The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology (2010) 39.1: 125145 doi: 10.1111/j.1095-9270.2009.00249.

A Hellenistic/Early Roman Shipwreck Assemblage off Ashkelon, Israel

E. Galili
Israel Antiquities Authority, POB 180 Atlit, 30300, Israel, udi@israntique.org.il

V. Sussman
Institute of Archaeology, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan, Israel

G. Stiebel
Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel, stiebel@mscc.huji.ac.il

B. Rosen
Israel Antiquities Authority, POB 180 Atlit, 30300, Israel
Underwater surveys at Ashkelon during 1998 exposed a Hellenistic/Roman shipwreck. The ship, c.1525 m long, sank in the 1st or 2nd century BC, and its remains include iron anchors, lead sheathing, copper nails, assorted metal artefacts, and shipwrights unused nails. Bronze vessels foundoil-lamp, shovel and ladlescould have functioned in cult rites. Weights and balance-scale parts demonstrate commercial activity. Fishing-net sinkers indicate involvement in shing. This paper raises important points regarding the risk to shipwrecks on the Israeli coast from environmental and human interference, and suggests that Ashkelon never had a built-up port. 2009 The Authors Key words: trumpet, balance, weights, iron anchors, symbolic ritual, shipwright.

he Mediterranean coast of Israel is characterized by shallow sandy shores, few natural shelters, and frequent seasonal storms (UK Hydrographic Ofce, 1976). Vessels caught in a storm drifted ashore and wrecked in the surf-zone, and heavy objects were buried in the sand. Such buried artefacts were protected from destruction and salvage, and survived as intact assemblages (Frost, 1962; Muckelroy, 1975; Ward et al., 1999; Galili et al., 2002a). In the last 50 years changing coastal sedimentation patterns, caused by natural processes combined with human activities (sand quarrying and the construction of marine structures), have resulted in shortage of sand and exposure of archaeological sites on the shallow sea-bottom. These phenomena, in combination with intensied underwater

archaeological exploration, have resulted in the discovery of numerous wreck-sites (Galili et al., 2002a). The construction of the Ashkelon marina and the electricity power-plant south of the city (Fig. 1), caused a signicant reduction in the volume of unconsolidated sediments, mainly sand, in the coastal zone. This resulted in the exposure of wide areas of the sea-oor, revealing numerous archaeological assemblages (Galili et al., 1993; Galili and Sharvit, 1994). After exposure, the archaeological artefacts were threatened by marine erosion and treasure-hunting. This situation necessitated the initiation of rescue surveys to ensure documentation and retrieval of archaeological material. Underwater rescue surveys at Ashkelon were carried out by the Israel

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Antiquities Authority (IAA) between 1994 and 2004. During the winter storms of 1998 a shipwreck assemblage from the late-1st2nd century BC was detected and excavated by the IAA. The wooden hull had disintegrated completely, and only heavy items survived. Ship-related items included iron anchors with stocks, lead sheathing and copper-alloy nails. Other copper-alloy nds included an oil-lamp, an incense-shovel, a cauldron, a decorated ladle, a trumpet and a set of balance-weights. These artefacts are described and discussed below, listed by a catalogue numbers and diving reports when available.

The site
The site is situated off the northern suburbs of Ashkelon (Fig. 1) between two municipal

beaches. The coastline in the area is straight and sandy with no shelter or mooring facilities for seagoing vessels. The beach and the shallow seas adjacent to it are covered by sand underlain by kurkar (aeolianite sandstone) and beach-rock formations. Due to coastal erosion these rocks are often exposed by the shifting sand. The artefacts were scattered on the exposed sea-oor at a depth of 34 m, 80100 m west off the coastline. Most of the heavy artefacts were concentrated in a small area, 15 15 m, probably the location at which the vessel was wrecked. The rest of the artefacts were scattered, fan-like, east and south-east of this concentration, toward the beach, over an area of c.30 30 m.

The anchors
Four iron anchors were located on the wrecksitea pair of 2-armed anchors with their stocks not inserted, and two 1-armed anchors with their stocks in place. Only three were retrieved. The pair of iron anchors (nos 1 and 2) with their stocks beside them, were lying concreted together but in opposite alignments on the western edge of the wreck-site. The two stocks were lying beside them, parallel to the anchor shanks (Figs 24) (Table 1). The larger anchor (no. 1) was broken at the top. The shank has a rectangular cross-section near the arms, narrowing to a polygonal cross-section towards the central part. The upper 35 cm of the shank is attened to a rectangular cross-section. The upper 10 cm is corroded but the concretion showed that the vanished top section had a hole in which an iron ring was inserted. Most of the elliptical ring (23 34 cm) survived. It was formed from a circular iron rod, 2 cm in diameter. The shank was thickened into a box-like shape c.40 cm below its top, between the attened upper area and the polygonal shank. Within this was a rectangular hole into which the stock could be inserted. The two arms have a rectangular crosssection, their upper 15 cm being attened, chisellike. An extension of the shank, below the arms,

Figure 1. Location map. Table 1. Basic measurements of the 2-armed anchors Anchor no. 1 2 Type 2-armed 2-armed Weight c.50 kg 40 kg Length 190 cm (est. originally c.2 m) 143 cm Distance between points of arms 103 cm 65 cm Length of each arm 70 cm 45 cm Length of stock 158 cm 110 cm Thickness of stock 6 cm 5 cm

126

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

Figure 3. The iron anchors displayed in the National Maritime Museum in Haifa. (E. Galili)

Figure 2. Divers checking the iron anchors in situ (top): no 1 proximal, no 2 distal (bottom). (S. Ben-Yehuda)

had been drilled, and inserted into this hole was a salvaging-ring, 12 cm in diameter, made from a round iron rod of 2 cm diameter. The slightlycurved stock is rectangular in cross-section, with two round holes in the centre. One was plugged permanently by a protruding rectangular at pin (4 4 cm) which was riveted into the stock by hammering it on the side opposite the pin. The protruding pin was hollowed and a ring (4 cm diameter), with an S-shaped chain link attached to it, was inserted in this hole (Fig. 5). A lost pin, which was probably hanging on this chain, could have been inserted in the second hole. The whole

xture was designed to lock the movable stock rmly in place (Fig. 6). As far as we know such a method of joining the stock to the shank in antiquity has not been previously reported. The smaller anchor is complete (Fig. 7) (Table 1). The shank has a rectangular crosssection in the lower section near the arms, and a heptangular cross-section in the upper part. The upper 20 cm of the shank is attened to a rectangular cross-section. It is hollowed at its top with an iron ring inserted in the hole. Most of the elliptical ring (170 125 mm) survives, formed from a circular iron rod 15 mm in diameter. The shank is thickened into a box-shape c.20 cm below its top, between the attened upper area and the polygonal shank, creating a rectangular hole into which the stock could be inserted. The two arms have a rectangular cross-section and their upper 10 cm is attened, chisel-like. An extension of the shank, below the arms, was drilled and a salvaging-ring was probably inserted into this hole. The slightly-curved stock is rectangular in cross-section, with two round holes in the centre. One of the holes was plugged permanently by a protruding round, at pin (5 cm in diameter) which was riveted to the stock by hammering it on the opposite side. The protruding pin was hollowed to insert a ring with chain and another pin
127

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Figure 6. Reconstruction of the 2-armed iron anchors. (S. Ben-Yehuda)

Figure 4. Iron anchor no. 1. (S. Ben-Yehuda)

Figure 5. Detail of stock of anchor no. 1. (E. Galili)

(Fig. 6) similar to anchor no. 1, though neither ring, chain nor pin survived. Two 1-armed anchors were discovered, with their stocks inserted, c.30 m south-east of the main artefact concentration (Galili and Sharvit, 1998; Galili, et al., 2001). They were about 10 m apart and only one of them, no. 3, was recovered (Fig. 8). This anchor, which has lost much material through corrosion, weighs c.3.3 kg. The
128

Figure 7. Iron anchor no. 2. (E. Galili)

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

Figure 8. One-armed anchor no. 3. (S. BenYehuda)

shank, rectangular in cross-section in the lower part, tapering to a square section in the thinner upper part, and the rectangular cross-section arm, were forged together forming one piece. A round hole in the upper part of the shank retains the remnants of an iron ring, 11 cm in diameter. Below the ring, an elongated stock, with a rectangular section, is attached to the shank by a round rivet. The stock was placed asymmetrically so that its mass faced the single arm. In the lower part of the shank there is a hole in which a salvage-rope was once attached, perhaps by a ring. Discussion One-armed anchors from antiquity are relatively rare. They were rst mentioned by Kapitn (1971) who published a 1-armed wooden anchor from Sicily. Examples from Israel have been discussed recently (Galili and Rosen, 2007). One almostintact wooden example was recovered from the Maagan Michael shipwreck (Rosloff, 1991). Assembly pieces and stocks of such anchors were discovered in Atlit and Yavne Yam (Galili and Rosen, 2007). A 1-armed iron anchor similar to the ones from Ashkelon was recovered south of Apollonia (Galili and Rosen, 2007). Its original weight was c.1015 kg, its shank and stock were

rectangular in section and attached asymmetrically by a round pin with the mass facing the arm. Possibly the stock was detachable. In the upper part of the shank were traces of a hole holding an iron ring. One-armed anchors were mentioned in Egyptian papyri, so their presence in the Roman and Byzantine periods was known prior to their discovery by underwater archaeologists. Casson (1971) suggested that they were manually placed on the shore, substituting for a mooring-stake or -stone. The most signicant feature of this anchor is that the stock is joined to the side of the shank. This type of anchor was used continuously from antiquity to the presentmodern version are common on yachts. Two-armed iron anchors have apparently been used, in conjunction with wooden anchors, since at least the 3rd century BC (Haldane, 1984: 10). Ancient 2-armed iron anchors were dated and classied by Kapitn (1984), and his classication has been used by several subsequent scholars (for example Bockius, 2000). His early iron anchor type A, in which the arms on both sides of the shank are in the shape of an arrowhead, resembles earlier and contemporary wooden anchors (Kapitn, 1984), and is dated to the 3rd to 1st centuries BC. One example from the 1st century
129

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1 Table 2. Properties of the used nails Cat. no. 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 Use type (g. 10) C D D D D A+C C C C A A D D D Total length in mm 300 270 250 240 220 230 235 200 175 165 145 125 105 90 Max. head diameter in mm 18 18 19 15 13 17 16 16 18 19 15 16 19 15 Max. stem diameter in mm 10 8 7.5 8 7 9 8 9 9 8.5 7.5 7.2 7.9 6 Weight in gm 56 44 56 31 31 44 38 39 43 41 33 18.5 32 13.5

Remarks almost whole, bent at 174 mm head to stem joint straight almost whole, head to stem joint straight possibly up to 1 cm lost, head to stem joint straight head to stem joint conical head to stem joint conical head to stem joint straight bent at 15 cm Small part of tip missing, head to stem joint straight about 12 cm of tip missing, bent at 15 cm head to stem joint conical broken, head to stem joint conical almost whole broken part of long, massive nail whole short, perhaps re-used

BC appears in a mosaic from Pompeii (Ucelli, 1950: 246). Kapitns type-B anchors are generally later than type A. Two type-B anchors were recovered off Neve Yam, Israel near a Hellenistic shipwreck-site dated to the late-2nd to early-1st century BC (Galili and Sharvit, 1999b). A type-B anchor was recovered with the Lake Nemi ship, dated to the 1st century AD (Speziale, 1931). It seems that both types could be used simultaneously, as depicted in a grafto from Beit Jibrin, Israel (Bridley, 1919). The pair of 2-armed iron anchors from Ashkelon can be classied by their shape as an intermediate type between A and B. Thus dating them to the 1st to 2nd centuries BC seems to be justied.

Figure 9. Unused nails nos 10153, scale in cm. (E. Galili)

The copper-alloy nails

Both used and unused nails, all made of a copper alloy, were recovered from the wreck-site (Table 2). A concentration of 53 unused, straight, nails (nos 101153), all of round cross-section, was recovered from an area of less than 2 m2 (Fig. 9). Additionally 14 (nos 160174) bent/ twisted/cut nails, bearing hammer-marks on their heads, were recovered from a relatively wide area, encompassing the whole wreck-site (Fig. 10). All the nails have their heads, and no stem fragments were recovered, unlike other underwater wrecksites. However, four of the recovered used nails
130

were damaged: three (nos 162, 168, 170) were missing a small portion (13 cm) of the point, and one (no. 172) was missing more than a half the stem. The nails are described below according to their properties, shapes, forms and apparent patterns of use, based on a typology established for a large nail assemblage recovered from a Roman shipwreck off the north Carmel coast, using head-shape and stem cross-section as classifying attributes (Galili et al., forthcoming). All the nails have round cross-sections. The unused nails have a stem diameter (just below the head) ranging from 56 mm among the three shortest, and 7.27.3 mm among the three

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

Figure 10. Used nails, scale in cm. (E. Galili)

longest. Generally the longest nails are the thickest, but there are exceptions, which may have been caused by deviation in production, or later by corrosion. The diameters of the stems of the used nails vary between 89 mm in the three longest, and 7.510.5 mm in the shortest. There is no correlation between length and diameter of stem; for example, the thickest used nail (no. 169, 16.2 mm) is of medium length relative to other used nails. The lengths of the unused straight nails vary from 132 to 227 mm, and they do not cluster into groups of roughly similar lengths. The lengths of the used nails, however, vary between 90 and 299 mm and they can be divided to three groups: long nails (240299 mm), nine, of which two were broken; medium (125164 mm), three, one broken; and one short nail, 89 mm long. One nail (no. 172) is broken, with only about half surviving. Two basic nail shapes (according to the typology of Galili et al., in press) were identied, G and I. In type G the head-shape is a at cone or dome with a relatively thick rim (24 mm) circumscribed by a lip pointing downwards. The stem joins the bottom of the head at a straight angle. In type I the head is a at dome, its circumference ending in a sharp tip, with no apparent widened lip. The stem joins the head either with an arch-shaped widened area, or straight, as in type G. A few nails belong to an intermediate type between G and I. Most of the unused nails (44 of 53) belong to type G, six to type I and three are undetermined. Most of the used nails (13 of 14) have type I heads. The head-diameter of the three shortest unused nails varies between 13.5 and 15 mm, and that of the three longest 17.518 mm. Generally there is a gradual increase of head diameter as length increases, but there are several exceptions. Apparently the manufacturer of the nails did not pay as much attention to this dimensional relationship as he did to the head-shape or the stem-diameter.

Figure 11. Reconstruction of nail deformation during wrecking event. (S. Ben -Yehuda and E. Galili)

The head-diameter of the used nails varies between 15.5 and 19 mm. One nail (no. 164) had a considerably narrower head-diameter of 13.2 mm, but this may be partly due to corrosion, as it belongs to the long nails group. There seems to be no clear association between the headdiameter and length among the used nails, as all three length-groups had approximately the same range of head-diameters. In general, in both used and unused nails, there is a positive correlation between the length and the weight. However there are exceptions. The weights of the used nails vary between 13.5 g (no. 173, 90 mm long) and 56 g (no. 162, 250 mm long). The longest unused nail weighs 37.2 g (no. 101, 226 mm long), the shortest 12.4 g (no. 153, 133 mm long). The weight of the unused nails varies between 43 g (no. 11, 206 mm long) and 12.4 g (no. 153, the shortest at 133 mm). The unused nails have no signs of working damage or attrition on the heads, and no twists or bends in their stems, which were unusually straight for nails recovered from shipwrecks. The used nails demonstrate several use-patterns: most have distinct hammering marks on the head; ve were deliberately bent at about 90, obviously to join two timbers together, probably the planking to frames (Fig. 11), but no clear clenching by double bending was observed. In these ve nails the distance between the head and the bend ranges between 150 and 165 mm, approximately the thickness of the joined timbers, the planking and the frame; three nails seem to have been bent by forces generated during the disintegration of the hull (Fig. 11). The distance from the underside of the head to this bend varies between 45 and 58 mm. One of these three also showed a deliberate construction bend. Six used nails, four long and two
131

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

short, have undened twists and bends. In one nail (no. 172) with a type G head (unlike the rest of the worked nails with type I heads) most of the stem and point is missing. It has hammering marks on the head and cutting marks on the stem, near the break, which seem to indicate that it was deliberately broken prior to the wrecking. Discussion The unused nails may represent a cache of new nails belonging to the ships carpenter; less probably they could represent trade goods. The used nails may be the remains of hull fastenings. They are spread over a relatively large area without association with any other pieces of scrap metal, so are unlikely to represent a collection of scrap metal such as has been occasionally found on shipwreck sites. Generally, in Israel, copperalloy nails with round cross-section originate from Hellenistic/Early Roman shipwrecks, as for example the Hellenistic shipwreck at Megadim (Galili et al., forthcoming).

Lead-sheathing fragments
The wreck-site yielded ve broken, twisted and torn fragments of lead sheathing (nos 48) (200 250 100170 2 mm) (Fig. 12). They have several perforations, both round (3 mm diameter) and square (3 3 mm), arranged in a random pattern, marking the location of the nails which were once inserted in them to attach them to the hull. The imprints of the nail-heads are visible (Fig. 12 bottom). Lead sheathing was a thin layer of lead (average thickness 1.25 mm) xed to the outer surface of wooden-hulled ships, from the keel up to the rst or second strake above the waterline; the pieces overlapped each other, and were xed with copper tacks with large heads, enabling water to ow smoothly over the hull. This sheathing enhanced the ships structural integrity and stability, and protected the timbers from wood-borers. It was used from about the mid-4th century BC to about the 2nd century AD (Kahanov, 1999: 219). The pieces of lead sheathing from the site could be fragments of complete hull sheathing, or patches used to seal leaks and to protect the timbers from biological deterioration.
Figure 12. Lead-sheathing fragments bearing nail-holes (top), impression of a nail-head (bottom. (E. Galili)

Lead shing-net sinkers

Sixteen lead artefacts denable as shing-gear sinkers were recovered from the site (nos 924), and are classied according to shape, mode of
132

manufacture and to some extent functional properties (Galili et al., 2002b). One sinker was a plano-convex net-ring (type L1.3.1), ten were small folded rectangular sinkers (type L2.3) and there were two large sinkers in the form of a plate bent to form a tube (type L2.2). Three of the folded rectangular sinkers (type L2.3) have protruding decorations (diving reports 37/96/53; 37/96/37). All three have a protruding line just on the rectangle rim. One (92 34 223 mm) weighing 46 gm bears inscriptions and two crossed lines in the shape of a long X bordered by two parallel lines (Fig. 13). On one narrow side there are 3 or 4 unclear letters in one line, parallel to the end. On the other narrow side there are about six unclear letters arranged in lines, parallel to the edge of the long side. The second decorated sinker (open 92 31 1.5 mm) weighs 46 g and is decorated with a Roman iron anchor, with two bent arms, the stock inserted, and a tying ring on the top. The anchor is hanging inside a gable-roofed structure, its walls indicated by two pairs of parallel lines, standing on a foundation marked by crowded lozenges. The third rectangular folded sinker (open

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

Figure 15. The sounding-weight, no. 25. (E. Galili)

Figure 13. Lead shing-net sinker decorated with unidentied inscriptions. (photo E. Galili; drawing S. Ben-Yehuda)

L2.2, as well as the three decorated sinkers (type L2.3) may have belonged to a gill or trammel net. The ring-shaped sinker could have belonged to a beach seine. The sinkers could have belonged to elements of shing-gear habitually maintained on board, as in numerous Roman merchantmen (Galili et al., 2002b; Galili et al., forthcoming). There is also the possibility that some of them are intrusive artefacts from other shipwrecks or from shing activities in the area. Another, less probable, explanation is that they represent scrap lead collected for recycling.

Lead sounding-weight
One sounding-weight (no. 25) was recovered about 20 m south-east of the main concentration of heavy metal artefacts. It is of type 1 (see Galili et al., 2009), weighs 4.3 kg and is 125 mm high, with a maximum diameter of 85 mm (Fig. 15). The internal diameter of the straight lug hole is 20 mm. It is shaped like a tall truncated cone with almost straight sides. The suspension-lug was cast with the body and the head-angle is 10. The two upper corners of the rectangular lug are rounded and on the two long opposing sides it is separated from the body by well-dened, almost rightangled, shoulders, while the narrow sides continue with the body. In the bottom there is a shallow (6 mm deep), plain, concave tallow-cup type B. On the side are traces of an inscription made with a cold chisel after casting. Several letters, arranged in an approximately straight line parallel to the bottom of the weight, can be discerned, but have been partly erased by erosion and impact-indentations. Numerous wear-marks are spread over the sides, bottom and tallow-cup.
133

Figure 14. Lead shing-net sinker decorated with image of iron anchor. (E. Galili)

74 44 1.5 mm), weighing 36 gm, is bordered by a frame formed by two lines on each of the long sides and single lines on the short sides. Inside the panel enclosed by the square frame is a 2-armed Roman anchor. On the upper part of the anchor shank is a lateral line and above it a round protrusion, probably the anchor-ring (Fig. 14). The ten small folded rectangular shing-gear sinkers of type L2.3 probably came from a lead line or the foot-rope of a cast net. The two large sinkers, type

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Figure 16. Rectangular weight, no 300 (top); cylindrical weights, nos 301307 (bottom). (E. Galili)

Discussion A typology of Israeli sounding-weights was established based on a collection of 66 examples (Galili et al., 2009). The single example recovered from the Ashkelon shipwreck has certain characteristics found in type 1 (Late Roman/Byzantine). However, as it can not be considered as a true type 1 example, the typology cannot be used to date it. Perhaps it is an early version of this type, or it may be an intrusion, and not from the wreck being discussed.

oval-topped ridge forming an internal rectangle, inside which a semi-oval loop (circular in crosssection), cast with the object, holds a suspensionring. It is possible that the ring was also formed when the object was cast, and was subsequently separated from the attaching loop and worked into its nal shape. The walls of the box are c.8 mm thick, and lled with a lead core, covered by a thin plate tightly pressed into the base. All the other weights (nos 301307) (Fig. 16 bottom) have a cylindrical or slightly cone-shaped body with a mushroom-shaped top. Below the top all have a circular line, circumscribing the object and forming a very slight ledge. Five of the seven have a similar line on the top, close to the mushroom head. All have had a suspension-ring attached to the top centre by a metal strip forming a loop. In the two heaviest (nos 301, 302) the suspension-rings and the holding-strip survived. In no. 303 only the strip survived. In the other four, only traces of the strip can be discerned. Inside the outer wall (311 mm thick) is lead, inserted from the bottom, which was originally tightly sealed by a cover. The complete bottom cover remained in weights nos 301 and 303. In weight no. 302 only part of the cover remained and a copper-alloy nail or rivet was inserted in the bottom, probably to hold the bottom cover. Weight no. 306 has ve copper nails, or rivets, stuck in the bottom of the lead core which may have served to hold the cover. The bottom cover is missing from all the other weights. The cylindrical weights range from c.4.6 kg to 0.9 kg, in proportion to their size. Two pairs are similar in weight and dimensions. Nos 302 and 303 weigh 4.367 and 4.266 kg respectively, suggesting that when undamaged (303 is missing its hanging-ring) they had the same mass. The other pair, nos 304 and 305, weigh 2.643 and 2.446 kg respectively. No. 305 is heavily eroded and missing a large part of the bronze envelope, but probably originally weighed the same as its pair.

Bronze weights with a lead core

Eight bronze weights (nos 300307) with an inner lead core were recovered from the wreck-site. They range in weight from c.26 kg to c.0.9 kg (Table 1). No. 300, the heaviest, is in the form of a rectangular box, c.18 17 10 cm (Fig. 16 top), with the top and the base extending slightly away. The lip of the base forms a sloping ledge surrounding the body, while the top is decorated by an extended roof-like cover, decorated with an
134

Bronze balance-scales
Three bronze hanging devices (nos 2628) were recovered from the wreck-site. Two (nos. 27 and 28) are similar, omega-shaped bucket-handles weighing c.200 gm each (Fig. 17 top). They were formed of a round-sectioned copper rod, tapered towards both ends, and have openings of 24 and 23 cm respectively. The third (no. 26, weighing 498 gm) is composed of two connected parts, a free-hanging ring (73 mm in diameter) and

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

Figure 18. Large balance-scales in use. (E. Galili, after Casson, 1971: g. 191)

Figure 17. Bronze balance-scale hanging devices: nos 28 (top) and 26. (E. Galili)

a crescent-shaped bar loosely joined together (Fig. 17 bottom). This bar has a tube on the apex, both formed by one casting, with a round hole in the top of this tube. The free-hanging ring was inserted into the tube. The ring (outside diameter 74 mm) is bent, tightly closed, but not welded at the joint. It is made of a copper-alloy bar, roundsectioned, 9 mm in diameter. The bar forming the crescent has a triangular section. The at outer ank of the crescent forms the base of the triangle, while the inner, knife-like, edge is formed by the triangle top. Two parallel grooves across the knife edge can be seen in the inner side of the crescent apex, opposite the tube holding the hanging ring. Two rivets are inserted through this implement, about 4 cm from the tips. Judging by distribution of the three artefacts on the wreck-site and the similarity in materials, dimensions and general character, they seems to be closely associated. It is proposed that the balance-weight set is to be associated with these artefacts, which formed parts of a massive balance of which the beam and the carrying-frame would have been made of wood. The two omega-shaped objects were

connected to the tips of this wooden balance beam. The balance-weights were placed on one side of the beam, and the object to be weighed suspended from the other. Baskets or similar perishable objects could have been used to hold both weights and the weighed merchandise. A similar balance is depicted on a North African mosaic showing the unloading of a beached ship (Casson, 1971: g. 191) (Fig. 18), and on a 1st-century Roman tomb (Kleiner, 1992: 109). The crescentshaped bar formed the pivot of the balance. It was attached to the vanished wooden beam by the rivets seen on its tips. The two parallel grooves on the inner side of the apex could mark the place where this implement was positioned on the opposite edge which was xed to the lost wooden frame.

A set of bronze vessels

Among the artefacts recovered were four that could have been household kitchen vessels, or utensils for measuring trade goods, or intended for some special cult purpose. They were recovered from a relatively small area (3 3 m) in the centre of the site. The set (Figs 19 and 20) includes an oil-lamp, two ladles, and a shovel. Similar assemblages have been found on various sites from several periods, including the Persian/ Hellenistic assemblage from Shechem which included a lamp and a strainer (Stern, 1980: gs. 5:2, 5; pl. XIV:C and XV). Oil-lamp The oil-lamp (IAA diving report 37/96/46/2) (Fig. 19) is constructed of a round at body and
135

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Figure 19. Bronze lamp, no 29 (top and middle), and bronze shovel, no. 32 (bottom). (E. Galili)

an elongated nozzle, terminating in a round (16 mm diameter) wick-hole; a horizontal, slightly curved handle is attached at the opposite side to the nozzle. The two ends of this handle, made of a round rod (7 mm diameter), are attached under the shoulder, turning upwards and projecting slightly above the body. The lamp weighs 373 gm and is 166 mm long including the handle, 93 mm wide and 37 mm high, and stands on a ring-base 54 mm in diameter. The sides of the lamp are curved, ending in a sharp angle with the shoulders, which are narrow and at, forming a complete circle. A wide circular lling-hole, 46 mm in diameter, surrounded by a low rim, 5 mm high, is placed in the middle of the shoulder. This rim has an inner, narrow (4 mm wide) ange on which a missing cover once sat, attached to the doublepierced hinge resting on the rim of the hole. The lamp was cast as one piece using the lost-wax process. Such metal artefacts are hard to date, because there are few precise parallels. Bronze vessels remained in use for a long time, relative to ceramic ones, as they were more durable and costly. To date such lamps one has to rely on artefacts in the associated assemblage, such as coins, or C14 dating of organic objects. If these are not available, dating can rely on massproduced ceramic oil-lamps which are more closely dated, helped by artistic, stylistic elements in the design. The nozzle, narrow and elongated, attened on three sides and curved at the bottom, continues Hellenistic traditions. The U-shaped

Figure 20. Bronze ladle no 31 decorated with a ducks head (top); detail of the ladle pot (middle left); bronze ladle no. 30 decorated with three ducks heads (bottom); two ducks heads facing in opposite directions (middle right). (E. Galili)
136 2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

handle has a long history both on metal and pottery lamps, and on other open vessels like large bowls and kraters from the Greek Archaic to the Roman period. Such handles were used in lamps at least since the 4th century BC and up to the Early Roman period (Bruneau, 1965: Delos, pl.1.11, 4th3rd century BC, and 42, 3rd2nd century BC. Agora type 3336). One of the criteria separating Hellenistic metal oil-lamps from Roman or later examples is the height of the handle projecting above the receptacle (Bailey, 1972). Cooking vessels with horizontal handles bent upwards are known from Ephesus (ZabehlickyScheffengger and Schneider, 2005: g. 1). Such handles are used for hanging the vessel when not in use. However, the circular at narrow shoulders also appear in Hellenistic oil-lamps. The lamp may therefore be dated to the Late Hellenistic or Early Roman periods. Metal oil-lamps covered with a lid, which are less liable to breakage than ceramic ones, are useful on board ship. At least ve bronze oil-lamps from Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods have been recovered from shipwreck sites off the Israeli coast (Galili et al., forthcoming). Bronze lamps are rare on land sites, relative to ceramic ones, as broken one were recycled. Incense-shovel The rectangular shovel (IAA diving report 37/96/ 46/3) (length 157 mm) (Fig. 19) weighs 193 gm of which the concretion amounts to c.23%. It was cast as one piece by the lost-wax process. The overall dimensions are 158 61 21 mm. The blade (61 mm 75 mm) has a at base and a socketed handle. The edge around three sides widens only slightly towards the 5-mm-wide rim. The grooved rim is folded at the rear into two pointed stretched corners, as if it was a bent plate. At the front the shovel base forms a slightly curved, sharp opening to ease loading. The hollow, cone-shaped, ridged handle is attached to the shovel by a at trapezoidal protrusion. The handle could have been extended by inserting a wooden or metal extension into the hollow handle. The artisan casting the shovel formed an intentional split on the bottom of the hollow handle to prevent cracking when inserting a wooden extension. The handle widens towards the hollow end, resembling a uted column decorated by annuli. It terminates, on the top, in a double frieze on which the plain at section, the capital, holds the shovel, and the two folded side

projections represent the acroteria. The base of the column is decorated, crossed by a wide bar. Such tools have a long history, used in the household and on cult occasions. In the Jewish cult they are known and described as the Mahta. This artefact is depicted on Byzantine mosaic oors and on oil-lamps, placed beside the Seven Branched Menorah of the Second Temple Period. Shovels vary in size. Some are very elaborate and decorated in varying styles. Several artisticallyfashioned shovels were found in association with decorated metal jugs and bowls in the Judean desert caves (Yadin, 1963: 4858). The shovel was made to hold small quantities of materials such as spices or incense. There are no indications of re on this example. Like the associated lamp, it is hard to date. The style of handle could be inuenced by Greek architecture. A shovel from Cyprus (Mitten, 1965: pl. II) with a handle in the form of a Corinthian column, standing on four legs, was dated to the Roman period. A similar shovel, but larger, with a very long twisted handle and a ring for hanging (Karageorgious, 1987: 719, g. 186) was dated to the Cypro-Archaic-Cypro-Geometric 1 (1050475 BC). A number of similar-shaped iron shovels with elongated handles were found in Israel: one near the altar of the Temple at Tel Dan (Biran, 1994: 181), another in the debris of the Hellenistic Period Temple excavated at Beersheba (Aharoni, 1975: 1635, pl. 36:1) which was probably from the time of Yanaeus (2nd1st century BC) and another shovel, with elongated handle, was found in a tomb at Jerusalem of the Second Temple Period (1st century BC to 1st century AD) (Mazar, 1982: 45, g. 2:17). Finds from a burial tomb at Kafr Kama include a 10-cm-long bronze shovel (Ben-Nachum, 2007: 106, g. 4:3). Glass vessels in this tomb were dated by Gorin-Rosed to the late-2nd3rd century AD. An iron shovel (130 90 mm) identical to the one discussed here was discovered near Tel Abu Shusha (Siegelman, 1988: g. 53). Pottery incense-shovels were found at Sepphoris and their function is discussed by Meyers (2006: gs 513). Because the shovel was found with the oil-lamp it is suggested that it may be dated to the Late Hellenistic or Early Roman periods. Bronze ladle This artefact (IAA diving report 37/96/46/5) (Fig. 20) consists of a bowl/cup (36 mm high 43 mm diameter) joined to a long handle. It is 540 mm long and weighs 188 gm of which
137

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

concretion amounts to c.5 gm. Most of the cups bottom is missing as well as part of its side, the loss amounting to c.1015 gm. The cup, having a curved base, was made in one piece and designed to draw about 30 ml of liquid from a deep jar or amphora. The handle is wide at the base with a rectangular cross-section; it narrows to a square, tapering toward the end, which is shaped in a schematic swans head, and curved so it could be hung up when not in use. Several parallels have been found, and the volume of their bowls seems to be similar, though the length of their handles varies. Roman parallels of no specic date were cited by Guhl and Koner (1994: 449b). Two similar ladles come from Sarepta-Sarafend on the Phoenician coast. The materials associated with one ladle were dated to before 50 BC (Pritchard, 1988: g. 26). Both are wider and shallower than our example. A similar ladle was reported from Cyprus (Flourentzos, 1978: g.1:2; pl. 18:5) in tombs ranging from Late Archaic to the Roman period. Bronze ladle (simpulum) This implement (IAA diving report 37/96/37/12), weighing 391 gm, was made of two main parts, a small spherical pot (75 mm high 94 mm diameter; 200 ml) to which an elongated handle was added (Fig. 20). The ball-shaped pot has a wide, short neck with aring thin rim. The long handle could have been intended to keep the user away from heat, when holding over a re, or to facilitate ceremonial pouring. This vessel was designed for transferring liquids from shallow containers. The handle, cast as a single unit, is divided into four parts, a near part holding the pot, and three parts forming the handle. The part hugging the pot is made of two wires extending left and right from the near end of the second part, joining on the side of the pot opposite to the handle by folding the two ends together. The second part is a round rod, decorated with three sets of annular rings and a duck with its beak pointing toward the pot; it gets slightly wider where it joins a third part, which is in the form of a at bar extending from the round rod. It is joined at the far end by another ducks head, with its beak away from the pot, to the fourth part, which is a thin rod bent into a hanging loop. Its tip ends in a third decorative ducks head facing the pot (Fig. 20). Round handles with at sections appear on wine-strainers such as one described by Pearson (1992:51) and Robinson (1941: pl. L). Comstock and Vermeule (1971: 606) described such a
138

strainer as Etruscan and dated it to the 5th century BC or later. Bronze artefacts similar to the Ashkelon simpulum are displayed in the Royal Ontario Museum (cat. no. 117) (Hayes, 1984). Discussion The bronze vessels recovered from the wreck could have been used as kitchenware or measuring devices by traders, but also for other purposes. The character of these artefacts did not change much over time, including the use of decorative ducks or swans heads on handles, possibly making a link between liquids and water-fowl. Dating these vessels is difcult. A patera with a wavy handle made of a rod (Flourentzos, 1978: g.1, pl.IX:13, 5) is similar to ours but slightly wider (diameter 5.5 cm) and its handle is 285 mm long. Ladles ending in a swans head are common in Cyprus (kyathos) ranging from Late CyproArchaic to the Roman period (Robinson, 1941: 1947, pls L61322, LI;). The swans head as an ornament developed in the Orient during the 2nd millennium BC, and remained a favourite into the Roman period. Naturally with hand-made objects the heads differ slightly from one ladle to the other; technically it was easy to turn the square or rounded rod/wire into a decorative element (by hammering?). A decorated ladle is listed among the Hellenistic Period nds from Tel Anafa (Weinberg, 1971: 106, pl. 19A). It has a ducks-head handle and the bottom is decorated like an East Greek (Megarian) bowl. Among a large number of quality wares was a strainer with a horizontal handle, dated 10075 BC. The shape of the body has parallels in Herodian 1st-century-AD pottery vessels (BarNathan, 2002: 10213, pl. 11.139). The origin of these vessels is difcult to determine, and they could have been obtained in various locations. The workshop producing the lamp could have been in Egypt, as similar lamps are found in Alexandria (Abdou Daoud, 1998). Similar ladles are known from all over the Mediterranean. Beside the mundane use of drawing liquids, the presence of a set of such metal vessels on the shipwreck may have another explanation, such as religious cult activity. The shovel is a common Eastern tool. Each of the individual bronze items might have had an everyday use, but together they suggest that they were used as a group, perhaps in some ceremony. Finds from shipwrecks along the Israeli coast show that ritual, ceremonial and apotropaic activities were commonly conducted aboard Greco-Roman watercraft. The possibility

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

that this assemblage was associated with such activity should not be discounted.

Bronze trumpet
A straight copper-alloy trumpet was recovered (IAA Diving Report 37/96/46/4) (Figs 2122). It was found in two pieces, total length c.900 mm. After examination and reconstruction it seems that the instrument was composed of two parts: a cast, solid copper-alloy mouthpiece which was not removable, attached to an elongated tube 86 cm long, ending in a bell-shaped cone, the end of which is now missing. The minimum diameter of this tube, adjacent to the mouthpiece, is 17.5 mm,

Figure 21. The mouthpiece of the copper-alloy trumpet. (E. Galili)

and the maximum, at the end of the bell, is 58.5 mm. The body was made of a long and narrow band of metal (c.56 mm wide) which was formed into a tube and joined by soldering. The band was bent over three solid copper-alloy tubes, c.130 mm long and 3 mm thick, which acted as the skeleton of the instruments body. The mouthpiece is a cast of copper alloy, 58.5 mm diameter and 37.5 mm long, shaped in a wide cup which tted over the lips of the blower (Fig. 21). The central hole is crowned by a raised circular pattern. The mouthpiece gradually narrows to the dimensions of the body. Compared with the complete bell of a bucina from Zsmbk (Hungary) (1280 mm+) (Stiebel, 2007: pl. II.3A, 23), and judging by the shape of the bell-end of the Ashkelon bucina, one may estimate its overall length as c.10001100 mm. A similar instrument made of ivory, c.1570 mm long, is known from the Boston Museum of Art (Comotti, 1989: 73). The mouthpiece of the Ashkelon bucina is utterly different from the detachable mouthpieces associated with a cornu described by Stiebel (2007: II, R.3.1). Iconographic evidence indicates that trumpets were used in various Greek and Roman public celebrations, amusements, spectacles, and ceremonies both religious and profane, as well as in various military uses. An early ceremonial image from

Figure 22. Bronze trumpet (top) (Maritime Museum Haifa, reproduced with permission); demonstration of the use of a trumpet using modern replica (bottom). (E. Galili)
2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society 139

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Hellenistic Maresha demonstrates a trumpet being used in a religious parade (Kloner, 1984: 141). A much later trumpet used in a religious ceremony appears in a Roman mosaic from Piazza Armerina, Sicily, from the 4th century AD (Stiebel, 2007: pl.II.3B.1). In Roman art it appears to be used to signal for military manoeuvres during training and campaigns, as shown on Trajans column (Stiebel, 2007: pl.II.3B.2). In Israel a trumpet in battle appears on a Roman sarcophagus from Ashkelon from the 3rd century AD (Avi-Yonah, 1976, g 17). Finding this instrument in a shipwreck assemblage may indicate that it could have had a nautical function. The Salamis naval battle (480 BC), one of the most important in history, was started by a trumpet call according to Aeschylus (525 465 BC) in The Persians, staged within living memory of the battle. Thus already during the 5th century BC trumpets were used to convey messages at sea. This practice may be behind a depiction of the goddess Nike standing on a ships prow and holding a trumpet during a celebration of a victory appearing on a 3rd-century-BC Macedonian drachm of Demetrios I Poliorcetes (Basch, 1987: 341, 343, gs 7278). In pre-modern and modern ships, sounds made by various wind instruments (trumpets, fog-horns, whistles) and bells were and are used to convey messages like warning or manoeuvring in poor visibility, fog or darkness (Tryckare, 1973: 59). The Ashkelon bucina could have had a nautical function, or may have been carried for trade.

Discussion
Maritime Ashkelon Ancient Ashkelon is situated on the coast of the Judean plain, a productive and rich agricultural hinterland, and adjacent to the Via Maris, the route along the coast of Philistia connecting Egypt with points north. Ashkelon also served as a terminus of the perfume road, connecting the east with the Mediterranean coast. This location gave it commercial and strategic advantages which, combined with the geopolitical situation, brought about its development as an important urban trading centre, beginning in the Middle Bronze Age (20th17th century BC) up to the Crusader period (13th century AD). A diversity of imported goods was recovered in archaeological excavations at Tel Ashkelon, and there is historical evidence for trade in oil, wine and other agricultural products, which were distributed all
140

over the Mediterranean (Stager, 1993; Devorjetski, 2001:1217; Stager, 2008). This evidence points to widespread maritime ties between Ashkelon and the large trading centres of the Mediterranean basin. Port facilities were needed in order to maintain such extensive maritime trade. Evidence for the role of Ashkelon as an urban trading centre, crossroads and port can be found in historical records. In the Pseudo-Scylax seamans guide from the 4th century BC, which describes ports, cities and prominent coastal points in Phoenicia and Israel, Ashkelon appears as a coastal city, but a port is not mentioned (Stern, 1974: 19). William, archbishop of Tyre, who visited Ashkelon after its conquest by the Crusaders in 1153, wrote: Ascalon derives no advantage from being situated on the seacoast, for it offers no port or safe harbour for ships. It has a mere sandy beach and the violent winds make the sea around the city exceedingly choppy so that, unless the sea be calm, those who come there are very suspicious of it (Brundage, 1962, 12636). The Arab historians Ibn Shaddd and Abu al-Fid, citing an earlier source, stated that Ashkelon did not have a harbour in which ships could anchor (Sharon, 1995: 65). Victor Guerin, who surveyed the ruins of Ashkelon in 18541863, echoed Williams description: The pattern of the Ashkelon coast is not at all suited for giving shelter to ships, therefore Ashkelon never had a port or anchorage that could provide safe haven for ships, but only a dangerous sandy beach. He suggested that the medieval port of Ashkelon was in the south-west part of the city, but noted that this area was open towards the west and therefore not safe, and that it was an anchorage, not a built port, and in any case not a worthy anchorage (Ben-Amram, 1984, vol. 2:100, 10910). Despite intensive surveys and excavations carried out in Ashkelon, so far no remains of a built-up port have ever been found. No historical description suggests that the city had a port, while some categorically deny its existence. The coastline in the area is straight, sandy, and lacks bays and islets which could provide shelter for seagoing ships during winter storms, or during strong westerly and northerly summer winds. The nearest temporary shelters for ships (and not in the winter) are Tel Ridan anchorage, 40 km to the south (Raban and Galili, 1985) and Yavneh-Yam anchorage, 35 km to the north (Galili and Sharvit, 1991; 1996). Thus, Ashkelon is situated at the centre of a 75-km-long coastal strip that lacks havens for ships during storms, and certainly does

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL

not enable safe loading and unloading of goods in a stormy sea. The morphology of the coastline and shallow continental shelf off Ashkelon does not provide the city with any advantage over other coastal sections between Gaza and Yavneh-Yam. Apparently, therefore, the reasons for choosing Ashkelon as a base for merchant ships stemmed mainly from considerations such as connections with the agricultural hinterland, accessibility to inland trade-routes, and the geopolitical situation, and not because of marine environmental factors. The fact that Ashkelon served as a port, actively in use from the Late Bronze Age (~1500 BC) to Crusader times (1200 AD), indicates the importance of these social, economic, and political reasons. Based on the morphology of the shallow continental shelf, the physical characteristics of the coast, and the underwater archaeological remains, it seems that the town never had a built-up port. It seems that in antiquity, ships arriving at Ashkelon anchored in the open sea, hundreds of metres offshore, using kurkar sandbanks and underwater rocks to ensure anchor hold (Galili and Sharvit, 1996; 1999a; Galili and Sharvit, 2000; Galili et al., 2000; Galili, et al., 2001). The danger to shipping on this coast is demonstrated by the fate of the vessel under discussion. Site-formation and post-depositional processes The coast of Ashkelon is inhospitable, and storms have trapped ships along the coast over the millennia, crushing them in the breaker-zone. Judging by the distribution of artefacts on the sea-bottom, site-formation and post-deposition processes may be proposed. The wreckage-site discussed represents the remains of a local or foreign craft, probably driven there by a storm, while sailing along the coast, or anchoring some distance offshore. During the wrecking event the vessel drifted ashore, grounded and broke up in the surf-zone, at a depth that was then 12 m. The depth now is c.34 m because of recent sand erosion (Galili et al., 1988). Analysis of the composition of scores of wrecks along the Israeli coast has demonstrated that the contents of a shipwreck in the surf-zone are generally separated into three main groups by the action of the sea. People and livestock will drift ashore. Post-depositional processes on wreck-sites acted as an extracting lter, discriminating between light objects and heavy, usually metallic, artefacts. Light objects such as loose hull-timbers, rigging, and oatable cargo

disintegrated or drifted ashore to be salvaged. Heavy metallic or stone objects will sink into the sediment during the storm or soon thereafter, accumulating on the substratum under the sand. Clay amphoras will either break, drift ashore or roll on the shallow sea-bottom and gradually move away from the wreck-site. Usually only fragments of amphoras are found and in most cases they will be well worn by the surf. Therefore, only heavy objects will remain at wreck-sites in the surf-zone. It thus seems that the cargo was composed mainly of materials which did not remain on site. In addition, post-depositional processes, including shing activity, may have added some intrusive artefacts to the site. In the last century, sand quarrying and the construction of breakwaters and quays along the Israeli coast has interfered with the movement of unconsolidated sediment, creating a shortage of sand and changing the patterns of coastal sedimentation. Wide areas of sea-bottom have been uncovered, and hundreds of sites, including that presented here, have been exposed and discovered. The ship The nails and the anchors may provide some indication as to the size of the ship. Judging by the thickness of the planks (45 cm) and the size of the iron anchors (c.1.52 m long), it seems that it was a medium-sized vessel. According to the nails, we estimate that the ship was some 1525 m long. The pair of iron anchors, found with their detached stocks beside them, were reserve anchors, while the small 1-armed anchor could have been used for shing boats or lifeboats, or as an auxiliary anchor. The ship was probably constructed by the shell-rst method, using mortises and tenons; ships constructed by the skeleton-rst method appeared later (Casson, 1971:1416, 20114). No obvious remains of ballast were recovered. Possibly the ship used local stones, kurkar or limestone pebbles, which cannot be distinguished from indigenous stones. It is also possible that the cargo was heavy enough that the ship did not need an appreciable amount of ballast. Ritual activity Beside the mundane use of drawing liquids for everyday use, the presence of the set of bronze vessels may have a religious-cult explanation. The sea was always considered as a gateway to new horizons and a bridge between cultures. However,
141

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

it can be dangerous, hostile and frightening. Ancient mariners used a variety of symbolic, apotropaic and cult means such as idols, inscriptions, and decorations to ensure safe sailing, good luck, safe anchoring and the avoidance of storms, disasters and evil spirits. For example, a relief (Casson, 1971: gs. 142, 146) shows a scene of a Roman merchant ship celebrating its safe return to the port of Ostia, depicting a person (the master?) standing in front of a table/altar on which a large bowl is placed; he is sacricing and thanking the Gods for the safe return. The set of bronze vessels (oil-lamp, shovel, ladles) could have functioned in such a shipboard ceremony. Commercial activity Several nds, especially the set of weights and the balance-scale parts, may indicate that the ship was engaged in commercial activities. The two decorated ladles, the shovel, and the oil-lamp, which are not typical mariners possessions, could be cult items, but could also be the property of the shipowner or a wealthy passenger, or be trade goods. The ship probably carried a main cargo of organic materials or stored in pottery containers which drifted away from the wreckage-site as described above. Uses of the shing gear The shing-gear nds could indicate that the ship was engaged in shing or carried a smaller shingboat. The shing-net sinkers t the characteristics of cast-net, beach-seine, gill-net and trammel-net sinkers (Galili et al., 2002b). Fishing gear found on a given underwater site may have derived from shing activities or from a wrecked ship that deposited the remnants of the gear it carried. Ancient Mediterranean shipwrecks often contain shing-gear sinkers and sh-hooks (Frost, 1991: 355410; Parker, 1992: 330, 35640). Apparently in the past (as well as nowadays) watercraft of all sorts commonly carried shing gear to augment the diet of crew and passengers and help them pass the time. Ancient or modern shermen may have deposited remnants of shing gear under water, due to loss or to a shipwreck. Organic parts of the shing gear decayed, only the metal and stone elements survived (Frost, 1991: 355410). These remains may intermix with those of intrusive gear. In the present case, there are remains of other shipwrecks reported in the vicinity of the site (Galili et al., 2001) and some of the shing gear recovered, especially lead sinkers, may be intrusive.
142

Uses of the sounding-weight The sounding-weight belongs to Olesons class 4A (2000). It is an essential tool for shermen and navigators, especially on dark nights or during heavy fog (Galili et al., 2009). It can be used to identify both the depth and the nature of the sea-bed, by the material sticking to the tallow-cup. When approaching shore at night or in low visibility the sounding-lead was an essential navigational aid. The weight of the sounding-lead (4300 gm) is identical to the weight of one of the balance-weights recovered from this shipwreck, suggesting that it was deliberately made to a standard weight. Type-1 sounding-weights are generally attributed to a later period, between the 3rd and 7th century AD. Given the early date of the shipwreck assemblage, the presence of this artefact in this site may be explained by its being either an early example or a later intrusion. The shipwrights kit Among the most important crewmen aboard seagoing vessels were the carpenters. Carpenters tools such as right-angles, plumb-bobs, hammers, chisels, saws, and consumables such as pegs, treenails and metal nails, which must have accompanied these tools, have been recovered from shipwrecks. An early group of shipwrights tools was recovered in Israel from a 4thcentury-BC shipwreck (Stieglitz, 2006). Another such kit from the Roman period was discovered off the Carmel coast (Galili et al., forthcoming). The copper-alloy nails from the Ashkelon wrecksite were divided into two sets: used nails, from the wrecked ship, and unused nails kept on board for maintenance, as a part of the ship carpenters kit. Similar clusters of unused nails have been recovered from other shipwrecks, such as the Lake Nemi wreck (Ucelli, 1950: 158). In Israel, scores of unused nails were recovered from a Hellenistic shipwreck in Apollonia anchorage (Galili et al., 2009), and a Byzantine shipwreck south of Haifa, which contained additional metal artefacts including a bronze rightangle, probably remains of a ship carpenters or shipwrights kit (unpublished diving reports no. A-3817/2003/71/1). The lead fragments recovered from the Ashkelon shipwreck could represent additional remnants of such kit. Whole rolled sheets of lead, as well as numerous fragments, many torn and twisted, have been recovered from Israeli shipwrecks and harbours and dated, where possible, to the Hellenistic, Roman and

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL Table 3. Dimensions and properties of the bronze weights, and various possible weight units Hellenistic Mina (coin system) 431 gm (accurate) 60.301 10.719 10.132 6.132 3.977 2.090 Hellenistic Mina for coins 431 gm (rounded) 60 10.7 10 6 4 2 Hellenistic Mina (Solonian system, accurate) 457.8 gm 56.771 10.091 9.539 5.773 3.743 1.968 Hellenistic Mina (Solonian system, rounded) 457.8 gm 56.8 10 9.5 5.8 3.7 1.9 Hellenistic Tallant 25.86 kg 1 1/6 1/10 1/15 1/30 Roman libra 323 gm 79.969 14.215 13.437 8.132 5.274 2.772

Weight no. 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307

Weight in gm 25,900 4,620 4,367 2,643 1,714 901

late Roman periods (Kahanov, 1999; Rosen and Galili, 2007; Galili et al., forthcoming). Some of the smaller pieces, with nail holes regularly arranged along the edges, were clearly patches. The torn lead fragments recovered in the present case could have come from hull sheathing, but they could also have been scraps to be used as patches. The set of bronze weights Balances and steelyards have been recovered from several Mediterranean Greek, Roman and Byzantine shipwrecks (Parker, 1992: 30, 107, 205, 250, 323, 444). Obviously they were used on board for a variety of purposes. These could have included the weighing, and thus pricing, of transported foods, arranging cargo according to its weight, and weighing caught sh. Therefore it was natural for a merchantman to carry a balance or steelyard aboard. The recovered metal parts of what could have been a wooden balance, and the set of weights, were probably part of a single kit intended for weighing merchandise. In order to identify the system to which these weights belonged, they were arranged systematically according to their modern mass. Assuming that the previouslyidentied pairs of weights each had the same intended mass as each other, there are six different mass units (Table 3). The internal relations of the set indicate that ve pieces belong to one set, while one seems not to relate to the same system. Of the two best-known local and more or less contemporary weight-systems in antiquity examined, the Roman libra and the Greek Attic Ptolemaic Hellenistic Greek (PHG) system, the Roman libra tted the less well. In the PHG system there are at least three published stan-

dards (Lendering, 2008). In one, the Solonian system, the heaviest unit, the talent, was equal to 60 minai (27.47 kg). In the coin standard one talent was equal to 60 minae (25.86 kg). In an alternative system the talent was equal to 21.45 kg. and consequently the mina was 357.5 gm. The heaviest weight in the Ashkelon set seems to t best one talent in the PHG coin standard, which can be divided to 60 minae of 431 gm. Comparing this system with our set shows that ve of the six weights t well. Only artefact no. 301 does not t this system, but does equal exactly ten minae in the PHG Solonian system. Both systems were in use during the Hellenistic period (Lendering, 2008). Possibly an odd weight (e.g. 1 Mina) was originally part of the set. Such a missing odd weight would have considerably expanded the range of weighing possibilities.

Dating the shipwreck

Given that no coins or organic materials enabling radiocarbon dating were recovered from the site, one may try dating the wreckage by the typology of the artefacts using nds from datable archaeological sites. The bronze ladles, however, were in use for a long time (2nd century BC to 1st century AD). The oil-lamp is typical of the early Roman to Hellenistic periods (2nd century BC to 1st century AD). Iron anchors with two arms were in use from the 3rd century BC to the 3rd century AD. The balanceweights are of a Hellenistic standard used for coins during the 1st and the 2nd centuries BC. It therefore seems that the ship was of Hellenistic or Early Roman origin, and was probably wrecked in the 1st or 2nd century BC.
143

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, 39.1

Acknowledgments
We wish to thank the Israeli Antiquities Authority under which the surveys and excavations were conducted; C. Pulak for his remarks concerning the anchors; Dr P. Martin for editing the manuscript; the diver Y. Ayalon, who discovered the site; the archaeologist J. Sharvit who participated in the surveys; the divers D. Moskovitch, H. Sali, and A. Yaaqobovitch; Ms S. Ben Yehuda, B. Galili, and R. Galili who helped in preparing the manuscript and the drawings; and photographers Ms T. Sagiv and J. Galili.

References
Abdou Daoud, D., 1998, Evidence for the production of bronze in Alexandria, Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique Supplement 33, 11524. Aharoni, Y., 1975, Excavations at Tel Beer-Sheba, Tel Aviv 2, 14768. Avi-Yonah, M., 1976, Recently discovered Sarcophagi from Ashkelon, Atiqot 11, 726, pl. XVII. Bailey, D. M., 1972, Greek and Roman Pottery Lamps (2nd edn). London. Bar-Nathan, R., 2002, The Pottery; Lamps, in Ashmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho, Final Report of the 19731987 Excavations, vol. III. Jerusalem. Basch, L., 1987, Le muse imaginaire de la marine antique. Athens. Ben-Amram, H. (transl.), 1984, Guerin V. Geographical Description of ErezIsrael, vol. 2 Judea. Jerusalem (Hebrew). Ben-Nachum, H., 2007, Tombs of the Roman Period and Building Remains of the Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods at Kafr Kama, Atiqot 56, 10518 (Hebrew). Biran, A., 1994, Biblical Dan. Jerusalem. Bridley, H. H., 1919, A Grafto of a Ship at Beit Jibrin, Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, April, 768. Brundage, J., 1962, The Crusades: a Documented History. Milwaukee WI. Bruneau, P., 1965, Exploration Archeologique de Delos, 26 Les lamps. Paris. Bockius, R., 2000, Ein Romischer Stockanker aus Trajans Donaukanal biem Eisernen Tor, Serbien, Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt 30, 97116. Casson, L., 1971, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton. Comotti, G., 1989, Music in Greek and Roman Culture. Baltimore and London. Comstock, M. and Vermeule, C., 1971, Greek and Roman Bronzes in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston. Devorjetski, E., 2001, The economy activity and special agricultural products of Ashkelon from the Hellenistic to the Byzantine periods, in A. Sasson, Z. Safrai, and N. Sagiv (eds), Book of Ashkelon, 11934. Ramat Gan (Hebrew). Flourentzos, P., 1978, A Group of bronze utensils from a private collection in Nicosia, Report of the Department of Antiquities Cyprus 1978, 22124. Frost, H., 1962, Submarine Archaeology and Mediterranean wreck formation, Mariners Mirror 48, 829. Frost, H., 1991, Anchors Sacred and Profane Ugarit-Ras Shamra. 1986: The Stone Anchors Revised and Compared (Ras Shamar-OugaritVI). Paris. Galili, E. and Rosen, B., 2007, One Armed Anchors from Israel, Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea 3, 99114. Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1991, Yavneh-Yam Anchorage, Finds from the Underwater Survey, in M. Fisher (ed.), Yavneh-Yam and its surroundings, 11121. Jerusalem (Hebrew). Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1994, Classication of Underwater Archaeological Sites along the Mediterranean Coast of Israel: Finds from Underwater and Coastal Archaeological research, in C. Angelova (ed.), Actes du Symposium International Thracia Pontica V, 26996. Sozopol. Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1996, Ashkelon NorthUnderwater and Coastal Survey, Hadashot Arkheologiyot 106, 155. Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1998, Ancient coastal installations and the tectonic stability of the Israeli coast in historical times, in I. S. Stewart and C. Vita-Finzi (eds), Coastal Tectonics, Geological Society Special Pubn 146, 14763. London. Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1999a, Underwater surveys off Tel Ashkelonevidence for shifts in the coastline and the issue of the location of the ancient port, in B. Galil and Y. Mart (eds), The Mediterranean Continental margin of Israel, Symposium, Israel Oceanographic & Limnological Research, The National Institute of Oceanography, 1215. Haifa (Hebrew). Galili, E. and Sharvit, J., 1999b, Underwater Survey in the Mediterranean sea 19921996, Surveys and Excavations in Israel 19, 96101. Galili, E. and Sharvit, J. 2000, Tel Ashkelon, Hadashot Arkeologiyot 111, 11114, Surveys and Excavations in Israel 111, 83*85* (Hebrew/English). Galili, E., Dahari, U., and Sharvit, J., 1993, Underwater Survey and Rescue Excavations off the Israeli Coast, IJNA 21, 6177. Galili, E., Raban, A., and Sharvit, J., 2002a, Forty Years of Marine Archaeology in Israel, in H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis VII, Proceedings of 7th International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity, 92761. Pylos. Galili, E., Rosen, B., and Sharvit, J., 2002b, Fishing-gear sinkers recovered from an underwater wreckage site, off the Carmel coast, Israel, IJNA 31.2, 182201. Galili, E., Rosen, B., and Sharvit, J., forthcoming, Artefact Assemblage Recovered from a Roman Shipwreck off the Carmel Coast, Israel, Atiqot. Galili, E., Rosen, B., and Zviely C., 2009, Ancient sounding-weights and navigation along the Mediterranean coast of Israel, IJNA, DOI: 10.1111/j.10959270.2008.00218.x. Galili, E., Sharvit, J., and Dahari, U., 2000, Ashkelon, Underwater Survey, Hadashot Arkheologiyot 111, 11011, Surveys and Excavations in Israel 111, 82*83* (Hebrew/English).
144 2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

E. GALILI ET AL.: A HELLENISTIC/EARLY ROMAN SHIPWRECK ASSEMBLAGE OFF ASHKELON, ISRAEL Galili, E., Sharvit, J., and Dahari, U., 2001, Ashkelon and the sea in light of the coastal and underwater archaeological nds, in Z. Safrai, N. Sagiv, and A. Sasson (eds), Book of Ashkelon, 1138. Ramat Gan (Israel) (Hebrew). Galili, E., Syon, D., and Finkielsztejn, G., forthcoming, A hoard of Ptolemaic Bronze coins and weights from a wreck off Atlit Israel, Atiqot. Galili, E., Weinstein-Evron, M., and Ronen, A., 1988, Holocene Sea-Level Changes based on Submerged Archaeological Sites off the Northern Carmel Coast in Israel, Quaternary Research 29, 3642. Guhl, E. and Koner, W., 1994, The Romanstheir life and customs. London. Haldane, D. D., 1984, The Wooden Anchor, unpublished MA dissertation, Texas A & M University. Hayes, J. W., 1984, Greek, Roman and Related Metal ware in the Royal Ontario Museum; A Catalogue. Ontario Kahanov, Y., 1999, Some Aspects of Lead Sheathing in Ancient Ship Construction, in H. Tazalas (ed.), International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity Tropis V, 219. Athens. Kapitn, G., 1971, Greco-Roman anchors and the evidence for the one-armed wooden anchor in Antiquity, in D. J. Blackman (ed.), Marine Archaeology, 38395. Bristol. Kapitn, G., 1984, Ancient Anchorstechnology and classication. IJNA 13, 3344. Karageorgious, V., 1987, Chronique des Fouliies et Decouvertes Archologique a Chypre en 1986, Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique Supplement 2, 663733. Kleiner, D. E. E., 1992, Roman Sculpture. London. Kloner, A., 1984, Mistarei Maresha, in I. Zaharoni (ed.), Derech Ertetz, 14041. Tel-Aviv (Hebrew). Lendering, J., 2008, Livius web site, http://www.livius.org/w/weights/weights.html Mazar, A., 1982, A Burial Cave on French Hill, Atiqot 8, 415. Meyers, E. M., 2006, The Ceramic Incense-shovels from Sepphoris: Another View, in A. M. Maeir and P. de Miroschedji (eds), I Will Speak the Ridles of Ancient Times. Archaeological and Historical Studies in Honor of Amihai Mazar on the occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday vol.2, 86578. Winona Lake IN. Mitten, D. G., 1965, Two new bronze objects in the McDaniel Collection: an Etruscan strainer and a Roman incense-shovel, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 69, 1657. Muckelroy, K., 1975, A systematic approach to the investigation of scattered wreck sites, IJNA 4, 17390. Oleson, J. P., 2000, Ancient Sounding-Weights: a Contribution to the History of Mediterranean Navigation, Journal of Roman Archaeology 13, 294310. Parker, A. J., 1992, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and Roman Provinces. BAR Int. Ser. 580, Oxford. Pearson, A., 1992, Ancient Greece. London. Pritchard, L. B., 1988, Sarepta IV; The objects from Areas II,X. The University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania Excavations at Sarafand. Beyrouth. Raban, A. and Galili, E., 1985, Recent maritime archaeological research in Israela Preliminary Report, IJNA 14, 32156. Robinson, D. M., 1941, Excavations at Olynthus, Part X; Metal and Minor miscellaneous nds. Baltimore. Rosen, B. and Galili, E., 2007, Lead Use on Roman Ships and its Environmental Effect, IJNA 36, 300307. Rosloff, J., 1991, A one-armed anchor of c. 400 BCE from the Maagan Michael vessel. A preliminary report, IJNA 20, 223226. Sharon, M., 1995, A new Fatimid inscription from Ashkelon and its historical setting, Atiqot 26, 6186. Siegelman, A., 1988, An Herodian Tomb near Tell Abu-Shusha, in B. Mazar (ed.), Geva; Archaeological discoveries at Tell Abu-Shusha, Mishnar Ha-Emeq, 1142. Jerusalem. Speziale, G. C., 1931, The Roman Anchors found at Nemi, Mariners Mirror 17, 300320. Stager, L., 1993, Ashkelon, The New Encyclopedia for Archaeological Excavations in Israel 1, 10312. Stager, L., 2008, Ashkelon, The New Encyclopedia for Archaeological Excavations in Israel 5, 157786. Stern, E., 1980, Achaemenian Tombs from Shechem, Levant 12, 90111. Stern, M., 1974, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, IIII. Jerusalem. Stiebel, G. D., 2007, Armis et litteris, The Military Equipment of Early Roman Palestine in Light of the Archaeological and Historical Sources, unpublished PhD thesis, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Stieglitz, R. R., 2006, Classical Greek Measures and the Builders instruments from the Maagan Mikhael Shipwreck, American Journal of Archaeology 110, 195203. Tryckare, T., 1973, The Lore of Ships. Gothenburg. Ucelli, G., 1950, Le Navi di Nemi. Rome. UK Hydrographic Ofce, 1976, Mediterranean pilot, vol. 5: coasts of Libya, Egypt, Israel, Lebanon and Syria, South coasts of Greek islands from Kriti to Rodhos and Turkey with the island of Cyprus. Taunton. Ward, I. A. K., Larcombe, P., and Veth, P., 1999, A new process-based model for wreck-site formation, Journal of Archaeological Science 26, 56170. Weinberg, S. S., 1971, Tel Anafa: The Hellenistic Town, Israel Exploration Journal 21, 86109. Yadin, Y., 1963, Judean Desert Studies: The Finds from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Metal Utensils. Jerusalem. Zabehlicky-Scheffengger, S. and Schneider, G., 2005, Ephesian cooking vessels of the Augustan period, in M. B. Brice and E. M. Vaag (eds), Trade Relations in the Eastern Mediterranean from Late Hellenistic Period to the Late Antiquity: The Ceramic Evidence. 6375. Copenhagen.

2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society

145