Journal of Adolescence 2000, 23, 477486 doi:10.1006/jado.2000.0332, available online at http://www.idealibrary.

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Gender differences in Ayrshire teenagers' attitudes to sexual relationships, responsibility and unintended pregnancies
ALISTER HOOKE, SIMON CAPEWELL AND MEG WHYTE
Disadvantages and risks related to teenage pregnancy, together with a recent increase in Scottish conception rates among teenagers aged 1315 years old, give cause for concern. Using an illustrated short story and questionnaire, attitudes of 129 Ayrshire teenagers aged 1415 years old were examined to teenage pregnancy, and more generally to early sex. Seventy-three percent of girls advocated joint responsibility for contraceptive protection compared with only 46% of boys (p50.01). Also, significantly more boys than girls saw nothing wrong with casual sex (21% vs. 5%, p50.01), and significantly less boys than girls upheld the virtue of commitment in sexual relationships (27% vs. 54%, p50.01). Sex education programmes should explore these gender-related disparities.
# 2000 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents

Introduction
Teenage pregnancies can lead to a number of social and medical disadvantages. For example, Klepinger et al. (1995) estimated that early childbearing reduced schooling by one to three years, even after controlling for a variety of important background factors. Moreover, Williams et al. (1987) found a disproportionately greater dependency on state welfare by teenagers among first time mothers in a deprived area of Glasgow. Increased medical risks in teenagers include a disproportionate share of adverse outcomes of pregnancy, such as low birth weight babies, premature babies, small-for-gestational-age infants and infant mortality (Friede et al., 1990; Fraser et al., 1995). Biological immaturity contributes to such adverse outcomes. By limiting analysis to married mothers with age-appropriate educational levels and in receipt of adequate prenatal care, Fraser and associates (1995) reported that significant adverse effects on reproductive outcome were still observed for the youngest mothers. These disadvantages are particularly disquieting in view of an increase in conception rates since the 1980s among 1315-year-olds in Scotland (Table 1). Though comparable rates in Ayrshire and Arran have remained fairly constant (combining outcomes delivered and aborted in Table 1), comparison of mainland Health Board areas shows that rates in Ayrshire and Arran are consistently high relative to the rest of Scotland (ISD, 1998). Since 1987, just over half of the pregnancies to teenage girls aged 1315 years old were aborted. The observed increases in conception rates among younger teenage girls may reflect trends in earlier sexual experience. A large U.K. survey of early sexual experience reported that 28 per cent of men and 19 per cent of women born since 1975 became sexually active before the age of 16, compared to 6 per cent and 1 per cent respectively, of those born in 1940s (Wellings et al., 1995). Clearly a dramatic shift in the latter half of this century has occurred
Reprint request and correspondence should be addressed to: Alister Hooke, Health Promotion Service, Ayrshire Central Hospital, Kilwinning Road, Irvine, KA12 8SS, U.K. 0140-1971/00/040477+10 $3500/0 # 2000 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents

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Table 1 Teenage pregnancy rates per 1000 females by year, area of residence and mothers aged 1315 years old at conception and outcome (ISD, 1998)
Delivered 1989 Scotland Ayrshire & Arran 4?1 5?6 1993 4?0 5?7 1997 4?9 6?6 1989 4?3 6?0 Aborted 1993 4?4 6?1 1997 4?3 4?5

in the onset of first sexual experience among British teenagers. If this trend has continued it may have contributed to the observed increases in conception rates among younger teenage girls. In addition, there is evidence that earlier onset of sexual intercourse is associated with comparatively low levels of contraceptive use and a high degree of sexual risk-taking behaviour among teenage men. Ku et al. (1992) reported that 22 per cent of sexually active American teenage men had not used condoms in the previous year and 43 per cent had only used them on occasion. There is evidence that this risk-taking behaviour may be of greater significance at first sex. Forrest and Singh (1990) reported that more than half of females engaging in first sex had relied on the males to use condoms (47%) or withdrawal (8%). Wight (1992) has identified various factors that act as barriers to safer heterosexual sex among young people. These include: . Reluctance to discuss condom use openly or even to discuss sexual intentions, preferring instead to let sex ``just happen'' . Difficulties in accessing, carrying and using condoms, e.g. embarrassment, decreased sensitivity, etc. The potential contribution of alcohol must also be considered. Over half of a sample of 220 young Scots aged 1620 reported consuming alcohol at the time of first sex. Furthermore, only 13 per cent of males who had consumed alcohol used condoms at first sex compared with 57 per cent of non-drinkers, and in females 24 per cent compared with 68 per cent (Robertson and Plant, 1988). Gender differences also affect the dynamics of early sexual activity. In their study of 1619-year-olds, Breakwell and Millward (1997) found that issues of control over when sex happens and contraceptive responsibility are largely irrelevant to males' sexual self-concept, and yet quite central to that of females. Furthermore, Holland et al. (1991) found that boys commonly expect girls to delimit sexual activity, suggesting that control both over the occasion and extent of sexual activity lies, or is expected to lie, predominantly with girls. These gender imbalances may be particularly crucial in contributing to the high degree of risk-taking observed on the occasion of first sex (Forrest and Singh, 1990). In light of concern about increases in local rates of teenage conception in the 1315-yearold age group, the aim of this study was to investigate the views of local teenagers on a variety of issues relating to early sex and unintended pregnancies. Particular emphasis was placed on exploring the male responsibility to prevent unintended pregnancy. Other issues explored include the perceived impact of having a child at a young age and views on early sex. The assumption that boys are generally more amoral than girls in matters of sexual responsibility was also tested across a range of responses. It is hoped that the results of this research can be used to inform sex education programmes in secondary schools. Sex education has improved in Ayrshire and Arran over

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the last few years inasmuch as more schools are employing NHS-trained staff and some have S1-S6 programmes, but there exists no policy co-ordination, and some locations within the Health Board area still do not have any programmes.

Methods
Sample
Two local secondary schools were contacted and permission was obtained to access secondary third-year pupils (age range 1415 years). The total sample amounted to 129 pupils.

Data collection

A survey was conducted involving a questionnaire combined with an illustrated short story booklet. These were developed in consultation with eight Glaswegian teenagers known to the author and with various professionals in Ayrshire who worked with teenagers (family planning specialists, community education and youth workers). The eight teenagers also posed for photographs used in the story booklet.

Summary of short story

Ben, a 17-year-old boy, has a party in his parents' house when they go away for a weekend. At the party, a 15-year-old girl, Karen, is present and rapidly becomes drunk. Ben is pestered by his friends to get Karen into bed. Karen fancies Ben and when he asks her to go upstairs with him to his bedroom she agrees. Ben wants sex and manoeuvres Karen into bed with him. At first Karen is reluctant to go further than kissing, but eventually the drink and her own sexual excitement lead to sexual intercourse. Later she discovers that she is pregnant to her and her parents' horror. On hearing the news of Karen's pregnancy, Ben abandons Karen.

Data analysis

Ten open-ended questions were included in the questionnaire. The first six related directly to the story. The remaining four were general questions about sexual behaviour relating to teenage pregnancy. The content of all answers was analysed and categorized. This classification was subsequently checked by an independent researcher to test the reliability of the method. A high degree of reliability was consistently found. For all points raised by 10 per cent or more of the whole sample, categorized responses were analysed for differences between genders using chi-square tests.

Results
The response rate was 98 per cent (n=126; 63 boys and 63 girls). Three pupils did not indicate their sex and were excluded from analysis.

Responses to the vignette Blame for the pregnancy. Almost three times as many boys than girls found Ben to be at fault, or mostly at fault (52% vs. 19%; p50.001). Conversely, almost twice as many girls

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than boys tended to find Ben and Karen both to be at fault. Relatively few boys or girls predominantly blamed Karen (Table 2). More than twice as many girls than boys identified Ben as having taken advantage of Karen, either because of her drunkenness or because of her naivety. The most common point about Ben's behaviour raised by both boys and girls was his failure to use protection. Regarding Karen's culpability, almost five times as many girls as boys highlighted Karen's lack of assertiveness. Almost twice as many girls than boys identified Karen's drinking as a major factor contributing to her resultant pregnancy (Table 2).

Desertion. The main reason suggested by both boys and girls for Ben leaving Karen, was reluctance on his part to assume responsibilities. His youth and the potential loss to his finances were considered to be factors in his evasion of responsibilities. Almost five times as many girls than boys remarked on the lack of Ben's commitment toward Karen (51% vs. 11%; p50.001). Most boys and girls felt that Ben ought to have faced the consequences of his actions and stood by Karen. Reaction of Ben's parents. There were no significant gender differences in predictions of the reaction of Ben's parents to news of his fatherhood. The main prediction was anger (64% of girls and 60% of boys) on the basis of Ben's abuse of the parental home in their absence, his disregard of safe sex, Karen's age and his dismissal of Karen and the baby. Similar numbers of girls and boys predicted that Ben might be disciplined. However, almost all boys who spoke of discipline referred to it in violent terms (e.g. they would ``kick his head in''), in contrast to girls who mostly spoke about Ben receiving a ``big lecture'' from his parents. Deciding about terminating or continuing the pregnancy. Most pupils thought that Karen should make the final decision about the pregnancy for various reasons. The most commonly cited reason was that it was Karen's baby and therefore her decision. Almost three times more girls than boys felt that it was Karen's decision because it was her body. Five times more girls said that it was her decision because it affected her most. Also, six times more girls than boys thought that Karen should make the final decision with help and advice from her parents (Table 2). A few boys and very girls thought that the parents should make the final decision. The main reasons put forward were that at 15, Karen was still under the care of her parents and the parents might end up having to care for a child that Karen couldn't cope with. About one third of boys and girls thought that Ben should have no say in the matter. The majority highlighted his lack of commitment. Half the boys but only a fifth of the girls thought that he should have a say, mainly because he was the father of the child. Significantly more girls than boys tended to hold the view that Ben should have input only if he stood by Karen, or that he could express an opinion but not have the final decision (Table 2). Responses to general questions
``It's girls that get pregnant so it's up to them to deal with contraceptives. It's their lookout and it's them that'll get into trouble. Men shouldn't have to do anything.''

Forty-five boys and 57 girls categorically condemned the above comment as unfair. However, more boys expressed some degree of disapproval without clearly denoting the

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Table 2

Responses to the vignette: issues of blame, contraception and pregnancy

Boys (%) (n=63) Girls (%) (n=63) 67 19 13 38 25 18 11 37 29 37 57 43 40 35 76 51 13 19 70 57 21 64 24 16 10 37 32 30 27 21 8 3 40 19 41 35 10 24 22 Boy:girl Ratio 0?6** 2?8*** 0?6 1?1 0?4* 1?1 1?1 0?6* 0?8 0?2*** 0? 8 1?0 0?4** 0?6 1?0 0?2*** 1? 4 0?5 0? 8 0?8 0?8 1?0 0? 7 1?4 1?7 0?7 0?4** 0?2*** 0?2*** 0?5 2?4 5?0* 0?8 2?5*** 0?4** 0? 6 3?2** 0?4* 0?3*

Question 1 Who was most to blame for pregnancy? Both equally Mostly Ben Mostly Karen Ben to blame because F F F He didn't take precautions He took advantage of Karen He put pressure on Karen He wanted sex/it was his idea Karen to blame because F F F She had been drinking She didn't take precautions She wasn't assertive Question 2 How situation could have best been avoided F F F Using contraception/taking precautions Controlled or no drinking Karen being assertive Not going upstairs Question 3 Why do you think Ben deserted Karen? Didn't want the responsibility Didn't want commitment/only wanted sex Wasn't mature enough/ready to be a father He was scared Question 4 Do you feel Ben was right to react this way? No, he should have been responsible No, he got Karen pregnant No, it's his child Question 5 How do you think Ben's parents would react? They would be angry with Ben They would feel let down/mistrust Ben They would be upset They would discipline Ben Question 6a Should Karen or her parents make the final decision about the pregnancy? Karen, it's her baby Karen, it's her body Karen, but with support from parents Karen, it affects her most Karen, it's her life/future Karen, it's her choice Parents, Karen can't cope and is under-age Question 6b Should Ben have a say? No Yes Conditional yes Reasons given No, because he is uncommitted Yes, because he is the father/it's his child Yes, if he supports Karen/stands by her Yes, but Karen has final say in the matter
*p50?05; **p50?01; ***p50?001.

40 52 8 41 11 16 13 21 22 8 46 44 18 21 75 11 18 10 54 46 16 60 18 22 16 25 11 5 5 10 19 16 30 48 16 22 30 10 6

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comment to be unfair. Far more girls than boys mentioned that boys should also be involved in dealing with protection and more generally in sharing responsibility (73% vs. 46%; p50.01) (Table 3). About two fifths of boys and girls felt that the comment was unfair because of boys' roles in getting girls pregnant. Very few boys and no girls considered the above comment to be fair.

Changes to the life of a teenage mother. The main changes anticipated by both boys and girls, would be restrictions to Karen's social life, education and hence prospective career. This was anticipated by more girls than boys. Also, significantly more girls than boys anticipated that Karen would experience upheaval or hardship, and that the girl would grow up faster or effectively miss out on her teenage years (Table 3).
Table 3 General attitudes to sexual issues
Boys (%) (n=63) Question 7 ``It's girls that get pregnant so it's up to them to deal with contraceptives F F F'' Is this comment fair? Both are responsible/should deal with protection ``It takes two to tango''/Boys get girls pregnant Boys should wear condoms Question 8a What do you think would be the main changes to the life of a teenage girl who becomes a mother? Restricted freedom/social life Restricted education/career Upheaval/hardship More responsibilities Providing financial support to child Grow up faster/miss out on teenage years Question 8b What do you think would be the main changes to the life of a teenage boy who becomes a father? More responsibilities Restricted freedom/social life Providing financial support to child Upheaval/hardship Restricted education/career Question 9 Why do you think younger people are having sex? To impress/look ``cool'' Greater availability of alcohol and drugs For fun/enjoyment/sexual gratification Feel ready/grown up Under pressure/to please or keep partners More sexually aware today/images on TV Curiosity/experimentation Question 10 Is it okay to have sex outside of a steady relationship? It's not okay-romantic view/trust/commitment It's not okay-boy may walk away It's okay-as long as it's safe It's okay-nothing wrong/fun/experience
*p50?05; **p50?01.

Girls (%) (n=63)

Boy:girl Ratio

46 40 14

73 44 13

0?6** 0? 9 1?1

57 40 24 11 18 5

65 59 41 21 10 16

0?9 0?7* 0?6* 0?5 1?8 0?3*

32 30 25 10 16 19 25 25 8 11 19 13

38 24 21 21 13 41 18 16 25 21 10 8

0?8 1?3 1?2 0?5 1?3 0?5** 1? 5 1?6 0?3** 0? 5 2? 0 1?6

27 10 16 21

54 22 14 5

0?5** 0?4 1?1 4?3**

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Changes to the life of a teenage father. Boys and girls generally agreed in their views of the expected changes to the lives of teenage fathers. Considerably fewer pupils anticipated restrictions to the social life, educational and career development of teenage fathers compared to teenage mothers. On the other hand, relatively more pupils raised the point about the father rather than the mother paying for the baby. Why younger people are having sex. Reasons frequently suggested by both boys and girls were: gratification, alcohol and drugs, image/reputation and feeling grown up/ready for sex. Twice as many girls than boys cited image/reputation as a factor, and three times as many girls than boys cited feeling of being grown up/ready for sex as a factor (Table 3). Attitudes toward sex. Over four times as many boys than girls found nothing wrong with sex not involving commitment. In contrast, the majority of girls insisted that some sort of commitment or bond apart from sexual attraction had to be present for sex to be okay. Although boys were more favorable toward casual sex, similar percentages of boys approved and disapproved of casual sex (Table 3).

Discussion
Culpability
This study demonstrates major gender differences in perspectives on sexual issues. Boys were much more ready to identify the male protagonist as the main culprit while the majority of girls saw both protagonists as culpable. Girls may have taken greater offence at Karen's behaviour in relation to their self-concepts of sexuality, concerning both her failure to think about how involved she was becoming and to take control of her situation and feelings. A recent U.K. study scored the primary factor in a principal components analysis of 14 sexual self-concept items: 306 female subjects ages 1619 years old emphasized sexual responsibility and assertiveness, whereas 168 male subjects of the same age did not (Breakwell and Millward, 1997).

Decision-making

Gender differences were also observed regarding parental involvement in the decision to continue or terminate the pregnancy. Significantly more girls than boys defended Karen's sole right to decide about the pregnancy. Firstly, on the grounds that it uniquely concerned her body and secondly, that she, more than anyone, would have to bear the consequences of the decision. Far more girls than boys favoured parental involvement in the decision process, but that the final decision should rest with Karen. In a study investigating parental involvement in 1500 unmarried minors' abortion decisions, 61 per cent indicated parental knowledge of the decision to abort (Henshaw and Kost, 1992). In virtually all these cases, the daughters had involved at least one parent in deciding or arranging their abortion. Nearly half of the sample aged under 16 reported that their mother had been the most helpful individual assisting them to make their decision or arrangement to abort. Significantly more boys than girls believed that Ben, as the father of the child, had an unconditional right to contribute to the decision. There may have been some same-gender identification with Ben, despite strong disapproval of Ben in other respects. Marsiglio and Shehan (1993) reported that about 60 per cent of 1900, 1519-year-old American males did not feel that it would be right for a woman to have an abortion if her partner objected. This

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suggests a large degree of unqualified support among young men concerning fathers' rights over their progeny. On the other hand, significantly more girls than boys said that Ben's right to contribute to the decision was conditional on his support for Karen and the baby. Thus, most girls were rejecting the ``constitutional'' right of teenage fathers to contribute to that process. Female respondents may have considered certain advantages in having involvement of a supportive father. In their study of female minors' decisions to abort, Henshaw and Kost (1992) reported that, in the sample aged under 18, boyfriend were cited in a quarter of cases as the most helpful person assisting decisions or arrangements to abort. In half of cases, the boyfriend helped to pay for the abortion.

Teenage parenthood

The main changes to the life of teenage girl who becomes a mother described by both boys and girls, were restrictions to the mother's social life, education and future career. Girls showed a notably greater awareness than boys of the negative consequences of early motherhood on the life of a teenage girl. Boys and girls agreed that teenage fathers would be expected to experience fewer restrictions than mothers. Very few teenagers in this present study suggested that teenage boys would be unaffected by fatherhood or uninvolved with mother or child. These respondents therefore did not subscribe to the negative stereotype of the carefree and uninvolved teenage father. Teenage fathers should not be stereotyped in a universally negative fashion. For example, in one study 81 per cent of male partners of pregnant adolescents were still dating the mother during pregnancy and after childbirth, and 75% assisted the mother financially (Vaz et al., 1983).

Love and commitment

Speculating on possible reasons for Ben walking away after news of Karen's pregnancy, significantly more girls than boys commented on Ben's lack of commitment. Girls are generally more concerned with the aspects of love and commitment in sexual relationships. In their study of gender differences in relation to affective reactions to first coitus, Guggino and Ponzetti Jr (1997) reported that comparatively more female college students recalled feelings of love and commitment toward their first sexual partners. Affective and relational dimensions of sexuality appear more integrated for women than for men. Women may be less prone to forming, or at least desiring, casual sexual relationships because they cannot so easily divorce their sexual feelings from the relational aspects, as men seem able to do (Breakwell and Millward, 1997). Marked divisions were also observed between male and female views on sex outside of a steady relationship. A greater proportion of females than males referred to intimacy and romance in sexual relationships, though as many boys affirmed these qualities than boys who endorsed casual sex. One meta-analysis found that males demonstrated a greater acceptance of premarital sex in casual circumstances and extramarital intercourse, showing lower levels of anxiety, fear or guilt than did females. Males generally reported more permissive attitudes than females (Oliver and Hyde, 1993).

Reasons for earlier sex

The main reasons given for younger people having sex today were to impress peers, increased access to drink and drugs, gratification, to feel grown up and increased sexual awareness.

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Dickson and associates (1998) reported that the main reason for engaging in first coitus, indicated by 477 male and 458 female respondents, was curiosity. However, they used a closed-question approach, omitting many of the reasons advanced by the pupils responding to the open-ended question used in the present survey. Curiosity did not rank highly in the present study, but perhaps respondents would have ticked it if it had been presented to them. On the other hand, this result could mark the difference between experience and speculation, if many of these particular teenagers had not been sexually active at the time of the survey.

Issues on contraception

Three quarters of female respondents asserted joint responsibility for contraceptive protection compared to about only half of male respondents. This agrees with another study by Hendrick et al. (1985) where more women demonstrated greater support for sexual responsibility. Spencer (1984) has suggested that a diminished sense of male responsibility may have been encouraged by the existence of the pill.

Boys' sense of sexual responsibility

Examining the full range of responses in these data, it seems clear that boys do in fact possess a considerable sense of responsibility on sexual issues, although this is not as well developed as that for girls. However, half of the boys did acknowledge the need for shared responsibility in contraceptive protection, and as many boys endorsed sex within committed relationships than those who did not. Boys were also more punitive than girls in their attitudes concerning the dishonourable actions and attitudes of Ben. This perhaps reflects a relatively greater degree of emotional and sexual immaturity among boys rather than a more heightened sense of justice. Nevertheless, a resounding majority of boys clearly did not approve of male sexual irresponsibility.

Recommendations
Sex education programmes in schools should perhaps target gender-related disparities in outlooks demonstrated in this study. In contrast to unhelpful male stereotyping still prevalent in some literature, these data suggest that young men as a whole may already possess a reasonable sense of sexual responsibility. School education programmes should therefore seek to help boys become more aware of the broader relational dimensions of sexual activity. Issues of joint responsibility for safer sex and the negative effects of unintended pregnancy on teenage mothers and fathers should be explored. The results for girls also suggest that it would be profitable to explore views on romance, female assertiveness, having sex to ``look cool'', the role of alcohol in sexual encounters and who has the right to be involved in decisions to keep a baby.

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the following people for their assistance: Caroline Latta, Gail McCann, George McKenzie, Mairi McMenamin, Grace Moore, Patricia Westcott, Danny Wight, Jess Young and Lesley Young.

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