0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.

indd 36

12/07/12 8:07

The Majesty of Philip IV: Between Painted and Storied

FERNANDO BOUZA UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID

Detail of cat. 2

The description of Diego Rodrguez de Silva y Velzquezs Philip IV (cat. 1) by the Junta de Iconografa Nacional (Council on National Iconography), established in 1906, is succinct and expressive: The august personage is shown standing, wearing a black suit, cape, and ruff. His left hand rests atop a table with a red tablecloth on the hilt of his sword; his right holds a paper and hangs naturally.1 Neither throne nor crown nor scepter is visibleonly a desk, a glimpse of sword, and the paper in the hand that hangs naturally and immediately catches the viewers eye (g. 14). Velzquezs composition is the consummate expression of the subtle symbolism of royalty,2 with the superb absence of ornamentation that became a characteristic of the Spanish majestic tradition. During Spains Siglo de Oro, or Golden Age, writing and painting collaborated, and sometimes competed, to capture, transmit, and conserve the memory of royal majesty. This concept, while elusive, was nonetheless embodied by the physical reality of the royal personage, lending coherence to political communities and casting the monarch as a sort of living emblem that conrmed their existence as such. Philip IV is unquestionably a magnicent example of how the arts could represent the eminence of the kings majesty. We can more easily grasp this by studying the periods concept of majesty and the debate about how and by what means it should be, and indeed was, transmitted to the kings subjects. By the rst third of the seventeenth century, the means to do so were as varied as its uses were distinct.

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 37

12/07/12 8:07

38

Fi g u re 14

Detail of Diego Rodrguez de Silva y Velzquezs Philip IV,

c. 16231628 (Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid; cat. 1), showing the paper in the hand of the king

MAJESTY: BETWEEN THE ROYAL BODY AND THE SIMULACRA OF HIS GRANDEUR

Majesty is a quality that denotes relative superiority, as the Latin maiestas refers to the condition of something that is maior or mains. Over time, majesty came to be attributed exclusively to monarchs and princes, or more specically, to their political person, according to categories that were widespread in political culture during the early modern

age in Europe.3 The idea of majestic preeminence was made visible through external signs, among them the exclusive right to wear a crown or carry a scepter or other symbol of superior powerregalia in Latinas well as the transformation of the monarchs royal body into an entity with traits that could be dened as superhuman.4 With an almost total absence of regalia in the Castilian court, its theory of royal majesty emphasized the absolute eminence of the royal body. For example, Jos Lanez (15901667), an Augustian friar, afrmed that the smell, gait, and elegance reveal even the most demure Prince at night, with his colored robes and beaver hat.5 The sovereigns could not hide their own grandeur, even cloaked by darkness. The extraordinary condition of their body was always revealed by circumstantial details, such as their scent or their bearing, and their demeanor toward others. We can see just how deep-seated this idea was in its association with even non-European royalty. When, for example, Francisco Gutirrez de los Ros, Governor of Cdiz (16441721), saw Oquere Osinuan African prince sold into slavery in 1688 who lived in Spain under the name Francisco Rey de Minawalking on the deck of the Danish ship where he was to be cruelly auctioned off, he immediately perceived that air of superiority with which we can believe God endowed Princes, even when they are barbarians.6 In 1623, Gaspar de Guzmn, Count-Duke of Olivares (15871645), wrote to a correspondent that Philip IV, King of Spain (r. 16211665), had participated in Carnival festivities, where, despite his mask, he revealed the gallantry and brio that God gave him, surpassing all others.7 To be in the presence of a king implied being in the presence of his majesty, as reigning sovereigns were inseparable from this quality. A monarch was at his height when he appeared before and among his subjects, for that was the occasion for a double political epiphany: that of the monarch, and that of the monarchy. Not only was the majesty of a prince reinforced when it was made visible, but like plays or paintings, it had to take form among the royals subjects in order to be complete. Beyond the obvious

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 38

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

39

propagandistic function of a public appearance by royal people, majesty was an element of sovereignty that involved as much a monarch, who was seen or addressed, as his subjects, who saw or addressed him. According to various literary and doctrinal statements, the direct presence of royal majesty provoked evident commotion, and a broad range of reactionsfrom joy to embarrassmentthat generally involved obeisance and respect. In certain circumstances, the effects could be truly disconcerting, reducing subjects to a state of stupefaction and admiration that left them speechless and momentarily unable to control themselves. This kind of terribilit sparked by the direct sight of majesty was sometimes invoked in judicial texts as grounds for exoneration of defendants. Such was the case in a suit brought against Philippe Charles dArenberg, Duke of Aarschot (15871640), a Flemish aristocrat sentenced to lengthy connement at court in Madrid after being accused of participating with other noblemen from the Low Countries in a conspiracy against Philip IV in the 1630s. Seeking to justify the dukes failure to reveal the supposed conspiracy to the monarch, his attorney, Diego de Altamirano, alleged that, besides his fear at discovering that he was suspected of the crime of rebellion, the mere presence of Philip IV had led him to such a state of befuddlement that he momentarily lost his memory. He had reached this state when he found himself enclosed and alone in the presence of the king, who examined him with a paper in his hands.8 As if this werent enough, the defense enumerated previous examples of confusion drawn from biblical, classical, and medieval sources, as well as similar cases from the time of King Charles V (r. 15161556) and, especially, King Philip II (r. 1556 1598). In short, Altamirano emphasized the dukes very real befuddlement, notwithstanding the prosecutors argument that a gentilhombre de cmara (gentleman of the chamber) like Aarschot had been around His Majesty frequently, so that while such confusion might be justiable in others, it seemed unlikely in his case. This testimony helps us understand a celebrated episode from Diego Saavedra Fajardos (15841648)

Repblica literaria (Literary Republic, 1670), in which he pays homage to the extraordinary force of Velzquezs art. The Spanish thinker describes a passerby who pauses to bow to a portrait of Philip IV. Not, of course, just any portrait of the king, but one painted by Velzquez, who was able to capture the monarchs grandeur on the canvas with such graceful movement and such an expression of his majestic and august features, that my respect was inspired and I bent down, lowering my gaze.9 Saavedra is obviously expressing an intense admiration for the capacity of painting to imitate nature, but he does not stop at this mention of the amazement produced by the skillful imitation of reality; he carries it as far as the representation of a model. Looking at Velzquezs portrait of Philip IV is tantamount to seeing the king himselfone is transported to his very presence, and to the consternation that this can cause. Some narrations of royal sojourns insist on the general contentment produced by the possibility of seeing the monarch, as well as the fact that he was subject to a continuous and universal observation. When, for instance, Philip IV arrived in Seville in 1624, during his travels around Andalusia, he saw all of the city and its surroundings; he even visited the Roman ruins at Italica. But all of Seville also came out to see him, from the members of the Inquisition to the university, from judges at the provincial court to friars from the principal monasteries to merchants from the Casa de Contratacin (House of Trade). The monarch even paused before the royal jail, where the prisoners took pleasure at his royal presence and, to the cry of freedom, opened a large birdcage they had with the initials of their prison.10 Still, few subjects were ever able to gaze directly upon the majesty of a king in a monarchy whose kingdoms spanned what were then the four known corners of the world.11 On one hand, the establishment of a permanent court in Madrid reduced the chances of seeing the monarch in person, except during his major sojourns. On the other, Burgundian etiquette imposed certain limits on his visibility, even at court in Madrid, although his attendance at various events such as ceremonies,

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 39

01/08/12 14:06

40

functions, and public celebrations in the city increased the possibility of his being seen outside his palace, where he was jealously guarded by doormen and guards. The royal persons reserve when attending mass behind a curtain exemplies the partial occultation of his majesty. Although he never stopped granting audiences, either standing or verbally, a monarchy with such vast governmental concerns required a predominance of written communication, in the form of consultations and reports to the king by individuals at his cabinet meetings. While this had been the rule since the sixteenth century, we cannot ignore the exceptions that favored the royal persons visibility. The privileged status of Olivares between 1621 and 1643 represented a certain reluctance in this regard. Although the king did travel to Andalusia, Catalonia, and Aragon during these years, he canceled sojourns in Italy, Flanders, Catalonia, and Portugal. Financial difculties and other circumstances hampered those visits, but Olivaress attitude is undeniable; he opposed, for example, Philip IVs personal desire to leave court to lead a military expedition to Italian lands in 1629.12 The portrait of Philip IV from the 1620s (cat. 1) and the portrait Velzquez painted in 1644, during the Fraga campaign (The Frick Collection, New York), reect two different models of how to regulate the economy of the royal person among his subjects. One precedes and the other follows Olivaress loss of his privileged status. The fact that his fall from grace would change the image of the monarch did not go unnoticed among observers at the time. After Olivaress exoneration from charges in January 1643, reports from the court were lled with information about the extent of the changes there. A report written by one Jernimo de Torres in March 1643 describes an amusing dialogue between His Majesty, who is in a very good mood, and a page at the Casa de Campo in Madrid. And on another occasion, the Day of the Angel, when a small crowd lled the streets, a young man succeeded in passing a note to the king when he was at the Puente de Segovia (Segovia Bridge) in Madrid. Philip IV

leaned out of his carriage because the young man was trying [to give the note to him] and couldnt reach, so [the king] held out his hand and took it. After reading the notes endorsement, Philip was very pleased and stuck his head out of the coach to see who had given it to him. Still able to see him, he clearly noted his address, and the people were very pleased by this.13 The monarchs delight at chatting with a servant or receiving a message from a subject as above was paralleled by the peoples joy, not only at Philip IVs appearance but also at his kind attentiveness in receiving a note from one of them. Such gestures pointed to a recovery of the harmonious majestic articulation between king and kingdom considered appropriate for the Spanish monarchy. Still, the theory of royal majesty counseled princes to maintain a degree of reserve in keeping with their gravitas. As Lanez put it, Letting themselves be seen too often makes them less respected,14 because scarcity produces admiration, while conversation breeds disdain.15 Yet that same theory of majesty recognized the need to nd formulas to allow an absent king to make his presence felt among his subjects in order to increase the respect and reverence they owed him. It was said that men . . . learn respect only through their senses,16 and so artists and writers were among those called to furnish the means of representing the princes majesty, transmitting their testimony of his grandeur to all who contemplated or read the fruit of their labors. Together, they could make the ideal and irresistible maiestas palpable from a distance, for, in the end, writing and painting were closely linked.

BETWEEN LETTERS AND FIGURES: MAJESTY IN CHARACTERS

A consummate collector of painting, Philip IV was also a translator and a serious reader. His magnicent library, occupying the Torre Alta (High Tower) of Madrids Alczar palace, included an ebony bookstand where his majesty reads. He also read in the palaces lower

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 40

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

41

quarters, in a room with a window facing the Jardn de la Priora (Prioresss Garden), not far from his bedroom.17 That room where Philip IV retired to readhis retiradizowas decorated with paintings, some of them of extraordinary value, such as a series of the ve senses by Jan Brueghel the Elder (15681625)18 and Charon Crossing the River Styx (Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid) by Joachim Patinir (c. 1480/14851524).19 Over the years, the king spent time in those two reading spaces. It was here that he translated, from the Italian, Francesco Guicciardinis (14831540) Storia dItalia (The History of Italy, 15371540) and Lodovico Guicciardinis (15211589) Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi (Description of All the Low Countries, 1567). The latter actually mentions the author of the painting of Charon that decorated the walls of the kings retiradizo. In his own handwriting, Philip IV called him Joachin de Patinier, of Bouvignes.20 The handwritten drafts of the royal translation are found at the Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa in Madrid, along with an original transcription attributed to Pedro Daz Morante the Younger (active 17th century), who was also responsible for the meticulously traced calligraphic gures that adorn the codex, among them a rider on a rearing horse that may be a portrait of the monarch himself (g. 15).21 This evocation of Philip IV reading and writing among his paintings, or depicted by the pen of a calligrapher, helps us imagine the symbiotic relationship between literature and painting during the Siglo de Oro. The particular theory of knowledge developed at the time established an intimate connection between painting and writing that extended beyond the narrative capacity recognizable in both. To combat the notion that usually associated the visual with the oral, casting both as the opposites of writing, some authors argued that the main objective of both painting and writing was the handling of charactersin one case, gures; in the other, letters. This led to such successful rhetorical ideas as the supposition that images could be read. The writer Juan de Zabaleta (16101670) afrmed that portraits and statues are stories in which one can quickly read the

F i gur e 1 5

Pedro Daz Morante the Younger (Spanish, active 17th

century), Rearing Horse and Rider, 1636. Folio 324v of Lodovico Guicciardini (Italian, 15211589), Descripcin de Luis Guichardino patricio orentn, de todos los Pases Bajos, que por otro nombre se llaman Alemania la Baja, trans. Philip IV (1636). Calligraphy; ink, sheet: 13 78 x 9 78 in. (350 x 250 mm). Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid

excellence of those portrayed therein. If they are the work of great artists, they can be very easily read, because that is their clearest handwriting. If, however, they have been made by mediocre craftsmen, ones eyes have to spell out each word, perceiving little and soon tiring.22 In that sense, writing a story or narrative was like painting the various events of life in a portrait. Such was a Portuguese censors judgment, in 1625, of a work by the novelist and historian Gonzalo de Cspedes y Meneses (15851638).23

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 41

01/08/12 14:07

42

The materiality of the characters employedgures, letterslinked painting and writing. But they were also united because their creators employed similar rhetorical means of imitating, substituting, and even correcting or falsifying reality through ongoing Renaissance or Baroque reinterpretations of the classical notion Ut pictura poesisas is painting, so is poetry. When representing the kings majesty, however, the expectations associated with distinct written genres, especially history, and various areas of the visual arts, were very often dissimilar. Sometimes, as demonstrated by the retouched portraits exchanged during matrimonial negotiations, there seemed to be a belief that paintings were more capable of trickery or mistruth than stories were. And stories were considered more eloquent and forceful. In De regno et regis institutione (On the Kingdom and Institution of the King, 1470s), Francesco Patrizi (14131492) favored the idea that stories by good authors show the true images of man, so that anyone who so desires can see them, anywhere in the world. Images, in contrast, lack meaning, and faces are barely recognizable in them. They can be seen only by a few, and in just one place. Therefore, the Italian humanist afrmed, those born to rule read stories frequently and pay no heed to the images of their elders.24 Still, we cannot ignore that in Philip IVs time, painting surpassed literature in the service of majestic eminence. It is no mere truism that the monarch saw Velzquez as, effectively, a reincarnation of the ancient Greek painter Apelles, as Francisco Pacheco (1564 1644) expressed in a sonnet he dedicated to Velzquez after he depicted Philip IV on horseback.25 In that case, the task of properly transmitting royal majesty was in very good hands. But historiographic representations of the king were less successful. To paraphrase an author from that time, His Majesty was very well depicted, but I am not sure whether he is well storied.26 An attentive observer will have noticed that the grand series of history paintings hung in the Saln de Reinos (Hall of Realms) at the Palacio del Buen Retiro

(Buen Retiro Palace) in Madrid constituted a degree of splendor unequaled by historiographical writing of the period. There were certainly numerous polemics, narratives, and stories of particular events,27 but they bore far less weight in the context of general histories. The goals we now associate with history were also partially shared by poetry at the time, especially panegyrics. A ne example is La astrea sca, written in 1640 1641 by Jos Pellicer de Ossau y Tovar (16021679), which includes the greatest events of the most happy reign [of Philip IV] through the year mdcxxxv.28 Apart from the handwritten Memorias of Matas de Novoa (active c. 1620s), which were not published until 1878 1886, the only general history of the kingdom from the years when Olivares was at court could be considered Cspedess Primera parte de la historia de D. Felipe el IIII, rey de las Espaas (First Part of the History of Philip IV, King of the Spains), published in Lisbon in 1631.29 Thirty years later, the monarch ordered Francisco Ramos del Manzano (16041683) to write the history of what were then his four decades of rule, with sincere intentions and truth, as is my sole desire.30 As this was an ofcial commission, Ramos was allowed access to documentation in government archives and ofces. But the work was never published. The same access to ofcial documentation had previously been granted to a Bolognese nobleman, Virgilio Malvezzi (c. 15951654). Although he was a veritable celebrity in the particular Republic of Letters of the European Baroque,31 his arrival at the Spanish court in 1636 produced only two noteworthy works, printed in 1639 and 1640, respectively.32 The grand project of a general history of Philip IV that had been entrusted to him led only to the publication of a scant dozen copies of his Historia de los principales sucesos acontecidos a la monarqua de Espaa en tiempo de Felipe Quarto el Grande (History of the Principal Events That Occurred in the Monarchy of Spain in the Time of Philip IV the Great, c. 16391640), which covered only the initial period of the 1620s.33

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 42

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

43

Between Malvezzis stay in Madrid (16361640) and Ramos del Manzanos commission (1661), interest in obtaining an adequate historiographical presentation of Philip IVs reign was unabated. The intention of writing a general history was abandoned, though, in favor of efforts to obtain proper treatment of the monarch in widely read works periodically written by Italian historiographers. Among the authors who write stories of these times, as a royal order of 1645 put it, contact was to be made with Maiolino Bisaccioni (15821663), Luigi Manzini (16041657), Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato (16061678), and especially Vittorio Siri (16081685).34 Negotiations with Siri, who worked in French circles, show just how difcult this operation could be, because of the Italians demands for access to condential documents. It was much easier to send portraits to the European courts than to give copies of condential government dispatches to historians. Despite the relative condemnation of painting as mere craft, brushes were useful enough that monarchs and princes themselves sometimes wielded them, in a practical rather than a gurative sense. In 1619, for example, young Philip received a curious gift: a small box with painting supplies and a stone for painting, perhaps a piece of pietra venturina (goldstone), sent to him from Naples by Pedro Tllez-Girn (15741624).35 The kings father, Philip III (r. 15981621), had also been a painter, specializing in genre scenes.36 He was even known as the painted king, as in Juan de Tassis y Peraltas (15821622) satire Dilogo entre Plutn y Aqueronte (Dialogue Between Pluto and Acheron), where the monarchs memory is forcefully evoked: The person you consider a great monarch / was not a king in the esh, but painted.37 Philip IVs coronation coincided with the publication of Primavera y or de los mejores romances (Spring and Flower of the Best Romances, 1621), in which one poetic composition says: Gazing upon a portrait / of King Philip the Third / depicted in armor / was a poor old soldier.38 The plot of this small work narrates the unfortunate situation of a weary soldier who arrives at

court seeking recompense after considerable vicissitudes in the service of the crown in Europe and Africa. But etiquette, personied by the palace doormen and guards, keeps him from delivering the papers of his services to the king. These he keeps in innumerable metal document tubes that make him look like a walking pipe organ. When he is denied the opportunity to show his papers to the king, the old soldiers only consolation is to appeal to Philips portrait. Movingly, he kneels and shouts out to the king with tears in his eyes: [When you are] painted, my lord, I can speak to you. It is worth noting here that the royal portrait is not a means by which the monarch can address his subjects, but rather a means for them to speak to him. This implies a use of royal images that surpasses mere propaganda and enters the realm of political communication.

THE KING AMONG HIS SUBJECTS: ENGRAVINGS, BOOKS, AND PORTRAITS AS MEANS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

The means by which rulers and their subjects could establish contact is a subject specically addressed by the history of political communications in the European modern period. Studies of the exaltation of monarchs from that period and the justication of their decisions using literary or artistic resources have shown how playwrights, chroniclers, painters, and engravers, among others, applied their creativity to generate royal propaganda. In the case of the Siglo de Oro, investigations by Jos Antonio Maravall, Luis Dez del Corral, and Julin Gllego have helped dene a rich area of research with implications in a broad range of later historiography. Considerably less is known, however, about the distribution and reception of this propaganda,39 or the efforts of commoners who tried to establish relations with monarchical authorities through writing or, on occasion, painting.40 Such texts undoubtedly stemmed from a desire to counsel the king in his task as ruler, but there were also many texts lled with acerbic criticism of the

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 43

12/07/12 8:07

44

decisions and attitudes of the monarchs and their principal ministers. Political satire constituted a phenomenon of incredible importance during the reign of Philip IV, especially in the form of scribal publications, whose distribution grew over the course of the seventeenth century.41 That romance of the old soldier who could speak only with the portrait of Philip III has an element of political satire, as do other compositions that more openly portray the monarch as being as inept as a painted king. This notion enjoyed considerable popularity during the Siglo de Oro. One example appears in Tassiss Dilogo entre Plutn y Aqueronte, in which Philip III is portrayedto the benet of Francisco Gmez de Sandoval y Rojas, Duke of Lerma (c. 1553 1625)as a monarch who did not rule by himself, and was as distant from his true profession as a living king is from his painted portrait. Portraits themselves were often attacked during periods of unrest or political crisis. A portrait of the Countess of Olivares was stoned in the streets of Madrid after her husbands fall from favor, and his own portraits lost value.42 Likewise, something like ritual executions of efgies of Cardinal Mazarin (16021661) were held in many locations in Paris in 1650, as was reported in a dispatch from the Spanish embassy in Rome.43 The withdrawal of royal portraits can also be considered an indication of the disaffection expressed by a political community. In the rebellious Naples of Masaniello, some voices, including that of the nobleman Marcantonio Brancaccio, called for the removal of portraits of Philip IV as a logical response to the break with Spanish sovereignty in 1648.44 During that period, insulting or desecrating royal portraits or insignias was a crimean offense to majesty under the legal principle of Regis imago, rex est (or dicitur; the image of the king is, or is said to be, the king). In other words, majesty was also considered a characteristic of his simulacra.45 As mentioned earlier, much remains to be studied about the purposes behind the transmission and reception of the royal image during the reign of

Philip IV. From statements of visitors to the royal residences, we can deduce that the greatest number of royal portraits were kept there, beginning with the Buen Retiro and Alczar palaces in Madrid. In the labyrinth of rooms of the Alczar, the Galera de Retratos, or Galera del Medioda (Portrait Gallery, or Southern Gallery),46 stood out as a setting imbued with ceremonial authority to which the grandees of Spain were allowed access. Permission to enter was at royal behest and was solemnized by royal decree. For example, in May 1648, Philip IV signed such a document on behalf of Francisco Fernndez de Cabrera, Count of Chinchn (d. 1665), so that with the key that he has, he may enter the gallery of portraits where the grandees do.47 On special occasions, royal portraits might be shown in public. A good example of this practice is the ceremonial exhibition organized at court on the occasion of the auto-da-f of 1632. The Monastery of la Encarnacin was the location chosen for this display of the portraits of King Philip III and Queen Margaret, and Their Majesties [Philip IV and Elizabeth of Bourbon], under brocade canopies.48 Besides the palace display and those at major ceremonies, the monarchy was of course represented by numerous paintings and bookswith or without engraved royal portraits in private collections and libraries. There is no scarcity of testimony that certain individuals had original portraits of the monarch and other members of the royal family, as well as scenes of palace life, especially festivities and ceremonies. In 1634, for instance, an interesting canvas of a masquerade at the palace at night was acquired from Francisco Donato (16111647) to decorate the apartments of Elizabeth of Bourbon (r. 16211644) at the Palacio del Buen Retiro.49 In 1641, a curious painting was included in the inventory of the belongings of the late Duke of Aarschot: another canvas . . . of a perspective and the Queen, our lady, walking around a room with some maids of honor.50 This description is expanded: on the wall, feigned paintings of the queens of Spain from the Habsburg family.51 This rare depiction of Elizabeth of

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 44

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

45

Bourbon with some meninas (maids of honor) does not seem to have been identied in a gallery of portraits of the queens,52 but here we should point out that its owner was the very person whose memory became blank in the presence of the disconcerting majesty of Philip IV. Aarschots post-mortem inventory shows that the duke owned a vast gallery of royal portraits. These greatly interested Francesco I dEste, Duke of Modena (16101658), who contacted one Ippolito Camillo Guidi about acquiring them. Guidi, in turn, involved Velzquez.53 Aarschot had a portrait of Philip IV and others of the infantes Charles and Ferdinand of Austria, as well as one of the Prince of today, that is, Philips son Balthasar Charles of Austria (16291646).54 Ramiro Nez Felpez de Guzmn, Duke of Medina de las Torres (d. 1688), must have taken two portraits of Philip IV and one of Balthasar Charles of Austria, all by Velzquez, from Madrid to Naples, where they appear in the 1641 inventory of his guardarobba. One of the portraits of the king is described as a painting with the portrait of the King, Our Lord, halfgure, with frame of gold, about three palms, by the hand of Diego Velascheswhich is difcult to identify. But the second portrait of Philip IV is said to depict him with a dog, and gun in hand, and forest, while his heir appears with three dogs, and gun in hand. This places them in the group of hunting portraits of Philip IV and Prince Balthasar Charles that Velzquez painted for Torre de la Parada, one of the kings royal hunting lodges.55 By the time of Philip IV, Francesco Patrizis objection to royal portraits on the grounds that they could be seen only by a few and in a single place had been rendered moot thanks to engravings. Besides the printing of loose leaves, special importance was given to the inclusion of royal portraits in books intended for the general public. This is exemplied by the portrait of Philip IV engraved by Herman Panneels (16101651), which together with one of Gaspar de Guzmnboth ex Archetypo Velazquezappeared in the Ilustracin del

F i gur e 1 6

Herman Panneels (Flemish, 16101651), Portrait

of Philip IV, 1638. Prior to the second dedication in Juan Antonio de Tapia y Robles (Spanish, active 17th century), Ilustracin del renombre de Grande: Principio, grandeza, y etimologa: Pontices, Santos, Emperadores, Reyes, i Varones ilustres que le merecieron en la voz publica de los hombres (Madrid: Francisco Martnez, 1638). Engraving; ink on paper, 7 x 5 in. (188 x 127 mm). Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid

renombre de Grande (Illustration of the Renown of the Great), published by Juan Antonio de Tapia y Robles (active 17th century) in 1638 (g. 16).56 Feerequest forms from the period show that inserting prints signicantly affected the sale price of books. When Tapia was allowed to sell his Ilustracin for only six maravedis per sheet, he reduced the number of ne plates from the planned thirty-nine to twenty; all were

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 45

12/07/12 8:07

46

Fi g u re 17

Pedro de Villafranca y Malagn (Spanish, 16151684),

F i gur e 1 8

Pedro de Villafranca y Malagn, Portrait of Philip IV, 1661.

Engraving plate for Portrait of Philip IV, 1660. Printed in Difniciones de la orden y cavalleria de Calatrava conforme al capitulo general celebrado en Madrid ao de MDCLII (Madrid: Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1661). Engraving plate; copper, image: 10 58 x 6 78 in. (269 x 174 mm). Gobierno de Espaa, Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte, Archivo Histrico Nacional, Madrid

In Difniciones de la orden y cavalleria de Calatrava conforme al capitulo general celebrado en Madrid ao de MDCLII (Madrid: Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1661). Engraving; ink on paper, 10 58 x 6 78 in. (269 x 174 mm). Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid

by Pedro Perete (16081639), dated 1637, except for the two by Panneels after Velzquez, which were from 1638.57 The average edition of a printed work in the Siglo de Oro consisted of around fteen hundred copies; this indicates that the addition of engravings to the printed word was of incomparable worth in making the royal gure known. Moreover, it was equally valuable in making Velzquezs models known. Also signicant was the development of chalcographic engraving, which afforded more accuracy in the design and greater legibility of the allegorical stories, and permitted the reuse of plates in excellent condition.

Relatively few seventeenth-century Spanish chalcographic plates have survived. Noteworthy are the four copper plates by Pedro de Villafranca y Malagn (16151684) at the Archivo Histrico Nacional (National Historical Archive) in Madrid, which come from the Consejo de rdenes Militares (Council of Military Orders). The rst of these plates is an Immaculate Conception with the inscription Spes nostra (Our hope), dating from 1655. It was printed in the Regla y establecimientos nuevos (Rule and New Edicts) of the Order of Santiago, which appeared that same year. The second and third plates, signed by Villafranca

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 46

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

47

Fi g u re 19

Pedro de Villafranca y Malagn, Engraving plate

F i gur e 2 0

Pedro de Villafranca y Malagn, Engraved title page

for Portrait of Philip IV, 1662. Printed as the engraved title page of Diniciones de la orden y cavallera de Alcntara con la historia y origen della (Madrid: Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1663). Engraving plate; copper, image: 11 x 7 in. (279 x 183 mm). Gobierno de Espaa, Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte, Archivo Histrico Nacional, Madrid

of Diniciones de la orden y cavallera de Alcntara con la historia y origen della (Madrid: Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1663). Engraving; ink on paper, 11 x 7 in. (279 x 183 mm). Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid

in Madrid in 1660, correspond, respectively, to the title page of the Difniciones (Denitions) of the Order of Calatrava and the portrait of Philip IV that accompanied that same work (gs. 17, 18). The fourth plate was engraved for the cover of the Diniciones (Denitions) of the Order of Alcntara printed in Madrid in 1662, which the engraver signed in Madrid that same year (gs. 19, 20). The plates at the Archivo Histrico Nacional include two with portraits of Philip IV that Villafranca engraved in 1660 and 1662, respectively. For reasons as yet unknown, the plates must have been kept by the

Consejo de rdenes Militares, which allowed another run of prints to be made at a later date. This was the case with the 1660 royal portrait of Philip IV for the Order of Calatrava, which was used again when its regulations were reprinted in Madrid in 1748.58 Villafranca has justiably been considered one of the gures most responsible for making Velzquezs royal portraits known to a larger public. The plates in Madrid seem to have been engraved after portraits painted toward the end of Velzquezs life, given their similarity to the Philip IV at the National Gallery in London, which can be dated around the second half of the 1650s.

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 47

12/07/12 8:07

48

Fi g u re 21

Attributed to Jos Snchez de Velasco

(Spanish, active c. 16151645), Philip IV, c. early 17th century. Oil on canvas, 80 38 x 41 in. (204 x 106 cm). Colegio Mayor de Anaya, Aula Magna, Universidad de Salamanca

Besides their distribution in the form of engravings, Velzquezs models became known through copies, some better than others. A Philip IV at the University of Salamanca (g. 21) is a good example. Little is known of Jos Snchez de Velasco (active c. 16151645), to whom the canvas in Salamanca is attributed. He painted several series of portraits for the Colegio Mayor de San Bartolom (or de Anaya), a university for which he began working around 1615. Between

then and 1631, he did some fty portraits, among them a series of illustrious members of that institution. In 1631, Snchez de Velasco testied about his portrait of Martn Gasc in a court case between the Colegio Mayor de San Bartolom and the Colegio Mayor de la Magdalena, also in Salamanca. His testimony indicates that he was rst commissioned by Diego de Riao to paint portraits in 1614 or 1615. He executed the rst series on the basis of detailed instructions from the future president of the Consejo de Castilla (Council of Castile), then began a second series two years later, and a third in 1623.59 It seems likely that the Philip IV now at the University of Salamanca was part of the eight paintings of that third series, along with other royal portraits also at the university. The unquestionable presence of alumni of the Colegio Mayor de San Bartolom in the monarchys main governmental institutionsfrom Riao, whose relationship with Snchez de Velasco is documented, to the powerful secretary of state, Juan de Villela (15631630)60could explain how Velzquezs model reached Salamanca. In any case, it is an eloquent example of how models forged in courtly circles rapidly spread beyond the palace walls. The painting is not of the highest quality, but despite its differences, the one in Salamanca obviously draws on the portrait of Philip IV at the Prado, and its companions in New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, g. 5) and Boston (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, g. 6, and the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum). Paraphrasing Zabaletas observation that the great artists paint with clear handwriting, while the poor ones spell things out, we could say that the painter of the Philip IV in Salamanca barely manages to scribble what Velzquez renders in pure calligraphy. Still, at the heart of an interesting controversy, some theorists felt that poor portraits of the monarch should not be condemned, because they, too, offered subjects the consolation of being able to see their king. It was also Zabaleta who, in his Errores celebrados (Celebrated Errors, 1653), stated that no prince should refuse to be depicted, even by the least gifted painters,

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 48

12/07/12 8:07

F ERN AN D O BO UZ A

THE M A J ESTY OF PHI L I P IV: BETW EEN PAINTED AND ST ORIED

49

because that would amount to denying himself the reverent fondness of the many, as the best Artists can make only a few portraits and statues, and very few can obtain them. Moreover, it would be cruel to deny that royal gift to loyal subjects who cannot enter the Court.61 Thus, thanks to copyists, engravers, and printers, the king was represented to his subjects, with greater or lesser formal quality. The portrait Philip IV Deceased, from 1665 (g. 22), does not stand out precisely because of its quality. This image, related to the Franciscan Venerable Third Order, represents the funerary epilogue of royal majesty. But its motive is undoubtedly extraordinary, although it is not as rare as might be thought; a similar scene of the monarch, on his deathbed, was printed in Paris that same year, probably engraved by Louis Boissevin (d. 1685).62 Yet there is no doubt that the nest representation of the monarch was his own person, the living

emblem of the monarchy incarnated in his physical body, even if not everyone had the opportunity to see him or hear him speak. Indeed, not only was this impossible, it was not even desirable, according to the majestic theory of the period. The royal presence had to be substituted through the work of those who employed their art and profession to provide adequate and eloquent simulacra, regardless of the quality achieved. While the ideal of the era was that Philip IVs royal majesty should be as well painted as it was storied, the brushes of the painters and the plates of the engravers were evidently more effective than the pens of the historiographers. Better portrayed than storied, His Catholic Majestys subjects always displayed an undeniable interest in knowing their king, and books, engravings, and paintings were the vehicles for the subtle symbolism of the royalty so perfectly reproduced by Velzquez in his Philip IV, with his naturally dangling hand.

Fi g u re 22

Artist unknown

(Active 17th century), Philip IV Deceased, 1665. Oil on canvas, 32 38 x 41 in. (82 x 104 cm). Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid

0436viso_036-049 Bouza#5.indd 49

12/07/12 8:08

114

61 62

Cruz Valdovinos 2011, pp. 9394. Velzquez himself notably changed the expressiveness of his portraits to suit local taste during his second visit to Rome. On the consecration of the royal image in Spain at the beginning of the seventeenth century, see J. F. Moftt, The Theoretical Basis of Velzquezs Court Portraiture, Zeitschrift fr Kunstgeschichte, 54 (1990), pp. 216225; and A. Feros, Sacred and Terrifying Gazes: Languages and Images of Power in Early Modern Spain, in S. Stratton (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Velzquez, Cambridge, England, 2002, pp. 73ff. J. Brown, Velzquez y lo velazqueo: Los problemas de las atribuciones, Boletn del Museo del Prado, 18, no. 36 (2000), pp. 5254. The provenance of these works was announced by A. Mlida, Los Velzquez de la casa de Villahermosa, Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos, 9 (1905), pp. 8998. Grandes letras, ingenio y experiencia. Almansa (1624) 1982, p. 312. Late October 1622. Gonzlez Palencia 1942, p. 40. See L. de Corral, Don Diego de Corral y Arellano y los Corrales de Valladolid: Apuntes histricos, Madrid, 1905, pp. 35ff. For its provenance, see M. C. Volk, Of Connoisseurs and Kings: Velzquezs Philip IV at Fenway Court, in Fenway Court, Boston, 1975, pp. 2335. Elliott 1998, pp. 315ff. C. Garrido Prez, Puntualizaciones sobre algunos retratos de Diego Velzquez, Goya, 298 (2004), pp. 4ff. Y luego su majestad con tanta devocin, como es su gallarda y bro, con un rico vestido bordado noguerado, y el collar grande del tusn, y su hermano don carlos a la mano izquierda, como un paso delante, y otro detrs. A. Almansa, Carta duodcima (1623), in Simn Daz 1982, p. 259. B. de Pantorba, Vida y obra de Velzquez, Madrid, 1955, pp. 8687. Harris 1970, p. 371. Tiene llave dorada de la cmar. . . . Clzase las espuelas y le ayuda [al rey] a poner a caballo y apearse. Gonzlez Dvila 1623, p. 316. They are described in ibid., pp. 316317. A. Martnez Ripoll, El conde-duque con una vara en la mano, de Velzquez, o la praxis olivarista de la razn de estado, en torno a 1625, in J. H. Elliott and A. Garca Sanz (eds.), La Espaa del conde-duque de Olivares, Valladolid, 1987, pp. 4774. Enriqueta Harris quotes a letter from Olivares to Rubens dated August 8 of that year, thanking him for this proof of his friendship. See E. Harris, Velzquez, Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain, 1991, p. 60. Punto por punto. Justi (1888) 1999, p. 197. Harris 1991, p. 61. J. Gllego, Catlogo, in A. E. Prez Snchez, J. Domnguez Ortiz, and J. Gllego, Velzquez, exh. cat., Madrid, 1990, p. 122. Harris 1991, p. 64.

The Majesty of Philip IV: Between Painted and Storied

DR. FERNANDO BOUZA
PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF EARLY MODERN HISTORY UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID (SPAIN)

63

Research related to this essay was carried out as part of the mineco project (Government of Spain) HAR2011-27177, drawing on its fundings.
1

64

65

Se ve al augusto personaje en pie, vestido con traje negro, capa y golilla, apoyada la mano izquierda sobre una mesa con tapete rojo en la empuadura de la espada; la mano derecha naturalmente cada conserva un papel. Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid (BNE), Bellas Artes, Junta de Iconografa Nacional, Cdulas, Felipe IV, Cdula 1001, undated. Strikethrough is intentional. L. Dez del Corral, Velzquez, la monarqua e Italia, Madrid, 1978, p. 77. E. H. Kantorowicz, The Kings Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology, Princeton, New Jersey, 1957. A. Feros, Vicedioses pero humanos: El drama del rey, Cuadernos de historia moderna, 14 (1993), pp. 103132. El olor, el passeo, el donaire, descubre al Prncipe ms recatado de noche, con el ferreruelo de color, y con el sombrero de castor. J. Lanez, Daniel cortesano en Babilonia, Madrid, Iuan Sanchez, 1644, p. 97. Cierto don de superioridad con que podemos creer que Dios caracteriza a los Prncipes, aunque sean brbaros. Archivo Histrico Nacional, Seccin Nobleza, Toledo (AHN-SN), Osuna, Cartas, 46-27-1. La gallarda y bro que Dios le ha dado aventajndose a los dems. Archivo de los Duques de Alba, Madrid, box 58, Carta de Gaspar de Guzmn al Cardenal de la Cueva, Madrid, March 3, 1623. Encerrado con l a solas le examinaua, con un papel en las manos. D. Altamirano, Defensa de Don Felipe de Aremberg, [Madrid, 1639], fol. 143v. Con tan airoso movimiento y tal expresin de lo majestuoso y augusto de su rostro, que en m se turb el respeto y le inclin la rodilla y los ojos. D. Saavedra Fajardo, Repblica literaria (1655), quoted in Varia velazquea: Homenaje a Velzquez en el III centenario de su muerte, 16601960, Madrid, 1960, vol. 2, pp. 5758. Cf. L. R. Bass, The Drama of the Portrait: Theater and Visual Culture in Early Modern Spain, University Park, Pennsylvania, 2008, pp. 7980. Donde los pressos della se alegraron en ver su rreal presenia and clamando livertad abrieron una gran jaula de pjaros que tenan con una letra en que signicavan su prisin. Private Library, Madrid, Manuscritos, Relacin de la entrada del rrey en la ciudad de Seuilla biernes a primero de maro deste ao de 1624 u lo suedido de all adelante, fol. 2r. Cf. A. Malcolm, La prctica informal del poder: La poltica de la corte y el acceso a la familia real durante la segunda mitad del reinado de Felipe IV, Reales sitios, 147 (2001), pp. 3848. J. H. Elliott, El Conde-Duque de Olivares: El poltico en una poca de decadencia, Barcelona, 1990, pp. 376380. Que est de muy buen humor, sac Felipe IV el cuerpo del coche porque el muchacho alcanzara [a drselo], que no poda, y alargando la mano le tom, and se pusso muy alegre y luego sac la cabeza fuera para reconoer

66 67 68

2 3

69

70 71

72

73 74 75

76 77

10

78

11

79 80 81

12

13

82

0436viso_112-123 Notas#7.indd 114

02/08/12 10:35

N OTE S

115

quin le haua dado. An le alcan con la vista y le not bien las seas, con que el pueblo qued muy contento de aquella atencin. Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Casa de Cadaval, book 19, fols. 595v596r, Jernimo de Torres to Miguel Batista de Lanuza, Madrid, March 7, 1643.
14 15

Pellicer de Ossau: Una visin de la monarqua catlica en torno a 1640, Espacio, tiempo y forma: Historia moderna, 13 (2000), pp. 133163.
29 30

Reprinted in 1634 in Barcelona at the behest of Sebastin de Cormellas. Con sinceridad de intencin y berdad que es lo que slo deseo. Archivo Histrico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Consejos suprimidos, leg. 7171, 102. D. Garca Cueto, Seicento bolos y Siglo de Oro espaol, Madrid, 2006. V. Malvezzi, La libra . . . psanse las ganancias y las prdidas de la monarqua de Espaa en el . . . reynado de Filipe IV, Pamplona, [1639]; and V. Malvezzi, Sucesos principales de la monarqua de Espaa en el ao de mil i seiscientos i treinta i nueve, Madrid, Enprenta Real, 1640. V. Malvezzi, Historia de los primeros aos del reinado de Felipe IV, ed. D. L. Shaw, London, 1968. Escriven historias de estos tiempos. AHN, Estado, book 118, Despacho de Gaspar de Teves, Venice, November 4, 1645. Un baulillo con adereos de pintar. AHN, Consejos suprimidos, leg. 49869. The 1599 inventory of the possessions of Philip IIIs teacher Garca de Loasa (15341599) lists una tabla de caa que dizen que pint de su mano el rey don felipe nuestro seora panel of hunting said to have been painted by our lord the king, Philip. Archivo Histrico de Protocolos, Madrid (AHPM), 1811, fol. 1673v. se que tienes t por gran monarca / viviendo no fue rey, sino pintado. Quoted in T. Egido, Stiras polticas de la Espaa moderna, Madrid, 1973, pp. 101104. Mirando estaba un retrato / del rey Felipe Tercero, / donde armado le pintaron, / un pobre soldado viejo. Primavera y or de los mejores romances (1621), quoted in the edition by J. F. Montesinos, Oxford, 1954, pp. 207209. The quotations that follow are papeles de sus servicios and Pintado, seor, os hablo. See, for example, L. Varela, El rey fuera de palacio: La repercusin social del retrato regio en el Renacimiento espaol, in El linaje del emperador, exh. cat., Madrid, 2000, pp. 99134. Cf. M. Olivari, Entre el trono y la opinin: La vida poltica castellana en los siglos XVI y XVII, Valladolid, 2004. Egido 1973. F. Bouza, Por no usarse: Sobre uso, circulacin y mercado de imgenes polticas en la alta edad moderna, in J. L. Palos and D. CarriInvernizzi (dirs.), La historia imaginada: Construcciones visuales del pasado en la edad moderna, Madrid, 2008, pp. 4164. AHN-SN, Osuna, Cartas, 12-4-29. G. B. Buragna, Batalla peregrina entre amor y delidad, Mantoa Carpentana [Madrid], 1651, p. 161. L. Marin, Portrait of the King, Minneapolis, 1988. S. N. Orso, Philip IV and the Decoration of the Alczar of Madrid, Princeton, New Jersey, 1986, pp. 144153. Con la llave que tiene entre en la galera de los retratos donde lo hacen los grandes. AHN-SN, Fras, box 1436, 20. Los retratos del seor Rei Don Felipe el Tercero, y Reina doa. Margarita, y de sus Magestades [Felipe IV e Isabel de Borbn], debaxo de doseles de brocado. J. Gmez de Mora, Auto de fe celebrado en Madrid este ao de MDCXXXII, Madrid, Francisco Martnez, 1632, fol. 24r.

El dexarse mucho ver los haze menos respetados. Lanez 1644, p. 128. Lo raro produce admiracin, y la conuersacin desprecio. Ibid., p. 381. Cf. D. H. Bodart, Pouvoirs du portrait sous les Habsbourg dEspagne, Paris, 2011. Los hombres . . . no les entra el respeto sino por los sentidos. Lanez 1644, p. 381. F. Bouza, El libro y el cetro: La biblioteca de Felipe IV en la Torre Alta del Alczar de Madrid, Salamanca, 2005. G. Martnez Leiva and A. Rodrguez Rebollo, Quadros y otras cosas que tiene su Magestad Felipe IV en este Alczar de Madrid: Ao de 1636, Madrid, 2007, pp. 170171. The series is at the Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, P 1394P 1398. Ibid., p. 172. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, P 1610. Joachin de Patenier, de Bouaines. BNE, MS 2645, fol. 144v, Philip IV (trans.), Descripcin de Monseor Luis Guchardini, gentilhombre de Florencia, de todos los Pases Bajos, llamados por otro nombre Alemania la Baja. BNE, MS 786, fol. 324v, Philip IV (trans.), Descripcin de Luis Guichardino patricio orentn, de todos los Pases Bajos, que por otro nombre se llaman Alemania la Baja (1636). Los retratos, y las estatuas, son una historia donde se leen apriessa las excelencias de los que all estn signicados, letra ms clara, and los ojos van deletreando, perciben poco, y cnsanse presto. J. de Zabaleta, Historia de Nuestra Seora de Madrid, in J. de Zabaleta, Obras histricas, polticas, loscas, y morales, Barcelona, Joseph Texid, 1704, p. 496. Em hum retrato os varios acontecimentos da vida. G. de Cspedes y Meneses, Primera parte de la varia fortuna del soldado Pndaro, 1626. I quote the censure by T. de So Domingos, Lisbon, January 8, 1625, from the edition by A. Pacheco, Madrid, 1975, p. 3. Las historias de buenos authores muestran las verdaderas imgenes del hombre, y son parte para que en todo el mundo las vea quien quiera, las imgenes carescen de sentido y apenas se conosce en ellas el rostro, no pueden ser vistas, sino de pocos y en un solo lugar, and los que han de Imperar lean historias a menudo, y no hagan caso de las imgenes de sus mayores. F. Patrizi, De reyno y de la institucin del que ha de reynar y de cmo deue auerse con los sbditos y ellos con l, Madrid, 1591, fols. 76r79v. F. Pacheco, El arte de la pintura (1649), quoted in Varia velazquea 1960, vol. 2, pp. 1112. Muy bien retratado, pero no s si est tan bien historiado. F. Morovelli de Puebla, Que no se deben desestimar las cosas excelentes por ser ordinarias, n.p., n.d., epistle dedicated to Manuel Alonso Prez de Guzmn, [pp. 45]. On the historiography of that period, see R. L. Kagan, Clio and the Crown: The Politics of History in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, Baltimore, 2010. J. M. Jover, Historia de una polmica y semblanza de una generacin (1635), Madrid, 1949. Recopila los mayores sucessos de su felicssimo reinado [de Felipe IV] hasta el Ao MDCXXXV. On La astrea sca, see R. Martn Poln,
36 31

32

16

17

33

18

34

35

19 20

21

37

22

38

23

39

24

40

41 42

43 44

25

26

45 46

47

27

48

28

0436viso_112-123 Notas#7.indd 115

12/07/12 8:18

116

Cf. P. Prez dOrs and M. Gallagher, New Information on Velzquezs Portrait of Philip IV at Fraga in The Frick Collection, New York, The Burlington Magazine, 152, no. 1291 (2010), pp. 652659.
49

Politics and Courtly Culture in the Early Reign of Philip IV

DR. ANTONIO FEROS
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA

De una mscara en palacio de noche. Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Contaduras generales, leg. 201-1. Otro lieno de pintura de una prespetiba y la Reina, nuestra seora, pasendose por la ssala con una meninas. AHPM, 5993, fol. 1131v. En la pared njidas pinturas de las rreinas de la casa de Austria de Spaa. M. B. Burke and P. Cherry, Spanish Inventories I: Collections of Paintings in Madrid, 16011755, Los Angeles, 1997, vol. 1, p. 349. Unas meninas. On this, see ibid., vol. 1, p. 347. S. Salort, Velzquez en Italia, Madrid, 2002, pp. 200201. Prncipe de oy. Burke and Cherry 1997, vol. 1, p. 357. Un quadro coil ritratto del R Nostro Signore mezza gura con cornice doro de palmi tre in circa di mano di Diego Velasches, con una [sic] cane, et scoppetta in mano, e bosco, and cocani tre, e scoppetta in mano. F. Bouza, De Rafael a Ribera y de Npoles a Madrid: Nuevos inventarios de la coleccin Medina de las Torres-Stigliano (16411656), Boletn del Museo del Prado, 45 (2009), pp. 4471. J. A. de Tapia y Robles, Ilustracin del renombre de Grande: Principio, grandeza y etimologa; Pontices, Santos, Emperadores, Reyes, i Varones ilustres que le merecieron en la voz publica de los hombres, Madrid, Francisco Martnez, 1638. Laminas nas. AHN, Consejos suprimidos, leg. 46921. The engravings corresponding to the plates mentioned here are found in: Francisco Ruiz de Vergara, Regla y establecimientos de la orden y cavallera del gloriosso apstol Santiago, patrn de las Spaas, con la historia del origen y principio della, Madrid, Domingo Garcia Morrs, 1655; Difniciones de la orden y cavallera de Calatrava conforme al captulo general celebrado en Madrid ao de MDCLII, Madrid, Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1661; Diniciones de la orden y cavallera de Alcntara con la historia y origen della, Madrid, Diego Daz de la Carrera, 1663; and Diniciones de la orden y cavallera de Calatrava conforme al captulo general celebrado en Madrid ao de MDCLII, 2nd printing, Madrid, Imprenta del Mercurio, 1748. AHN, Consejos suprimidos, legs. 31817, 33217. On the legal suit and the artist, see A. Huarte Echenique, El Dr. D. Martn Gasco, Baslica teresiana, 8, no. 86 (1921), pp. 229235; and A. Huarte Echenique, El pintor Jos Snchez de Velasco, Baslica teresiana, 8, no. 87 (1921), pp. 265275. On Villela and Velzquez, see E. Harris and J. H. Elliott, Velzquez and the Queen of Hungary, The Burlington Magazine, 118, no. 874 (1976), pp. 2427. Privarse del reverente cario de los muchos, porque son pocos los retratos y estatuas que pueden hazer los buenos Artces y pocos los que pueden conseguirlos and crueldad sera negar este agassajo al sbdito leal, que no entra en la Corte. J. de Zabaleta, Errores celebrados (1653), in Zabaleta 1704, p. 86. Dans so[n] liet de parade. BNE, Bellas Artes, Estampas Inventario, 2928. E. Pez Ros et al., Los Austrias: Grabados de la Biblioteca Nacional, exh. cat., Madrid, 1993, pp. 307308.

50

51

1 2

P. Fernndez Albaladejo, La crisis de la monarqua, Barcelona, 2009, p. 63. J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline, New Haven, Connecticut, 1986. See F. Bouza, Imagen y propaganda: Captulos de historia cultural del reinado de Felipe II, Madrid, 1998; and F. Bouza, Comunicacin, conocimiento y memoria en la Espaa de los siglos XVI y XVII, Salamanca, 1999. C. Jouhaud, Les pouvoirs de la littrature: Histoire dun paradoxe, Paris, 2000. See also A. Viala and C. Jouhaud (eds.), De la publication: Entre Renaissance et Lumires, Paris, 2002. F. Bouza, Papeles y opinin: Polticas de publicacin en el Siglo de Oro, Madrid, 2008. See also his fascinating study of the royal library of Philip IV, which was inspired by Francisco de Rioja (15831659), a poet and client of Olivares: El libro y el cetro: La biblioteca de Felipe IV en la Torre Alta del Alczar de Madrid, Salamanca, 2005. J. H. Elliott, Quevedo and the Count-Duke of Olivares, in J. H. Elliott, Spain and Its World: 15001700, New Haven, Connecticut, 1989, pp. 189210. Veremos que mundo corre seor mo. Es Dios verdad que pierdo el juicio con lo que aqu pasa, y que heme de tornar loco porque no he visto hablar en mil aos desde las verduleras hasta cuantos hay, y esas dicen las cosas de manera que no s decirme. Rodrigo Caldern to Juan de Hinojosa, January 16, 1615. Cosas curiosas sucedidas en el tiempo y vida del rey Phelipo Tercero, as de su gobierno como de su vida, Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, Madrid, MS 1174, fol. 37v. Y en el discurso de su pltica vinieron a tratar en esto que llaman razn de estado y modos de gobierno, enmendando este abuso y condenando aquel, reformando una costumbre y desterrando otra. M. de Cervantes Saavedra, Don Quijote de la Mancha (1615), ed. F. Rico, Madrid, 1998, p. 406. The creation of a public space for debate in modern Spain is the object of some interesting studies. To mention just a few: A. Castillo Gmez, Entre la pluma y la pared: Una historia social de la escritura en los Siglos de Oro, Madrid, 2006 (esp. chaps. 78); A. Castillo Gmez and J. Amelang (eds.), Opinin pblica y espacio urbano en la edad moderna, Madrid, 2010; Michele Olivari, Entre el trono y la opinin: La vida poltica castellana en los siglos XVI y XVII, Valladolid, 2004; and the classic and still essential J. Vilar, Literatura y economa: La gura satrica del arbitrista en el Siglo de Oro, Madrid, 1973. A. Feros, Kingship and Favoritism in the Spain of Philip III, Cambridge, England, 2000. On the nal years of his reign, see chapter 12 and the epilogue. J. H. Elliott, Self-Perception and Decline in Early Seventeenth-Century Spain, in Elliott 1989, chap. 11. Apariencias fabulosas, maravillas soadas, tesoros de duendes, guras de representantes en comedias. A. Lin y Verdugo, Gua y avisos de forasteros que vienen a la corte (1620), ed. E. Simons, Madrid, 1980, pp. 49, 97, 96.

52 53 54 55

56

57 58

59

60

61

10

62

11

12

0436viso_112-123 Notas#7.indd 116

12/07/12 8:18