‫ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ ۱۳۷۳‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ »ﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻙ« ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﻫﺮﺍﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ )ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ )ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺟﺎﺕ( ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺳﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ( ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ«‬
‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺫﻯ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬
‫»ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺣﺪ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۵۸‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﭼﭙﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺬﺏ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ )ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ )ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ( ﺑﺮﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻯ )‪ (۱۷۶۲ - ۱۷۰۳‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ )‪ (۱۸۲۴ - ۱۷۴۶‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ )‪ ،(۱۸۳۱ - ۱۷۸۱‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۲۸۴‬ﻩ )‪۱۸۶۷‬ﻡ( ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ )ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﺭﭘﺮﺍﺩﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ )ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ )ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۱۹‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻻﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ )‪ (۱۹۷۹ - ۱۹۰۳‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ( )ﺗﺌﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ( ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ )ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ )‪ (۱۸۹۸ - ۱۸۱۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ »ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ« )ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻣﻰ ﮔﺸﺖ؛ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻔﻰ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻯ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ )ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻙ( ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ )ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻙ( ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﷲ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻯ )‪ (۱۹۲۱ - ۱۸۵۶‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ )ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻴﺎﺀﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ« ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۴۷‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻻﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ )‪ (۱۹۲۱ ۱۸۵۰‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ )ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺮ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪۱۳۴۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ »ﭘﺸﺘﻮ ﺗﻮﻟﻨﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﮔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۴۷‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ« ﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﻮﺭﻩ )ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﮒ ﻣﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻘﻰ )‪ (sharigi‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ )ﻛﺘﺮ( ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﭻ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎ« ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ»ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ« ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻌﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺧﺘﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﺪﻭ ﺍﷲ ﻳﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺋﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ »ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ« ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻡ )ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ»ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ»ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻻﻓﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ »ﺧﻼﻓﺖ« ﻭ‬
‫»ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ« ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺐ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻜﺴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺰﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻒ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺴﺎﻙ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ»ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ »ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺛﻘﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻗﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﺤﻔﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻋﺸﺮﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺒﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۷۷‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻓﻀﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ )‪ (۱۳۷۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫»ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ»ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ( ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺧﺸﻜﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬
‫»ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﻰ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫»ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺴﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ؛ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ »ﺧﻼﻓﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺗﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰ‬
‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ« ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ »ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ« ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ« ﻭ »ﺍﺯﺑﻚ« ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺩﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺮﻑ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻨﮓ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻌﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ )ﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ( ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫*ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻠﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﮕـﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -۱ :‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ‪ -۲‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ )ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!( ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ« ﻣﻮﺿـــﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۴‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬

‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪ‪‬ﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ »ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺸﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﹰﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ« ﻭ »ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ؛ »ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ )‪ (I.S.I‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻂ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ( ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﹰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ‪ ISI‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ‪ ISI‬ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣ‪‬ﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ« ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ‪ I.S.I‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﻪﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ )ﺷﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯ( ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﺮﻳﻒ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ »ﺳﻮﺍﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺂﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮊﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ« ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻠﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ «ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ»‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ »ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ« ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ« ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬
‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ »ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ« ﻭ »ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﺎﻟﺒﺮﻭﮎ« ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴﮏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻼ ﻋﻤﺮ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ »ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﮐﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ »ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﮑﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺦ ﻧﻤﺎﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﮑﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﮊﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻟﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺫﺑﻴﺢ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮊﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮊﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺴﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪) ۲۰۰۱‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻼﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۸‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ؟ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۴۰‬ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﺳﻔﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ”ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ“ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ)ﺟﻨﮓ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ(ﻭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ)ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ(ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫"ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻮ"‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻠﻲ ﻣﮏ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﺮﻧﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻠﻲ ﻣﮏ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮏ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ "ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﮐﻞ ﮐﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﮏ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫"ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻮ"‬

‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﻧﻮ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﺮﻧﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﺮﻧﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﮏ ﮐﻴﺮﻧﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﮏ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ۹ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬
‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ۱۰ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪».‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ۱۰ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻭ «ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ "ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ " ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪" :‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ " ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ "ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ " ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ "ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻧﺎﻥ "‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ‘ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ‘ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ’ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ )‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻪ ‪ ۲۱ /‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﺸﻬﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ "ﺩﺭﻩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻞ" ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﻮﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺰﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ۱۵۰ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮏ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﻳﮑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺑﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﮎﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻟﺸﮑﺮﮐﺸﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪  ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ  ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺻﻒﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺯﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﺷﻨﺒﻪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺻﻒﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺻﻠﺢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻩﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ "ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮑﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺁﻟﮕﻤﺎﻳﻨﻪ" ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻟﺸﮑﺮﮐﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬
‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ"‬ ‫"ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫"ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ "ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ "ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ" ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ "ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ" ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ "ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ" ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻩﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻲﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﮏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﻗﺴﻴﻢ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۴‬ﮐﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻨﻴﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﹰﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ﹰﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۲‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ﹰﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ"‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺿﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ"‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬
‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺨﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺽ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ"‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻱ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺂﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻨﻴﮑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣ ﹺ‬

‫ﺩ‪‬ﻭﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳ ﹺﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ – ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ – ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ )ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ( ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ )ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻪ ﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻪ ﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﮑﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﻏﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫»ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ« ﺣﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻓﺘﻮﺍ« )ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬

‫ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭ ﹺﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣ ﹶﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﮐ ‪‬ﻤﻲ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﺼﺪﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ )ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺼﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍ ‪‬ﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ »ﺑﺎﺭﮎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻱ » ‪ ۸‬ﺻﺒﺢ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻴﮏ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺭﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ )‪ ۶۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ) ‪ ۴۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﮋﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘ ﹺ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐ ‪‬ﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ »ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ mobilize‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﻱ »ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺗﻤﺴﮏ ﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺰﺏ«‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ )‪ (Paradox‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻠﻲ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻻ ﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﮐﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻳﮑﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﺮﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺜﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺒﻴﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫)ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻡ( ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ )؟(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﺗﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣ‪‬ﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ »ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻲ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ«‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ -‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻖ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﺪ ﹰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ )ﻳﺎ ‪ (Paradox‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ« ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬

‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ )ﻣﻠﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﻱ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﻋﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺰﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ( ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ )ﻣ‪‬ﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ )ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﮐﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻱ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻳﻞ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻠﮑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ )‪ ۱۸۸۰‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ )ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ( ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ﹰﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ )ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ -‬ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۵۷‬ﻫـ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺛﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۷۱‬ﻫـ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺧﺸﮑﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ‬

‫ﻱ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻱ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻱ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ« )‪ (Buffer state‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬

‫ﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻕ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺋﻴﮑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬

‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ )ﺍﺯ ﻧﹸﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(؛ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻴﮑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ -‬ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻻ ﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ )ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻳﮑﻪ‬

‫ﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﺤﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺷﺪ )ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﻱ ﺑﺮ‪‬ﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‪،-‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﮐﺘﻠﻪ ﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺤﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪ (۱‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻞ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ – ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﮑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ( ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ )ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۲‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺪ ﹰﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬

‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺒﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ,‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻦﺑﻪﺗﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۶۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۷‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ‬

‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻭﻃﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻳﻚﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪).‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ (.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪(.‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬

‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻴﻠﻜﻮﻟﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻓﺒﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬

‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬

‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﭘﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ‪ -‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣ ﹰﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﭖ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻻﻍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬

‫ﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ﹰﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬

‫ﻼ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﭖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ﹰﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ -۱ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ( ‪ -۲‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ – ۳ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ – ۴ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ – ۵ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ -۶ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﭙﻚ« )ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﭘﺮﺍﮒ‪ ،‬ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ – ۱ :‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬

‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ( ‪ – ۲‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ – ۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ )ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ( ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬

‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﮔﻮﻟﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺴﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ« ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺧﻼﻑﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻚ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺿﻴﺎﺀﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﺎﺗﻴﻼ« ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻂ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ( ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﭙﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ "ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ "‪ ،‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ "ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ " ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ "ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ " ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -۱‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ ۶۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۲‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ﹰﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻱ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۳‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﻫﺎ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪۸‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺲ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۳۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۴‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ﹰﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۷‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬

‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ) ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﻜﺘﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫»ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۶۰‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻛﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۹‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﺫ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۲۰۰‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ -۱‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ "ﺑﺖﺧﺎﻧﻪ " ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ "ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ " ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۲‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ "ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ " ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﻲ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ "ﻣﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ " ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻼﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۳‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۶‬ﻓﺒﺮﻭﺭﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺻﻒ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﻊ( ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺳﻔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﻛﺰﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﺳﻔﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬

‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻝ »ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬

‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ۸۷‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬

‫ﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬

‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪) ۲۰۱۳‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺩﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ( ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺗﺮ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﺮ( ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!!‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻝ »ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ )ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺍﺽ ﻋﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﻣﻮﻟﻦ« ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪» ،‬ﮔﻴﺘﺲ« ﻭ »ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻜﻴﺮﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ‪-‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬

‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ« ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻔﻮﺩﺗﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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