You are on page 1of 29

Missionaries of Capitalism: George Benson, The NEP, and Anticommunism

One of the key events in American political history was the rise of the conservative
movement culminating with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980. A key component in the rise
of the movement was the growth of the evangelical movement in American Christianity. A key
figure in both of these movements was George Benson of Harding College (later University).
Benson was both at the forefront of the development of both the evangelical movement in
religion and in politics. Benson came to Harding in 1936 when it was still a backwards, young
religious college run by the Churches of Christ. Benson turned Harding into a more modern
university while infusing it with his own far right wing views. Bensons key creation at Harding
was to be the National Education Program in 1948, which Benson would remain at the head of
until his death. The National Education Program served a variety of functions. It was ostensibly
created to provide anticommunist information to the nation. But within these films lay an
undercurrent of evangelical Christianity that cannot be ignored. Benson would also use the NEP
as a way to increase Hardings and his own profile within the nation and the evangelical
community. Today Benson has largely been forgotten in favor of more visible figures like Billy
Graham and Bill Bright. But Bensons influence on the evangelical and conservative movements
runs deep; Reagan himself credited Benson as the key to his successful political career.
Any discussion of George Benson and the NEP has to start with a discussion of the
Churches of Christ, Bensons spiritual home. The Churches of Christ are a Congregationalist
evangelical group of churches that trace their official recognition back to the early 20th century.
They are an offshoot of the Restoration Movement which has its roots in the Second Great
Awakening and the ministries of Alexander Campbell and Barton Stone.1 The so called
1
Richard T. Hughes, The Churches of Christ (Westport: Praeger Paperback, 2001), 36.

Restoration Movement split from the Presbyterian Church over issues of church governance and
a desire to do away with creeds.2 They wanted to restore what they felt the original New
Testament church had stood for and felt like they and they alone were upholding Christs
teachings. Within the Restoration Movement two distinct groups developed and by 1906 they
had completely separated. The reason for this separation was over the issue of musical
instruments in worship services.3 The larger part of the Movement, what would eventually
become the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) felt that since musical instruments in worship
services was not expressly forbidden by the New Testament, it was fine to go ahead and use
them. However the group that would become the Churches of Christ argued that since the use of
musical instruments was not explicitly condoned by the New Testament their use was forbidden.4
This is a recurring theme in the development of the Churches of Christ, they claim to reject all
forms of theology as manmade interpretations of the Bible, and instead they claim to focus on
doctrine which they say is what the Bible actually says.5 They also quickly became active in

2
Hughes, 65

3
Hughes, 78

4
ibid

5
Hughes, 76

missionary work and started several colleges to promote their view of the Bible. One of the very
earliest of these colleges was Harding.
Harding College was founded in 1924 in Morrilton, Arkansas to primarily serve as a
school to teach young Church of Christ men about the Bible. It would move to Searcy, Arkansas
in 1934 to take over the facilities of a defunct womens college.6 Hardings early years were
marked by deep economic difficulties and trouble maintaining academic standards. To help save
the institution from failure the Board of Trustees recalled one of the Colleges first graduates,
George S. Benson to serve as President of the College.
Benson was born in western Oklahoma on September 26, 1898.7 He graduated from
Harding in 1925 after starting his collegiate career at another Church of Christ sponsored school,
Harper College in Oklahoma.8 Benson then left the country to serve as a missionary to China.
Benson stayed in China for 11 years until he was forced to leave by the Communists. This
incident served to only increase Bensons hatred of all things communist and socialist.9 Benson
6
"About Harding - History," Harding University - Faith, Learning, Living,
http://www.harding.edu/about/history.html (accessed March 10, 2009).

7
L. Edward Hicks, "Sometimes in the wrong, but never in doubt" George S. Benson and the education of the
new religious right (Knoxville: University of Tennessee P, 1994), 1.

8
Hicks, 4

also ran into prominent businessman and Christian activist George Pepperdine. Pepperdine
funded several of Bensons missionary efforts and the two men struck up a friendship.10 This
friendship would prove key to Bensons plans upon his return to the United States. Benson
returned from China in 1930 and spent most of that year at the University of Chicago where he
earned a Masters in Asian studies.11 It was at the University of Chicago that Benson came into
contact with many highly visible conservative philosophers, economists, and historians. Benson
returned to China after gaining this degree but found much of his former area of missionary work
under the control of Communist forces. He was driven out of the country and never returned.
This was to have a lifelong effect on Benson. Benson was deeply interested in creating a greater
sense of missionary zeal amongst his Church of Christ brethren, in pursuit of this he spent
several summers teaching missionary classes at Harding In the process Benson renewed his
relationship with the school and its president J.N. Armstrong.12 Bensons main priority during the
mid-1930s was his fledgling Canton Bible College but he had a hard time getting it off the
ground. In 1936, a long running dispute over doctrinal differences led to Armstrongs resignation
and Benson was appointed in his place.13 When Benson took over he faced a massive debt with
Hicks, 6

10
Hicks, 9

11
Hicks, 13

12
Hicks, 14

13

no foreseeable way out. The US was still suffering from the Depression and fundraising among
the local churches proved difficult. Benson realized that the answer lay in another area he felt
strongly about-promoting his version of Americanism. Americanism was a Benson term for his
amalgamation of free market capitalism, virulent anti-communism, and evangelical
Christianity.14 Benson realized that by turning Harding into the mouthpiece of this
Americanism he could attract the donations of both Christian industrialists like Pepperdine and
industrialists interested in spreading laissez faire capitalism to the next generation. This led to
Bensons creation of the National Education Program in 1948.15
The National Education Program or NEP would quickly grow into a key voice in the
anticommunist movement. Benson used his friendships with wealthy industrialists to get large
donations for the NEP and Harding itself. In 1941 he managed to wrangle an appearance before
the House Ways and Means Committee which was then dealing with reauthorization of the
National Youth Administration and Civilian Conservation Corps.16 Benson used this appearance
to lambast the economic policies of the Roosevelt Administration gaining the attention of
Hicks, 16

14
"Harding University - American Studies Institute - Welcome," Harding University - Faith, Learning,
Living, http://www.harding.edu/ASI/index.html (accessed March 10, 2009).

15
M. J. Heale, American Anti-Communism Combating the Enemy Within, 1830-1970 (The American
Moment) (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1990), 171.

16
Hicks, 63

powerful men like Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia (who became a key Benson ally on the Hill)
and Alfred Sloan. Thanks to these appearances, Benson went on essentially a 7 year long
speaking/fundraising tour of the United States. Benson was able to raise large amounts of money
both for Harding and his nascent NEP.17 By 1962 Harding had an endowment worth over $6
million dollars with virtually the entire amount in the form of donations from major American
industrialists. With this money Benson expanded Hardings academic offerings beyond Biblical
education by hiring a slew of new faculty and expanding and improving Hardings campus. This
was all done with an eye towards building Hardings reputation as a good school academically.
Benson also began staffing the NEP with people like John Sutherland, an executive at Walt
Disney Studios, who would oversee the running of the cartoon program at the NEP.18
Many of the earliest NEP productions were cartoons produced by John Sutherland. Why
Play Leap Frog? is a particularly interesting example of these early propaganda pieces. Every
cartoon began with a placard indicating that the cartoon was produced by the extension
department of Harding College (the NEP was a part of the extension department during its early
years) and giving a brief explanation of why the cartoon was produced. The reason-according to
the placard-was to create a deeper understanding of what has made America the finest place in
the world to live.19 This understanding was, naturally, a very conservative one. In Why Play
17
Hicks, 74

18
Hicks, 64

19
Why Play Leap Frog? DVD, dir. John Sutherland, prod. Harding College (United States of America:
Www.yumheart.com, 2004).

Leap Frog?, the Dilly Doll Factory and its worker Joe serve to explain the connection between
wages and prices. In the NEPs version of economics though, virtually all increase in price
comes from the apparently overwhelming cost of labor. According to the film, 80% of a new
cars cost comes from labor.20 This results in Joe being unable to afford many things. Joe realizes
at the end of the film that instead of hoping for an increase in his wages, he needs to increase his
productivity and that that will result in a real raise as prices fall.21 The film is obviously written
to appease Bensons industrialist friends, as few outside of that group would agree with either its
economics or presentation. The film is a not so subtle poke at labor unions, then at the peak of
their power in American politics. Why Play Leap Frog? uses a method still used by opponents of
unionization today, claiming, through occasionally fuzzy mathematics, that labor costs have
outstripped productivity and that labor is essentially earning more than its fair share. In Meet
King Joe we meet Joe again. Hes moved on from the doll factory, and this time wears a jaunty
crown to indicate his status as King of the Workers of the World.22 Joe learns about how the
American worker is the luckiest in the world because of the great interactions between American
management and labor. The cartoon argues that most capital in America comes not from wealthy

20
Ibid

21
ibid

22
Meet King Joe, DVD, dir. John Sutherland, prod. Harding College (United States of America:
www.yumheart.com, 2004).

people but from the millions of Americans who invest in new factories.23 Both of these
cartoons are clearly aimed at blue collar workers. They point out how lucky American workers
are and are also willing to criticize the wealthy. The religious overtones are almost entirely
absent as the cartoons are focused on advancing some very pro-business economics. They reflect
that Benson was trying to advance a whole lot of agendas at once- he was working to appease
both religious and fiscal conservatives and these cartoons are clearly aimed at the latter. In many
ways this reflects the split in the modern Republican Party between social and fiscal
conservatives. But it could also be argued that the emphasis these cartoons put on labor being
satisfied with what management gives could be a reflection of an evangelical emphasis on
authority. Virtually every evangelical movement considers the Bible to be completely accurate
and the sole source of authority for any church or institution24Therefore people have to submit
themselves wholly over to the Bible and to Gods law. So perhaps this belief in submission to
higher authority is subtly reflected in these two cartoons.
Make Mine Freedom deals more directly with a comparison between communism and
capitalism. It is an analysis of the differences between free enterprise and communism. The
device for this explanation is a snake oil salesman selling bottles of ism to stereotypes of
management, labor, politicians, and farmers. The stereotypes are quickly taken in by the
salesman and prepare to sign away the country to Ism, Inc. But then John Q. Public comes to

23
ibid

24
George M. Marsden, Understanding fundamentalism and evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B.
Eerdmans, 1991), 65.

provide a glimpse into what makes free enterprise so great and the problems found with
Ism.25 The film uses a very thinly veiled Henry Ford metaphor, to explain who someone with an
idea can become a rich and powerful person in a free enterprise society.26It then moves on to a
horrifying vision of society under Ism. Labor unions become subject to state control with
workers identified solely by number, corporations are seized with no possibility of appeal,
farmers become state farm slaves, and politicians looping records of the states greatness. It
ends with everyone agreeing that the American Way is best. Make Mine Freedom is one of the
more interesting cartoons the NEP produced. It shows an integrated schoolroom, argues that
freedom to worship as people choose is a key right, and argues that management can be seduced
by communism as easily as labor.27 None of these arguments were typical for any anticommunist
propaganda, let alone that of the NEP. But that opening lulls us into a false sense that the
message is being presented fairly as the cartoons closing line goes back to standard NEP fare.
When anybody preaches disunity, tries to pit one of us against another, through class warfare,
race hatred or religious intolerance we know that that person is trying to rob us of our freedom
and our very lives.28 This closing line of Make Mine Freedom hits at the core of what the NEP
25
Make Mine Freedom, DVD, dir. John Sutherland, prod. Harding College (United States of America:
www.yumheart.com, 2004).

26
Ibid

27
ibid

28
ibid

was trying to do with this series of cartoons. Hardings very existence had been threatened by the
millennial movement within the Churches of Christ and evangelical movements had always
emphasized the importance of ideological purity.29 From this philosophical and historical
background, the logic of this statement becomes startlingly and frighteningly clear. Those who
opposed the efforts of the anti-communists had to be silenced for the good of the country.
Anyone who espoused opposite views had to be silenced for the good of the church. For Benson
and the NEP communism was not just a political or economic problem, it was a sin against God
himself and as with any other sin there could be no compromise with anyone. And in Bensons
eyes those who had been touched by communism extended to those he felt were not hard enough
on it, men like Presidents Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Senator J. William
Fulbright. The only way Benson saw to save the United States from the communist menace was
to convert everyone over to this way of thinking. He was helped by the sheer popularity of the
NEP cartoons. Sutherland still had many friends in Hollywood and he secured a distribution
contract with MGM in 1948. NEP cartoons went to over 5,000 MGM theaters where they
quickly became a major hit.30 According to MGM, they were the most popular of all of their
anticommunist cartoons, likely due to their humor and the extraordinarily high quality of their
information. The NEP was bursting onto the scene at just the right time, China had just gone
Communist and an obscure Wisconsin Senator named Joseph McCarthy was starting his own

29
Marsden, 110

30
Hicks, 63

crusade against the Reds. But first Benson had to try and reconcile his two great obsessions
fighting the communists and improving Harding.
The success of the NEP and its films was having serious repercussions for Bensons
attempts to increase Hardings academic respectability. Benson was obsessed with gaining
accreditation from the North Central Association for Harding as a mark of its academic
respectability. But Bensons and the NEPs growing reputation as anticommunist ideologues
caused the NCA to put off accreditation several times.31 The NCA was concerned about reported
ties between the NEP and the John Birch Society. In 1948 the NCA directly rejected Hardings
application and continued to reject it every year thereafter. The reason was obviously discomfort
over Hardings name being prominently displayed over films of questionable academic value.
Benson finally agreed to separate the two institutions in 1954. The NEP would remain
headquartered in Searcy and Benson would remain as President.32 To make up for the
disappearance of the NEP from Hardings actual curriculum, Benson created a School of
American Studies. It combined a study of capitalism, Christianity, and history into an actual
degree program.33 Bensons stated goal was for each student to gain a solid grounding in
American and Christian principles.34 The Schools curriculum was controversial enough to
31
Hicks, 84

32
Phillips, Cabell. "Wide Anti-Red Drive Directed From Small Town in Arkansas." New York Times, May
18, 1961.

33
New York Times. "American Studies." October 12, 1952, Review of Editorials sec.

34

merit an article in the New York Times. Benson had wanted to bring a missionary school to
Harding and by 1954 he had created a school not to train missionaries solely for God, but for
God and Capitalism. The School of Americanism still exists at Harding under the name of
School of American Studies where it still hews to Bensons original curriculum goals and
plans.35
The NEP continued to produce material after the separation, but there was a general shift
away from the cartoons towards a more live-action approach. Many of these new films featured
Harding graduate and history professor Clifton Ganus. One of these Ganus films is The
Responsibilities of American Citizenship. Its set up is fairly standard an opening shot of what is
presumably the Harding campus, followed by a group of students filing in for a National
Education Program workshop.36 Ganus stands at the front of the classroom and lectures. In The
Responsibilities of American Citizenship Ganus has also come prepared with visual aids. The
first of these is also one of the most telling, a tower of blocks representing the United States.
Things like basic freedoms and the Constitution all rest on The Fundamental Belief in God.37
This is a theme that would be repeated not just in this film but in virtually every NEP film that
Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock). "George S. Benson-His Fight: Free Enterprise." December 14, 1952.

35
"Harding University - American Studies Institute - Welcome," Harding University - Faith, Learning,
Living, section goes here, http://www.harding.edu/ASI/index.html (accessed March 10, 2009).

36
The Responsibilities of American Citizenship, DVD, prod. National Education Program, perf. Clifton L.
Ganus (United States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004).

37
ibid

Ganus starred in. Ganus also makes the fairly fantastic claim that the shadow of socialism has
spread to most nations of the Earth and now encroaches on our own. This is then seconded by
Ganus contention that socialism is widespread in Europe.38 This is repeated in many other
Ganus films like Americas Distribution of Wealth where a man with a horrific British accent
continually asks a man about all the wonders available in capitalist America.39 This seems to
reflect Bensons fervent belief that socialism and communism were two sides of the same coin,
and that socialism would inevitably lead to communism. For the NEP, socialism and communism
were indistinguishable. So the mild democratic socialism of Great Britain, which was under the
rule of that ardent socialist Winston Churchill, became as hard core as anything that was
practiced in the Soviet Union. Unlike the cartoons, which were typically fairly upbeat and
focused on the American system Ganus films seem far more focused on fear-mongering, as he
warns in The Responsibilities of American Citizenship about socialist and communist fifth
columnists who seek to undermine our system.40 Ganus then launches into a list of obligations
of American citizenship dealing with things like representative government, capitalism, and
owning private property.41 He then begins to discuss the tactics of communism and
38
ibid

39
America's Distribution of Wealth, DVD, prod. National Education Program, perf. Clifton L. Ganus (United
States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004).

40
The Responsibilities of American Citizenship

41
The Responsibilities of American Citizenship

communism is immediately framed as communism, that godless philosophy.42 It is


immediately clear that the key thing we are supposed to take away is that communists are just a
bunch of atheists and that being a good American depends on believing in God. Of course, Ganus
tells us this directly a few moments later, the camera shifts position so that it is directly in front
of his board. The board displays a sign saying Strive for Spiritual Growth while Ganus tells us
to apply the principles of Gods truth to politics.43 The Responsibilities of American
Citizenship takes a reasonable subject for discussion, what does being a citizen really mean, and
quickly turns it into a lesson about how the only good citizen is a Christian citizen. This was
reflected in the rise of church attendance over the course of the 1950s. American Economic
Freedoms is another great example of a mid-1950s NEP production. Ganus is again before a
group of excited young college students providing information of the greatness of the American
System. This film features Ganus running through the various economic freedoms that
Americans take for granted but that those in socialist countries do not enjoy.44 The first is what
Ganus describes as the freedom to work.45 He defines this as the ability of Americans to

42
Ibid

43
ibid

44
"YouTube - American Economic Freedoms (1955)," YouTube - Broadcast Yourself.,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g9F5ITAj4eY (accessed March 19, 2009).

45
ibid

choose any job they want but it is vaguely reminiscent of the right to work language employed
by opponents of unionization. Ganus returns to his rather odd characterization of Great Britain as
a country only slightly better run than the Soviet Union by claiming that as soon as British
Socialists took power they passed a law giving them power over workers.46 This is one of the
more inaccurate statements in an NEP production as the Labour Party was not a Marxist party by
any stretch of the imagination by the late 1940s and Attlees government repealed the Trade
Disputes Act of 1927 which had given the government more power over unionized workers.47
Ganus then discusses farm labor. He says that American farm worker produces 10 times more
than the collective farm worker which he chalks up to American farm workers being happier in
their jobs. He makes no mention of better American farm equipment or increased use of chemical
fertilizers on American farm products. Ganus next freedom is the freedom to dream without
which the collective national brain energy could not be harnessed towards progress which
Ganus says allows Americans to try out any idea contraption no matter how crazy it may seem
to others.48 Feeding the freedom to dream is the freedom to compete which allows only the
best producers to succeed. Then Ganus hits on the old American Dream with the freedom to
advance; Ganus uses this to stroke the donors egos a bit with his claim that virtually all
industrialists have risen up from nothing and that only the most productive managers are
46
Youtube

47
ibid

48
ibid

allowed to move up.49 The final freedom is the freedom to invest. Ganus claims that over 18
million Americans own stock and that European and Asian workers have substandard equipment
with Asian workers apparently not having access to anything more advanced than a piece of
bamboo to transport kerosene.50 Ganus used these freedoms to promote a somewhat inaccurate
picture of American society. He offers no proof of where his information was coming from or
why it was a trustworthy source. But we are clearly meant to simply take his words at face value.
Ganus is always presented as the stereotypical young college professor. He makes bad jokes and
gets reluctant responses from the students and he always speaks in a calm cool voice that does
not invite argument. This pattern was repeated in hundreds of films throughout the 1950s and
1960s as the NEP and its power grew.
The mid-1950s saw Bensons power and influence expand greatly and this continued into
the early 1960s. The NEP began to produce films focused solely on Benson himself. Perhaps the
most famous of these is The War We Are In: Communism versus Capitalism. It begins with an
introduction by Ganus extolling Benson as an educational crusader speaking to a group of
patriotic Americans about the threat of communism.51 Benson begins by immediately invoking
divine protection for America and the freedoms Americans have under God.52 Benson then
49
ibid

50
ibid

51
The War We Are In: Communism vs. Capitalism, DVD, prod. National Education Program, perf. George S.
Benson and Clifton L. Ganus (United States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004).

52

argues that communism and capitalism are locked in a continuous war with the communists
using fifth columnists to achieve their ends. Bensons obsession with fifth columnists likely
stems from his missionary experiences in China. During the early 1930s Benson witnessed many
powerful people who he felt had disguised their communist leanings until the greater force of
communists was ready to take over.53 Benson then launches into a very long analysis of what he
calls The revised Communist Manifesto.54 Benson almost seems to be arguing in favor of
escalating the Cold War. Ganus had referred to Communist fears of greater American military
power and Benson claims in his speech that America could rain 20 times the destructive power
over Russia that Russia could rain over America and Khrushchev does not want a hot war now,
he knows he cannot win it.55 There can be no real question that an all out military conflict
would have helped Bensons primary financial backers, by this point Boeing, Lockheed, and
other key defense contractors were all big donors to the NEPs cause.56 But Benson was also
likely ideologically predisposed towards wanting to force a major conflict. A common theme in
ibid

53
Hicks, 8

54
The War We Are In

55
ibid

56
Cabell Phillips, "Wide Anti-Red Drive Directed From Small Town in Arkansas," New York Times, May 18,
1961.

evangelical churches is a complete unwillingness to negotiate with things they view as sinful and
sin must always be wiped out.57 So since Khrushchev wanted a Cold War, Benson went on to
explain how the communists intended to extend the Cold War. He claimed that when communists
were talking about peace they did not mean anything like what an American would mean by
peace. He also eviscerates what he calls Peace Fronts, groups typically organized by churches
opposing all out atomic war.58 There is also an intense feeling of personal persecution as Benson
says that Khrushchev himself wished the destruction of anticommunist groups and argued that
the media had purposefully attempted to smear him and the NEP because they were effective in
fighting communism. The sense of paranoia and persecution apparent in Bensons remarks are a
common theme in recent right wing political thought. It was always thought to have begun with
the famously paranoid Richard Nixon, but Benson here is giving Nixon a lesson in paranoia long
before Nixon became President. For Benson, any criticism of himself or the NEP was obviously
due to the person being part of the communist threat. He closes with the most sensitive political
topic of the time: race relations. Benson argues that Gus Hall, President of the CPUSA, wanted
to make the CPUSA the party of the coloreds.59 In this speech Benson uses many cues from
traditional evangelism and the future conservative political movement. He creatively uses quotes
and facts out of context to argue his points. He creates an atmosphere of intense persecution as
57
The War We Are In

58
ibid

59
ibid

he argues that Khrushchevs main goal is the destruction of the anticommunist organizations.
Much of Bensons rhetoric in this particular speech would be used by 1964 Republican
Presidential Candidate Barry Goldwater and eventually Goldwaters ideological heir Ronald
Reagan. Reagan was also close to Benson and the NEP. In 1962 Reagan narrated one of the
NEPs few feature length documentaries The Truth about Communism. The film is notable not
just for Reagans involvement but it featured an in introduction by the last democratically elected
leader of Russia, Alexander Kerensky.60 It is a piece that does a very good job of presenting half
truths as truth and whipping up an attitude of fear that a communist infiltration of the United
States was imminent. The NEP was at the height of its power and respectability. It was favorably
profiled in the New York Times early in 1961. Hundreds of high schools around the country used
its educational pamphlets and curriculum on a day to day basis. Its anti-Communist films were
consistently shown to people around the country including members of the military and Bensons
seminars and Freedom Forums were attracting thousands more every day. George Benson had
placed himself at the apex of the conservative movement and it was quickly clear that he
intended to do something with that power.
Benson had always stayed largely out of electoral politics but by the early 1960s there
would be no better time to start. And Benson decided to go big. Benson had long felt that
Senator J. William Fulbright was nowhere near conservative enough on a variety of social issues
and most importantly he felt that Fulbright was too soft on Communism.61 But Fulbright was not
60
"The Truth About Communism," Google Video, http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6582689092480970845 (accessed March 19, 2009).

61

just another Senator; he was chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and one of the
most powerful men in the country, let alone Arkansas. Benson decided against a run himself due
to his desire to remain at Harding and the NEP, but at one of his Freedom Forums in April,
1962 he announced that Winston Chandler an RV salesman from Pulaski County would run
against Fulbright in the Democratic Primary that year.62 Wendells candidacy fizzled out fairly
quickly after that. The Fulbright episode is perhaps indicative of what was happening to Benson
in the 1960s. Benson had become completely disenchanted with the Democratic Party and
supported Barry Goldwater in 1964.63 But the Benson of 1964 was not the Benson of ten years
earlier. The early 1960s had seen the end of Bensons particular brand of anti-communism, but he
had not apparently recognized that fact. A series of revelations in 1962 had been the final nail in
the national power of Benson and the NEP. The first of these had to do with the NEP film
Communism on the Map.64Communism on the Map was really just another standard NEP film,
but it managed to come to the attention of 6 time Socialist Presidential candidate (and former
Presbyterian Minister) Norman Thomas.65 Thomas was outraged over the films many
Hicks, 154

62

63
Hicks, 70

64
Which, sadly, cannot be found anywhere either on the internet or in Hardings archives.

65
"NORMAN THOMAS HITS BIRCH GROUP," New York Times, April 20, 1961.

inaccuracies and overall paranoid tone. He was even more incensed when he discovered that the
film was being shown to members of the military and college students.66 Thomas was outraged
that the military was being exposed to these films with the approval of official military sources.
Thomas also pointed out that the NEP was essentially spreading information approved by groups
like the John Birch Society. Thomas called on Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara to deal
with the problem as many military leaders had begun attending NEP conferences in Searcy. The
Department of Defense therefore banned the showing of NEP films on official DOD time.67 The
issue attracted the attention of the New York Times who promptly sought out Benson for a
response. Benson defended the film and its producer Glenn Green as only trying to promote
godliness and patriotism.68 Unfortunately for Benson it was quickly discovered that Green was
a member of the John Birch Society and that Benson himself had written an article in favor of
Birch Society membership in 1960.69 Exposed as a supporter of the ultra-right wing Birch
Society, Benson quickly lost most of his power and influence among the vast majority of the
American public. Benson would also resign the presidency of Harding in 1965, over long

66
ibid

67
ibid

68
New York Times, "THOMAS IS DISPUTED OVER FILM ON REDS," May 10, 1961.

69
Hicks, 76

festering issues of discontentment and feelings that Benson demanded ideological purity.70 These
issues had much to do with internal Church of Christ politics. The Churches of Christ were and
are very much a Congregationalist denomination in terms of church governance which allowed
Benson to become the de facto head of the group by the mid-1950s. But not everyone within the
denomination or at Harding was pleased with the course Benson had charted. In particular James
D. Bales and James Atteberry proved to be Bensons harshest critics with Bales alleging that
Benson suppressed all dissent at Harding and within the broader Church of Christ movement.
Atteberrys defection from the Benson line was also unexpected as in 1966 he wrote a very
flattering history of Harding College, but less than three years later he found himself forced to
resign after having a massive change of heart over the schools programs.71 Benson was replaced
as president by the star of so many NEP films, Clifton Ganus.72 Benson himself remained
president of the NEP until his death, and he also served for 10 years as chancellor of Oklahoma
Christian University, another Churches of Christ institution, from 1957-1967. Benson was an
important figure in the history of OCU, as he again used his impeccable credentials with the
business community to secure funding for the school.73 But it was not just Benson who found
70
Hicks, 80

71
James L. Atteberry, The Story of Harding College (Searcy, AR: Harding College, 1966),

72
Hicks, 83

73
"OC History," Oklahoma Christian University,
http://blogs.oc.edu/ee/index.php?/ochistory/content/george_s_benson (accessed March 18, 2009).

himself under increasing attack from outside. The first indications of a blowback against the NEP
came in a New York Times article from January 29, 1962 with the headline Rightists Press Drive
in Schools detailing the NEPs high school educational programs. But the article also hints at
the potential financial irregularities within the NEP. The article points out that while they were
separate organizations the NEP was headquartered on the Harding campus rent free. It also
pointed out that the NEP had been tied to various hard right organizations like the John Birch
Society. But this was not the last time the Times would run a damaging story about the NEPs
finances. A report from the Anti-Defamation League in 1964 over aid to extremists caused a
firestorm as the group accused various right wing groups like the NEP as using industrial money
and their tax exempt status to promote a right wing agenda. Benson lashed out at the critics
claiming that the NEP was wholly non-partisan and that accusations of anti-Semitism were not
true as Harding admitted Jewish students. Benson listed a large number of foundations as the
chief source of NEP funds and key among those was the Sloan Foundation with a supposed
$600,000 donation.74 But the next day the Sloan Foundation denied that it had ever donated to
the NEP and that it had instead donated that money to Harding.75 These articles and accusations
were devastating to whatever credibility the NEP had left. While the NEP continued to produce
pamphlets and hold Freedom Forums it never again enjoyed the kind of prominence that it had in
the 1950s. It was still producing pamphlets into the 1970s and still conducted summer seminars

74
Irving Spiegel, "Aid to Right Wing Laid to Big Firms," New York Times, September 20, 1964.

75
Irving Spiegel, "SLOAN UNIT DENIES AID TO EXTREMISTS," New York Times, September 21, 1964.

into the 1990s.76 But the NEPs greatest legacy came with the election of Ronald Reagan in
1980. Reagan was an old friend of Benson, he had even recorded a flowery address in honor of
Bensons 80th birthday in 1978 extolling Benson as a protector of the American way of life.77
Reagan followed many of the prescriptions that Benson had suggested vastly increasing the size
of the military and ramping up the rhetoric in the fight against the Soviet Union. Reagan rejected
dtente just as Benson did and it is not difficult to hear Bensons voice in Reagans Evil
Empire speech. In fact much of Reagans rhetoric bears more than a passing resemblance to
some of the narration he gave in The Truth about Communism. It is not clear though, whether or
not Reagan participated in some of Bensons more questionable contacts with groups such as the
John Birch Society.
Bensons grip on the conservative movements messaging is still striking. Benson always
called it the war between communism and capitalism and that war imagery is still very strong
today. A casual look through the websites of organizations like Focus on the Family and the
National Right to Life Society reveals wars on the Family78, the Unborn79, traditional
76
Hicks, 88

77
Ronald Reagan, "Tribute to George Benson on his 80th Birthday" (speech, Harding University, Searcy,
AR, September 26, 1978).

78
Welcome to Focus on the Family, http://www.focusonthefamily.com/ (accessed March 20, 2009).

79
National Right to Life, http://www.nrlc.org/ (accessed March 20, 2009).

values80, etc. And Bensons use of persecution as a way to motivate remains a key tool in the
conservative arsenal. People like Glenn Beck and Rush Limbaugh always warn their listeners
that they are being persecuted for holding their beliefs because only they are willing to speak out
against what they perceive as problems in American society. George Benson died on December
15, 1991 but his legacy will live on for a very long time.81
In conclusion, George Benson and the NEP have had a large but dramatically
understudied impact on 20th century American politics. Benson took traditional Church of Christ
themes like biblical inerrancy and literal interpretations of the Bible and began to apply them
things like the Constitution and free market capitalism. Coming as he did from a denomination
that emphasized its own correctness over all others Benson developed a powerful sense that he
and he alone had the answers for what he perceived to be Americas most pressing threat. When
questioned, he ignored them, secure in the knowledge that they most simply be on the side of the
enemy. Bensons potent blend of evangelical Christianity and anticommunism served to create a
new and powerful political coalition. Almost all modern conservatives owe a debt of gratitude to
Benson, including Bensons most successful acolyte-Ronald Reagan. The NEP showed religious
conservatives the power of messaging. By couching their message in terms of economic
concerns they were able to avoid the brush of fanaticism that had so often sunk evangelicals
before. After the NEP faded in the mid-1960s so too did memories of it, with more visible figures
like Billy Graham getting most of the credit for the rise of evangelical power in American life.
80
Welcome to Focus on the Family, http://www.focusonthefamily.com/ (accessed March 20, 2009).

81
Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock), "Obituary," December 16, 1991.

But there can be no question that while Graham might be better known today it is Benson who
deserves most of the credit for creating one of the defining forces in American politics. The NEP
has broadly faded from memory. Its creations are now viewed more for their comedic value
rather than their insight into a key period in American history. Some conservative organizations
though still use the NEP cartoons in their campaigns, in particular the Moving Pictures Institute,
whose website features several anti-UN, pro-free market films alongside Make Mine Freedom.
Bensons project to create a new sense of Americanism is still ongoing, and we will likely still
be discussing its affects many years from now.

Bibliography
"About Harding - History." Harding University - Faith, Learning, Living.
http://www.harding.edu/about/history.html (accessed March 10, 2009).
America's Distribution of Wealth. DVD. Produced by National Education Program. Performed

by Clifton L. Ganus. United States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.


Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock). "George S. Benson-His Fight: Free Enterprise." December 14,
1952.
Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock). "Obituary." December 16, 1991.
Atteberry, James L. The Story of Harding College. Searcy, AR: Harding College, 1966.
"Harding University - American Studies Institute - Welcome." Harding University - Faith,
Learning, Living. http://www.harding.edu/ASI/index.html (accessed March 10, 2009).
Hart, D. That Old-Time Religion in Modern America Evangelical Protestantism in the Twentieth
Century (The American Ways Series). Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, 2002.
Heale, M. J. American Anti-Communism Combating the Enemy Within, 1830-1970 (The
American Moment). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1990.
Hicks, L. Edward. "Sometimes in the wrong, but never in doubt" George S. Benson and the
education of the new religious right. Knoxville: University of Tennessee P, 1994.
Hughes, Richard T. The Churches of Christ. Westport: Praeger Paperback, 2001.
Illson, Murray. "NORMAN THOMAS HITS BIRCH GROUP." New York Times, April 20, 1961.
Make Mine Freedom. DVD. Directed by John Sutherland. Produced by Harding College. United
States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.
Marsden, George M. Understanding fundamentalism and evangelicalism. Grand Rapids, Mich:
W.B. Eerdmans, 1991.
Meet King Joe. DVD. Directed by John Sutherland. Produced by Harding College. United States
of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.
National Right to Life. http://www.nrlc.org/ (accessed March 20, 2009).
New York Times. "American Studies." October 12, 1952, Review of Editorials sec.
New York Times. "THOMAS IS DISPUTED OVER FILM ON REDS." May 10, 1961.
"OC History." Oklahoma Christian University.
http://blogs.oc.edu/ee/index.php?/ochistory/content/george_s_benson (accessed March
18, 2009).
Phillips, Cabell. "Wide Anti-Red Drive Directed From Small Town in Arkansas." New York

Times, May 18, 1961.


Reagan, Ronald. "Tribute to George Benson on his 80th Birthday." Speech, Harding University,
Searcy, AR, September 26, 1978.
The Responsibilities of American Citizenship. DVD. Produced by National Education Program.
Performed by Clifton L. Ganus. United States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.
Spiegel, Irving. "Aid to Right Wing Laid to Big Firms." New York Times, September 20, 1964.
Spiegel, Irving. "SLOAN UNIT DENIES AID TO EXTREMISTS." New York Times, September
21, 1964.
"The Truth About Communism." Google Video. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6582689092480970845 (accessed March 19, 2009).
The War We Are In: Communism vs. Capitalism. DVD. Produced by National Education
Program. Performed by George S. Benson and Clifton L. Ganus. United States of
America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.
Welcome to Focus on the Family. http://www.focusonthefamily.com/ (accessed March 20, 2009).
Why Play Leap Frog? DVD. Directed by John Sutherland. Produced by Harding College. United
States of America: Www.yumheart.com, 2004.
"YouTube - American Economic Freedoms (1955)." YouTube - Broadcast Yourself.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g9F5ITAj4eY (accessed March 19, 2009).

You might also like