In a unique supplement on the General Erection special editor Ann Harris has drawn on the services of top-ranging political

and social analysts at home and abroad. The fruits of their labour have been edited and condensed to provide the fullest possible information in easily digested form on what has been called 'the most important General Election since the foundation of the State.' With Germanic skill and care Walter Pfeiffer took our exclusive cover-picture of the Taoiseach.

CONTENTS ELECTION SUPPLEMENT

IRELAND .... .... 2 10

Fine Gael Ard Fheis. Independent radio. Ireland's oil.

A recent issue of the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel carried an interview with the assistant to the head of the Society of Jesus in Rome. Dr. Mario Schoenenberger. Shortly after its publication Dr. Schoenen. berger resigned from the Order. To date only the ripples of this Vatican storm have reached Ireland. On pages I I-13 we carry the exclusive version of this climatic interview.

Buchanan Report.

PEOPLE

........

RELIGION

....

.... II - 13

Mario Schoenenberger: exclusive interview. From~ the darkest days of Irish history, our language has suffered at the hands of politicians of one kind or another. But there is a new perspective abroad amongst revivalists today, a perspective which may succeed where so many have failed. REPORT team analyse the attitudes and concerns of the new language enthusiasts on pages 15-16.

REPORT
Analysis of the Irish revival.

15 - 16

THE WORLD

18 - 19

Paul O'Dwyer talks to Henry Kelly on his hopes for the new America.

ENTERTAINMENT
If Fianna Fail is the party of reality, Fine Gael is the party of hope, at least to some. To others it represents defeat and disillusion. The Ard-Fheis in mid-May would have gratified either group. The themes and tensions of the Mansion House meeting are summarised and analysed, beginning on page 2. Eric Burdick. Books. Theatre. Music. Films.

20 - 23

MOTORING
The big-time world of black gold has meant little to most Irish people outside of fantasy. The harsh reality of Whiddy Island and the prospect of oil-and gas-wells under the Irish Sea caught us unawares. For the first time an examination of the potential of our national resources and the way the Government has responded to this new challenge is presented on page S.

24

National Newsmagazine. published monthly by NUSIGHT LIMITED. 27 Harcourt St., Dublin 2. Telephone 57991/56676. Editor: MIKE RYAN Lay-out: Advertising: JIM FITZPATRICK WilLIAM STAN BRIDGE Production: SAM STYLES

Soles: BERNARD llEWEllYN Printed by Independent Newspapers ltd., Dublin I

ireland
FINE GAEL ARD FHEIS
ESTABLISHMENT of Fine Gael, by making its Ard Fheis into a General Election rally, was able to avoid having the party turned inside out by the "Young Tigers". In the interests of party unity delegates failed again and again, to come to grips with exactly what Fine Gael should stand for. Now it goes into a general election without having subjected itself to anything like the kind of self analysis which the other two parties allowed themselves at their Ard Fheiseanna. The grass fOOtS communion was primarily an emotional occasion and superficially-a roaring success. It was short and sweeter than expected. Perhaps because Fine Gael feels itself to be a party of democrats, and perhaps because it was so near to election time many of the potential confrontations between young and old fizzled
out almost before they began. The 2,000 delegate, applauded every emotionally charged cliche which fell

THE

proud of our Christian heritage and our Christian tradition". Mr. James Dillon's nineteenth century Whig oratory still has an appeal, as have the names of the old greatsat least to those who remember them. Mr. Michael O'Higgins rapped the youngsters firmly on the knuckles for implying that Fine Gael would ever be ashamed of Collins, Griffith and Cosgrave. Mr. Dillon, sounding like a music hall master of ceremonies, spoke of "the gargantuan labour of carrying on the government of Ireland". No one, however, with the possible exception of Mr. Mark Clinton (by common assent the future Minister for Agriculture) laid either the identity or the policies of the party on the line in any really meaningful fashion. The branches' crushing rejection (by 653 vote, to 81) of last year', proposal to change the name of the parry to The Social Democratic Party was a bad start for the so called Young Tigers. Being good democrats and once again "in the interests of party unity" they agreed not to push the Ard Fheis to ratify Maurice O'Connell's

from the lips of Mr. Liam Cosgrave as he told them that Fine Gael government did not mean that things would go on "just as they are". He said that Fine Gael has "a purposeful and realistic policy". One of the aims of the party, in foreign affairs at least, is "to show that we value and are
2

nomination for Dublin South Central which the Standing Committee had vetoed. On the suggestion of veteran anti establishment campaigner, Harry Lowe, who acted as mediator between the factions, they were content to await the verdict on O'Connell's appeal

which was, even then, before the Standing Committee. Mr. O'Connell obviously felt confident that the point had been well enough made and that it would be taken. The "Young Tigers" showed themselves, generally, however, to be no match for the professionalism of their elders. Compared to their counterparts in the other two parties their performance was downright pussy footed. Again and again, by bad planning and a sheer lack of determination they were out manoeuvred. When, on the Sunday afternoon, the amended timetable was announced, one fresh faced cub objected to External Affairs-a subject about which they were understood to hold controversial views-being placed last on the list. The answer was simple and they should have anticipated it. They were told that the President, Mr. Cosgrave traditionally deals with External Affairs in the final address to the Ard Fheis. They naturally were not prepared to reverse tradition. Of course, when the time came the debate was restricted to only a few speeches. The very progressive contribution from Sir Anthony Esmonde, T.n., which accused Fianna Fail of wrapping "the Union Jack round them" and trailing on the heels of Britain in foreign policy", helped Mr. Cosgrave, who got away with condemning the sale of arms to Biafra and with an expression of Fine Gael's desire to renegotiate the AngIo Irish Free Trade Agreement. The motion calling for the admission of China to the U.N. was applauded but it is not certain whether the intending government will construe that as committing them to push the matter in the halls of power. Maurice O'Connell, who is now assumed to be the head of the pack, was given time for just two sentences. He used it to crack a nasty joke about Mr. Aiken's Americanism which misfired. The contributions from the young element were too often reminiscent of the kind of name calling which is largely dropping out of Irish politics. One young delegate, for instance, had apparently not heard that "Hehaugh" is an expression which never was particularly trendy in the first place. The tigers were, shunned by the Ard however, not Fheis but, as

--------------------IRELAND

--------------------

Mr. Harry Lowe put it "they were restricted", In nearly every case their ideas were rejected. This exercise in containment was well demonstrated when Mr. John Bruton proposed a set of amendments to the system of electing the National Executive. The idea was to elect one quarter of it from the grass roots of the party. The National Executive, he said, "tends

to be over representative of the establishment" . He and his like were attacked by a Miss Helen Burke as "people who
come here to make nuisances of themselves with the purpose of getting themselves known" not always in the

interests of the parry. She accused them

also of never being seen working for the party-and she was on tricky ground there for two delegates-a woman from Cork-and a young

farmer from Kerry-got

up to announce
JAMES DILLON, PADDY BELTON, LIAM COSGRAVE.
[Photos; Irish Times

that the first time they had met two of the students was at bye elections in their districts. There was thunderous applause. Surprisingly Helen Burke was not completely crushed for she got up later, on a motion dealing with the differential salary scales for married

Confident front liners and oldtimer,

system which was only adopted at the 1968 Ard Fheis. He jollied them along with "give it a chance, eh?" Sweetman emerged from this Ard Fheis as the strong man in the party. He was determined to concentrate on essentials and to weigh down the "pies in the sky" on which Fianna Fail implies both Labour and Fine Gael float about dizzily. As National Director of Organisation, he outlined his firm grasp of the realities of fighting an election-a national collection-a watchful eye on Fianna Fail personation - and the necessity of putting every back into the task of getting out the vote. The Fine Gael Party, he announced, "has never been as prepared as it is to-day". Again and again this sort of confidence in the party's ability to win the election was expressed. "The dissolution can't come too soon for us", Mr. Cosgrave told delegates and Mr. O'Higgins said "if the Government continues to dawdle and vacillate" then Fine Gael "might be forced" to take some action which would force a decision on the bye-elections. Well why don't you do just that? This very fair question has been suggesting itself for some time now and it applies equally to Labour. This sort of strategy was, however, not discussed. The party has done one very necessary thing in reaffirming its leader, Liam Cosgrave, and the other leaders have entrenched themselves in the grass roots. They are apparently confident of forming the next government.

Their cautiousness in handling awkward subjects or in committing themselves to too much, made them look a little like the ministers they hope to be-and was actually indicative of their confidence. Mr. Tom O'Higgins' statement on raising the tax free allowances from 6 lOs. Od. to 10-"1 think you can take it that we will do something feasible in between"-had a cagey ambivelance about it worthy of a British Tory. It was typical of a state of mind common to most of the men on the platform. Above all the Ard Fheis proved that Fine Gael is still a family affairdominated by the names Cosgrave, Dillon, O'Higgins, Sweetman, Collins, and Griffith. It reaffirmed that it is the most frankly conservative party in Ireland and that the name Costello has less chance than ever of getting back on the list. LABOUR

J. A. COSTELLO

Latter Day Tiger.

and unmarried women in the Civil Service and said that she did not see why a woman should get paid more for sleeping with someone. The amendments were applauded but Mr. Gerard Sweetman managedby sheer flannel-to get the proposers to wait until next year, when they could review the operation of the new

FACTORY OR UNIVERSITY
ON MAYDAY, 1,300 workers at the

E.T. factory at Shannon began a sit-in

which lasted four days. They were protesting against the action of their employers in offering improvements in wages and conditions directly to the employees. The workers felt these offers should have come through their union.

--------------------IRELAND

-----~--------------

E.I., for three months last year, with every weapon learnable from the refined techniques of American management, resisted recognising a union. They offered instead a paternalistic structure of jobs with bonuses, supervised accommodation, and cruises on the Shannon (the latter gave the female workers a store of gossip). Despite all this, before the strike, there were three unofficial stoppages. And in the end about three hundred union members stood firm for three months and won a recognition of sorts. That they did not succeed in full is evident from the way the management continues to by-pass the workers officialrepresentatives,the I.T.G.W.V. But whereas last year the action of this union was supported by a minority of about a quarter, on May 1st support was almost 100%. It is fitting that it should be the E.I. workers, themselves warriors of a long strike, who bring this refreshing tactic to an industrial relations scene which appears jaded and ennervated after the maintenance workers dispute. Instead of striking and picketing, in the accepted manner of any dispute, they came to work, sat at their places, but their machines lay idle. This tactic is a symbolic one. The workers are clearly expressing their control over the machines and their labour. Nothing can be produced without them. And by occupying the factory they declare their interest in the ownership. As a clash with their employers this seems sharper than any picket line. The sit-in is a tactic foreign to the trade unions. For the union function of negotiating and bargaining on behalf of its workers is based on the very division of interests between employers and employees. The tactic originated in brave pockets of student revolt in continental cities such as Berlin and reached its climax of effect in Paris in May '68. The French students, by occupying the Sorbonne, demanded an authority which included them, an authority other than a paternalistic one, in other words, an ownership. They extended their tactic to all oppressed groups. They marched on the Renault factory, expressing their solidarity with the workers, chanting, "Universities are factories!" And the workers of E.!. have ably appropriated their method. However, it was not the workers at Shannon who introduced this student answer to workers problems to Ireland. Two months ago the Irish Union of Distributive Workers and Clerks was in dispute with Brittains of Dublin. Into the middle of this fundamental

struggle for the right to belong to a union came the Students for Democratic Action, who by staging a sit-in in sympathy with the workers, demanded not only their right to unionise, but indeed, their right to a share of ownership. And it isn't stopping there! The mergers, closedownsand restructuring in the confectionery business are causing concern among the workers there. The A.T.G.W.U. is planning a protest demonstration at Umeys factory at Tallaght in the near future. During the maintenance dispute, both employersand trade union leaders expressed dismay at the way in which the picket had become a 'sacred cow'. It seems it will be less sacred in the future, but one doubts that the employers will like it any better. BROADCASTING

to the other three it should have major editorial control in the proposed service. Not unnaturally, the others disagreed. But it was agreed to put forward a joint application and to wait and see what happened. Reaction to the news amongst communications theorists was mixed. Generally the diversificationof control over radio which would result was welcomed. But there was strong feeling that if a wider interest were to be allowed in radio that then this should not be so restricted solely to interests with heavy financial backing. As one expert put it: All interests and groups within the community should have access to the medium! The system being proposed to achieve this is one in which the State provides

INDEPENDENT
RADIO
THE MINISTER for Posts and Telegraphs will find it difficult to refuse the recent application for a radio broadcasting licence. But, unpopular as the decision may be it is almost inevitable that the Minister will say no. A cloak of secrecy surrounds the application. It seems that the four parties who have formed an uneasy alliance to press for the licence-the Irish Independent, Press, and Times and a subsidiary of the News of the World-had agreed that it should be so. Howeverwhen the 'United Irishman' appeared on May 2 with the story, The Irish Times at least felt bound to carry a brief paragraph on the matterJ simply announcing that an application had indeed been made. Initial impetus for the venture is reported to have come from the News of the World acting through an Irish subsidiary. Nicholas Leonard-currently editor of the commercialjournal 'Business and Finance', but with good contacts in the Times and Press-was chosen to peddle the notion. This he did with some success for on April 2 Major Vivian De Valera of the Press, T. V. Murphy, Chairman of the Independent and Maj. T. McDowell Managing Director of the Times met with Leonard in the boardroom of the Times for a 'secret' meeting on the matter. But having got the unlikely line-up together it was rather difficult to proceed any further. The Independent is reported to have insisted that because of its size and strength relative

NICHOLAS LEONARD "Peddled the notion". the technical means of broadcasting (studios, transmitters, etc.) and makes these available on a proportional basis to interested groups. Experts point to the success of a not dissimilar system in the Netherlands. Along the closeted corridors of R.T.E.-Radio's headquarters atop the G.P.D. in Dublin reaction amongst artists and production staff was enthusiastic. Work conditions at the G.P.D. are poor to non-existent, and last November's extension in output has stretched resources beyond the limit. R.T.E. staff saw a new, independent radio service, through competition for audiences and staff providing the challenge to R.T.E. which the latter needed if it was ever to succeed. But financial considerations are likely to be at the forefront of Mr. Childer's mind. In the '69-'70 financial

--------------------IRElAND year the estimated surplus on R.T.E's combined activities will be a mere 12,000, derived from a tum-over in excess of 5M. If the profit and loss account for the radio service is isolated things are even worse with a deficit appearing each year since talk of bigger audiences reached by beaming the proposed service to Britain 'for our emigrants' is optimistic when frequencies and power have not even been considered. There may be another factor which

-------------------of the Department of Industry and Commerce, during the month. One of the companies on the list, it is believed, is the Gulf Oil Corporation-which is at present exploring in the Irish Sea east of the Isle of Man and Angelsea on a licence from the British Government. Up to the beginning of this year just one company, Marathon Petroleum of Ireland Ltd., dominated the entire area of Irish territorial waters. This company still holds an exclusive and unique exploration licence for about one third of our waters. This amounts to approximately 17,000 square miles of sea. The total Irish territorial sea area covers from 70 to 100,000 square miles, and is that part of the Continental Shelf (including the Irish parts of the Irish Sea) which came under our government's jurisdiction as a result of the 1958 Geneva Convention on The Law of the Sea, and the Continental Shelf Act which passed through the Dail last year. The Geneva Convention established the principle that nations bordering on the Continental Shelf should have control of their off-shore areas up to a depth of 200 metres. Industry and Commerce in 1959the year in which Mr. Jack Lynch took over from Mr. Sean Lemass as Minister. In that year an exclusive petroleum exploration licence for the whole of Ireland "including the seabed and subsoil" under our territorial waters, was granted to the Texas based Ambassador Irish Oil Ltd. for a mere 500. Amazingly the agreement also granted the company exploration rights to any areas which might come under Irish control "in the future". The next year, Ambassador went into voluntary liquidation, and into partnership with another Texas based company-OJntinental Oil Company of Ireland Ltd. The upshot was a new company Marathon Petroleum of Ireland Ltd. Marathon applied for, and got a renewal of the Ambassador licence. Mr. Lynch apparently did not attach much importance to the oil search for this time the licence was given for only 10. Since 1959 the group has carried out geological surveys throughout the country. Boreholes have been drilled between Cavan and Cork, and research has been carried out in Mayo, Sligo,

will influence the Minister. The shortlyto-report Commission on Communications, established by the Roman Catholic Church is reported to favour the setting up of an emigrant radio service. The Commission has a rather more altruistic purpose in view than that of the newspapers. It is unlikely that Mr. Childers would think it

MR. CHILDERS "Will say no." either desirable or expedient to take a decision without considering the views of the Commission. PROSPECTING

MARATHON MONOPOLY
SINCE THE TERMINATION, at the beginning of this year, of the almost total monopoly which an American oil company has held over the petroleum and natural gas prospecting rights in Irish territorial waters, over forty oil interests have applied to the Irish government for exploration licences. The list includes every major oil company in the world. This was revealed to Nusight by a spokesman The Continental Shelf Act reaffirmed this and gave the Minister for Commerce the power to issue exploration licences. The reason for the twelve year delay in enacting this legislation stems from a very doubtful, obviously misinformed, and potentially scandalous decision made by the Department of and South Donegal. This on-land work was in itself unproductive but obviously held out some hope of finding oil reservoirs off-shore, for when the expiry date for the licence came round, in 1965, Marathon was unwilling to give up its monopoly. It wanted to keep its options open and to check out the growing evidence, s

from university research expeditions, suggesting that parts of the Irish Continental Shelf and of the Irish Sea bed are like those of the North Sea gas producing areas. The government, probably because of the interest being shown by other oil concerns, and because Marathon had ignored the sea bed in its research, tried to block the application for a renewal of the licence. It was at this time that the Gulf Oil Corporation was negotiating terms for building its 10 million terminal at Whiddy Island in Bantry. It is possible that, one of the conditions for placing the terminal in Ireland was that Gulf would be granted an oil exploration licence. If this sum plus the interest of forty odd oil concerns, and the evidence from various research expeditions are anything at all to go by we have something to sell. Yet, according to a report by the Minister for Industry and Commerce the total amount of money which the government had received from Ambassador and associated companies-i.e. Marathon, up to the end of last year was 133 6s. Od. The stated desire of the Department of Industry and Commerce is to get the entire area explored as quickly and as thoroughly as possible. It wants to know more exactly what is the value of the concessions it is being asked to grant. At the moment, however, the Irish Geological Survey has no method of doing its own first hand research, or more important still, of checking on what the oil companies are finding out. Its only means of supervising what is going on in Irish sea areas or of knowing who is working there seems to be through the two naval Corvettes (whose real function is to police the fishing limit) and from what appears in the newspapers. All exploration teams are supposed to feed back their findings to the Survey but in point of fact it seems that the universities are the only ones who do. It is only recently, as a result of the appointment of Dr. Williams, that efforts are being made to tighten up the procedures and to have the Survey equipped with a research .ship of its own. The opportunities for Irish universities to do research are few. In Britain the National Industrial Research Council and the National Environment Research Council provide large grants to universities and other bodies for this kind of work. No such facilities exist in this country. The result is that uninformed decisions are likely to be made, and
6

that the government has to depend for information on the very people who stand to gain most by keeping information to themselves. Efforts are now being made by the National Science Council-which has hitherto been resourceless-to acquire and distribute money to industrial interests, to universities and to other organisations for research. Intensive research: Geological research in Irish waters-in particular in the Irish Sea-has been going on quietly for many years. Ever since a group from Cambridge University went down almost twenty years ago in a navy submarine and found evidence of considerable sedimentary deposits under Cardigan Bay, geological and geophysical opinion has practically satisfied itself that at least some of the conditions necessary for finding oil or gas exist in the Irish Sea. In 1967 a borehole was started by Aberystwyth University and the Institute of Geological Studies (a semiofficialU.K. government advisory body

An exploratory well at Rathomolyon, near Trim, Co. Meath. under the umbrella of Nerc) off the coast of Wales in Cardigan Bay. Professor W. Bullerwell of the Institute in a very recently published report on depth sounding exploration which he carried out last year says that that borehole "begins to suggest a closer similarity with the North Sea environment than had previously been postulated, though Triassic and Permian rocks, which form the main North Sea reservoirs, have not yet been proved as present or absent." Oil has, of course, been found before in Wales. The Seaforth Oilfield has been producing small quantities for many years. It is considered a clue to possible further and more extensive reserves. The Gulf Oil research is, therefore) following a line west from

this position in the carefully balanced hope of a strike. Dr. Holland, head of the Department of Geology in T.C.D., said of the search: "I would think there is a good chance of them finding something". A consortium of oil companies was formed last month to carry out seismic (aqua pulse) research not much further south of this point-in the St. George's Channel, which is in turn not very far from where the Marathon research is going on. Refusal of the Marathon licence, however, proved almost impossible for despite the fact that the original 1960 Ambassador licence had only been granted for a five year period it contained the clause giving the company rights to explore all parts of the seabed "under the control and jurisdiction of the Government of Ireland at this time (1960) OR IN THE FUTURE". A highly complex legal wrangle has been going on since 1965 about the precise meaning of this statement. Marathon has argued that because of these words the government was obliged to grant a new licence. The government has argued the only thing it could-that because no legislation governing the issuing of licences existed at the time the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, Mr. Lynch, strictly speaking, had no right to grant Ambassador a licence in the first place. Another argument which has been used is that the words "in the future" only referred to any possible future extension of the Continental Shelf itself. Ever since the 1954 Geneva Convention decided on the 200 metre seabed contour line as a limit, geological opinion has been questioning it. Many experts argue that it could be greatly extended-even as far as the 1,000 metre mark. Dr. Williams, head of the Irish Geological Institute, an advisory body to the Department of Industry and Commerce, explained non commitally-"the argument is that the Continental Shelf boundary extends as our ability to explore it improves". The Irish Geological Association (an amateur and professional body) and the Irish Committee of the International Union of Sciences are presently pressing the minister for a meeting to argue for an extension. One of the many theories about the government's reluctance to extend the boundary is that it fears any new area claimed will only reactivate the Marathon claim. Another one is that the government does not want any drilling or probing

beyond the present line because of the danger of disturbing nuclear waste which has been dumped just outside the boundary by British nuclear power stations. The danger is, according to Dr. Williams negligible, because all such waste is encased in thick concrete. At any rate the passing, last year, of the Continental Shelf Act strengthened the government's bargaining position with Marathon. By reaffirming the 200 metre line it, in effect, told the company that it certainly was not getting any more than it already had. The new principles for the issuing of licences were intended to imply that marathon's agreement was out of date and inapplicable. Marathon, however, apparently did not entirely drop its claim to an exclusive licence for the entire area, as a result, but the government was able, at the beginning of this year, to strike a slightly better bargain with the company than before. Marathon singled out three areas it especially wanted-a total of approximately 17,000 square miles-and was granted an exclusive licence for them. They represented about one third of all the sea territory under Irish jurisdiction, and are, of course, those parts on which the company is best informed. The 12,000 square mile area between Arklow and Bantry, which the Dutch owned research ship, the Anonlinden, is covering at present on Marathon's behalf has already been explored by university teams from Britain. They have found evidence of salt and sandstone deposits, which could indicate the presence of oil or natural gas reservoirs. Whether this is the case or not, Marathon feel it is worth spending half a million dollars on finding out.

In an effort to ensure that the same blunder is not committed in future the government is at present working on a new system of issuing licences for what is left of our part of the Continental Shelf. Three different types of licence will be issued. A non exclusive one will be issued to a number of companies to prospect on a free-for-all basis. It is likely to last for only two years. If the 40 odd applications before the Department are accepted this would mean that the seas around Ireland will be inundated with ships trailing mile long seismic lines astern. Competition is likely to be intense and cut throat. H a company decides that any particular spot is worthy of close study it will apply for an exclusive

from Corporations Profits and Income Tax. The licence would be issued for a 25 to 40 year period.

Customers Need Little Encouragement

The British levy is 12!-%. It is likely that the Irish Government will undercut this by charging something in the region of llt% to 12% in order to attract prospective customers, and to maintain its reputation for giving good terms. It would seem, however, that the prospective customers - if the forty odd list is anything to go by-need very little encouragement. Marathon with an area of 17,000 square miles of much sought after

Drilling for oil in the North Sea.

licence to it which is likely to last for 5 years. Both of these licences will probably be on a basis similar to the Exploration Licence at present issued by the British government, entitling prospectors "to look for petroleum but not to get it". The fee for both of these which has yet to be sanctioned by the Department of Finance, will "not be too high", according to a Department of Industry and Commerce spokesman. The final stage is the granting of a Production Licence. It is through this that the government intends to make its profit. 12-12t% royalties will be levied on the market price of all oil or gas produced. As well as this revenue will be gained, it is expected, territory, could if it wished lease or "sub let" at a profit. In other words Marathon-a foreign private enterprise interest is in a position to perform a function of the government without having to give account to anyone. Clearly our government is no match for big time American corporations with their army of specialised lawyers and scientists, the winning brashness of their directors working in step with a detail-conscious and utterly plausible public relations team. "The thing that has always worried me", says Dr. De Courey Ireland of the Irish Maritime Institute, is "the way they have always been able to walk over governments wherever they go".

Must wait
The $! million expenditure which the company has mentioned, is in fact, not enormous in oil exploration terms. This money will only enable it to explore less than half of the area at its disposal. The government has been told that the two areas (off the

Clare/Galway and off the Mayo/Sligo/

Donegal coasts) will have to wait. In the meantime no other company is allowed to research them-although they do have the right to "run over" them if it is of help to their own exploration of other areas. The scope of Marathon's exclusive licence, even now that its area of influence has been reduced, will be unique. No other company is likely to get such a carte blanche.

Howth Festival of the Sea: The press reception held on the rooftop of the Abbey Theatre to announce the Howth Festival of the Sea was a gastronomic delight. Organised by the Dublin Junior Chamber of Commerce, headed by President Declan Winston, the Festival aims to promote Howth, one of our most attractive East coast towns. Ex-Lord Mayor Tom Stafford, himself a Howth man was present at the reception, as were Dr. Tomaso Glowzai and Dr. Frencasco Lsnduzzi of the Italian State Office. Mon. R. Miot represented the French Embassy, and genial Bob Hawick, Sales Director came along in the hallowed name of Guinness Group Sales. The Abbey Tavern Singers added colour and gusto to a convivial get-together to start the festival off on the right foot.

Padraic Breathnach, M.A., (26) was born in Moycullen, Co. Galway and educated there at St. Mary's College and U.c.G. A teacher in Belvedere College, Dublin, he was asked last year by John Davis of Seymour Press Ltd.jKey Facts, to write a booklet on Irish which would be helpful without being stuffy. The result is 'Pass and Honours Intermediate Certificate Irish Course Summary,' which was launched recently. Archbishop Simms: If there is one outstanding characteristic of the Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Simms, it is his approachability. At the Press Conference held before the General Synod of the Church of Ireland, each individual received a genial nod and smile of welcome. All questions put to him were answered simply and directly, without palaver. Archbishop Simms, who was born in County Donegal, was for thineen years Dean of Resideoce (Chaplain) at Trinity College, Dublin, and this has given him a special insight into and understanding of young people. A Gaelic speaker, he twice a year takes a Communion Service in Irish at Christ Church, Dublin. He is also an authority on the Book of Kells. This summer he will be lecturing to the Summer School at Trinity College and to the Summer Session of the School of Irish Studies. Married, with five children, he has the distinction of being on the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches.

Brendan Langlois Kennedy (28) -'I'm half Norman, half Galwegian'

whose exhibition educated of paintings Wood has been College.

running for some time in Dublin was

at Clongowes

He received his early art training from Christopher Ryan, now Professor of Painting at St. Patrick's Training College, Dublin. Kennedy recalls: "He arrived in and announced: 'Here's some paper. Here's some paint. And this, gentlemen, is a brush.' He was the one who got painting going in Clongoweswhen it was literally dead." Later came study in Paris under Jean Gonswen and later still the Camberwell School of Art. At present he is working at the Dublin College of Art and won third place in the Exhibition run by the Carmel Galleries for student work in February of this year. Nuala O'Faolain: Young and attractive, with the formidable degrees of M.A., B. Phil. (Oxford) is well known to listeners to Radio Eireann. Currently presenting 'Young Writers' a praiseworthy programme which goes out once a month (next one coming up on June 10th, entitled Short Play and Poems) she has introduced guest speakers such as Kevin B. Nowlan, Ben Kiely and Augustine Martin. Nuala, a lecturer in English at V.C.D. is leaving soon to work for the B.B.C. This will be on their new Open University. Her ambition is to learn as much as she can about producing programmes of this type and then come back and work on Radio/Television University project in Ireland.

Kathleen Watkins, Gay Byrne's wife, delightfully unaffected, has been invited to take her harp to a party with a difference. On June 19th next, at Ireland House, New Bond Street, London, the Irish Knitting Wool Spinners Association Limited, a new co-operative group of Irish firms, are, with the help of Coras Trachtala, presenting a fashion showing of garments made from hand knitting yams manufactured in Ireland. The show is being aimed at press, trade and consumer interests and the sponsors hope for good results. Apparently hand knitting yams are becoming big business in the U.K. according to Martin Sheridan of Coras Trachtala. Kathleen, of the mellifluous voice, who has lately taken up fashion commentating, will be acting as compere at the show at Ireland House.

"BEHIND THE O'CONNELL AFFAIR"

by the Nusight Enquiry Team THE POLITICAL PARTY nominating conventions have caused greater bitterness and controversy this election than ever before. The Labour Party has bad irs problems in Easr Limerick

where Councillor Michael Lipper was

offered a ticket for two days "due to doctors orders" and in Dublin North East where it took the threat of Party

as he had in the previous- February advocated the pra:ctice of political jobbery on the Late, Late Show. A few weeks later on June 4th O'Connell appeared on Seven Days and in the course of a panel discussion said that Cosgrave would "not be Leader of Fine Gael for ever" -clearly implying that he would prefer a more dynamic and purposeful candidate for Leader of the Party. Shortly afterwards he was requested by the standing committee to give reasons for his T.V.

Leader Brendan Corlsh to resign to

ensure Dr. Conor Cruise O'Brien was accepted as' the candidate in that area. Fianna Fail has had its problems too, again in East Limerick, Dr. Hilda O'Malley resigned from the Party and has declared her candidature as an Independent charging Fianna Fail with rigging the convention there;

Dublin South Easr and the easr end of the existing constituency of Dublin South West were. to be formed. into a reconstituted constituency of Dublin South Central. This change brought Maurice O'Connell and Ritchie Ryan together- into one constituency. An inaugural meeting of the new constituency executive was held in February 1969 under the Chairmanship of Mr. Gerry Sweetman. Mr. Sweetman made it clear that the convention would have to choose at least three candidates and could at its. discretion choose a fourth. Mr. Ryan indicated his preference for four candidates but no: decision was reached at: that time.

Convention
The convention was held on March 28th and was chaired by Mr. M. Clinton. A decision was taken by 24. votes to 11 to the effect that there should be just three candidates selected. Ryan as sitting deputy and front bench member was declared elected unanimously and an election was held for the remaining two positions. Proposed were O'Connell, Mr. P. Kelly and Mr. N. McShane. O'Connell secured a near unanimous vote in a secret ballot and he and Kelly were declared elected. Relations between all candidates and all sections of the constituency appeared at that stage to be very harmonious and nobody expressed any disagreement either with the decision to choose just three candidates or with the choices that actually had been made. Ar a meeting of the constituency executive on the 18th of February the Terenure branch which has traditionally been a Ryan strongbold reintroduced the question of the number of candidates and proposed a fourth candidate to be there and then chosen. When it was pointed out that. according to party rules the constituency executive had no confidence to reverse the decision of the convention Ryan interposed that there was "no room in Fine Gael for rules and procedures-lets leave that to the Communists". The matter was put to a vote and by 22 votes to 20 the convention decision was reaffirmed -whereupon Ryan left the meeting remarking that he was going to another Fine Gael function where the people would have "the interests of Fine Gael at heart". There were shouts of traitors and saboteurs from some members of the Terenure branch and the meeting broke up in disorder. Some people were under the impression that Ryan had threatened to resign his candidature entirely but this cannot be confirmed.

and in Dublin North Central where the Haughey/Colley dispute of a few years
back raised its ugly head again over the nomination of Tacateer Dermot

Ryan and ex Lord Mayor Tom Stafford.

But it has been the gentlemanly sedate, middle-class Fine Gael that has been most beset by convention difficulties, controversy has surrounded conventions in five constituencies in the Dublin area alone. By far the most serious of these controversies has of course been the one in Dublin South Central which led to the refusal of the standing committee to ratify the nomination of Mr. Maurice O'Connell-the subsequent resignation of Mr. O'Connell from the Party and his stand as an Independent candidate in that area. A Maverick O'Connell has been branded as a maverick within the Fine Gael party practically since his election as a member of Dublin Corporation in June 1967. In Ocrober of that year he wrote a letter to the Press criticising the equivocation of party policy and calling for a more explicit committment on social issues. This letter evoked a mild rebuke from Mr. Gerry Sweetman the parry's director of organisation, who in the course- of a communication on another matter mentioned that he "would be much better off helping the party in Byelections than writing letters to the papers". In the March 1968 issue of Hibernia O'Connell wrote an article again criticising the party's equivocation and general issue, this time there was no official reaction of any kind. Ar the 1968 Ard Fheis O'Connell castigated the leadership for allowing Oliver J. Flanagan to represent the party at a recent ecclesiastical function

MAURICE O'CONNELL Branded- as a Maverick. remarks and he replied that he thought the times demanded a more determined and convincing leadership, but that he had no personal animosity towards Cosgrave. The. standing committee were very dissatisfied. with the terms of this reply and the. question of O'Connell's expulsion from the Party was discussed. However due to the intervention of Ritchie Ryan and Garret Fitzgerald a compromise was agreed to whereby O'Connell gave a written undertaken not to raise the leadership question again. In January of this year when Declan Costello reaffirmed his decision to retire from politics, O'Connell in a statement to the newspapers said that under a more vigorous and dynamic leadership Costello mighr well have decided otherwise. There was no official reaction to this statement. O'Connell justifies this apparent breach of his undertaking not to raise the leadership issue on the grounds that Costello's refusal to return to active politics itself raised the leadership question and he was simply commenting upon it. In the meantime a bill was introduced in the Dail providing for the re-drawing of constituency boundaries: Under the terms of this bill the west end of the existing constituency of

An account of the meeting appeared in the followingmornings Irish Times including Ryan's alleged threat to withdraw and in the Evening Herald of that day a statement appeared from Ryan-that "I have been a Fine Gael T.D. long before some mischief makers came on the scene and I will be there long after they are gone'. The statement also asserted that the meeting of the previous night had been undemocratic and involved irregularities and furthermore that "the selected candidates are not ratified and therefore cannot be regarded as official" On the followingMonday a Herald report appeared that an investigation of alleged irregularities was being carried out by the national director of organisation Mr. G. Sweetmen. The latter did not contact either Mr. O'Connell one of the prominent participants in the controversy nor the constituency secretary. On Wednesday the 23rd of April Mr. O'Connell himself contacted Mr. Sweetman and went to see him in Leinster House. O'Connell enquired as to the purpose of the investigation and what the allegedirregularitieswere. Sweetman replied that he would not be cross-examined and the meeting ended abruptly with the sound of the division bells. O'Connell however submitted a written statement on the constituency executive meeting and its aftermath to Mr. Sweetman on the followingday. The question arises why was Ryan so keen indeed insistent on a fourth candidate being chosen to run in the constituency. A combination of each of these factors: a genuine wish to have the KimmagejCrumlin area represented on the ticket; fear of losing his seat; and fury at losing control of the constituency machine is probably the nearest one can come to interpreting Ryan's motives. Standing Committee Decision On April 24 the Standing Committee met to discussratificationof candidates. There were only five or six members present at the meeting including Sweetman, Ryan, Des Humphreys (a Sweetman man from Dublin North-West) and Michael O'Higgins who acted as Chairman. It was decided to ratify the nominations of Ryan and Kelly for Dublin South-Central, to refuse ratification of O'Connell's nomination, and to order the holding of a new convention to elect two further candidates. It was understood that Michael O'Higgins was deeply perturbed by this decision and threatened to resign his chairmanship of the Standing
10

Committee unless it was reversed. In a letter to the Dublin SouthCentral Constituency Secretary informing her of the decisions taken, no reason was given for the refusal to ratify O'Connell's nomination. However, it is interesting to note that this refusal was given in conjunction with a decision to nominate two further candidates i.e. four in all, as Ryan had originally proposed. Thus it would appear that the initial Standing Committee's decision

general feeling then was that bearing in mind the adverse publicity which the first refusal had caused and the tremendous support demonstrated by the Ard Fheis in O'Connell's favour, the Standing Committee could not refuse to reverse its previous decision. O'Connell appeared on a "Seven Days Ard Fheis Special" on Saturday 17 May, and when questioned on his views on the leadership he replied "The question does not arise as there is no contest for the leadership". The general concensus of opinion was that he had performed excellently on TV and further enhanced his chances of ratification. Indeed Sweetman who also appeared on the programme although not at the same time, remarked that O'Connell had been very good indeed. But the support for O'Connell did not confine itself to the general public and the Fine Gael rank and file. Several of the prominent Party members made no secret their regret with what many of them considered a stupid decision. Among them were Tom O'Higgins, James Paddy Donnegan, Garret Fitzgerald, Paddy Harte, Mark Clinton, and many others. Second Standing Committee Meeting '" The meeting of the Standing Committee to reconsider the refusal to ratify O'Connell's nomination was held on 23rd May. There were approximately twelve members present. It had previously been agreed that O'Connell should attend part of the Standing Committee meeting to answer questions. He first enquired as to the main accusations against him and there appeared to be some confusion on this point. Ryan suggested that it was that he had not abided by the Fine Gael Whip on Dublin Corporation. This was quite a novel accusation and was one which was quickly shown to be untrue. The question of convention or Constituency Executive irregularities never arose, these having been the primary charge in Ryan's statement to the Press on April 19th and 21st and the first shots in the entire feud. Sweetman who was equipped with an enormous brief of press cuttings, memoranda, dossiers, etc. acted as Prosecuting Counsel while Garrett Fitzgerald struggled manfully with the brief for the defence. The question of the apparent breach of the agreement not to raise the leadership question again arose and O'Connell insisted that the issue had arisen independently of him through Declan Costello's refusal to alter

RITClDE RYAN
a T.D. long before the mischief makers."

was motivated more by Ryan's personal fears than any apprehensions about O'Connell's suitability as a candidate. The reaction to the refusal to ratify O'Connell was one of bewilderment from Press, Public, and Party alike. The Press assumed that the decision was related to O'Connell's previous public criticisms of the leadership but this was not necessarily so. The reaction among the "young tiger" element in Fine Gael was one of anger. There was talk of mass resignations and provoking a major row at the Ard Fheis. Eventually it was decided to demonstrate support for O'Connell at the Ard Fheis and have him ratified then and there if possible. At the Ard Fheis O'Connell made a very effective speech on Local Government on the morning of the first day. The general reaction to him and his speech was decidedly enthusiastic and when Jim O'Higgins, a young tiger, proposed that the Ard Fheis should ratify O'Connell the response was overwhelming. However the Chair ruled the matter out of order on the grounds that the Standing Committeewasto reconsiderits decision within the forthcoming week. The

his decision to retire from politics. This reasoning was not fully appreciated. Then a memo was read to him from Sweetman giving a resume of remarks made by him on the leadership to a KimmagejCrumIin branch meeting a few weeks previously. O'Connell explained that this was strictly a party meeting and his opinion on the leadership had been asked by an election worker. He felt obliged to answer honestly "as people who work for you in a campaign have a right to know your opinion". It was established that even within the party it was improper to criticise the leadership in any way. O'Connell was further challenged on his assenions on television on May 17th that as there was no contest for the leadership the question of his views on it did not arise. Sweetman asked accusingly, did this mean that if there were a contest that he would not follow Cosgrave. O'Connell replied that the question was hypothetical. O'Connell left the meeting, a general discussion took place, and it was decided to reaffirm the decision of the previous Standing Committee's meeting i.e. the refusal to ratify that O'Connell's nomination should stand. It is by no means certain that O'Connell would have been ratified had Ryan not felt that he was a personal threat to him, but certainly this was a significant if not decisive factor in the decision. The most damning piece of evidence that the Standing Committee had on O'Connell was his apparent breach of his undertaking not to attack the leadership in public in January last. However the Committee's failure to take action at the time seems to suggest that they did not regard this as very serious or significant in itself.

PROPHET OF
COMMUNICA liONS?
"MINE is a personal philosophy of responsibleirresponsibility. It attempts to counter the organisation's pseudophilosophy of irresponsible responsibility." These words from the resignation of Bob Quinn, producer in R.T.E., might well explain his resignation, which has been controversially and confusedly greeted, as indeed his reason for leaving. On May 14th, on a film trip in Dundalk, he downed tools, wrote a letter to his colleagues and went to Clare Island. Quinn, a handsome 34, was one of R.T .E.'s most dynamic producers and had been with the organisation since 1961. He was a member of staff until 1968, when he

changed his employment to a contract basis. He was responsible for many of the Horizon series of programmes and for such notable depth 'think' programmes as "Is God Dead?" with Basil Payne. His letter is an indictment of the economic state of Ireland, and of R.T.E.'s collusion in the economic and cultural betrayal of the Irish people. In the second paragraph, Quinn describes the "wholesale exploitation of the resources of this country, by our speculative leaders." In the preceeding paragraph he describes R.T .E. as a factory and says "The factory . . . is reflecting the country as a whole". He considers that R.T.E. has a function to report fairly, and indeed if the situation being reported is serious enough one's duty lies in "interfering, not as an organisation man, but as a man". A large part of the letter charts the consequences of the frustrations of individuals within R.T.E. and he condemns advertising strongly as the cause of this malaise on the nation and on R.T .E. staff. The newspapers and the public greeted the letter with suspicion. 'What is the point?' they asked. The letter makes four very specific points: that Ireland is being sold out to foreign and native commercial values; that R.T.E. should oppose this process; that it is not doing so because of the ever-increasing links with advertisers and because its leaders have no philosophy of culture; the resulting depression affects all of the R.T.E. staff in their individual working roles. And he gave up his job to make these points. On May 24th another of R.T.E.'s producers gave up his job followed shortly by head of Light Entertainment Lelia Doolan. Jack Dowling, winner of international prize for television Ondas, for his Rose programme, resigned in order that the issues raised by Bob Quinn's letter should not be forgotten by the station. His resignation states, uA Programme production staff, initially inadequately trained, is not only overworked in professional continuation training, but increasingly blamed for lack of ideas and technical finesse. The climate of R.T .E. does not stimulate ideas. It is repressive, pragmatic, contemptuous of individuality, eccentricity, novelty. It encourages only conformity and seems to treat intellectual dissent as a curious species of mental instability". Some of the events of recent times would seem to uphold this claim. Early in 1967 the 'Home Truths'

programme was taken off the air, because of the offence it was causing certain advertisers. Later in '67 a programme on speculation in Mt. Pleasant Sq., Dublin and Fr. Sweetman's comments on housing in Dublin were suppressed on a '7 Days' programme. Early '68 saw the suppression of a '7 Days' film on the Special Branch. This particular issue ended in the emasculation of the '7 Days' programme by an exodus to the newsroom. Later in '68 the residual question of whether any current affairscomment could be tolerated, outside of the newsroom, was debated over the Programmes Division's intention to broadcast programmes on Authority Within the Church, and the Gulf Oil terminal at Whiddy Island. Thanks to trade union action, these programmes were transmitted. All of these events have left a cumulative sense of depression among R.T .E. production staff. Many feel that an auto-censorship is operating among them, i.e. an automatic censorship, dictated by the demands of advertising as much as by their political masters. They feel that Bob Quinn's and Jack Dowling's resignation is an active expression of many of the principles articulated at the recent broadcasting seminar with Raymond Williams (see Nusight, May '69). They have seized upon the resignation letters as symbolsand guidelines, not with any negotiable end in view, but as an example and a demand for honesty and freedom of speech. May 20th saw the beginning of the deputations when producers Tony Barry and Colm O'Broin went to DirectorGeneral, Tom Hardiman to discuss the letter. Each day brought new delegations of technicians and floor workers to management. The resignation of the two producers was not intended to merely draw attention to the repressions existing in the producers' area. Their actions were a demand for the proper delegation of authority to all echelons of production. That this might be fitting is evident from the reaction of the technical crews at the Teach-Ins, who voiced their frustrations most articulately and pronounced their sympathy and support for the producers and Heads of Departments. Bob Quinn's letter says of large organisations "Eventually the people become functionaries in the system, in some cases happy functionaries, in most cases, vaguely unhappy employees." R.T.E. employeesseemdeterminded to prove they are unhappy employeesindeed!

VATICAN CONFLICT
Dr. Mario Schoenenberger, the first high ranking Jesuit to speak out atl
issues of conscience, resigned voluntarily

from the Society of Jesus last April. His action has caused one of 'the greatest sensations in the order's 435 years of existence, and has electrified the Church's internal debate on -the
conscience of the priest.

The 49-year-old Swiss speaks six languages, having studied in Prance, Germany, Spain, and Austria. His ability was immediately recognised by the order. Only four years after being ordained he was appointed chaplain to the University of Zurich. Shortly after the fallowing interuieur with the German news magazine Der Spiegel, Dr. Schaenenberger said "that he hod hoped his ideas and those of his
General could coincide.

Are you still in favour of "Similar experiments-if not by Jesuits, then by other Catholics? Yes, absolutely. I am not at all of the opinion that everybody has to agree with every experiment. About Amsterdam opinions were and still are divided. I was in favour of support for this experiment, although I do not know myself, if the Fathers were on the right track. But I had confidence in the men working there. Your General thinks quite differently about this. Already in February, Arrupe in a letter to all

Vrijburg himselJ talked of a "high Vatican personality", who gave him the 'advice.If it was not you or another Jesuit, do you exclude the possibility also that it was a non-Jesuithere in Rome? I don't know. You would have preferred to continue the Amsterdam experiment as a trial by Jesuits rather than stop it. As well as that would you be in favour of Vrijburg, who will be married in the near future, being allowed, not only to preach, but also to administer the sacraments like any other ,priest? This really is what Vrijburg and the three other university chaplains demanded. I tried to act as a buffer so to speak between Amsterdam and Rome 'and put across the idea that at least the Dutch should be recognisedas difficult but at the same time important partners in dialogue.But I personallydo not IikeJt at all that the Amsterdam events are concentrated on the question of celibacy in this way-what rights a married priest should have. The value of the 'experiment has depreciated because of the concentration on this point. The truly positive elements of living and preaching in the language of our time only become obscured by this. Father Schoenenberger, let us talk about the situation in the Society of Jesus in general. We agree that Amsterdam is really only an indication, but it developed into a crisis. It seems that the notorious obedienceof the Jesuitsoften caned blind obedience-is not carried out any more and that consequentlyyour General is seen to be commanding rather than convincing. You cannot put it that way. But certainly Jesuit obedience is not carried out everywherein the traditional sense anymore. There are even Brothers in our Order who speak of a crisis of obedience. You know the words of the founder of your Order, Ignatius of Loyola: It must be an eternal law for every Jesuit, "to carry out immediately whatever the present and all future Roman Popes command for the advancement of souls and for the propagation of the faith, wherever they want to send us". This therefore concerns the special obedience to the Pope, which every Jesuit has to promise

He had known for a long time, h0wever, that "resignation was inevitable". Interview with Dr. Mario Schoenenberger, Assistant to the General of the Jesuits for German speaking Europe. SPIEGEL: Father Dr. Schoenenberger, the General of the Jesuits, Pedro Arrupe, has faced Hollands most prominent Jesuits, the two Amsterdam University Chaplains Huub Oosterhuis and Ton van der Stap, with expulsion from the order. Wouldyou agree that within recent decades no new development, started by Jesuits, has been stopped so decisively by the General as the "Amsterdam Experiment"? SCHOENENBERGER:This may be so, although I would express it differertly. Our General's action is an event in the work of our Order, which is comparable with few others and one which will have important consequences. Do you believe, -the General's decisionwas right? Weunderstand it as the most massive effort up to now, to bring the Order onto a conservative line. I feel you go too far with your interpretation there. But fundamentally, and in this case, I know how difficult it is for ecclesiasticalauthority to bear the present tensions in the Church. However, I would have welcomed it if one had tried to endure this tension somewhat longer in this specific instance.
12

Dr. Mario

Schoenenberger.

Jesuits in Holland "deplored in strongest terms what took place", and demanded public redress from the Amsterdam chaplains. Father General is, by his personal conviction, of the opinion, that in Amsterdam the limits of Jesuit and priestly conduct towards ecclesiastical authority have clearly been exceeded. In fact he stated that plainly.You will understand that I am still 'very much involved in this case even today, although it is "settled" for the Order. Not so much because I was publically associatedwith these events .. It was publically alleged in Holland that you had last year discreetly advised .the then Jesuit Vrijburg, when he wanted to get engaged, that he should not get married, but live together with his pas-mer-to-beand stay a Jesuit. I can deny that. Do you exclude the possibility, that another leading Jesuit gave him that advice?
Yes.

GENERAL ELECTION
THE ISSUES

Changes ideologies

In

By MICHAEL McINERNEY

M-IIAlT are the issues in 'this general election? Who are the hkely victors? wm the result bring real change to this country? What are Labour's prospects? These questions are being asked in thousands of minds in this month of weddings and roses and of a general election, a general election of a new kind never before known in Ireland. Gone are rthe old issues of lPiat'tition, the Language, the Republic, VIP Dev. and here are the vital issues of the economic -s-and ipolitical-e-sovereiguty of the country. That question of economic, and indeed cultural, independence ~s the supreme issue. On the growth of the economy, numlber one, depends the very existence of our country. This is confirmed, among other things, by the 'Buchanan Report, the most startling figure of which is that "over half the young people have been leaving Ireland before they are 30", alohough emigration "has been checked". Thus the most active young men and women are Ieaving, the real wealth-producers, leaving ehe old and the very young, giving an activity rate of 38% against Britain's 49%. Unless this trend is reversed, there is little hope for Ireland. The central issue of the election therefore is economic development. How is it to be effected, what policies can meet this issue. The Hanna Fail Government puts its faith in domestic and foreign private enterprise, but mainly on foreign. Irish private enterprise, it would seem. sends its money albroad to get more profit, and in the next 19 years, according to !Buchanan. wjlJ send almost 800.000 young men rand women with it. The continuance of this certainly might need '3 Criminal Justice Bill and other repressive Jaws. Is there any party that can reverse this trend? Neither Hanna
l,

Fail nor FUne Gael believe in social or public enterprise as the main weapon end so the foreign private capital pours in. There is no doubt but that this policy has brought more jobs but there still 50,000 unemployed and tens of thousands of women and also men lin rural areas who would jump into jobs if they were made availeble. The issue then arising from economic failures is public o,r rprirvateenterprise. Has the 'time arrived when a re-onganised State and public enterprises of all [kinds should treat this whole economic problem as a continuous emergency and mobilise all economic, material. financial, commercial and industrial resources under new forms of public control to ensure that future generations will be able to live in :Ireland in some hope of a full Life? Or can there be an effective co-ordination of public and private enterprise with much more control over financial institutions, over Investment abroad, and at home, by the Government to ensure radical economic development with I'rish capital, private or public? Unless this radical economic development can be effected then there seems to 'be no way out of the inevitable take-over Ibid of this country !by foreign capital, Thus all the dreams of lrish-and international - culture, of an Inish way of life. of Irish Socialist Republicanism, indeed of an Irish State would be threa tened. Somehow this threat has to be halted. How can it be done? That is the real issue in this election.

are

Jobs in jeopardy There is even an immediate and cractical illustration of this. In just ewo years time 'British goods will be flooding into this country. They will be competing, almost freely, with Irrish goods: protection will virtually hewe [gone. Tens of thousands of Irish jobs will be [eooardlsed. This has arisen by 1ihe deliberate policy of the Government, no doubt in the belief that this is the best thing for the country for few would dare to accuse: even Fianna Fail. of deliberately "selling the country down the river." That cannot he true of a whole party with the traditions of Fianna Fail. It Dl0V lbe true of a powerful clique inside the party or influencing it. But there would be as much revolt in Fianna Fan as anywhere else if this, indeed were the only thing left for 'Ireland. Can the other political parties change the direction of the econorny ? Elne Gael is even more conservative ehan iFaanna Fail in this respect, or would be if they

were in power. Indeed the links with the United States would be strengthened rather than weakened under a 'Fine Gael regime. Can Labour initiate a different policy? Certainly the economic 'Policies outlined and approved at last January's conference seem to contain the necessary measures. But has Lalbour the ability and the zest and the fierce will to pu.t them into power even if they were to secure a majority. Some of the new men in Labour 'Would have all these things and Mr. Brendan Cor ish is developing more strongly towards social policies every day. But the brutal fact must be faced that the Labour Movement in Ireland and I include the trade unions when 1 say "Labour Movement" has not yet, consciously. seriously or determinedly, entered moutlcs. The Labour Movement is still outside politics. llt is part of the present Esablishment and largelv without politics. But that is changing. W'il!.,llitchange in time? But so much of Ireland's future depends on the result of this election. What will be that result? Wtill the fundamental changes that have taken place ~n Irish thinking over the past year, paetlcularly among the young, be reflected in the result? [t is hard to say. It is probably the most unpredictable election ever to be held in Ireland. The surge forward of young radical forces has been immense but has there not be a correspcndingly surge forward or surge backward - a corresponding back-lash from the middle-aged, middle class people who fear the radical upsurge. Such could be the explanation of tbe incredible success, in numbers. of the Fine Gael and Fianna Fail Ard lFheiseanna. It is possible therefore, that Labour's undoubted gains in Dublin and. some. at least, of the other cities, will be met by equally strong gains in rural areas and from consenvatave people. It is hard to see Flanna Fail securing an overall majority and hard to see Fine Gael gaining more than a few extra seats, if that. Much depends on how strong the radical surge bas been. If it is as strong as it seems then Labour's gains could be big enough to give the party UIP 10 35 seats, but this is an outsize guess. Fianna Fail, even with this Labour gain in IDUiblin and elsewhere. could win 'Votes from Fine Gael to give them 65 seats leaving Fine Gael with 40-44, for there will be Indeeendents.

Policies to continue 10 this kind of situation, or something like it, developments could be immense but it would

General EI.crion Supplem,nt

Ttt>o

seem that the kind of policies we have known in the economy for the past ten years will continue until there is a real surge Ionward to the "New Labour Panty" and then, may be, Ireland will hawe 13. chance at Iast. Could there be a possi'bilitv that radical forces, whioh still do ex:ist in Hanna Fail could get the message and demand more national policies? 111: is possible. tAf,ter an (We had the crl de 'coeur from MI'. James Dillon at the selling out of the country to foreigners. Bven he, the most rightwing man in 'lreland, is appalled at the future of the country. There must be marry others. !Iif the message got home then surely there must be a possibility of a united front of the Jbest elements in aU parties to agree on a single programme that would ensure economic and social progress and give the people hope thait there is a r-eal future. not in selling out to foreign or iprivate capital but in utilising ali our resources to make Ireland a nation free and grand. The only alternative to such a United Front is a powerful Labour Movement putting through radical Socialist measures. But there are new men now in politics who have the "IUSit" for power, the ability and, we hope, the policies that Dan save Ireland from the fare that even Bu-chanan has no solution Ifor. 'But Ireland is in a political crisis at present, a political flux,

FORECAST

Performance, not folklore

Forecasting <what would happen at an election in four fifths of the constituencies used to be a nice comfortable exercise with few hazards. General attention had to be paid of course, to the national scene, to any maj-or local issues and emerging personalities. But the main guideline was how the voting went the last time. ilt could be assumed that change would be minimal, especially in the predominantly rural 'areas. A good local po'litioal practitioner could estimate down to the last hundred how the ttrst county would go, even hO\W many indl.1vcidua[ 'boxes would divide up. Not 60 any longer. All that changed on October 16. The massive peel off of support from the Hanna Pasl party served notice that old allegiances to be relied on irrespective of issues were dead or certainly dying. This was notice being served equally on Hanna Fail, Fine Gael and Labour. Adl three parties now know that from here on 'in-s-with the exception of fading hardcore ~ they'll be judged on ,pe:r:forrnance not folklore. Since then there was also Kevin

A map showing the new constituencies for Dublin city and county. and this general election could result in stalemate. It could be an election with "no result", without any party securing a workable majority, in the absence of a biparty Government. it could result in another general election within a few months OT oven weeks. And then there would be a most decisive result. It might begin the polarisation of Irish politics. Boland. After failing with the Referendum proposals it was his task to revise the constituencies, gone wildly unconstitutional [because of the shifting population. He had many options open to him hut he decided on major surgery. There are now 4Q. constituencies, instead of 3,8. 'and 110tsof the old have had political heart transplants. Five-seat constituencies have

alm-ost made their exdt from the political map, dropping from 9 to 2 - Carlow-Kilkenny and LaoisO:fifaly-in the redrafting. One of those remaining is the stronghold of Oliver J. Flanagan, the Fine Gad front 'bencher whose popularity makes him immune anyway !from changing boundaries. Four-seaters have just 'gained two rrurnericably, from 12 to 14,ibur there has been a major switch in their locations, away [room the country areas into Dublin. And dn their 'Place in the country are the new three-seaters, gone from 17 to 26. On the surface, and without making allowance for major swings in political thinking, this new grouping of constituency sizes should be of considerable help to Fianna Fail on June 1,8. As the major party, with rtJheir strength in rural areas (around 50 per cent of first preferences), they could expect to pull off two seats out of three in a three-seater while the same strength would most likely gain them only two out of lour in a four seater. The advantage of the smaller units is obvious. However, this can also be a r.isky business. With any drop off in popularity the backlash can be even more deadly for a party hoping to rule again on its own. It couldn't afford to start emerging with one of the three seats in rural areas. Equally in the !Dublin city areas where Flanna Fail strength faces the revitalised challenge a1f LaJbour the a-seater should prove of advantage. Picking up two out of rthree seats, or three out of five is no longer practical pol'itics. In addition to this major structural change in the number of seats per constituency there has also been a lot of chopping around, girving and borrowing as between previous constituency areas. The result of all these developments ~s that forecasting what is going to emerge in the various areas becomes to a certain extent, a guessing game. Stull guessing, at least, is on. And it takes no great insight or courage to say for instance that itlhere'll <be no change in Donegal. or to name the new Deputies for that matter. The Minister for Ageiculture, ML 'Blaney, and Liam Ounningham will return from Donegal IN.E. tor Fianna Fail, accompanied by Patrick Harte for Fine Gael. In Donegal S.iE., now bolstered up with added popufation, from a truncated Leitrirn, the new Deputies !Will 'be the Minister for Social Welfare, IMr. Brennan and the Ceann Comhairle, IMr. Breslin, for Fianna Fail and the former Minister for Local Government, MIT. Pa O'!Donn,e1I, for Fine Gael. In thts constituency, represented by the Ceann Comhadnle, only two seats will Ibe up for contest. Sligo-Lei,trim should see Fine Gael, pidk 'Up t!Woseats as against one for Rianna Fail. This used to be a four seater but lost some of its territory to Donegal. In fact one of the sitting FKJ. Deputies, Joe Mol.oughlin, finds himself no longer in his own constituency. Stidl he'll probably get back, to
General Electioll Supplement Three

maintain the party strength. Further west in !Mayo, there has been a major upheaval. The county as a whole dropped one seat and the constituencies were turned on their side. Instead of North and South Mayo there is 'West and East Mayo. For the Government party the Oh.wge had the beaeficiai efie'Ct of separating two Ministers, Mr. OlMorain (Justice) and Mr. Flanagan (Health) from fighting each other. For Fine Gael .it made a former 'Minister, MI".!P. J. Lindsay. a displaced person until taken in by iDLlblin North Central. The result here should be Pianna FaiJI 2 out of 3 in West !Mayo, Fine Gael 2 out of 3 in the East. Galway County also presents a different political face. Instead of a 5 and a 3 Beat constituency, it has three a-seaters with the d:J.elp of some territory from Clare and Roscommon. Generally it is expected that Fianna Fail should emerge wi th two from each area. But they'll find the going tough in John Donnellan's area of Galway North. The new intake nere from Roscommon is strong Fine Gael and could upset the balance. In Clare. now three instead of four seats, Labour lose the seat held 'by the Iate 'Mr. Paddy Hogan tor many years Ceann Comhairle. They have no chance of recovering the loss an the diminished constituency. In the only other west of ehe Shannon Constituency. Roscommon-Leitrirrr Fianna Fail and Fine Gaed wi'll Ib!atble out a close finish for the third seat. Despite the oresence of the Minister for 1Educa-tion, M.r. Lenihan. Fine Gael rwill probably win. For the Limerick constituencies, Kerry North and South, Cork West and Mid. Tipperary North and South, Watedord, Wexford, CanlowKilkenny, Lacis-Offaly, don't exceca any major changes. Within thaJt area there still remains Cork city and, Conk N0I11hEast. North East 'has lbeen reduced from 5 to 4, so some one must go there. But the really intriguing position arises in Cork. The city is now split 'into two a-seaters. WillI the Taoiseacb, lM-r.Lynch, lbe ~~e to bring in Sean French, <the by-election winner, with !him in 1!henorth side? Will Fine Gael without Stephen Barret and with the Lord Mayor, Mr. Birmingham, a nonrunner, be able (0 gaiin a (laminating 'Position in the south side? And what of Labcur ? W.ilfu their support 61p-li't might down the middle with the new boundary will tlley be 8.lb:leto 1get any seat 3.It a']11In the country's' second 'Oitj'l? ilt cQIllIid' break F.P. 3, F..G. 2 and La~our 1. Moving north Labour will drop the Norton seat in Kildare as the number of seats here has been eeduced from 4 to 3 to compound their difficulties there. Fine Gael expect to win a seat from FF in 'Monaghan and could repeat the performance in LOiulfu,ousting the Minister for !External Affairs, Mr. Aiken, unless damage by a Dundalk!Drogheda split. In ,the new Greater Dublin constituencies everything is wide open.

But there's no doubt Labour should do very well picking up perhaps an extra four seats to give them a total of 10. They should be represented in every area except Dublin County South. with perhaps two deputies returned' in Dublin South-west un the 'PCJ'6ons of Sean Dunne and Dr. John O'Connell. Dun Laoire-Rathdorwn and the fortunes at Bal'I'Y Desmond remain proloiematic. But be should make it, in e. drawn-out tusste. As for the naltiona,l cesott, it seems reiatively safe to say tlhat no partly wibl reuum to Leinster House in the early days of lull)' with an overall majority. Then the fun starts.

JACK

LYNCH

By DICK WALSH In the white heat of Munster hurling. the North Mon. brothers played the role of stokers. With Cork behind and time cunning out, ehey stalked the sidelines, prodding the ground with their hurleys and threatening the players with a deep irreverent roar. It was then-c-who were they playing, the Kennys and Maheos and Brennans of Tipp. or the Mackeys and Cregans and Clohessys of Limerick?---fu.e slung his boots to the wings, rolled the red and white socks around his ankles and belted over score after score until the brothers were jumping their hurleys with delight. Never since has Jack Lynch been so decisive or so precisely on target, never has lhe so faithfully represented the ambitions of the plain people of Cork. Hurling made !bim. OCt gave him !his first and most enthusiastic publie. lIt was while training for Q match ~n Glengariffe that he met ibis wife. It was the Cork trainer, Jim Barry, who urged him to take up politics and told him, with the certainty of an old republican, that, one day he would be Taoiseach. Hurling is an individualist's garne. But the Cork teams of the

forties and fiffies Ibroke the ~eneral rule: they were Jim Barry's men rand they played as teams. And the man who placed implicit trust in Barry's strategy and won tour .All 'Irelands in a cow was best in politics when he accepted the strategy olf De Valera or Lemass. He '\VaS elected Taoiseach on November 10th, 1966, surprising choice after a ten-day struggle that involved almost every Fianna Fail Minister but himself [Haughey, Colley 'and O'Malley were frontrunners in the race. 'Ihey offered political management and political philosophy, hard graft and higher notions ~n ten <lays that shook Fianna Fail. Lynch was elected not so much a leader as a caretaker pope and in two-and-a-half years he has shown that he acknowledges his position. A sports commentator reflected in 1966 that on the field he 'Was distinguished for his dignity and his sportsmanship. Virtues, the sportsman believed, he took with him into politics. The fire of a man who could roll down ,his socks and carry the prize be leJft behind. Political commentators say his ,place is in Aras an Uachtarain, where dignity is snore useful than fire. Jack Lynch is respectable, middle-class, mundane. He grew up in Blackpool, was educated by the North 'Monastery brothers, travelled the Cork road to Dublin and a job in ehe Civil Service, studied law and then returned-his one surprise-to work in Carl's Circuit Court Office. Still hurling, and ranked with Christy Ring, Cork's myth, he began a legal practice in 1945 and was elected, hurler 'before politician, to t1he Dail in l~. In another three years he was Parliamentarv Secretary with responsibility for the Gaeltacht. The Taoiseach "h"3S lEarnon de Valera. He represented Ireland at the Council of Europe and the International Labour Conference, was struck fby the inability olf the Irish to communicate in any 'but 'the !English language and picked up a smattering of IF',renchand German. /He thinks women learn foreign languages more quickly than men. !He was Minister for Education between 1957 and 1959. then followed Mr. Lernass at the Department of Industry and Commerce. If he bad been impressive, .it was because of his slow and deliberate way of talking, he stild sounds l ilke a civil servant-and because of his natural gentleness and courtesy. Lemass directed the country's 'attention to the need for Industry, introduced the Programmes for Economic Expansion and, with Mr. T. K. Whitaker Of Mr. Lynch's Department. 'Pressed them on the people. Lynch was concerned with the detail rather than the policy. In seven 'Years Ireland dragged itself into the industrial age. Lynch murmured encouragement and approval, tried to 'Stifle controversy on the wisdom ad' receiving with such open arms some of the corn-

panics that came here and wrote down the percentage oIf failure as inevitable. It had been said 'before he be. came Taoiseach that 'he would get further than Lernass had done in his attempts to bring 'peace to Irish farming. He did, but ma-rginally. His Minister, 'Mr. Blaney, is as determined as ever that if rhe farmers want the.ir voice to be heard he must first appro-ve what they're going to say. He still encourages industrialists to come mere and, last autumn, 'Went on a Gulf Oil junket to Japan where he else put out feelers for trade talks between the countries. (The company that took him there is already ensconced in a financial and physical haven in Bantry !Bay). He has less successfully controlled his Ministers than any other Taoiseach. Mr. Blaney and his statements a'bout partition are the 'best and most damaging example. The same Minister's equally intransigent attitude to the farmers is another. Jack Lynch 'has won from the cynical the title 'Honest Jack." It is now apparent as he ends his (first?) term of office that honesty is but "One of the 'Virtues required in a Taoiseach.

be done away with. Three years later, however, he 'Went on television, was reported in the press and "led" the Fine Gael party in the fight to keep what he himself is against. Before a lFine Gael k'\rdFheis three years ago he accused The Irish Times of "leaving out a piece of a speech deliberately"supposedly to attack him by impli-

L1AM COSGRAVE
By HENRY KELLY Vital Statistics: TID., U.D., S.C., Farmer and Barrister at Law. Elected leader of F.G. in April, 1965. Born lApriJ, 11920. School at Synge Street Ohr istian B. and Oastleknock. Then King's Inns. Married 19512: 'Vera Osborne (ihorseracing/training family). Served in !National Army during the Emergency. Called to bar 1943. 1958. Two sons : Liam, Oiaran. One daughter, Mary. Member of 'Dail since 1943. Has been Parliamentary Secretary 10 Taoiseach and 110 Min. of 'Ind. and Com. 'Minister for External Affairs from 54S7. Led first delegation to U.N. iII 19516. Created Knight of Grand Cross of Pius XI by Pius Xilf in 1956. Honorary degrees from Pittsburg, Brooklyn and Chicago. It is hard to 'be hard on Liam Cosgrave. 'lt is just as hard to be patient with him. When Britain was scoured with foot and mou1Jh disease and there was a danger it might spread to Ireland, [jam Cosgrave told reporters he hoped the scare would soon be over to 'let him get &OO1e hunting done. When be Wl3S elected leader of 'Fine Gael, one of tbe first things he said was that the 'Way of votirrg by Propertional Representation which we have in Ireland was had and should

s:c.

cation. The next day the paper published e facsimile <If the report of his speech. The bit Cosgrave said was left out had in Ifact been there an the time. Before his party's annual public set of standing ovations last year, during it, and then after it, Liam Cosgrave almost lost his reason-sand leadership of lFine Gael. /He cannot understand how people cannot understand the party. He repeatedly uses the words Just 'Society as if they ushered in articles of direct inspiration from a divine spirit. The trouble is that the policies are out of date now. It is true that most of the people in Fine Gael support the Just Society. Now. It has become safe to do so. lin 1%5 they thought Dec1an Costello 'Was mad or a communist or both. Now they have got rid of bim just 'WIhen he was about to refurbish out-dated policies. And Liam Cosgrave has been leader of the party all the time. One 'wonders just 'how much. Gerard 'Sweetman told him to fight for P JR. And didn't push him to get Dec1an Costello eo change his mind. If Cosgrave runs Fine Gael, there are plenty of his own front bench 'Who have claims to run him. And if Cosgrave resigned, a good straight-forward capitalist conservative would jump into his shoes. Fine Gael cas them all. But Cosgrave, who refers to his party as a "positive alternative," is himself a leader to whom there is little alternative. And he knows it. Liam Cosgrave is slightly stooped in his walk. The weight of holding together, not so much a parliamentary party, as a party of divided membership in me grass-root sphere is such that he prefers now

to carry it in the near-solitude of a south County Dublin farm. Liam Cosgrave is impeccably well-marrnered. [He is a Knight of the Grand Cross of Pius Xl-e-becoming so during a private audience with Pius XII. He is astonishingly widely-read for one who shows so little evidence of it. And he is a Pa rllcrnentariarr. In a political party led by, say Sean Lernass or iEamonn de Valera, Liarn Cosgrave would have been a great asset. !Nearly everyone who kDO\.\'Shim thinks he is ODe of the nicest men they ever met. He will stop you and say how are things going and isn't the weather awful and Dail business is very heavy. But the Taoiseach, 'Mr. Li.am Cosgrave, is almost unthinkable. Even the IMinister for whatnot is a bit hard to believe. Liam Cosgrave used to be IMinister for External !Affairs. In the Second great effort at oombination, Cosgrave was our man in the 'World between 1954 and 1957. It was a disaster. Sean !MadBride had 'been there before him and Cosgrave simply toured the worJd telling the Irish papers what decent fellows the Americans were. But in those days the old communist fed bit was a real treat. There would have been great kudos for anyone who refused to toe jloe McCarthy's Iine. But Liern Cosgrave would not do it. The thought alone would have killed him. And, regrettably, in 16 years he has hardly changed. The members of the party who read the papers o oen them with fear if there pTO rnises to he "a speech by the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Cosgrave on external affairs or defence." [How communism is a threat to pastoral life in South iDublin is difficult to understand but Liam Cosgrave is sure of it. In the cast vear Liarn Cosgrave, the Dail leader of nearly half-a-hundred deputies-or 'a half-hundred neardeputies!-has made no statement on Dublin or Irish housing. or on Vietnam or Biafra or any other topical issue. Perhaps it is just as well. In five minutes at last year's Ard-Pheis he threw away what ever chance Jim O'Higgins had of winning the lEast Limer-ick byeelection. Neil !Blaney couldn'c believe his ears. The Fine Gael ranchers 'with the 500 acre farms settled a few thousand votes iII double quick time. When iLiam Cosgrave departs from the script he is very good. He hates-not Fianna Fail-s-but Fiann .Failery. He cannot abide the Labour party. But 'he considers .they can best be ignored. !For some inexplicable reason, however, he shows public irritation at the slightest annoyance. Reading scene of his speeches one might have strayed into political nirvana. Listening to him read them one gets me impression that the man's little moustache is growing and a helmet is forming on his head. In the background the troops are ready. Lf ilrelarrd had a House of iLords Liam Cosgrave would be fantastic-

Usually on ads of this type, you'd find a picture of the magazine's advertising manager. But we thought about it and figured with our advertising manager you wouldn't be all that interested. .Which would be a pity. Because our advertising manager has a lot to tell you. He could tell you, for instance, that Nusight is .steadily gaining in popularity. Maybe even make a stab at telling you why. Something to do with the content, maybe. The way Nusight articles. analyse the news in depth. The way no subject is too tough to tackle ... or too taboo. Or something to do with the .. clean, easy-to-read

layout. Or the price. Or maybe just the enthusiasm-and the expertise - of the staff, which comes through in every issue. He could tell you who reads Nusight. Not individually, of course, although we do have some fairly impressive names on our subscription list. But collectively. The sort of people who read Nusight. The socio-economic groups, as we say in the business. That's important information when you want to place an ad. As important as our circulation, although he could tell you that as well. He could tell you about placing your ad for maximum impact. And, if you book early, he

could guarantee star spots absolutely. In short, he could tell you about the last real bargain left in Irish media to-day. A page in Nusight at 60. With reductions for a series booking. But if we stuck a picture of our advertising manager at the top of this ad, you mightn't bother to listen. So we put in a pretty girl instead. And you listened. Didn't you?

nusight

P.S. The name's Bill Stanbridge. Our advertising manager that is. Nobody here knows the girl's name, dammit!

ally pleased. If we had no awkward poli tical parties he 'Would be delighted. He'd like to see us all working together for the common good. And ne would be very good at it. But in four years of 'leadership by him, the 'Fine Gael party has gone from bad to worse. Liam Cosgrave doesn't know his people because he is not among them. His Pope was Pius not John. The passibility of Pine Gae.r ever leading Ireland is more remote now, not less remote. Even James Dillon looked as if he could lead. The political decline of Pitre Gaelnow well under way-s-and Itheir failure 'to pr-ovide positive Ieadership are faults which must be planked on Liam Cosgrave's shoulders. lMaybe that's why they are rounded.

To answer that one. we must seek the axilitical Garish; the man and the Party with which he is interwoven. On ehe surface, there is little that is different tfrom the medestrian oloddinc of a dozen otiher.s dn the nail. tHe first ti:ptoed down the corri-

in 1927, then dj,p,ped and waved for a generation, until in 1965. Labour achieved a peek of twenty-three, since reduced bv deaths and desertion to nineteen. This period has seen the establishment and ruse to power of lFianna [Fail; the rise and fall of lHlitler and .Mussolini ; the crisis of capitalism in 1932: the greatest war in history ; the achievement of technology; the invasion of epaoe ; the conquest ,01 disease; the 'invention of theiPlill; the transistor; cycloaexanone gas. used extensively in Auschwitz, '3.C1d other bric-e-brae of che march of civilisation. And, during that period, the Parry established by Connolly and Larkin succeeded in electing just half the number 0: deputies that it had elected in 1927! New leader lEinough was enough, Jim Larkin, J nr., set the tone. and the Party heaved and toiled, and (Buccaneer Billy" Norton was deposed. Before that could happen, there had to be an obvious successor, and there was! The Party had aitt1e trouble making UP its mind thaI! Garish was the man. lFrom 'having lost seats at two successive general elections. Laib'our under its new leader w.ent on to make modest gains at the next tWO elections. The difference can clearlv lbe actributed to the stance taken by Corish. /Tn ibis speech at 'Dullemore, before the election, he effectively damned the ,Fine Gael suggestion that thcv were an alternative Government, and Fine Gael flopped heav-ily. Lalbour gained, and the moint 'Was made :in Corish's mind. There was a vacuum on the opposition side, and Labour would Ifill it! IN> a marty leader, he has a unique strength. 'He owes his eminence. not to any trade union 'block vote. or the ,natrona,ge of office, lbut to a strong volume of genuine affection and trust. He is not held in ewe, but in respect. He has a ipersonal. relaxed, almost haIPIPY, style oIf internal communication, springing from selfassurance and uhe support of loyal colleagues. In this respect, he is lucky. He has no rival to fear, either local or national. Indeed, in a brces from an unspoken tradition, he has deliberately selected the strongest possible local 'contenders as running mates in Wexford rather than the colourless nonentities who art favoured Iby deputies of all parties. On the national Labour scene, Corisb has consoiousl o sought to attract the mosr formidable intellects. and to give them expression. Dr. 'Browne, Conor O'Brien. Justin Keating. Brendan Halligan are examples that a lesser leader might have feared and discouraged, but all have come into prominence under Garish. IHe is iprirnariby a democratic leader. He has emphasised. often, that the jpo1icy-maknn,gbody in the LaibouiT movement is the annual delegate conference. MId he will alwev, accent conference decisions. He has deliberately encouraged the [mpomant oossdbility olf a genuinely

BRENDAN
CORISH
By VINCENT McDOWELL dors of oowe- in the Inter-Party Government of 1948, as a Parliamen~IJ:' Secretary to .the Ministry {Jlf Social Welfare. 'It is recorded in the sagas of iDUlblin pubtabk that he entered tihe office of one of his offioials with deserved trepidation. The man was the many faceted FLann O'Brien, Myles na gGop.aleen. Corish entered whistling 'bravely, as the formidalble Myles sized him no. chen thundered Get that .boy out 0,[ my office." But M'Yles relented. and warmly endorsed ihis young boss in his own mixture of .pig--;g,aelic "Corish Iompait's Elireann." That Government !fell, lin a welter of acrimony. Ccrish kept his head do:wn, fbelow ehe level of the trenohes, whilst the projectiles were whistling overhead. He emerged from the debacle with clean fiands. and no enemies - a notalble achievement. Four years later, another coalition Government was glued together. and Corisdi was Ibadk in Social wejfare this mime as Minister. It would be pleasant to say that the country felt the shanp edge 0. a great watershed-c-as Socialism came to rule the administration of the social services-e-bur it would be untrue. Billy Norton was Leader of the Labour lParty. and Tanaiste, and the Ministe- Ifor Finance was Gerry Sweetman, rl'.D. for Kildare, theoretician, bless the mark, or Fine Gael. and one of the keenest minds in the Nineteenfh Century. That undistinguished Governrnenr went the wav of all hesitants, and Hanna 'Fail swept back into 'power. At this stage. the iLaibo.ur [party began to ttlink seriouslv oJf ,willatthey were about. La'bour is the second oldest .political 'party -in the State. and the weakest in the Dail. Starting from tfiJft'eendeputies ,a.t the first election In 1,922, :they rose to the dizzy heights of twenty-two deputies He is >twty, married. with three children. !He has represented wexuord in the Dail .for ewenry-one years, 'and has 'been le-ader Q!f the Labour Party for the Last eight of hhem. But. what kind of a man, wlhat kind of a leader, is he? !H!e lis tmmarily a Wexfordman. He does not ~linlk: that Wexfordmen are necessarily superior to the common lot or Irishmen, 'but they are different! Is the difference one cr history. of ethnic stock, 'Nitb the greater blendinn cr Gad and Gall, of IDane and Norman and Welshman than in ouher more remote areas? All .the rwav from Bagirsbun to Vinegar Hill. Wexford has 'been ,in the front line! Oorish ,j,shalptpier when he lis fitg.htJiolg Ifhe cause of Wexford against the Dublin bureaucracy thaet in any other aolltlcat aotiwity he indulges in. !He :is a 'Very good deputy. and uhe county knows it well. iLt was only to be expected. He came from a political family. The Corishes of 'wexford have been noted Ifor generations for involvement in ehe struggles of the common man, ,and his father \VIaS the deputy before him. Brendan won the seat in a famous by-election, which still warms Lalbour hearts in the county. Another 'brother is on tlhe county council, and the mayoralty of 'Wexford town has Joeen a family fuel. BIUt.these attributes are common enough in the great political families in Ireland. Pianna Fail has t-he Ryans, the Lemass's and a round dozen others. \Fine Gael has the O'Higgins dynasty, and their feehle [rnitators. Aside from linea-ge and connections, and t~ ph'ysioal attributes ,alf lbeJn,g tall, greying, and the most handsome man in the nail. has Oorish any ma'I1ks 'Of distinction that are personal, any indication bhat, if caressed loy the winds of deSltiny, he would make his mark on Irish history?

NUSIGHT

PREDICTS

- That contrary to current belief, election '69 will not end in deadlock. - That Fianna Fail will return with a majority
of 4.

- That Fine Gael will lose a seat in Dun Laoghairej Rathdown, but that Cosgrave's 'charisma' will hold his seat there. _ That Labour will not win a seat in Cork city, where it has never recovered from Sean Casey's death. _ That internal differences in Fianna Fail will lose the party seats in East Limerick, N.E. Galway and East Mayo. _ That Labour will gain votes but not seats. _ That the total results of election '69 will be: F.F. 73; F.G. 43; Lab. 23; Others 4.

democratic movement, responsive to the hopes 'and wishes of the rank and file membership; a moveme.nt fWIhoseleadership must rely upon example and persuasion, instead oIf the crude techniques of coercion end chicanery in practice in most political marties throughout the world. This factor is vital to consideration of the most interest-

lange increases in incomes. especiadly du wages and salaries; and too much Ibanlk credit: 13.11 these cornbined 10 put the countrv unto a tail-spin in 1964 and 1965. In the first half olf 1965, especially, inflationary Ipreseures reached a climax. The external payments went wrong, 'Our external reserves fell sharply, credit became eight, and in

inlg asoecj of Irish Socialism, the poseibilitv that it may evolve a viable, democratic, Socialist philosophy for the transformation of society, and in the !process make an honest exploration of the limits of mossible political and social change within the framework of a democratic state. It is prcbalble that he will make an extremely good Taoiseach.

The Economy4-year cycle?

By GARRET FITZGERALD IN TIHE years from 1958 to 1963 the Ir~lSiheconomy made considerable stnides, without getting into inflationary diffiouloies. The cost of Iiving rose .by less than 2% a year, and national output increased by well over 4% annually. Living standards drnproveri by almost onef,if.th in tbis fdve-year period. Our external payments remained roughly in 'balance - exports rising as fast as imports. Then tthings went wrong. Too much Government spending 'both on current and capital account; too

July the Government acted by deflating the economy. Like most Inish defiiabions, e.g. those 'Of 1952 and 1956, this lone carne too late, was too severe, and lasted too Iong. A'S a resubt for ewe successive years our national .growth rate was cut Jin :haU. Instead of expanding at 4% or more annua'llv the output rose by only 2% .in 19.65and 1966. A whole year's 'Progress was mus lost, making the Second Programme targets appear unettemebre. This had some bad long-term effects. For one thing .it prejudiced government acceptance at economic planning. Faced w~th tlte embarrassment of ihav,in,gto pUlb!.iJS:h figures showing year after year tha.t cumulative mrogress 'was fabldng short of ,the ranget, proposed in the Programme, the government and civ,iJI service reacted first Iby not publishing any fdgures comparing performance wi;th targets, and then bv dropping the Programme ha'1f way through. Nevertheless die economy eventuallv 'Pulled out of the doldrums. In 1967 and 1988 economic 'growth recovered .its old buoyancy, so that in these ewe years nationel output was !boosted 'bv a tot-allof 10%. But this was not 'achieved without a recurrence of ,the kind 'OIf inflationary pressures thaJI: had created die crisis of 19165. !ExJCe.ss-ive Government spending, excessive credit expansion, and excesive wage increases once again oorrsbined to push the economy :too far too fast.

Tille old familiar symptoms recurred - aggravated this time .b.y an excepti'ona'l price rise sparked off by the November 1967 devaluation of the Irish and Brinish pounds. Are we now back where 'We 'were in Spring 1965? Yes and no. Some things are different this time. For one ching the Central Hank does not appear to 'be playing as restrictive a role as lit did in 1965-19-66,when its tightening 'of credit illorced ltIhe Government to borrow abroad to meet a domestic .linancial coisis. On the other hand the labour situation is, more threatening. The scale of the maintenaruce workers' pay increase, and the claims now being made Iby other wonkers for panitv wU,ththem. poses a threat to our economic 'progress more seoious than anything we have experienced ill more than a decade. Lf the maintenance workers' dncrease were ewarded generabl'yl the economy could not survive without serious disruption. Hitherto a!ltJhou~ our labour 'Costs have been pushed up faster than was wise, they have not risen so fast as to put U!S QUit of line with neaobv Bnitadn - also subject to this kund 'Of wage infilation. Between 1963 and 1967 Irish .labour costs rose much faster than in most major industrial countries with which we trade. In iSUOO countries as France, Germany and the United States labour cost rose by 3it most 4% in these years while in ltaI1y they aotuall'y fel1llby the same Iprol1ontion. lIn Ireland 'labour costs jUJlThped ,by 13% - but 50 they did lin 'Britain, So that at [east lin our main market we remained relatively competitive. But the same thin.g won't happen this time, if the maintenance workers' increase spreads to other workers. This would !push Irish wage:s up several times, faster than wages dn Britain and would raise our production costs to a Ievel that would seriously threaten our export trade to that and other countoies. Perhaps 'i\VoIl[' has oeen cried too often in ltIhe past for this bald statement to carry much conviction at this stage. The Ianguage of economic analysis has 'been 00 debased in criticising past wage rounds even where on occasion ehese have been moderate and not pareiculardy inffationary mat lit no longer carries much weight. IBiud: ehls time the threat: is I'e3'1. We could find ourselves iback 'Where we started in 1965. tExCfjpt that our tasr state would be worse dhan our lfiirst, and the chances of pu!IJl,ing out of tbe kind of crisis dn !Which 'We could find ourselves would be \Stirn. This ds tJhe threatening crisis that Mr. Riaughey spoke albout Iess than two months ago. It hasn't gone away. It still threatens our living standards and our employment. For, 'let's be clear about :it; no country can 'pay itseJlf an extra 25% in money when riitlis [producing, at the very best, an extra 5% in ,goo(ls.and get away wlth dt. An dm:i~Vlidual group in rthe commun itv can secure such an dncrease rwtithoutnecessarily rocking the boat - Ibut the whole oornrnunitv can't. Don't aet's fool ourselves about this.

Change needed In Agriculture

By JUSTIN KEATING "J~ yesterday, jam 'tomorrow, but never jam today." That has been the situation dn Irish fanning for a long time. At the beginning of the '60s the 'jam oomonrow' was to be provided by Ireland's admission Do the Common Market where ,hilgh jam prices prevailed. De GauNe ended that hope abruptly when he vetoed Britain's entry. At the devel df Government initiative, or Department of Agriculture initiative, no new ideas have been forthcoming as to how rwe can deal wish a situation Iwhioh is slowly getting worse. Our production grd\JAth has been slower in the '60s than tlhat of ahnost all comparable European countries. The gap between the incomes df fanners and other sections of the community grows wider. Farmers are more and more angry and they 'have a growing sense Of fury and frustratdon at ~e way they are being excluded from IJ)dLicymakiog, and indeed a growing sense that we harce not a coherent agriculture policy at all. hut only a series of vote purchasing improvisations. The

dairy products) 'will have disappeared. But in fact if you penetrate this facade, Irish farming 'is getting ready for major changes. The N.'F.A. duoing tJhe course of a 'lengthy, militant carrrpadgn, has in fact, due to struggle, become what i.t,gname says, a nationaf farming organisation, The result otf Fianna Fail eflforts to smash it has been to do the exact opposite. In the same way the scandalous favouritism by the government towards rtbe Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association, is proving incapable of perpelirating !the split of Irish farming. N.F.A. and J.CiM.s.A. are finding coanmon interest in c o m m 0 n struggle. The seemingly trivial -aictory by the N.F.A. in the Bord Bainne elections of June 1968 Owith the humiliation of such [FIjanna Fail stalwarts as Deputy Martin Corry) was in fact a major set-back for Blanev and the Government. The subsequent collapse of the Blaneysponsored National Agriculture Council !WaS further evidence of the same 'trend. And at Jast there are some signs otf rea'l new tlhinkJingabout farming. Fine Gael has just Iaunched a majo', policy document, well timed for the Election. Labour policy on agriculture is part of the general sta tement .of policy adopted at the last con-

the short term - similar, obvious necessary and overdue reforms. But in the longer view, Labour raises the perspective of an alliance between oppressed workers and oppressed farmers. In political terms this means alliance with a revitalised Sinn Fein. It means a battle against irnperialisrn as it affects the lives of small farmers. J't means the grinding away of rtlhe political base of Eianna Fail in the countryside. It mean'S the long term perspective of pdli't!kal power for 'a socialistrepublican alliance, 'which could never have won on the basis of urban workers only or small farmers only. So under a calm surface, there are real changes in the 'Countryside, 1:lhoug'h rthev wiM only begin to emerge in this election.

Social services
By PROFESSOR KAIMCAUDLE TO ESTABLISH a high standard of social services in Ireland is difficult for three good reasons, but for three equally good reasons this is an eminently desirable objective. The three difficulties are widely known and acknowledged to be unalterable-at least over the next five years-e-by any government whatever it's politics. The under Ifilfteen's and over sixty-five's, the age groups requiring most social services are a larger proportion of t~e total population than in any other Western European country. We have 74 people in the dependent age groups for every 100 of working age: in Britain the corresponding figure is 54. The average productivity per man actually working, whether in agriculture, manufacturing or the service industries, is low by European standards. Thus the economic frame-work does not favour high level social services. Furthermore. in a society which needs to attract overseas capital and know-how for economic expansion and which has a very high propensity to emigrate, high rates of taxation on business profits or personal incomes are hardly practical. Well devclopec social services are desirable as inequalities of income in Ireland are exceptionally large, quite possibly (depending on the definition) larger than any in Western Europe. The .incomes of many small farmers and unskilled labourers are decidedly lower than in other countries, 'While the prolfessicnal classes - teachers, local government officers, civil servants, doctors-have incomes very similar, if not higher, to those in England or Scotland. Our peculiar demographic characteristics, a low marriage rate, i.e. a proportionately large numlber of single people and a high fertility rate i.e. many farnilies having large numbers of children, also makes for great inequaN.'t!iesin standards af 'liwng. The 18 a week man who is single is worlds apart financially from his brother who earns the same wage but has eight children

size of the State budget for agriculture grows from year !to year, but is used Without imagination to prop utp an inefllllcient and antiquated agriculture structure. So on the face -of things, nothing has changed. NoIw the new prospect of jam tomorrow arises from the hope mat this time, apres de Gaulle, we may get into Europe, and then, hey presto, our farrrrina will suddenly become efficient, dynamic and profitable. By ehen we hope, existing EJE.C. surpluses in some elf

our major export lines (these just now are wrecking world markets in ference. And on the face of it the two opposition policies ueve superficial s,im'ilarities, 'though their long term Intentions are Quite different. Both agree on downgrading the Department of Agriculture. !Both envisage the development of real democracy in the control of farm policy by farmers. Both recognise terrible past and present failures in product development and marketing Which they promise to rectify. In

to support. Both these inequalities could be ameliorated by re-distributive social services. The desire of going into Europe is another reason for baving a pattern and standards O!f social services reasonably similar to those countries which will form one day an expanded European Economic Community. In all of these countries, standards are already higher than in Ireland and have !been increasing rapidly in recent years. Three programmes All three political parties have expressed themselves in favour not merely of increasing expenditure on social welfare, but in spending an increased proportion of an increasing national income on income maintainance, health and education. This much is common ground between the Third Programme of Economic and Social Development whioh may be taken as Fianna Fail's Programme, !Fine Gael's Social Welfare Policy and the Labour 'Party's Outline Policy. The latter lives' up to it's name in that it outlines policy 'but does not contain definite proposals in quantitive terms. The Fine Gaelrprogramme in contrast is quite precise and shows that it's authors are knowledgeable about the problems at issue and have done their homework. They propose an expansion of iccomc mainta'inance services from 6.5% to 8.7% of gross national product prod-uct between 1968 and 1972. TIe government party rather more cautiously expect an increase in the same services to only 6.7% by 1972. 10 theory, 'Very large increases in old age pensions and children's allowances are quite possible. These benefits are transfers from the taxpayer and the social insurance contnibutcr to the 'beneficiaries. The real limitation to h~her benefits .is the unwillingness of all sections of the community to provide the means to assist the old, the ill and the young. An expansive social policy must be 'based on a successful incomes policy. If all producers exert irresistible pressure for higher standards df 'living which absorbs all economic growth, then nothing is left over for higher standards of welfare 'benefits. During the last ten years the standard of living of widows, old age pensioners, the disabled and the unemployed has increased very much more rapidly than that elf either wage or salary earners. Certainly, since t 963 the record of the Government in social policy has been a creditable one and charges that recent increases in benefits are mere electioneering, seem unfounded and unduly cynical. The Fine Gael proposals for the future are more radical and more wel'fare-orientated than those of the government party. There is every reason to Dink that they are capable of implementation if, and only if, inflationary pressures from demands for higher incomes can be contained. The Labour Party is committed to even more radical reforms. It is. however, difficult to assess fhe oracticsb'ilicy of proposals which are only presented in outline.

In the field of income maintainance all three parties have similar objectives-c-higher benefit rates, a reduction in the age at which old age pensions are received, the introducing of earnings related benefits and roforrning Horne Assistance -l'hey 'Only differ in advocating these changes at difTerent speeds.

reached for "The Hidden Ireland"; Dublin intelligentsia for their Joyce. For the Gaelic League culture W1S a National thing, "enshrined' in the ll.anguage: for the Dublin bourgeoisie it was an Individual thing enshrined in their hearts. H is no business of this genera-

In health policy the divergences are much greater. The Labour Party is clearly committed to 'free hea!lth services to all citizens without distinction, Fine Gael advocates free health services for all except the higher income groups. These are ito be financed partly by social insurance contributions. Fianna Fail wants to adhere to the policy expressed in the White Paper on the Health Services published in 1966. Free health services are to be provided only to those groups of the population who cannot afford to arrange !for them privately. This implies, of course, an incomes and means test as a permanent 'feature of the health services. No political party can provide heatlh services without the cooperation of doctors, dentists, nurses and other health service workers. This co-operation will only be forthcoming if these professions will receive remuneration on much the same scale as their colleagues across the Channel. And policy attempting to provide health services on the 'Cheap tis !bound to fail-irrespective of which party is in power.

Cultural revolution
By EOGHAN HARRIS In the 50's the 'Word "culture" produced owo Goerdrrg-like reactions; provincial intellectuals

tion to rake sides dn that Byzantine corrtroversv or to decide the relative merits of ars gratia de Valera as against ers gratia artis. Culture, long since outside 'Ireland has expressed the totality of a community's social activity. It .is in this sense that we carr really speak of a cultural revolution in Ireland in the past ten years. [But if 'we reject the Gaelic ideology because it was paternalistic and the Dublin ideology because it was individualistic we cannot therefore help noting that an extraordinary tolerance is being shown towards Its by-child the Concensus a charming child who like rtJhe up and coming son of a retiring T.!D_ tells us he is just like Daddy only slightly different. This new orthodoxy pretends that politicaj change occurs 'by individual decision; that policies are "sold" to a market (the electorate) through - and here no analogy is necessary - advertising. The Consensus [Ideology sees all larger socio-economic movements as peripheral to the political process, whose motor is the inspired cunning of an aggregate of snipe grass T.D.'s In this (kind of rationale bodies such as the 'Labour Left 'or the 'Fine Gael social democrats are merely ideological irritants in the neat chaos of political free enterprise. This is the theme of Dr. Thornley's "realistic" account of Irish politics in this year's Times Annual Review. The consensus ideology in its social applications

can only harrdle symptoms. Thus John Healy tells us that no one shouted stop-but he never <tellsus why. To do so would mean a consideration of property, class, and privilege in an Irish small town whose bourgeoisie was 'growing strong under the protectionist policy of the Eianna \Fail 30s-in short a cultural analysis. The endearing arrger of ehe Healy-Thornley orthodoxy at best provides the individualistio orgasm of a "7 Days" loss of temper, at worse the paternaj and increasingly meaningless gruntings of Backbencher. Yet everyone in llreland [knows what the new consensus explicitly denies-e-thet there has ibeen 13. profound change in the tone of this country's cultural experience over the past ten years and in our definition of the word. The changes have occurred in ecorromics, in society and in conceptual beliefs and in the order mentioned. To identi.fy symptoms of change ,is easy - television has ohanged our Hves: the Vatican Council bes altered our Ibe'Joiefs;urbanisation has removed much Qf the rurad idiocy Marx spoke of and replaced ift by more su'btle Ipa<tihdlogies. Alrl nhese things have changed us, but which hasr done most, in what 'degree, which came first. These are the kind of chicken and egg questions that the symptomatic critiques never 'answer. To find a binding principle of change it is merely necessary to do a 'little thinking on the total cultural field and a little of it renders up the answer, which is chis: The notion of authority which uph-olds any conservative ruling class has been firmly and relentlessly under challenge here over the past ten years. iIa Greece authority is explicitly eyrannloal-> in Irelerrd ,it is modified to paternalism. The reaction 'of intelligent people is always similar to resist and to pursue democracy. The most successful practitioner of authority in ilreland 'was 'the Catholic Ohureh. (t\fter Vatican iN marry of .its pillars were damaged and it was seen that if this institution could no longer discipline, n-o other body could hope to stand including the Fianna !FaiJ party. About the same time communication in the unlikely form of \Gay Byrne came to chart ohe process. Since then the Pianna !Fail .party has had slightly more success in obstructing the 'Unpleasant 'business of free speech then the ilrish hierarchy, but neither institution is untouched in its conceptual base. 'But [arger than any of these important changes has ibeen che economic transf-ormation of the Irish middle-class 'in response to the immediate needs of industrialisation and the :more distant ones of modern capitalism. The modest dl1SS of the 30's enjoying the modest benefits of protected :trade was wilting to protect, that is limit, its speech. Sean Lernass end Free Trade required a more '1lh.ruJsting bourgeoisie-s-and .Free Trade requires for dts success an eqtrivalent amount o!f!free speech. The uneasy fluctuations of book censorsbjp te-

fled a new class wriggling uncasiby into a new cul1tur"d stabihry, and wondering !holw fa'r dt ought to go. Affluence aItd industrialisation, however, carry inevitably their own antithesis. The sons and daughters of the new middle-class are in the S.n.A. and the College of Art ginger groups; 'their younger brothers .in tile Young !Socialists and the Fine Gael Youth Groups. Instead of 'reflecting toot only 'a third of 1% 'of their 'Working class br-others 'get into university and thanking God for their good fortune as their parents did, they seem intent on sharing their privileges and pointing up the frustralions of the growing but relatively silent unbam working class, 'Meanwhile economic dictates are creatirrg west of the rShannon 'one of the last rural proletariats .in western Europe. It is authority exercised from here or from abroad that makes these things happen. And it 'is authority that ds being questioned. At the moment the challenge is led by the children 'Of affhience. It is oufy a matter of time before those with more fundamental grievances begin 10 apply the techniques of resistance. 'It iIl1I1y well be as Prionsias Mac Aonghusa recently remarked, that these issues will not flrrd a :full expression in this election . Jt may be that none of the political parties is either willing IQf able to express constructively this challenge to a seedy concept of authority which derives from the rights to 'property, but with or without the political parties the process 'Still goes on. lIt 'is the only 'process which in spite of snipe grass men will produce the political character of .lreland for the next half century. The '65, election 'barely escaped the consequences olf the coltural revolution. This general electiorr will have to reckon with it and in the election which will shortly follow the challenge ',wiY he decisive. ELECTION MACHINERY

aims, ideals and passions had eroded-some of them had been aohieved-and there was no great aim to unify and to enthuse men and women to activity and even sacrifice. The party suddenly felt naked without its base as Government. It was then that Party Management took over. It was then that the Fianna Fa:il machine as it is known today really came into existence and reached its peak at election times. That machine in tlle 21 years since then has 'become famous in Ireland. Its efficiency wiIi be demonstrated in these election weeks as about 20,000 Fianna Fail electi'on workers operate it. Already Mr. Charles Haughey, Minister for Finance, has been appointed Director of Elections. !He will work with his important Organisation Committee, now transformed and developed into a national election committee. The National Office wilth its normal staff of six will be swollen into a staff of about 20, apart from the voluntary part-time workers. That Office will be in -oonstant touch with Mr. Haughey and with every Comhairle Coontalr secretary in the organisation. The precise aims will be Ito guarantee that every one of the 1,800,000 eJectors are canvassed in the Fianna Fail interest and this will 'be done. Mountains will be climbed, hills and valleys walked and every village visited in this task. Tn addition every district near a polling station will be well supplied with posters, leaflets, poLling cards (unofficial). Special attention will be paid to any lukewa.rm Eianna Fail people or :to those who i,t is thought may have voted against the Referendum proposals. It is still a good machine although the reduction in the number of young members joining recently will weaken it. But much of its strength lies in its finanoing, That machine, on National Collection Day brings in about 40,000. In an election year, N!ke the present, it will double that sum, perhaps. In addition there is the Taca organisation which last year brought in an additional 40,000, making a total of 80,000. This election year that Taca sum will jump. lln addition the Taoiseach will write to thousands of businessmen 1Jhroughout the country seeking contributions to the election fund. A total of 100,000 for the election might not be an exaggeration. It is ill. formidable machine, more formidable in its money-raising potential than any other party. Fine Gael's machine is built on similar lines but is much weaker. It has not the tight organisation in branches or Cornhairle Ceantair as Fianna Pail nor has .it the same amount of money. But it also has its substitute for Taca. It can "screw" money out of businessmen also, but has not the success in its national collection. A great nua:rtber of Pine Oaet1l T.D.s, and leaders also are businessmen and subscribe handsomely to their party funds at least at election times. Almost 'a'Jil, of the 'Hne Gael T .D.l'5, unlike Hanna 'Fail, finance their

,,,By guess or

by God"
By MICHAEL MciNERNEY A leading Fianna Fail statesman once said: "When ideals fade party management becomes supreme." He was referring to the period 1948 when the Inter-Party Government had defeated Fianna Fail and when that party was in a crisis of organisation. Ilt had been for some years a kind of unofficial agent of Government, its Deputies a new kind of. Ombudsman linking the Government and the people and as such had enormous influence. Suddenly, in Opposition, all those unifying influences had disappeared and Pianna Fail became just another political party. 'lt was a crisis for Pianna Fail. National

own campaigns. iln this sense Fianna Fail retains control over the selection of candidates: money does not-or did not-buy a place in the panel of candidates. Yet Fine Gael is built somewhat on the brilliant structure originated b v de Valera on Sinn Fein in 1917 and retains some of its effectiveness. lBut it is far from the efficiency of Flanna Fail. It has, however, a most efficient Head Office with just as many on the staff as the Grand Old Party and with a most fruitful public relations officer, something more than Fianna Fail has got. Fine Gael still retains some genius that enables it to secure the most successful public meetings, rallies and Ard Fheiseanna, which, however, are more a standing ovation than an Ard Fheis. Compared with these two professional machines that of the Labour Party used to 'be pathetic although characterised by intense devotion and enthusiasm, but little expertise. Today, howev-er, the situation is transformed. The Party now has produced a really firstclass election manual of about 30,0Cl0 words. It gives clear instructions Ito all workers in all sections of election work. In addition the party membership has doubled at least and so there will be many more branches, polling station groups and more efficient Directors of Elections. Former supervision of polling stations was "By Guess and By God" and typical of this was the last general election in Dublin South-East where there was almost no organisation and where, tragically, Dr. Noel Browne W3iS defeated by about 400 Fine Gael transfers. The new organisation is built almost on the lines of Rianna Fail, but with some distinct improvements, still kept most confidential. Lacour plans also to visit those 1,800,000 electors with its quite excellent election manifesto, handbills, polling cards etc. and to mark that vital election register so that transport on polling day will take the right people to the vote. Like Fine Gael it has also an excellent press officer. La.fbour still seems to lack, however, that gift for inspiring continuous drive and effort throughout the whole campaign. iIn this the Deputies in Flanna Em and Fine Gael play the leading role, as they do in building their parties. The Labour TJD., or most of them still think in terms of their own bailiewick rather than in national terms. Party management comes before ideals. Here lies Labour's weakness in this election for even in their own constituencies the T.D. is not the leader nor the inspirer. Perhaps this election will show a change. One tJhing is certain. There will be a bigger poll than ever before: Labour will do very well in Dublin but will have a fight to win extra seats elsewhere, Fianna Pail will put up their biggest fight ever to retain power and Fine Gael will make its biggest bid for power.

NEW FACES

Would you believe a choice?

PROINNSIAS MAC AONGHUSA SUPPOSE tbe famed men from Mars were to arrive, that eregressive and reactionary divisions in politics were to Ibe explained to him and tha t !he was then asked to gauge where Childers and MacEntee, Barret and Cosgrave. Tully and Cluskey stood, could he, m fairness, be blamed for not realising they belong to opposing parties? Ohilders is a conservative's con-

In fact, the man is not without influence, and his old friend MacEntee, from the shadows, can manipulate Government thinking with skill. iI cannot see that there is any real choice between the parties ably represented by these six reactionaries. I accept that where there is a very bad Government and a <Very bad opposition it is wise to oust the 'Government, put the opposition into office and reverse the procedure at the earliest possible opportunity. On these grounds II favour the replacement of. the Fianna Fail administration by an Inter-Party Government, and I believe that such a change would bring about a great many sbortterm improvements. Among these would be the end of the Criminal

servative, Maclsntee has disgraced the country time and again. most recently on the issue of the Greek Fascists; Barret, to judge by his Dail statements, favours a police State, Cosgrave gives the appearance of being nat just a friend but a client of. the most reactionary elements in the United States administration; Tully belongs to the lumpen proletariat and just about hates anyone likelv to read anything beyond the Irish Independent, Oluskey, by his intimate connections with the unspeakable Mayor Daley, has brought total dishonour upon himself and brought his party still deeper into public contempt. These are important men. They are listened to with respect in their parties. In some cases they are the rulers of their parties. Mr. Cosgrave leads Fine Gael, and Mr. Tully's influence in the Laibour Party is far, far greater than that of the noisy young men who imagine they are in a 'with-it party of the left. Colleagues joke that Childers attends Cabinet sneetings all right, but is not allowed to sit at the same table with the others.

Justice Bill, which at the time of writing is not yet an Act. 'But since, for strange reasons best iknown to themselves, the inner Lalbour leadership has decided to keep Fianna HEI in office by refusing to participate in any kind of Cooperative Government with the other conservative party, we are left without the possibilitc of change. There is no socialist party on offer, and it seems that Sinn !Fein is too busy with its inner conflicts to participate on this occasion. Does this mean that as far as those who would wish for change and a real improvement in the governing of this State, the election will be a farce and another Parliament of Bums will be elected? To a very large extent Lbelieve that to be the case. Flanna Fail will lose about 7 seats, Labour may have <i. net gain of two over its 1965 achievement, Fine Gael will win two or three seats more and about four or five Non-Parry deputies will probably be returned. But that is not a change- N.or would it be a real change if Fine Gael or Labour were to add a half dozen seats to

their present numbers. For power rests in Government, not in a well represented Opposition. While parties are afraid to take over Government responsibility, becanrse of fear based on their own past weaknesses or else distrust of their own potentiallMinisters, democracy suffers and people's respect for the democratic system grows Jess and less. A party might well have the best policies .in the world but while it remained in opposition that would not matter in the least to the citizens. \Vhat concern is it for the ordinary man in the street that the policies of X party are the best when he knows that for some 'principle' or other X party refuses to be in Government and put its policies into practice? The dog-in-the-marrger attitude of Labour can play havoc with democracy. But it might do more harm to Labour than to the other parties. For when the end result of Labour's antics and gyrations is seen to be the return of yet another Pianna Fail Government, people's anger will 'be great. By 'people' in this particular context, I mean those who may put their trust in Labour in the coming election, those who think a vote for LaJbour is a vote for change, a vote for a new Government. Pick candidates best qualified So there is no credible alternative on offer. In that case the only action open to the elector who wants to se-e Ireland. improved is to ignore party labels on this occasion. Indeed, see ing that any difference between the existing Leinster House parties is only marginal this will present little diffioulty. The cnsy question for the responsible elector should be: which of the candidates on my list is the best qualified, which is the next best qualified and so 00. In this way all three parties might be somewhat improved and, perhaps, who knows, something better may be on offer the next time. I have no section of the 'different parties in mind when I recommend this course; nor do J think people should stick to candidates nominated by the Leinster House-registered parties. Mr. Finnucane in North Kerry, sponsored thy local farmers' clubs, may well be worthy of a vote, for example. lMy idea is that people who have shown courage. independence and conscience should be placed well ahead of the hacks served up by the three party machines. And if you examine the full lists when they are published you will find that 'the backs will be in the majority. Hacks are safe; parties like safe men. In spite of everything and his occasional foolishness the candidate I would place at the head of any list of good men is Dr. Noel Browne. When the hard battle was being !fought he was not found wanting. Good men are still very scarce; this State cannot spare even one and the re-election of Noel Browne in South-East Dublin would be a definite step in the proper direction. Garret FitzGerald will

also be a candidate in the same con, stituency. He would add lustre to any parliament and he could certainly dominate the kind of Dail;"; we generally see. I hear that Peadar Mac an Iomaire, a teacher in Tuarn, is to stand as a Gaeltacht Civil Rights candidate in West Galway. He is a well-thought-of young man and. if it were for no other reason but to break the death-grip which :Rianna Fail has on the unfortunate people of rthe Gaeltachta, it would 'be well worth while supporting him. If Fianna Fail is to lose a seat in West Galway-and no one at this time thinks it wlll-e-Mac an Jomaire is the man most likely to take it. Sean 'Brosnan, an intelligent barrister, county courrcijlor, Teinltyman, Irish speaker and, curiously, the famed Captain of Kerry foothall teams a quarter of a century ago or more, will stand for Fianna Fail In North East Cork. He would certainly improve the present representation of that constituency, and we could be sure he would leave no scandalous Ietters in his trail- I do not know if Senator Eoin Ryan will either seek or get a Fianna Fail nomination. 'But ~f he were nominated for any area decent men and
women could not Ida

fine candidates in their very different 'Ways. Senator Jack Fitzgerald of Labour deserves the yates of the articulate and decent citizens of Meath. He is a man of integrity who rfinds himself caught up in very dubious company. And, to give him his due, Michael O'Leary has well earned the r ight to another term in the Dail. A little too cute for comfort, perhaps, but not cunning in any nasty sense of the word. IHe scraped in by a miracle the last time; this time he well deserves a first count election. Revolutionary politics Sam Nolan stands for the first time as a Workers' Party candidate. I have known Sam now for about 16 years and can say nothing but tlbe best about him. He is a [oyal, dedicated, honest and honourable oommunist. 'He has never hidden his revolutionary politics. W1hv should he? Dai l iEireann would certainly be a livelier and more vital place if it had even one Communist deputy. Sam's vote will be interesting to watch. One name stands out in that list by his non-appearance in it. But let there be no doubt about it; if I had a vote in Dublin North East my first preference would go to Dr . Conor Cruise O'Brien, and I hope that those living there who read this piece will do the same. He is a complex man. It is silly to say one is for O'Brien or against him; he is t<10 big for that. He is a great intellectual, a first class journalist, a clear thinker, a man of courage, brains and integrity. It may be hard to know what he is doing in the present Labour Party but his stay there milght nat be too long. But, in or out of a Party, he should be in Dail lEireann and the country would gain enormously by his election. Any other good man left? Yes, of course, Justin Keating in North Dublin. He should make it. And John Tully, the lone republican in Cavan, will, I hope, be a member of the 19th [Jail. Anyone else? Well, 'Of course, in Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown there is myself, whom .J would like to place in the list of honourable candidates but the editor is unlikely to allow me to can.vass [or myself in these pages. Break down the barriers for a better Dall AU in all, we could have a better Dail ii a determined effort were made to break down the meaningless barriers of the three Leinster House parties. But that is all the change that can 'be made. Fianna iFlii'l's best frienP in need, the Irish Labour Party, 'has come to its rescue again.

ocecr

I1Ihan to

support him. He is one of the most honest men in public tife today. If Declan Costello were a candidate, naturally enough I would hope he would get the maximum vote possible. The fact that he appears to 'be withdrawing from pu'blic life is a reflection on public life in general. One of those in Fine Gael who supported Declan was T. F. O'Higgins. He stands this time in the new South Dublin Constituency and is, without the slightest doubt, the most distinguished and 1ID0stcapable candidate there. He well deserves to top the poll. Colourful and conscientious In South Tipperary iI would, naturally enough, Iavour and recommend the Republican Labour (non-party) candidate, Councillor Sean Healy. !He is a fine candidate by any standards and would make a most colourful and conscientious deputy. It is only fair to sav that Noel Davern, a 'Flanna Fail candidate in the same area, has also the makings of a first rate parliamentarian and deserves a high vote. I hope both are elected. If Seamus Costello were run.ning in WiokIow, as he was in a fairly recent by-election, he would be the best man in that fight. But my information is that, in common with alI other Sinn Feiners, he will not contest. A pity. There are quite a few others who deserve support because of their courage in the past. Tom O'Donnell of Fine Gael in Limerick is one of these; so is Tony Pratsche of !Labour in the same county. Paddy Harte of Fine Gael in Donegal North East and Maurice O'Connell, whether he stands as Non Party or as Fine Gael, in a Dublin division are two

Suppleme1l Corrigan Photographs

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by Ltd. with

and Wilson

by arrangement

Irish Times

even if others do not approve. I think however, the limit would be exceeded if, for example, someone were to suggest the Jesuits should be allowed to marry.
Has that been suggested?

Not seriously,but the idea has been put forward.

Was there any serious question arising within your Order to which you said No?

I am sometimes blamed for not having done so up to now.

Father Schoenenberger, we talked about the obedience of the Jesuits, but there are vows of poverty and chastity taken as well. Have they become a problem?

Not the vows. But the significance of the ideal of poverty and the practical form which the living of this ideal can and should take are the subject of wide-spread discussion within the Order.
Does the opinion exist, for example, that a Jesuit, if he is a sought-after lecturer and netted

solemnly. Is this phrase of Ignatius valid only geographically'wherever' --or dogmatically as well -'whatever' ? From Ignatius's thought and the Order's own understanding of itself
both elements belong to it. The

ecclesiasticalsuperiors in a way which we cannot today.

But today Jesuits are still asked to make white black, for example

by Arrupe in his letter which we

mentioned earlier. We would like to quote the key sentence. Arrupe writes about the ideas in Paul VI's encyclical on birth control and the Jesuit: "These ideas might not have been his own in the beginning, but he will discover their priority overriding his own understanding". Arrupe assumed that this would be the case and he goes on: "No fear shall prevent us then from proclaiming, if necessary publically the change of onr previous opinion". That is a call for retraction. Yes to the pill becomes No, white becomes black.

5 a night, should be allowed to keep the fee? Both the opinion exists and the situation.
As in the case of poverty, is there a similar discussion about chastity?

present Pope can therefore not only command where Jesuits should go but also what they should do.
Among German Jesuits a different opinion has spread since General Arrupe asked them to change their ~g on the question of

birth control and say No to the pill with the Pope. The two Provincials of the Federal Republic,
Krauss in Munich and Ostermann

in Cologne, refused to do so on
the basis for example, that obedience to the Pope was to be under-

stood geographically and not dog: matically. The majority of Jesuits will not be able to identify themselves with this very narrow interpretation. Is the other tenet of Ignatius,
the founder of your Order, that a Jesuit will have to make white black when the hierarchy wants

Following the General's letter a comprehensivecorrespondencebetween Father Arrupe and different Brothers and Provincialsensued. Father Arrupe however explained again and again that he did not intend to limit the study of these questions in any way, despite impressions which might arise from a first reading of this letter.
Leaving Amsterdam to one side for a moment; can you give us an example of a case where a Jesuit must either obey or else leave the Order?

it, still as valid as it was four

hundred years ago?

If you place such a quotation which is over 400 years old suddenly into the twentieth century, then it is naturally out of place. I want to go even further and ask how it could have gained such importance at the time in the Jesuit way of life. I think myself that the men of the 16th century saw God's presence in their

Celibacy certainly is not being discussed, though there has been talk about whether the vow of chastity means that a woman should not play any part at all in the life of a Jesuit; or could one imagine this vow having a valid meaning-not a hypocritical one-in the case where a woman does playa part in the life of the Jesuit. There was discussion in the U.S. on whether Jesuits in training, that is while they are still candidates for the priesthood, should be allowed cultivate friendship with a girl and say go out with her, visit a theatre or go to the beach. This represents the third way of life. The first way is living with a woman, this is marriage. The second way is a life of strict celibacy in the sense of a man who livesonly with God. The way in which the very real problem of the place of a woman in a priest's life is dealt with in discussing the "third way of life" is not at all serious enough in my opinion. Shonld a woman only .play a
part in the life of a Jesuit until he has taken his vows, or afterwards as well?

Well, my opinion on this point differs somewhat from some of the other Fathers in the General Staff. Contrary to the opinion of some prominent Fathers I sometimes think that some behaviour can be tolerated

The only discussion up to the present has been centred on the

13

training period and whether contact with women should be prevented in the future as it has been in fact for many generations past. I think one should allow the ideal of a celibate life to develop during this training period through contactwith the opposite sex, with a woman. There are many things in dispute in the Catholic Church, from original sin to celibacy and the prerogatives of the Pope. Has a Jesuit got the same freedom as another priest to express himself critically on such questions? If you were to ask me where the freedom of the Jesuit ceases, I would reply that I cannot know in advance. In my opinion it is no longer possible today to determine 'a priori' that means prior to examination, the limits beyond which the answer to a question may not go. Father Schoenenberger, as a priest and a Jesuit, are you allowed

some Jesuits and other priests it is not. It is important here for the leaders of the Order to have enough confidence in the theologians. I would consider suspect any authoritarian control of theological research and discussion. Did Paul VI's encyclical on birth control create problems of conscience for many Jesuits? Or to put it another way, were those Jesuits who thought differently from the Pope on this question many or few? For many Jesuits engaged in pastoral work or theological research the encyclicalhas intensified the latent problem of authority. There is considerable evidence that the encyclical caused problems of conscienceamong Jesuits; but I don't think that their number has been changed very much by the encyclical. Like most of my Brothers I am not happy that the Pope expressed himself in this way. This above all because

As long as you speak about the problem of authority in such a general way, no Catholic will contradict you. Could you not state a little more specifically how the Pope should use his authority if he were to act as you would have him do? I do not want to talk about the Pope in particular but primarily about the use of ecclesiastical authority. Even today I think it quite desirable that the heads of the Church say what they think. Well, Paul VI does that quite sufficiently. Ouly he thinks and talks like a minority of his Church and tries to impress his opinion on the majority by authoritarian means. That is the problem of authority in the Catholic Church. We are coming to a point now which I believe to be extremely important. In my opinion a valid interpretation of authority should not lead to repressive actions. More simply it should convince, not demand. Yes. In the past, the Popes could enforce their convictions. Today we face the simple fact that the Pope can no longer do so. The reactions to the encyclicalson celibacyand birth control have shown this. Anxious Catholics would ask what is left then of authority? When a man in a qualified position expresses his convictions, his opinion has more significancethan that of the man in the street. In this way he can exercise his influence, all the more in a Church where, despite all present day criticism, there is considerable desire for dialogue with authority, a desire to be listened to and to be taken really seriously. What troubles me is the fact that today very few are prepared to face the questions that are asked of them or to let themselves be called into question. This is what must happen. What will that lead to in the Catholic Church? The past teaches what happens if one does not act so. The Church often had the answer ready too quickly, without quite listening to the questions of the time, and she nearly always suffered defeat. One need only recall philosophy, socialism] science] the property question. I believe that the Church must abandon this attitude completely, and soon] if she wants to have a future. Father Dr. Schoenenberger, thank you for this interview.

to talk in this way? Where a dogma is concerned the answer is already fixed in advance. Take for instance the virgin birth which is currently being discussed. A Jesuit is allowed to ask himself whether or not the virgin birth is a historical and a biological fact. But he already knows his answer, becausethe virgin birth is a dogma. It is true that for many priests, and naturally for many Jesuits also, the answer is already known] but for

I see the working of authority in the Church somewhat differently. In my opinion authority in the Church today should no longer work in a repressive
way.

Is this feasible? I think it is. I am thinking here of my Dutch friends. They show us that a spiritual community as the Catholic religious community is or should be, can and must live by what it accepts positively. That is the Gospelof Jesus Christ.

"

This month's report team, in attempting to report on the latest happenings in the Irish revival movement, considered the events so significant that they demanded analysis rather than report. One team offers the following critique ... IRISH? A LANGUAGE OR A CAUSE? On the night of April 14th, R.T.E. viewers settled comfortably to hear 'Right of Reply' air predictable variations of an old melody-R.T.E's policy on Irish. What they saw instead still agitates the corridors of the Gaelic establishment and its dynamic is growing. Eoghan O'hAnluain, normally a mild bespectacled lecturer in Irish in St. Patrick's training college and editor of Comhar became a one-man accusation. Index finger stabbing and fist pounding the studio desk he shouted out a searingattack on government and commercialhypocrisytowards Irish and the Gaeltachts. Giving life to his performance was the fiasco of an R.T .E. programme broadcast from a new hotel near Spiddal, Teach Forba, owned by a Mr. Bill Fuller. Among the highlights of the episode were Dolly McMahon's ingenuous introduction of the Sheeling quartet (Sheeling is the name of another Fuller hotel, of which Miss McMahon is the P.R.O.) and her husband's plaintive suggestion to the Gaeltacht Civil Rights Committee that "only for Bill Fuller" more of the boys and girls of Carraroe would be on the boat. Normally 'beelbochtery' of this sort is ignored if the offender is in the 'gluaiseacht', Eoghan O'hAnluain's refusal to play consensus politics highlighted the new departure as did reactionto the programme.The switchboard at Montrose was jamed with calls from irate urban viewers expressing outrage and shock at O'hAnluain's lack of delicacy. And one of

Comhar's editorial staff resigned on similar grounds the followingday. But at the same time as the critical suburban rebukes poured into Montrose, 700 people stood in pouring rain at Ros an .M.hilharbour where some months ago a large American lobster boat was blown up. They were listening

intently as speakers from the newly formed Coiste Cearta Sibhiaita na Gaeltachta spoke on themes similar to O'hAn!uain's. It was a gathering of a size and determination unknown in that area in living memory. It heralded the arrival in politics of the Gaeltacht people themselves. It promised that the contradictions which O'hAn!uain had exposed would shortly become part of a national debate.

The 'Right of Reply' episode only becomes really meaningful in the context of the pattern of events over the past year. Early in the year Gaeltarra Eireann had declared profit as a criterion; Mr. Lenihan tried to withhold Comhar's grant; Inniu incited Gardai against Trinity students who protested against the 'Congo' monarchs from Belgium. In recent months Mr. Desmond Fennell called for an Israel in west Connacht; Mr. Fuller built a hotel in the Gaelracht; Four letter words were used to Mr. Faulkner in Dundalk; Comhdhail Naisiunta na Gaeilge's petition of 'daoine measula' was rejeeted by Sceim na gCeardcumman and Misneach; the Third Programme declared that the flight from the land will continue at about the same rate as during the Second Programme. In recent weeks The L.F.M. picketed another school; teachers in Dundalk were outraged by four letter words; another hotel was opened in Donegal with 35% grant of public money; the "United Irishman" called for the abolition of the 'official' language organisations and was rebuked by its old guard, Coiste Seasta; Maolseachlainn O'Caollai hinted at a move of Conradh na Gaeilge to the left and Sean O'Tuama was more explicit. What does all this mean? To Comhdhail Naisiunta na Gaeilge and the establishment it represents something of that unintelligible frenzy which is possessing students and intellectuals. Like the French Communist trade unions last May, they feel that a mixture of concessionsand repressions will blow the frenzy away,

and allow them to resume their cosy bargaining system (20,000 ag caitheamh an fainne daite), productivity agreements (5% more Irish on R.T.E.) and redundancy payments ("Minister will address London Irish"). An alternative explanation would mean taking Sean O'Tuama at his word and providing a left wing critique to match the move to the left. This critique would accept Connolly'sbelief that language and socio-economic reality are inseparable and that Irish was destroyed because English capital needed to create "a world in its own image". Since the 'daoine measula' were the first to submit to oppression, the lessons for today would be embarrassingly obvious. It would be clear that Irish was the spearhead of the national resurgence, 1900 to 1921, because of the promise of a new world. The compromise of the Free State removed that promise and so Irish became as Ernst Cassirer would say 'a petrifact'. Throughout the paternalistic and protectionist 30's it served the De Valera establishment as a ritual exorcism of the pangs of conscience, hiding the fact that since only the middle classes received second level education, only tbey could learn tbe language-in school. For the remainder of the working class, after the one million had emigrated, Irish was presumably to be learned by voluntary effort. This would correspond to the contemporary belief that individual almsgiving was superior to social welfare. The middle classes of the '60's, engaged in preparation for a movement from policies of Protection and self sufficiencyto Free Trade (the Common Market cult began about eight years ago), needed a new cultural expression of their economic intent. Even the ritualistic concessions towards Irish could not be allowed to survive. And so the L.F.M. was born. For the new middle class Irish still held reminders of a different way of living, one hostile to the profit motive and the Anglocontinental culture. Thus as the very

cartels destroyed the small shopkeeper, so the L.F.M. set about destroying the remaining symbol. Meanwhile the depoliticisation of Irish was pursued vigourously by the Comhdhail and Gael-Linn. The fact that urban Irish speakers liked records and books gave Irish its quota of profit and the grants system ensured quiescence. The Gaeltachts after all were quaint, suitable for building hotels for private individuals from

public money, with labour content for a few girls. Gaeltarra Eireann with newmanagementtechniquesabandoned its social subsidy role, but consensus politics dictated that no Irish speaker should query the economic basis of his movement's work. All parties subscribed to the ideal and the class war ended at the door of the ceili house. This kind of critique seems meaningless to the soidisant intellectuals of the Irish Language Movement. Reared on an uneasy mixture of Thomism and British 19th century individualism, any analysis of social change seems unintelligible to them. The absence of any knowledge of tbe writings of Merleau Ponty, Wittgenstein or Ernst Cassirer condemns them to the kind of quasi- ideologywhich is exemplified in the speeches of Labhras O'Murchu, whose endless condemnations of foreign, commercialculture never connects with the economicbasis of that culture. For him the fault lies with Gay Byrne or with "lack of national spirit" or with any other mystification that will hide the fact that the restoration of Irish is a social question. So far, the absence of a radical intelligentsia in touch with continental philosophers of language, has meant

that any left wing analysis must assume crude forms. Against tbe pseudo-philosophy of language as a badge of nationality few have been able to advance Marx or Wittgenstein's view that language is a social reality and not a badge of anything. The philosophic aridiry of tbe movement has allowed such idiocies as talk of 'restoring' the language, when it is clearly known by more people than it was in 1922. The problem is why it is not spoken. Without people the language has no meaning. Those who do speak it in the Gaeltacht are daily maltreated by tbe demands of tbe modem economic situation. In Ros an MhiI national school, 9 out of 10 children will emigrate. For 50 years now the Irish revival has been engaged in a doomed.search for a philosophy of languagetbat will allow us to restore the language some-where in our hearts whilst outside American capital rides roughshod. This extraordinary attempt to divorce culture from social reality is the inevitable result of the Victorian individualistic ideology, itself a product of the diversion of labour and which stands in direct antithesis to the Irish Revival belief that "ar scath a cheile a mhaireann na daoine". None of the intellectuals believe themselves to be under the spell of John Locke. But as Keynes pointed out, those who have no theory are prey to the discarded theories of the past. The confused events of the past year show that change is coming and that the 'trahison du clerc' is at an end. Somewhere soon the connection between hotels in the Gaeltacht, emigration from Connemara and the mindless affluence of the cities will be made. This new assessment will throw the Irish language into the front of the struggle to reconquer Ireland. Eoghan O'hAnluain can well afford to regard those Montrose phone calls as angry sounds from a complacent people that knows itself to be under attack.

JUNE,

1968

French 'Cultural Revolution' goes on somewhat abated. Effigies of de

Gaulle burned with glee. "Fine Gael are a private enterprise party-we are socialists" Brendan

Corish.
Political crisis in Italy-Socialists

resign from coalition.

Bishop Browne allows the lambs of his flock to dance because it is safer than letting them go drinking-

Invitation from Japanese government puts a good face on it. Unions ask for industrial democracy in ESE. HIs it not hypocrisy to impose sanctions on Rhodesia and not to deal with the situation in our own backyard?"-Paul Rose, M.P. in House of Commons on N. Ireland. "I am leader of Fine Gael and I intend so to remain"-Liam Cosgrave. Police beat up students as they leave Sorbonne to end their occupation, having been told by the rector, M.

JUNE,

1869

Mr. Motley, U.S. Minister arrives in Dublin and stocks go up. Cuban rebel prisoners to be shipped to Canary Islands. Roumanian Minister for the Interior denies he said he would harry the Jesuits out of the land. Fourteen Indians die in battle with U.S. cavalry at Fort Griffee. Whigs accuse Tory elements in Cork of "framing" the Fenians by putting up poor imitations of "revolutionary placards." Mikado moves to quell rebellion in secessionist Mokkaido. Libel action against the Times over inflammatory lies about murder of Mr. Bradshaw-a Tipperary landlord. Isaac Butt to prosecute. Rivers' owners ordered to erect grating across streams which are near mills. C. of I. Disestablishment: Lords decide that "so far as they can determine it, the rule of government and the principle of legislation shall be Orange Ascendancy in Ireland."

The Freeman's Journal.

Gladstone in sticky position. Whigs to make appeal to the Queen. Demonstration in Derry to protest "against the grievous wrong to which all classes of Protestants are subjected by the Irish Church Bill". After uproar bill finally passed by 33 votes. Pope Pius, sixth longest serving Pope celebrates his 24th anniversary.

(and all that that entails). Boozy, rowdy and expensive week-end at Clones (Fbeis) in the name of culture. Mr. Lenihan and Capt. O'Neill advises Welsh and Scottish Nationalists to hold on to Westminster link. Senator Robert Kennedy shot in the head and neck by Sirhan Shirhan's bullet after victorious California primary. 4,000 support French broadcasters protest against government use of national service as a propaganda media. President Tiro of Yugoslavia says be will resign if he is unable to solve student problem. TCD makes 4 women 'fellows'. Paris explodes again in anger at death of 17 year old student who, it is alleged, was forced by police to fall into the Seine. Blaiberg has a relapse. Norton's amendment finally thrown out. Phelim O'Neill expelled from the Orange Order for attending "RC" services. Lynch and Mrs. to go to Japan (expenses paid by Gulf Oil) to launch tanker 'Universe Ireland'.

Roche that they would be allowed to leave freely. Vocational teachers reject report of Tribunal on Teachers salaries. London heart transplant patient (West) dies. "My son was provoked by the unbalanced nature of Kennedy's speeches and statements"-Sirhan Shirhan's father. Aer Lingus Viscount wreckage located off Tuskar Rock. Referendum announced for October. 50,000 poor people march on US Capitol. British Rail strike-no mailboats. Micro Minis banned from Ascot Royal Enclosure. Gaullists win first round of general election. 71 killed in Buenos Aires soccer stadium stampede. "N.F.A. dispute is just a smoke screen to obscure the fact that they are unable to settle their differences with other farming organisations. Mr. Blaney-Minister for Agriculture. 22 million Ring Road plan for Dublin still doing the bureaucratic round. Craig introduces breathalysers in the North. Shoenman "quietly arrested" in London and deported-Again.

PaulO' Duryer was born in Mayo roughly 60 years ago. Last year he narrowly missed winning a seat in the United States Senate having had a difficult job even making the slate for candidates. His record of liberalism in the United States is well-known. He suffered ignominy during the "RedScare" years of Joe McCarthy because he was a union man. He formed a firm of lawyers specifically designed to help "little people with no power against big people with a lot of power". Today O'Dwyer's office is full of clients. But they are not the wealthy. They include GIs in Vietnam and young people at home who are awaiting the call-in for the war. Now he looks back on the history of one of his finest fights: he was the first American politician to come out strongly against the war. During a recent trip to the United States Henry Kelly talked to O'Dwyer in New York about the U. S., about Ireland, about war, about big business, about politics. The Irish come in for some harsh words, the U.S. for some equally caustic remarks. By the end, however, PaulO' Dwyer gives out not despair, although he has seen enough of it, but hope of the kind he looks forward to in a New America. Towards the end of May, O'Dwyer made a brief visit to Ireland. NUSIGHT: What do you think are the most fundamental issues facing the United States today? O'DWYER: The foreign policy. It's been causing us trouble for years now and the trouble is that there doesn't seem to be much difference between the J ohnson policy and that of President Nixon. I don't just mean Vietnam either, though of course this is very much part of the problem. What we suffer from is the whole military-industrial complex which has us spending 100 billion dollars each year on defence and this is before we even get started on the Anti Ballistic Missile Device. This means we spend 60 cents of every tax dollar on defence. And the ABM which adds to the costeveryone outside the Pentagon believes it will not work and will be very little use to us. Do you see any solution to the Vietnam War at present? Solutions vary of course but right now it would appear that we could get a coalition Government in South Vietnam. We cannot get this of course when the present Government has 2,200 non-Communist leaders in jail.
18

These are prisoners who felt there should be contact with all groups in the country. They wanted relations with the N.L.F. and the Viet Cong. Thieu and Ky had them in jail for the elections and even then only managed to get 34% of the popular vote. We must open the doors of the

PAUL O'DWYER "Some harsh words for the Irish" prisons and let out the people who are concerned with the future of Vietnam. How about gradual American withdrawal? We have records to say that the U.S. has half-a-million men under arms. The Viet Cong have half-a-million men under arms. The South Vietnamese have 1 million men under arms. Now if an army of a million men cannot control an army of half that size then there is something radically wrong. If we began moving out immediatelyI believeit would be a prelude to peace rather than slaughter. What about the domino theory? I don't accept it. Even if I did, how can we possibly be policemen to the world? This was agreed incidentally by all parties, including President Nixon in the Presidential campaign. Anyway this is too easy a theory. It suggests, doesn't it, that all the world acts alike in a given situation. But all countries have different culture, different reactions to different sets of circumstances.To accept the domino

theory we would have to accept that there is one great monolithic group called communism and we now know that theory is outmoded. Nationalism takes its place in any communismtake Czechoslovakiaand Vietnam. And the communist don't all get on well with each other either. The Vietnamese never trusted the Chinese, the Russians and the Chinese haven't got on well for years, Rumania and Hungary have had differing relationships with the Kremlin now for a long time. To accept this theory would give the impression that they were all marching in the same step. That I cannot accept. Is this being transmitted throughout the States? Let me give you an example. A student I know was up recently before the Committee on Un-American Activities-that's a sort of an oppressive group in Congress. They asked him the traditional questions so familiar in the days of joe McCarthy: 'Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist party?' He looked at them for a while and then said-"Are you crazy? The Communist party-they're almost as bad as you are". Now all he was attempting to say was that there are new approaches and new thinking which might bring some civilised behaviour on behalf of the nations and peoples of the world. Yes, I believe things are changing in this way for the better. How do you view the Irish in America? Well the early immigrants had a tough time. They came after a disastrous civil war and some had hardly any education. But they made out and contributed a lot and became good citizens. The Depression hit them badly and they came out of it as badly-hit as any group. Gradually as the Irish became affluent however, they became oppressive. Sad to say and strange for Irish people, they were among the groups who supported Senator Joe McCarthy; in fact they were probably his greatest supporters. Then, it is without question that conservatismwas their brand for many years. Recently however, there has been an awakening among the younger Irish people and I have visited universities and found them to the forefront in progressive thinking. Where do the Kennedys~ fit into this pattern? In this generation john Kennedy

was probably the first nonconservative Irish-American although of course there were many in previous generations in labour movements before the trade unions became conservative themselves. Now? I think Ted Kennedy will have no difficulty in getting a Presidential nomination in 1972 if he wants it. Whether he can beat Nixon of course is another matter-e-we have a habit of re-electing our Presidents. But then in 1972 he'll still be a young man. He has a gift too, of being able to iron out difficulties that his brother Robert encountered. Robert was dedicated to a cause and this often made him abrassive in connection with it. But Teddy holds his principles just as strongly and yet has a way of not pushing them to a point where they may generate a feeling of antagonism in those who are opposed to him. What about Ireland, the country? Well of course we see Irishmen and Irishwomen coming over and playing a part in this country's economics and industry. But then we look at the North of Ireland and see what's happening there and think that it's a strange thing that the world should be moving forward and differences dating back to the Reformation continue in that little spot. Irish foreign representatives have played their part also but there is a real tendency among smaller nations, not just Ireland, to be subserviant to the larger ones and I think they should get away from it. But successive Irish Ministers for External Affairs have accepted American foreign policy and gone all the way with it in many cases? Yes but this is a mistake. I think the one time they departed from this policy-in the question of the admission of Red China was an indication that they were coming of age. To me and to many others over here coming to the conclusion that 800 million Chinese did not exist just didn't make sense at all. And to be talking about disarmament when you didn't even hear the views of the great potential aggressor was equally ludicrous. I think when the Irish representatives departed from American policy on this issue they were using far more judgment and more intelligence than our own representatives. In the last few years we have seen Britain become a less great world power. Do you think this trend will continue? I think Britain has a lot more control than appears on the surface. When these people left colonialism they held on to the banks. Just like France.

The Bank of France in Saigon is a nice example of how they left us the war - and they kept the money. And while Britain supplies arms to Nigeria against the wishes of her own people and a good part of the world there is something in the fact that she is interested in the rich oil fields in the hands of the Biafrans. So don't be led astray by the apparent loss of control of the colonial powers. To turn to yourself for a moment, do you find politics tough going? Maybe, but I love it. I think this is the most exciting time and the things happening are the most exciting things. This period of time shows more promise for people to do something about trying to bring about politics that would give us a new dimension of decency in the world. It began last year and will continue. The awakening of the people of the world and of the United States to what was happening in Vietnam had a refreshing effect upon practically everybody. As time goes on we shall see more and more of this in evidence. Do you not put too much emphasis on the Vietnam issue? What about domestic issues? They are both connected with each other, But there is nothing we could not accomplish if we had the money. But remember I told you we spend 60 tax cents a dollar on defence. That's part of your answer isn't it? What are your hopes for the United States? I was a leader in the Chicago convention. For the first time we brought discussion on to the floor of the Democratic Parry Convention. What I saw there was not a disaster but growing pains. It means that democracy is trying to come into our lives and into its own. If we keep on at it we'll be able to accomplish it. Don't forget it took nearly 100 years to get the "No Catholic" sign off the White House and we did that with John Kennedy. Now we are succeeding in getting equal rights for all our Americans irrespective of colour. When the growing pains are over, what will your U.S.A. look like? It will look like the country that promised us in 1776 by virtue of its basic documents that there would be a world of decency and equality where people would be able [0 express themselves and accomplish whatever their talents permitted them to accomplish irrespective of religion or colour. It's a difficult job but if we work hard at it it'll come in time.

THE 'OLD RAG BONE'

ERIC BURDICK, at the reception held, in his own restaurant, The Quid Cod, to announce the publication of his second novel 'Old Rag Bone' wore a 1930ish Bonnie and Clyde suit. His manner, as he greeted his guests, were subduedly pleasant. Eric Burdick, at home in Sandymount, where he lives with his wife, Angela, and their five children, wears a psychedelic shirt with Orange collar and slopes around in creeper shoes.

getting drunk, getting arrested, bringing girls into the school-that sort of thing." And so he was shipped off, alone, to England. It was, he admits, a very frightening experience. However, he happened to be able to play the trumpet "very badly" so he gigged around, doing one night stands here and there. Then he decided to write. "I literally taught myself how to do it. He was very friendly (no, there was no sex involved) with a woman a great deal older than himself. And for two years
U

Sipping vodka and tonic, unwinding after entertaining his publisher for a week, he talks fast, gesticulating, bursting into laughter, suddenly sobering down, thrusting his early life behind him, not wanting much to talk about it. He is thirty-four. Born in Canada of Irish/Canadian parents, there was a Jew somewhere among his ancestors. It is true, he says, that he was expelled from every school to which he was sent. "I was just a rebel at heart. I didn't fit in." His family was wealthy - they "owned most of Canada" and when he was sixteen they "thought it advisable that he should leave the country." Why? "Oh, because of my bad record-

he wrote weekly essays on subjects set by her. It was during this period that as a means of livelihood he went into the rag and bone trade which is factually described in his latest book. He confesses that the two brothers in it are partly himself. But how did it feel being a down and out after coming from a wealthy family? "It was a nice business, in as much as you were in the market square. You were a free man. And you lived by your wits. I was very happy." After two years of wit sharpening and prentice writing he came to Ireland, lived in a gate lodge in Wicklow, existing on the few pounds he had managed to save from the rag trade.

He started to write his first novel 'I'm Coming Virginia.' On a trip to London during this time he met his wife and as soon as he finished the novel they got married. The novel was a tremendous success. "I achieved instant spray-on fame," he said with a laugh. Later his wife told me, "It was a very personal thingvery lonely-it dealt with a lot of things he had gone through himself, such as stealing cars when he was drunk, for example." Twenty five thousand copies of 'I'm Coming Virginia' were sold Eric Burdick says with pride, but there is a trace of bitterness in his voice when he goes on to talk of his second novel, only now published, but which he started to write immediately after his first. "My publishers considered it obscene and refused to publish it, even though they had an option on it. A. M. Heath, the biggest agents in Britain sided with them. I fought for four long years to get a publisher. Then I literally chucked the manuscript in a drawer and forgot ito" His wife was more dogged. She persuaded him to let her try her luck with it. He agreed, reluctantly, on condition that he should not be dragged into it. She sent it off to Hutchinsons and it was accepted immediately. Now it is being acclaimed by the literati of Dublin. How about this business of alcholic wards and psychiatric hospitals mentioned on the dust cover of his latest novel? He waves his hands, "Yes, yes, I've been in." And his conversion to Catholicism? HI went to these Jesuits in Farm Street in London, and I said to them: I need help. They trained me. Now I'm trying desperately to hold on." All right then. How come he was in the restaurant business? "Mter 'Virginia' I became a big time copy writer, but there was no where in Dublin where I could take my wife for a 'relaxed meal'-no where you could just sit down and slop and let the food come to you. So with all this money coming in from 'Virginia' we decided to build the kind of restaurant we liked to go to ourselves." The Ould Cod is in a basementwith a night club type of atmosphere. Simple food, beantifully cooked. "We do it ourselves, Angela, myself and my partner Frank Robinson." "Successful? Hal According to the Revenue Commissioners frightfully successful."

PALE PAISLEY
THE INTRIGUING thing about John Osborne is how he manages to go on writing such bad plays and get

away with it. Even the much-vaunted dramatic-ironing of Look Back In Anger looks very thin stuff thirteen
years later, and one can only suppose that at the time of its first production in May 1956 the English theatre was desperate for anything new, regardJess of quality. Osborne's fame is founded on protest, the fashionable occupation of our day and age, but it is rarely clear in any of his work why he is protesting-or at what. This is certainly true of Luther, which the Lantern bas been battling with recently. It is an unlucky dip of a play: a bit of Brechtian social

careless colloquial, heavily daubed with cloacal images. This latter manifestation fits in with Osborne's theory, borrowed lock, stock and barrel from a psychoanalytical interpretation by Erikson, that, if the church of Rome was founded on a pun, the Reformation had its origin in a privy. Osborne makes his point, then remakes it all over again so that one waits in dismay for the next example of his final fixation. In reducing the problem from one of conscience to one of constipation Osborne robs his theme both of dignity and drama, whatever the headshrinkers may say. It is to the credit of the Lantern that they made something of this

MUSIC

SUCCESSFUL OPERA
THE SPRING OPERA SEASON is gone and the Dublin Grand Opera Society has announced happily that it has had one of its most successful seasons. In many ways they can afford to be pleased; they mounted five popular operas and succeeded with three, clocking up one failure and one smash-hit in the procedure. The production of L'Elisir d' Amore must rate as one of the most delightful evenings of opera given in Dublin during recent years. Ugo Benelli showed that he has considerable skill as a comedian and gave the audience, in his rendering of Una Furtiva Lagrima, some of the finest bel canto singing one can ever hope to hear in this jet age. The rest of the cast offered splendid support. The same singers also appeared in an enjoyable production of Don Pasquale. It is a pity that the opera which in former revivals had been a great success, should this year provide the weakest production of the season. The great sense of theatre achieved by Maragliano, Guelfi and T ei in Nabucco was not to be equalled by this years cast. In fact everyone may as well have arrived in evening dress and sung the piece as an oratorio. n Trovatore, the first opera of the season, was a little better organised but only a little. Indeed this brings us to the main problem with which the DGOS seems to be dogged-that of finding an adequate producer. They used to have an excuse that ample rehearsal time in the theatre was not available but this year, with the return to the Easter weekend, emphasised that they would have much more time in the Gaiety than was possible with a Summer season. Their time seems to have been wasted. For all the staging that materialised they may as well have prepared in a church hall. The chorus, though singing better than ever, simply did not belong to the action. I t is a long time now since Christopher West worked with the Society but we still remember a Carmen production of his that was an object lesson in the art of staging an opera with limited resources but unlimited imagination. But since then very little imagination appears to have been devoted to DGOS productions. For example in Butterfty the singers wandered aimlessly around the stage. and the Lieutenant first gave the consul a drink and then asked him

panorama here, a dash of the inevitable

music-hall, a solid dollop of undigested history, all interlarded with heavily psychoanalytical interpretations of Luther's methods and motives. The biggest puzzle of the play is why Osborne ever wrote it in the first place. Perhaps he was attracted by Luther the protester-certainly he is not interested in Luther the protestant, either in a religious or social sense. His vapid excursions into theology and polemics may have deceived a British audience (the critics were apparently very respectful of this play when it was first staged) but in a country that can produce a better religious argument in any Dublin pub or on any Belfast street comer any day of the week they sound poor stuff indeed. Osborne tries to give the impression that he knows what he is talking about by stringing together chains of unrelated syllogisms. Philip Morrissey uttered them at a Paisley decibellevel, but all that did was to leave damp patches like exploded bubbles. The religious arguments are used merely as set pieces, to demonstrate Osborne's conception of Luther's psychology, not to set him in any historical or philosophical context. The historical trappings are equally tawdry: a knight who is like a brass-rubbing of Eliot's Reginald Fitz Urse is given the job of telling us what is happening as scene follows scene-Erfurt 1506, Juteborg 1517, The Fugger Palace 1518. He does his best, but there is too much left out or cursorily sketched to give us any sense of historical immanence in the Brechtian sense. Added to this the dialogue is terriblea mixture of false-ecclesiastical and

JOHN

OSBORNE

'Fame founded on protest'

implausible muddle. Philip Morrissey's Luther conveyed spiritual anguish even through the poor dialogue, and Patrick Funge's direction, through skilful grouping and movement, overcame to a great extent the chronic lack of communication between Osborne's characters. Denis Marrit made something very moving out of Staupitz, the Vicar-General of the Augustinians, and Tom Sheedy was effective in -.:tis vaudeville role of Tetzel, the seller of Indulgences. Between them the company held the play together up to the interval-after that they got through as best they could with no help whatsoever from the author. Bernard Shore.

would he prefer milk, punch or whisky! Only the divine Miss Azuma seemed to know what was going on and treated us to a perfect interpretation of her role, even though she is expecting a baby in a few months. The Society does seem to have found a brilliant chorus master, a nucleus of fine singers and good conductors but it must concentrate on contracting a producer who can turn all these essential elements into real opera. Real opera, they must never forget, is theatre. Though a theatrical work Stravinsky's Les Noces is often presented as a concert piece. The Culwick Choral Society gave it its Irish premiere at their Spring concert early in May. The music dates from the First World War though the original premiere did not take place until 1923. The composer claims that the work is based on Russian church music but the African rhythms and Oriental sounds give it an exotic timbre which Constant Lambert claimed would make middle-aged Englishwomen "slip out of the stalls and join in the singing"! No such behaviour was to be seen at the Irish premiere even though the work was played twice (it only takes twenty-five and a half minutes). We found that the repetitive, tuneless rhythms which fascinated Stravinsky after the lush ballets of Firebird and The Rite of Spring do not make for very interesting music and the total effectis like Orff's Carmina Burana without tunes. The Society seems to have given all its attention to Les Noces for the performance of Moussorgsky's Songs and Dances of Death which was to have been the filling in the sandwich was given no space at all in the programme. It would have made an interesting filling but Mary Sheridan's illness caused its cancellation and instead Ann Moran sang Schubert's Shepherd on the Rock (which was announced from the stage as Shepherd on the Rocks). The new Music for pleasure label is producing some marvellousbargains. The Fou Ts'ong disc of Mozart's Piano Concertos 9 and 12 (MFP 2105) is great value at 13jlld and two former jewels of the Supraphon catalogue now appear on this bargain label:-Prokofiev's Romeo and Juliet ballet suite and Shostakovitch'swonderful Fifth Symplwny both played by the Czech Philharmonic Orchestra under Karl Ancerl.These are marvellous records and the Supraphon recordings are particularly spectacular in stereo. S. MeS.

FILMS "Baby Love" Starring Keith Barron, Linda Hayden, Derek Lamden, Ann Lynn. Directed by Alastair Reid. Tina Chad Christian's novel, upon which this disappointing film is based, appeared some eighteen months ago to a not unfavourable reception from the critics. The situation whereby a crunchy working-class teenage girl from the north of England, whose unloving sluttish mother has killed herself, is plunged into a sort of nouueau-riche professional man's home life was handled with a certain poignance in the book: in the picture directorial hobnailed boots ensure that Luci's predatory behaviour with, in turn, the man, the son and the wife of the house is handled without a trace of sympathy or taste. "Finian's Rainbow" Starring Fred Astaire, Petula Clark, Tommy Steele. Directed by Francis Ford Coppola. The Americans and English can perhaps be forgiven for mis-pronouncing names like Mahoney: Paul Robeson was perhaps closest with "Don' You Cry, Ma Honey". But this is the least of this picture's worries. The main grouse is the preponderance of "stage" Irish accents. The plot is weak and the characters are altogether too wholesome and well scrubbed. As family entertainment, however, "Finian's Rainbow" is first rate. There's Fred Asraire's evergreen twinkling feet, Petula Clark's winsome appeal and well-known singing voice and all the bounce and personality of Tommy Steele. The score is a strong one with songs like "Look to the Rainbow", "Old Devil Moon", "When I'm Not Near the Girl I Love" and the tearjerking "How Are Things in Glocca Morra?", and there's dancing, romance and fantasy galore. Originallya stage musical on Broadway, and that's just what it looks like. "Lock Up Your Daughters" Starring Christopher Plummer, Susannah York, Glynis Johns, Ian Bannen, Tom Bell, Elaine Taylor, Jim bale. Directed by Peter Coe. This was originally a stage play presented at the then new Mermaid Theatre in London, and it is enjoying a successful revival there now. It is a bawdy Restoration romp - perhaps after the fashion of "Tom jones," but a shadow of it. ' This picture can certainly be de-

scribed as "rollicking": it is also very dull. Shot largely in Kilkenny, however, it must be admitted that it looks good. Having seen both Christopher Plummer and Ian Bannen play "Hamlet", the writer is surprised to find them and other similarly talented actors in this undistinguished film. "Rachel, Rachel" Starring Joanne Woodward, James Olson. Directed by Paul Newman. Rachel Cameron is 35 and lives, trapped in a small American town, with her demanding mother. She has

SHIRLEY MeLAINE .. gets all the prizes in Sweet Charity a frustrating job as a teacher and is going nowhere fast. She longs for a child of her own. Nick Kazlik, local farm boy who has graduated to life in the city, is home on a rare summer visit and takes up with Rachel to alleviatehis boredom. He initiates her sexually: she is in love. Feeling trapped, Nick lies to Rachel that he is married and ends the affair. Rachel thinks she may be pregnant ... The end of the story is unsensational, but please go to this film and see for yourself. This is a picture of the highest order. Joanne Woodward's is a per-

formance of rare quality, and she is directed with great sympathy and power by husband Paul Newman. "Sweet Charity" Starring Shirley McLaine, John McMartin, Ricardo Montalban, Sammy Davis, Jr. Directed by Bob Fosse. A splendid musical with bags of go and a great score, the story of Charity Hope Valentine, the dance hall hostess who wants to be loved. The best known number from this show, which was a huge success on stage both in New York and London, is probably "Big Spender" but the prize for most colourful and musical must surely go to "Rhythm of Life", splendidly led by Sammy Davis. "If My Friends Could See Me Now", "Somebody Loves Me!" and "I Love to Cry at Weddings" are memorable as well. John McMartin and Ricardo Montaiban, personifying innocence and sophistication respectively, give nicely balanced performances, and Sammy Davis, effervescent as always, is electrifying as Big Daddy. All the prizes for guts, personality and a sheer zest for living must of course go to Shirley MacLaine. BOOKS "INTERNATIONAL TRADE" Edited by Jaydish Bhagwati. "INTERNATIONAL FINANCE" Edited by R. N. Cooper. "INFLATION" edited by R. J, Ball and Peter Doyle. "MONOPOLY & COMPETITION" Edited by Alex Hunter. Penguin 9/- each, The selected readings included in these four excellent volumes in general are directed at those with a good grounding in economics. But the particular merit of the editors responsible is to have made each book interesting and stimulating for the general reader. Each carries about sixteen essays grouped under facets of the chosen subject. These have been selected to indicate the tendency of post-war economic theory, historical perspective being given by the inclusion of an earlier standard essay in some cases. In 'International Finance' this has resulted in the inclusion of Dr. Yume's 'Of the balance of trade,' for example, which dates from 1752. But in general the essays are contemporary and excitingly so. 'International Finance' again suggests itself in the light of recent moves on parity

and re-valuation. Also, 'International Trade', which includes a most useful and relevant survey of the theory of customs unions and some of the gains from European economic union by R. Lipsey, Each essay in its own way contrives to be very much a tract for the time. Discussions of 'Unemployment and price stability', 'Productivity Inflation.' 'The structure of a tariff system' and 'The Measurement of MonopolyPower' and more deserve mention by virtue of their relevance and their excellence. The introduction should also claim attention. If you really can't afford all four, then, for my money, the one to leave on the shelf is Hunter's 'Monopoly and Competition,' which lacks the bite of the other three. This is not to suggest that it also is not of a very high standard.

the obsessive and detailed realism of "The Metal Man", particularly as it adds nothing to the underlying narrative, one cannot quarrel with the reality created by his deft use of observed idiosyncrasy in his character delineation. There are fascinating variations in style in the two collections; whereas "All Cats Are Grey" is fairly typical in style of the majority of the stories, "The Pishogue" is so amazingly different, in pace, in language, and in theme, that one could easy mistake it for one of Mary Lavin's. Both collections make splendid reading, and one looks forward eagerly to more from the same pen. "STALIN" by Leon Trotsky. 2 vote, @ 12/6 each. (Panther Books). The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in the vast, straggling semi-feudal Russian Empire is undoubtedly one of the great seminal events of our century, Led by a dedicated group of highly disciplined men who were fired by a coherent ideology, a backward country was transformed within a few years into one of the most powerful states in the world. Three men, each in his own way, played an amazing part in this revolutionary overthrow of a decadent and privileged society. One was Lenin, an austere intellectual who was able, through his writings in exile, to evoke great loyalty among his followers; the second was Stalin, the son of a Georgian peasant, who through his organisational work for the Bolshevik party in the pre-19l7 period, obtained an unparalleled grasp of conditions and personalities in Russia. The third, who joined the revolution very late in the day, was the flamboyant architect of the Red Army, Leon Trotsky. Trotsky soon feU out with Stalin after the death of Lenin. Driven into exile, he began work on this massive study of his antagonist which was first published in Britain in 1947. The Panther edition first traces Stalin's early life, his role in the 1905 rising and the revolutionary climacteric of 1917.The second volume-the revolutionary in power-is a gripping account of the differences between the two men, exaggeratedat times by Trotsky's dislike for Stalin and weakened by a lack of perspective about the appalling and frightening difficulties that faced the new state. All the same, these two volumes provide an interesting insight into one of the most important periods of our history, by one who himself played a role in the shaping of those events.

"THE BETRAYERS", "AT NIGHT ALL CATS ARE GREY", Patrick Boyle, Panther 5/-. The Irish short-story tradition is newly enriched by the publication of these two collections of Patrick Boyle's short stories. Mr. Boyle pulls no punches; his writing is harsh, even savage, softened only by a Behanesque knowledge of, and sympathy for, human frailty. "The Betrayers", as a story of the harrowing transition from boy to man, evokes the best of O'Connor and McGahern, while "Suburban Idyll" must be one of the most closely observed comments on urban misery even written. Observation is Mr. Boyle's forte, and, although this reviewer abhors

MOTORING

AIR POLLUTION BATTLE WON

AT AN International Symposium on the Automobile recently Charles M. Heinen of Chrysler Corporation told of a major battle won by the Motor Industry against air pollution. The industry has reduced the emission of polluyants from new automobiles to the point where they are not a serious menace to health and where there is reasonable doubt about the need for further huge expenditures to achieve even greater reduction. "The main battIe against air pollution has been won. If there were no other vehicle on the road, except '69-70 models, we would-e-overnlght-c-breathe the same clean air we had in 1940 as far as automobile contribution is concerned." Heinen said that since the 1961model hydrocarbon emissions have been reduced by 80 per eeL t and carbon monoxide emissions by 70 per cent. Further reductions in emissions are already planned for the 1971 and later models, he disclosed. "Without evidence and by largely ignoring scientific and engineering knowledge, the air pollution scare specialists have been and are trying

to convince the American public that the automobile emissions are a serious menace to health and that life of the people", he stated "I believe it is our responsibility as automotive engineers to tell the public that this simply is not true. "He questioned whether or not society wants to invest the resources necessary to reduce the remaining very low levels of emission. The technical job to reduce what's left is going to be rough and very expensive, in terms of billions of dollars to car owners. It also raises serious and sincere questions with knowledgeable observers as to how much a funher reduction is necessary and is it worth it from a social, scientific, medical and economic standpoint. "Medical research to date does not seem to indicate that much beyond what is being planned in the way of new vehicle control is called for in the foreseeable future", Heinen concluded. Change for Economy In the immediate postwar period, just as prewar, a motorcycle enthusiast was a character whose life was devoted to a big heavy and not too powerful machine that needed a man to tame it. Twelve years ago a petrol shortage (due to the Suez crisis) changed all that. Economy was a word on the tip of everyones tongue. Mopeds, bubble cars, economy models were launched every week on the Irish scene. People

who never used mechanised transport before swarmed to motorcycle shops ordering these new-fangled machines. Ladies who used bicycles to go shopping now used mopeds. Teenagers didn't have to spend a lifetime saving for "the" bike they could get a moped quite cheaply. The number of motorcyclists soared but the enthusiast felt the day of the genuine bike was gone. The scene remained dormant for the next decade or so. Powerful bikes were available for the American market but not the home one. Back to Power Now the trend has swung back again to power. To cater for the demands of the youth orientated markets,manufacturersare now marketing big brutes of 650 cc and upwards. One recently unveiled is the Honda 750 Four. Honda, always a champion of small bikes and many times world champion, are in the "big stuff league" for the first time. This 4 cylinder, 4 carburerror'd, 4 megaphoned machine will scorch through the quarter mile in 12.4 seconds with the aid of 5 speeds. With a maximum speed of 125 m.p.h., it will probably be difficult to keep the bike down to our legal max of 60. Once more the joys of motorcycling are back; only disappointments so far is all stocks of the 750 Four are going to the USA and Canada.