna-
tivetoandautonomousfromnationalistnarrativesauthorizedbyeitherthe
NorthKoreanortheSouthKoreanstate.ForKangMan-gil,thehistorian’s
mostpressingtaskwastowriteahistoryofmodernKoreafromaperspec-
tiveunfetteredby“thestructureofdivision.”Suchaperspectiveisacces-
sible,Kangargued,whenhistoriansunderstandthepoliticalstrugglesof
theimmediatepostliberationperiodnotsimplyasthedenouementofthe
colonialexperiencebutalsoasastruggletoovercomenationaldivision.
Since the 1980s, then, nationalist historiography in South Korea has
been associated with leftist politics. In the last decade of the twentieth
century,withthecollapseofsocialiststatesinEasternEuropeandthedis-
solutionoftheSovietUnion,whatmightbecalledpostnationalisthisto-
riography began to gain ground in South Korea. Weary of nationalism’s
totalizingpower,anumberofliterarycritics,alongwithhistoriansoutside
thefieldofKoreanstudies,drewonpostcolonialtheoryandtookaimat
muchofmodernKoreanhistoriography(thatis,notjustnationalisthisto-
riography),amongotherthingsforitsfixationonnarrativesoflinearde-
velopment.Buttheprincipaltargetwasnationalisthistoriographyforits
erasureofplurality,complexity,anddifference.Inaninterestingtwist,the
inTroDuCTion 17
so-calledNewRightwelcomedscholarshipinspiredbypostcolonialtheory
foritsrefusaltonarratethecolonialperiodastheManichaeanstruggleof
acolonizingJapanthatwasracistandexploitative,opposedbyaresisting
andenduringpeople,ornation(minjung, minjok).Withthis,theNewRight
turnedtocriticismofnationalismingeneral,andnationalisthistoriogra-
phyofthe1980sinparticular,attackingnationalisthistoriographyforques-
tioningSouthKorea’slegitimacy.
InHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsik(ReexaminationofKoreanHistorybe-
foreandafterLiberation),publishedinFebruary2006withenthusiastic
coveragefromconservativedailiesliketheChosŏn ilbo,theeditorscharged
thatleftist-nationalisthistoriography,asepitomizedbyHaebang chŏnhusa
ŭi insik,wasresponsibleforthe“dangerouslydistorted”historicalperspec-
tiveheldbyasizablesegmentofthepublic(mostlytheyoungergeneration)
aswellasbytheleft-leaningRohMoo-hyunadministration.Compiledby
fourscholarsidentifiedwithpostmoderntheoryandtheNewRight,the
titleofthistwo-volumeanthologydeliberatelyevokedHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi
insik,signalingtheeditors’intentionofrestoringbalancetothehistorical
understandingofcolonialandpostcolonialhistory.TheeditorsofHaebang
chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsikarguedthattheleftist-nationalisthistoriographyof
the1980shadachievednearhegemonyinpolitics,inspiteoflaterresearch
thatshouldhavecorrectedsuchaskewedview.Theyarguedthatleftist-
nationalisthistoriographyremainedentrenched,discouragingthepubli-
cationofmore“objective”scholarship.31TheNewRightwelcomedpost-
colonialcritiquesofnationalismandnationalisthistoriographyasawayto
reassertthesovereigntyoftheindividual(!)andtoreaffirmthesovereignty
ofSouthKoreaandthelegitimacyofitsanticommunistlegacy.
AsintenselyanticommunistastheOldRightbutalsofiercelyliberalin
termsoftheircommitmenttoindividualfreedomsandmarketcapitalism,
theNewRightaccommodatedpostcolonialscholarshipasatacticalmove,
whiletheirstrategictargetwasleftist-nationalisthistoriographyanditspo-
liticalexpression.AsBruceCumingspointsout,whattheNewRightsawas
a“dangerouslydistorted”historicalperspectiveappearedtimeandagainin
classifiedreportsauthoredbyAmericanmilitaryandintelligenceofficers
whowerecriticalofU.S.policytowardKorea.32Itshouldalsobenoted
thatanumberofcontributorstoHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsik,eitherim-
plicitlyorexplicitly,tookissuewiththekindofuniversalismassumedby
theeditorsofHaebang chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsik—auniversalismidentifiedas
18 inTroDuCTion
“civilization”33—basedontriumphalistnotionsofprogressandneoliberal
valuesthatconvenientlyseparatedthepresentfromhistoriesofviolence,
expropriation,exploitation,andcontrol.Whileitisevidentthatthereisno
longeran“outside”tothelogicsofglobalcapitalism,itisalsoevidentfrom
thehistoryofhistorywritingpresentedinthisbookthatglobalcapitalism
createssurplusesthatrefusetobedisciplinedorregimented—specifically,
knowledge,experience,andsubjectivity,surplusesthatconstituteaform
ofwealthtowhichnotjustintellectualsbutthemultitudealsohasaccess.
AsMichaelHardtandAntonioNegrihaveargued,thepoorrevoltnotbe-
causetheyhavenothingtolose,butbecausetheyarerich:“Deprivation
...maybreedanger,indignation,andantagonism,butrevoltarisesonly
onthebasisofwealth,thatis,asurplusofintelligence,experience,knowl-
edges,anddesire...notbecausethepoorareemptyandexcludedfrom
wealthbutbecausetheyareincludedinthecircuitsofproductionandfull
of potential, which always exceeds what capital and the global political
bodycanexpropriateandcontrol.”34Inotherwords,thegreatenterprise
ofsovereigntywaspotentfiction,afictionthatbecameaheadoverheels
romancethatallowedfortheproductionofthelanguageandthecoordi-
natesforthecritiqueofsovereignty’scomplicitywithpower.Sovereignty
providedtheconceptuallanguageforwritingnationalhistories,butitalso
constitutedthesiteforthecontinuousproductionofoppositionalsubjec-
tivitiesandpoliticalalternatives.
noTes
Introduction
1.Sŭpotssŭ,sŭpidŭ,andsaeksŭ,alongwiththeexplanationforthebobhaircut,
are in parentheses in the original. Other foreign words like Nora, the Bob, and
haremareinquotationmarks.KimKi-rimwasamodernistpoetandliterarycritic.
Hisessay“‘MissŭKoria’tanbalhasio”(“MissKorea,”CutYourHair)appearedin
Tongkwang,no.37(September1932)withoutattribution.
2.Thetextreferstosŏppun tchari ka’gŭk,KurtWeilandBertoltBrecht’sDie Drei-
groschenoper,firstperformedinBerlinin1928.
3.X’swereinsertedtoavoidcensorship.TheKwantungArmyhadseizedMan-
churiainSeptember1931andinvadedShanghaiinJanuary1932.ThuswhenKim
Ki-rimwrotetheessayanti-imperialismhadtakenprecedenceinChinesepolitics.
4.Establishedin1886byMaryScranton,Ehwabeganasamissionschoolfor
girls.Intheearly1930sEwhaCollegeadmittedaboutahundredstudentseachyear.
Ofthethirty-sevenfacultymembers,twenty-onewereKorean.KimHwal-lanwasa
graduateofEwha,andin1922shehelpedorganizetheKoreanywcA.YunCh’i-ho,
whofoundedtheyMcAinKorea,washermentor.Shewasalsoamemberofthe
Kŭnŭhoe,anationalistwomen’sorganizationfoundedin1927.Butsheresigned
soonafterward,unwillingtoworkwithwomenwhowereMarxistsandsocialists.
KimHwal-lan,“Nanŭntanbalŭlirrŏkkyeponda,”Tongkwang,no.37(September
1932).SeealsoIhwaYŏksagwan,Ewha Old and New: 110 Years of History (1886–1996)
(Seoul:EwhaWoman’sUniversityPress,2005),andInsookKwon,“FeministsNavi-
gatingtheShoalsofNationalismandCollaboration:ThePost-ColonialKoreanDe-
bateoverHowtoRememberKimHwal-lan,”Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies
27,no.1(2006).
5.AchilleMbembe,“Necropolitics,”Public Culture15,no.1(2003),13.Ithank
AlexisDuddenforreferringmetothisarticle.
6.K.Y.,“Tanbalhankamsang,”Tongkwang,no.37(September1932).
7. On the historical relationship between imperialism and international law,
seeAntonyAnghie,Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004).SeealsoMarttiKoskenniemi,The
Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870–1960(Cam-
bridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001).
8.Therewereother,lessdramaticchangestosumptuarylaws,forexample,laws
thatregulatedthelengthofthepipeandthelengthandwidthofthesleeves.
9.AccordingtoHwangHyŏn,KingKojongturnedtoChŏngPyŏng-ha,anofficial
whowasborninthenonaristocraticchunginclass,andtoldhimtocutthetopknot.
172 noTes To inTroDuCTion
YuKil-juncutthecrownprince’shair.CitedinLeeKwang-rin(YiKwang-rin),Yu
Kil-chun(Seoul:Tongailbosa,1992),122–23.
10.AcrossEastAsia,writerswroteabouthair.InLuXun’s“Toufadegushi”(A
StoryaboutHair,1920),forexample,astudentcuthisqueuewhenhewentto
Japantostudy.UponhisreturntoChinahepurchasedafakequeueinShanghai.
Butitwas1910,andhewasridiculedforwearingafakequeue.Hetookoffthe
queueandputonaWesternsuit.Hewasjeeredinthestreets.Heputonthelong
Chinesegown,andhewasstillridiculed.Theprotagonistinthestory,N,finally
lashedoutathistormentorswithhiscane,afterwhichhewasleftalone.Nsays,
“It[hittingothers]mademefeelsorrowful.”Inanessaypublishedin1935,LuXun
revealedthat“Toufa”wasautobiographical.SeeEvanShanChou,“‘AStoryabout
Hair’:ACuriousMirrorofLuXun’sPre-RepublicanYears,”Journal of Asian Studies
66,no.2(2007).
11.IntheEnglishtranslationreleasedbytheHomeOfficeandsignedbyYuKil-
chun,taeŏpwastranslatedas“thegreatwork.”CitedinIsabellaL.Bird,Korea and
Her Neighbors(1897;Boston:KPI,1985),363.Thephrase“Oursubjects”(sinmin)
isactuallyacompoundthatreferstotwogroups:“subjects”orofficials(sin),and
therest(min,orpeople).FortheKoreantext,seeKojong sillok,33-kwŏn,32-nyŏn
(1895),11/15.Kuksapyŏnch’anwiwŏnhoe(NationalInstituteofKoreanHistory):
http://sillok.history.go.kr/main/main.jsp.ForKojong sillok,aswithotherannalsin
theChosŏn wangjo sillok(AnnalsoftheChosŏnDynasty),thecitationbeginswith
theruler’stemplenameidentifyingtherecord(sillok),followedbyvolumenum-
ber(kwŏn),thereignyear(nyŏn)withtheCommonErayearinparentheses,the
monthanddaybylunarcalendar,andwhennecessarytheentry’slocationonthe
page.November15bythelunarcalendar,32ndyearofKojong’sreign,wasDecem-
ber30,1895,intheGregoriancalendar.
12.ThebestworkonthisperiodisAndreSchmid’sKorea between Empires, 1895–
1919(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2002).
13.RegardingJapaneseuseofinternationallawtolegitimateJapan’sempire,see
AlexisDudden,Japan’s Colonization of Korea: Discourse and Power(Honolulu:Uni-
versityofHawaiiPress,2004).
14.HumantributebeganduringtheYüandynasty.Thenumberofchildrenreq-
uisitioned wassmall,andtheyweretakenonanirregular basis.Thegirlswere
selectedfromdaughtersoflow-tomiddle-gradeofficials.DonaldN.Clark,“Sino-
KoreanTributaryRelationsundertheMing,”The Ming Dynasty, 1398–1644,part2,
ed.DenisTwitchettandFrederickW.Mote,The Cambridge History of China,vol.8
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998).
15. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread of Nationalism(London:Verso,1983),77.
16.YunCh’i-ho,Yun Ch’i-ho ilgi(Seoul:Kuksapy’ŏnchanwiwŏnhoe,1973–1989),
entryforOctober14,1893,3:187–88.
17.SeeUdaySinghMehta,Liberalism and Empire: A Study in Nineteenth Century
British Liberal Thought(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1999).
noTes To inTroDuCTion 173
18.Myargumentherehasanaffinitytothehistoricaltrajectoriessuggestedby
KimYong-sŏp.Seebelow,andnote30inchapter2.
19.Seenote60inchapter2,myreferencetoPaulRicoeur’sThe Rule of Metaphor:
Multi-disciplinary Studies of the Creation of Meaning of Language(Toronto:University
ofTorontoPress,1975).
20.SeeRossKing,“WesternProtestantMissionariesandtheOriginsofKorean
LanguageModernization,”Journal of International and Area Studies11,no.3(2004).
21.ReyChow,Women and Modernity: The Politics of Reading between East and West
(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1991),xv.
22.TheSŏkkuramisoneofSouthKorea’snationaltreasuresandrecognizedby
unEscOasaWorldHeritagesite.Itwasconstructedinthemid-eighthcenturyon
Mt.T’ohamnearKyŏngju.
23.SeeHyungIlPai,Constructing “Korean” Origins: A Critical Review of Archae-
ology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean State-Formation Theories (Cam-
bridge:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,2000).
24.SeeJunUchida,Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876–
1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2011). See also Uchida Jun,
“Ch’ongnyŏkjŏnsigichae-ChosŏnIlboninŭi‘NaeSŏnIlch’e’chŏngchaeketaehan
hyŏmnyŏk,”Asea yŏn’gu51,no.1(2008),andMicahAuerback,“‘Ch’in-IlPulgyo’
yŏksahakŭichae’go:ChosŏnPulgyodankwa1920-nyŏndaeChosŏnesŏŭisŭngryŏ
kyŏlhonetaehannonjaeng,”Asea yŏn’gu51,no.3(2008).
25.SeeRebeccaKarl,Staging the World: Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the
Twentieth Century(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2002),5–7.
26.SeeKumeKunitake,“Nihonfukuinnoenkaku,”Shigakkai zasshi1(December
1889),andalsoStefanTanaka,Japan’s Orient: Rendering Pasts into History(Berkeley:
UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1993),71–75.
27.FukudaTokuzō,“Kankokunokeizaisoshikitokeizaitani,”Keizaigaku kenkyū,
(Tokyo:Dōbunkan,1904),147.MyEnglishtranslationisbasedonYiCh’ŏl-sŏng’s
Koreanlanguagetranslation.SeeYiCh’ŏl-sŏng,“Singminjisigiyŏksainsikkwayŏk-
sasŏsul,”Han’guksa23(Seoul:Han’gilsa,1994),129.SeealsoOwenMiller,“The
IdeaofStagnationinKoreanHistoriography,”Korean Histories2,no.1(2010):4–5.
28.Bothwerewritten inJapanese andpublished inJapan toavoid themore
stringentcensorshiplawsincolonialKorea.
29.Tanaka,Japan’s Orient.
30.W.W.Rostow,A Proposal: Key to an Effective Foreign Policy(NewYork:Harper
andBrothers,1957),andThe Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1960).SeealsoTae-g yunPark,“Differ-
entRoads,CommonDestination:EconomicDiscoursesinSouthKoreaDuringthe
1950s,”Modern Asian Studies39,no.3(2005).
31.SeePakChi-hyangetal.,eds.,Haebang chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsik,vols.1and2
(Seoul:Ch’aekSesang,2006).
32.BruceCumings,“TheKoreaWar:WhatIsItThatWeAreRememberingto
Forget?,”Ruptured Histories: War, Memory, and the Post–Cold War in Asia,ed.Sheila
174 noTes To ChapTer one
Miyoshi Jager and Rana Mitter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007),
283–84.
33.Paketal.,“Taedam,”Haebang chŏnhusa ŭi chaeinsik,vol.2.
34.MichaelHardtandAntonioNegri,Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age
of Empire(NewYork:PenguinBooks,2004),212.
1.SovereigntyandImperialism
1.Thesourceofthischapter’sepigraph,CarlSchmitt’s1933lecture,wasrepub-
lishedinPositionen und Begriffe andcitedinG.L.Ulmen’sintroductiontoCarl
Schmitt,The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Euro-
paeum(NewYork:TelosPress,2003),18–19.
2.TheofficialEnglishtranslationquotedheresuitablymakesuseoftheroyal
“We.”FortheKoreantext,seeKojong sillok,32-kwŏn,31-nyŏn(1894),12/12,first
article.Kuksapyŏnch’anwiwŏnhoe:http://sillok.history.go.kr/main/main.jsp.The
thirty-firstyearofKojong’sreignwas1894.ButDecember12(1894)bythelunar
calendarwasJanuary7,1895,intheGregoriancalendar.
3.IsabellaL.Bird,Korea and Her Neighbours(1897;Boston:kPi,1985),247.
4.Grandsacrificialrites(chongmyo cherye)wereconductedeachyearinJanu-
ary,April,July,andOctober.Specialriteswerealsoperformedonauspiciousocca-
sionsordifficulttimes.TheHallofEternalPeace(yŏngnyŏngjŏn),locatedabout
fiftymeterssouthwestoftheMainHall(chŏngjŏn),issmallerandhousesthespirit
tabletsofthefourancestorsofKingT’aejo,short-reignedkings,queens,andcon-
sorts.BoththeMainHallandtheHallofEternalPeacestandontwo-tieredstone
terraces,eachenclosedbyasquarewall.GreatofferingsattheAltarsofLandand
Harvest(sajikdan)wereconductedthreetimesayear.
5.IntheOath,KingKojongusedthetermkukka:“Onlyasanindependentruler
canWemakeourcountry[a-kukka]strong.”Thetermkukkareferreddirectlyto
thedynasticstateandwasusedlongbeforethenineteenthcentury.Mid-Chosŏn
thinkerslikeYiI(pennameYulgok,1536–84),forexample,usedthetermtode-
note the dynastic state, as in ch’ung ŏ kukka (loyalty to the dynastic state). See
MartinaDeuchler,“ThePracticeofConfucianism:RitualandOrderinChosŏnDy-
nastyKorea,”Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China,Japan,Korea,and
Vietnam,ed.BenjaminA.Elman,JohnB.Duncan,andHermanOoms(LosAnge-
les:uclAAsianPacificMonographSeries,2002).
6.Itshouldbenoted,however,thatforscholarslikeChŏngYag-yong(1762–1836)
therewasafundamentaldistinctiontobemadebetweentheRoyalAncestralTemple
andthesajikdan:unliketheRoyalAncestralTemple,whichservedasashrinetothe
spiritsofdeceasedancestors,thesajikdanwasashrinetoheavenlydeities.Thus,un-
liketheRoyalAncestralTemple,thesajikdanisashrinewithatranscendentstatus:
theAltarsofLandandGraindonotbelongtoaparticulardynasty,andtheyshould
notbetorndownorreplacedwhenanewdynastycomestopower.SeeKŭmChang-
t’ae,“Tasanŭisajikjewach’ejekojŭng,”Chongkyohak yŏn’gu16(1997).