18 Paleothodoros 1

Storia Archeologia Antropologia
a cura di
LE ORIGINI DEGLI ETRUSCHI
Vincenzo Bellelli
LERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER
Universit degli Studi di Palermo Polo didattico di Agrigento Corso di Laura magistrale in Archeologia
Storia Archeologia Antropologia

Copyright 2012 LERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER Via Cassiodoro, 19 - 00193 Roma www.lerma.it - erma@lerma.it Progetto grafico LERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER Tutti i diritti riservati. vietata la riproduzione di testi e illustrazioni senza il permesso scritto dellEditore. In copertina: Particolare del volto maschile del Sarcofago degli Sposi, da Cerveteri (Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia); foto di Antonio Russo pubblicata su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attivit Culturali - Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dellEtruria Meridionale (Aut. n. Prot. MBAC-SBAEM 7950 del 6-9-2012)
Volume stampato con il contributo dellUniversit degli Studi di Palermo - Centro di Gestione Polo didattico di Agrigento e della Fondazione della Cassa di Risparmio di Civitavecchia
Le origini degli Etruschi
Le origini degli Etruschi. Storia, archeologia, antropologia / a cura di Vincenzo Bellelli - Roma: LERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER , 2012 - 496 ; ill. 24 cm. (Studia Archaeologica ; 186) ISBN 978-88-8265-742-0 CDD 22. 937.5 1. Etruschi
INDICE GENERALE
PREMESSA (Oscar Belvedere)
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7 11
Introduzione (Vincenzo Bellelli)
Prima Parte
Atti del seminario di Agrigento (9 febbraio 2011)

I II Alla ricerca delle origini etrusche (Vincenzo Bellelli) .
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17 49 85 105 143 153
Le tradizioni letterarie sulle origini degli Etruschi: status quaestionis

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e qualche annotazione a margine (Roberto Sammartano) . III Le origini EtruschE: il quadro di riferimento della protostoria (Alessandro Zanini) . . . . . . . .
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IV Ex parte Orientis: I Teresh e la questione dellorigine anatolica degli Etruschi (Massimo Cultraro) . . . . . . . . V Etruschi: Popolo o nazione ? (Luca Sineo) .
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VI Gli Etruschi e la loro origine alla luce degli studi di antropologia fisica (Giandonato Tartarelli) . . . . . . . Seconda Parte
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Saggi
VII Sulla grafia e la lingua delle iscrizioni anelleniche di Lemnos (Luciano Agostiniani) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VIII
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169 195
Etruria meridionale e Mediterraneo nella tarda et del bronzo (Barbara Barbaro, Marco Bettelli, Isabella Damiani, Daniela De Angelis, Claudia Minniti, Flavia Trucco)
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Il villanoviano: un problema archeologico di storia mediterranea (Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri) . . . . . . . . . . . . . La tradition plasgique Caer (Dominique Briquel)
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249 279 295 345 359 383
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XI Origini etrusche, origini italiche e lerudizione antiquaria settecentesca (Stefano Bruni) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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XII Lidentit etnica come processo di relazione: alcune riflessioni a proposito del mondo italico (Luca Cerchiai) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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XIII l originE lidiA del popolo etrusco: questioni di principio (Carlo De Simone) . XIV Latino e i Tirreni (Hes. Th. 1011-1016): questioni di storia e di cronologia (Andrea Ercolani) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV Le problme des origines trusques dans lentre deux guerres (Marie-Laurence Haack) . . . . . . . . . . . . XVI Bronzo finale in Istria (Kristina Mihovili) .
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397 411
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XVII Gli influssi del Vicino Oriente sullEtruria nellVIII-VII sec. a.C.: un bilancio (Alessandro Naso) .
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XVIII Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates (Dimitris Paleothodoros) .
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XVIII
Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dimitris Paleothodoros For Giorgos I have seen what I have seen. When they brought the boy I said: He has a god in him, though I do not know which god. Ezra Pound, Canto II They say the sea is loveless, that in the sea love cannot live, but only bare, salt splinters of loveless life. But from the sea the dolphins leap round Dionysos ship whose masts have purple vines And up they come with the purple dark of rainbows And flip! They go! With the nose-dive of sheer delight; And the sea is making love to Dionysos in the bouncing of these small and happy whales. D.H. Lawrence, The Last Poems, edited by R. Aldington, New York 1933
Introduction
Dionysus has many enemies. He is opposed to kings, princes, heroes, gods and semi-gods and he punishes people who dared to deny his divinity. These stories are usually referred to as revenge or resistance myths, depending on whether we focus upon the god or those who oppose him1. No matter whether we apply pseudo-historical2, ideological3 or ritual interpretations4, one thing is clear in all these mythical episodes: what is ultimately at stake is the recognition of Dionysus divinity and the tolerance of his orgiastic cult from the part of the authori-
ties of the communities that are visited by the god5. Acceptance brings rewards from the part of the god, usually in the form of the gift of the art of viticulture and winemaking6; denial and resistance bring severe retribution, destruction and chaos, until the social order is finally restored, with the establishment of orgiastic cults7. Against this set of stories, the rapt of the god by the Tyrrhenian pirates8 can be singled out as the only revenge myth, in which the human counterparts of the god are not impious and ignorant kings or people, but a small group of marauders, who are not attached to any particuDionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
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lar place. Nor are they concerned with opposing Dionysus cult, although they fatally fail to recognize his divinity. In that respect, the myth cannot be directly linked to any particular geographic area9, nor can it be considered as an aition that explains the establishment of a cult, or of a particular set of rituals. To fully interpret a myth one should examine every problem that is related to it, and for this particular episode of dionysiac mythology such a study must include the date of its appearance in the artistic and literary sources, the original setting and its displacement to the West, the alleged relation of the episode to rituals and festivals in Athens and Ionia and the symbolism of the radical transformation of the pirates from humans to dolphins. Since this volume is about Etruscan origins, I focus upon the vexing problem of the popularity of the myth in Etruria in the last part of my study. I try to explain why the Etruscans, who were identified with the Tyrrhenians from at least the beginning of the 5th century BC, adopted this very negative version of their kin, and reproduced it on their monuments.
The myth in literature

The myth of Dionysus rapt by the Tyrrhenian pirates is known principally from three long narratives: the 59 lines of the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, variously dated between the 7th and the Hellenistic period, but more probably belonging to the 6th or the 5th century BC10, Ovids Pentheus narrative in the Metamorphoses (3.564-691), and Nonnus Dionysiaca (31.86-91, 44.231-252, 45.105-168). Brief or derivative versions of the myth appear in Euripides Cyclops (v. 10-22), Apollodorus Bibliotheca (3.5.3),
Hyginus Poetica Astronomica (ii, 17), the summary of Hyginus, Fabulae 134, Senecas Oedipus (449-466), in a description of a painting in Philostratus Imagines (I, 19), and elsewhere11. The Homeric Hymn is the oldest extant version of the story12, but the earliest securely datable mention to the story is a fragment by Pindar, dating to the first half of the 5th century BC, where is mentioned the human nature of the dolphins13. In the Homeric Hymn, Dionysus, an athletic and richly clad youth, stands by the sea-shore, on a promontory. Suddenly, Tyrrhenian pirates ( 14) arrive in their ship, led by a bad fate (lines 6-8). Catching sight of the god, they leap from their ship and put him on board (310). They believe him to be of noble or royal birth and wish to sell him as a slave. Their attempt to put the god in fetters fails, for the bonds cannot contain him and the osiers fall away on their own, while Dionysus with his dark eyes sits there smiling (12-15). Upon seeing this first manifestation of divine power, the helmsman warns his companions that this youth must be a great Olympian god, Zeus, Apollo or Poseidon. He tries in vain to convert the rest of the crew and to persuade them to release the youth (15-24). Blinded by the prospect of profit, the captain declares that the youth must be the son of a king, and changes his mind, thinking that if they take him as far as Egypt and Cyprus or the land of the Hyperboreans, the youth will reveal his own people, and the pirates will exact a ransom. Soon, the god provides a series of wonders. Wine with a divine smell bubbled up in the ship; an enormous vine with many grape-clusters hanging down from it, climbed high over the sails; ivy, luxuriant with flowers and graced with fruits, twined around the mast and the tholes carried garlands (v. 38-42). The
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Dimitris Paleothodoros
sailors bid the helmsman to land the ship, no doubt to release their prisoner. But then more wonders follow that belong to the animal world. Dionysus himself becomes a roaring lion; a shaggy bear appears. The crew, terrified from the terrible visions, leap overboard into the sea and are transformed into dolphins, while the lion devours the captain (v. 43-53). The pious helmsman is blessed by the god, who triumphantly affirms his identity: Take courage, good...; you have found favour with my heart. I am Dionysus the mighty-rower, born to Cadmus daughter Semele (v. 54-59) 15. The pattern of the gods visitation under disguise, followed by the disastrous failure of the mortals to recognize his divinity and the ultimate punishment of the oblivious is a recurrent structure of recognition scenes in the Homeric Hymns16. At the same time, this pattern is typical of Dionysiac resistance myths17. The brief mention of the myth in Euripides Cyclops (v. 11-17) adds important features that deviate from the version presented in the Homeric Hymn. The Tyrrhenian pirates act at the instigation of Hera, whose malicious intervention does not occur in any other extant version of the myth18. The satyrs go after the ship to rescue their patron, but a tempest off the cap Maleas drives them off their course and they end in Sicily, where they become prisoners of the Cyclops. The satyrs inclusion may derive from a previous satyr-play, although this is not necessary. It could be that Euripides used the satyrs quest for Dionysus as a reason for their sea voyage resulting in their captivity in the hands of the Cyclops, or that he followed an entirely different version of the legend19. Hellenistic versions of the myth provide for the first time firm indications on the localization of the action. In Apollo-
dorus, Dionysus wants to cross from Icaria to Naxos and so he hires a Tyrrhenian pirate ship. But the pirates intend to sell him in Asia. The god then turns the must and the oar into snakes and fills the ship with ivy at the sound of flutes. In Hyginus, Poetica Astronomica (ii 17), whose source was Aglaosthenes Naxica (FGrHist 499 F 3), Dionysus is a boy that the Tyrrhenians take on board together with his companions to carry him to Naxos and restore him to his nurses. When they decide to direct the ship elsewhere, Dionysus orders his companions to sing in harmony in such a delightful way, that the Tyrrhenians are seized with a passion to dance and throw themselves into the sea and transform into dolphins. In Ovid, the legend is masterfully interwoven within the Theban narrative. The story is dramatically recounted by the helmsman of the Tyrrhenian ship, Acoetes, who is now a follower of Dionysus and a participant in his rites. He warns the Theban king Pentheus against resisting the power of the god20. The narrative departs from the Homeric hymn in many details: the pirates ship chanced to land on Chios. The following morning, the captain, Opheltes, brought along a somnolent boy under the age of puberty, found in a lonely spot and regarded as booty. Although the boy was barely able to talk and walk, for heaviness from wine and sleep, the helmsman concluded that he was divine, although he could not tell exactly what divinity was in the boy. He tried to prevent his companions from bringing the captive on the ship, but he was violently treated by the boldest of the crew, one Lycabas, an Etruscan exile. Prior to performing his miracles, Dionysus has a long exchange with his captors; he asks where do they take him and adds that he prefers to go to Naxos. The pirates falsely swear to take him there, but they change direction, deDionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
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spite protests from the helmsman and the god himself. The miracles follow immediately after: first the ship suddenly halts and the sailors efforts to continue its route are fruitless. Next, ivy impeded the oars and spread over the sail, while the god himself appeared before them with bunches of grape round his brows and brandishing a thyrsus. He did not transform himself into a beast, but he is surrounded by false apparitions of tigers, lynxes and panthers. At the appearance of the beasts, the sailors leapt overboard, either from madness or fear. They are transformed into dolphins, except for Acoetes, who is reassured by Dionysus and is invited to land at Dia (Naxos)21. Hyginus Fabulae summarize a similar version of the myth, adding the interesting detail that the pirates intended to rape the boy on account of his beauty, but were restrained from doing so by Acoetes, who suffered injury at their hands22. Then Dionysus changed the ores into thyrsi, the sails into vine tendrils and the ropes into ivy; lions and panthers appeared. The terrified pirates threw themselves into the sea, each of them being transformed into the likeness of a dolphin. Hence, both the dolphins and the sea are called Tyrrhenian. Nonnus account is the fullest. It mentions (47.507-508) that the pirates ship was petrified. Then, the Moon addresses Dionysus and recites the main story in ten lines (44.240-249). Mast and sails turn to vines, while the ropes turn to snakes. The sailors are transformed into dolphins and they revel in honor of the god. A more detailed treatment of the myth is part of a speech by Tiresias (45.103-168), who warns Pentheus to beware of the wrath of the god23. Dionysus wishes to punish the pirates for their cruel deeds, which are described in some detail (45.105115). Thus, he appears, like Herakles, as a
champion of justice with the mission to eliminate these criminals from earth24. He takes the initiative to confront the pirates, and he voluntarily takes the form of a desirable boy, in order to deceive them. Nonnus omits all the dramatic elements present in previous versions: the pirates intent to rape or to ransom him, the dialogues between the pious helmsman or the impious sailors and the god, even the very presence of the helmsman, which seems to have been a traditional part of the tale since the Homeric Hymn. This omission is better explained by the fact that it did not serve the aim of Nonnus to hail Dionysus as a conquering hero25. The pirates capture the god and put him in fetches; Dionysus liberates himself, takes the colossal stature of a god, shouts louder than an army of nine thousand men and produces a series of botanical and zoological miracles. The ropes become snakes, the mast becomes a cypress, ivy climbs up the tree, and a vine rises from the sea. A fountain of wine gushes from the stern of the ship (v. 147148), a detail that recalls the wine miracle in the Homeric Hymn (v. 35-37), but is absent from all other versions26. Bulls and a roaring lion appear. The sound of flutes is heard. The pirates are driven mad and have visions of flowers growing on the waves, mountain pastures and shepherds with their flocks, and thus they are convinced that they are on the land. So, they jump into the sea and are transformed into dolphins. The basic narrative scheme remains the same in all versions: the god assumes the form of a youth or of a child, is taken by the pirates on the ship, the helmsman tries to persuade his companions to release the god, who finally provides a set of miracles, ending by the transformation of the pirates into dolphins. This is not to say that all versions derive from a single
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source, but rather that the myth follows a traditional pattern known from other dionysiac tales as well, as is proved by the structural similarities between the Homeric Hymn and Aeschylus Edonians and Euripides Bacchae27. Variations appear as well, especially in the range of the miracles, but these may be easily explained out as a deliberate attempt from the part of poets and mythographers to enliven and distance their own work from what was already in circulation. More serious deviations, like the presence of the satyrs, are matched by iconographic evidence, and will be discussed in some detail below.
Artistic representations
The Toledo Hydria
The most important depiction of the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates appears on a late-archaic Etruscan black-figured hydria at Toledo Museum of Art28 (Fig. 1-2). This remarkable vase, published in the early 1980s, was soon to attract considerable interest. It is attributed to the Painter of Vatican 238 (The Kaineus Painter), a follower of the Micali Painter29. The neck is decorated with the image of two youths heading to the left and the shoulder shows Triton holding two dolphins. The main subject appears on the belly of the vase: six men turn into dolphins, as they jump into the sea, which is rendered by a band of waves braking to the left30. The figure to the left is human upon the waist and dolphin below; all other figures have human legs and the upper half of their body transformed into a dolphins body. This detail cannot be interpreted as the rendering of a sequence of several metamorphoses, but rather as a representation of two different types of transformation, one beginning from the feet, the other from the head31. The figure at the far right has his legs bent and overlapping with the legs of the figure to his left. All other figures have their human legs bent, at various angles, which may be taken as an attempt from the part of the painter to portray, in the pictorial space, a chronological sequence of their leap into the sea32. At the far left, there is Fig. 1.-2. Toledo Museum of Art, After Boulter & Luckner 1984: pl. 90.
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an ivy branch, which most commentators interpret as a sign of Dionysiac epiphany33. This may be so, although the same ivy-branch is used by the Painter of Vatican 238 on vases seemingly unrelated to the dionysiac realm34. Dolphins appear frequently on Etruscan monuments, especially on vasepaintings35. Most often, they decorate the roundels of Etruscan black-figured kyathoi from the school of the Micali Painter, although examples from other workshops appear as well36. Etruscan dolphins derive from Ionian prototypes, with some attic touches, especially in the rendering of the lateral spine37. In particular, the dolphin parts of the figures on the Toledo hydria are especially close to the dolphins on the hydria Louvre CA 2510, a work by the Kaineus Painter, and on a fragmentary vase by the Micali Painter in Heidelberg38. The Toledo hydria is the earliest datable document that illustrates the myth of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates into dolphins39. It would be easily recognized by the Etruscan clients of the painter of the Toledo hydria, even in the summary form that is represented there40. Other documents of the archaic and classical age are less easy to interpret: hybrids, part-human, part-dolphins appear on Greek vases and gems since 580 BC. On a Middle Corinthian kylix in the Louvre, a hybrid creature appears under the handle, amidst riders and komasts41, on an Attic Gordion cup of circa 570-560 BC, a dolphin with human arms plays the pipes; two more dolphins appear42; on a Samian cup of circa 540-530 BC, there is a warrior surrounded by two bands of dolphins43. Every third dolphin on the outer band has human legs, exactly like the figures appearing on the Toledo hydria. Most scholars believe that this cup refers to the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates, although there is nothing to point to a mythical
narrative44. A hybrid creature of the same sort emblazons Athenas shield on a fragmentary panathenaic amphora from the Acropolis45. A winged dolphin-man decorates a throne on an attic black-figured amphora in Philadelphia46. A dolphin-man on the base of a panther-shaped carnelian and a dolphin with a human head holding a thyrsus clearly belong to Dionysiac contexts47. Yet, none of the aforementioned documents is to be taken as concrete evidence of the circulation of the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates, even if the form of the human dolphins is identical with those depicted on the Toledo hydria and still later documents48. One the other hand, one cannot simply dismiss them as irrelevant, because they are useful in pinpointing that the painter of the Toledo hydria was not creating his figures in a vacuum, but was following a relatively widespread iconographic tradition.
Late Classical, Hellenistic and Roman versions of the myth of the Tyrrhenian Pirates
The majority of monuments representing the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates belong to the second half of the fourth century49. The frieze running continuously around the circumference of the choragic monument of Lysikrates in Athens (335-334 BC) is well known50. Remarkably, the action is placed near the sea-shore, not on the board of a ship. Dionysus and his retinue, his satyrs, are enjoying two kraters of wine, when they are attacked by the pirates. The satyrs react to the assault, beat, bound or burn the pirates. Some are rescued, only to leap into the sea, where they are transformed into dolphins. Only their head is changed: the transformation has not yet touched upon their torso and limbs. The presence of satyrs is already found in Euripides Cyclops and it will be
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encountered on later monuments51. But the change of the scenery has puzzled the scholars. It is a popular belief that the frieze represents episodes described in a dithyramb for which the monument was erected by Lysikrates, or in some other dramatic representation, possibly a satyr play52. Other contemporary representations of the myth are found in Italy: on the tondo of a Genucilia stemmed plate from Rome, dated to the closing years of the 4th century (Fig. 3), appears the prow of a ship sailing to the left across the sea. Five human figures summarily drawn occupy the deck: the first and more important figure, to the left, holds a dolphin by its tail. Mario Del Chiaro interpreted the figure as Dionysus holding one of the Tyrrhenian pirates already transformed to a dolphin, while his companions await the same fate. A stylized grapevine occupies the upper left part of the scene, as if sprouting from the mast of the ship, which is not shown53. Much less can be said about two fragmentary tarentine reliefs, one in the Taranto Museum54, the other in an American private collection55. Both date from the second half of the 4th century and show the stern of a ship and a legged dolphin that leaps into the sea. A recently published group of tiny figurines of hybrid men with human legs and dolphin torso and heads, decorating a funerary crown, was excavated in tomb 54 of Nuceria Alfaterna in Campania (2nd century BC). The group has been linked to the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates, although the figures lack any narrative context. The dionysiac connection is guaranteed by the presence of bovine protomes as decorative elements of the same object56. De Spagnolis suggests that the subject of the transformation of the pirates assumed a funerary connotation, their diving symbolizing the pas-
sage from human life to the afterlife57. A handful of monuments of the Roman period depict the legend of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates into dolphins. They need not concern us here, since they received an exemplary treatment in a recent article by L. Romizzi58. This is perhaps the appropriate place to cite the description of a painting which Philostratus the Elder reports or pretends to have seen in Naples59. Two ships are shown in the painting, one carrying Dionysus and his retinue of satyrs and maenads, with rows of cymbals attached to the stern, and one manned by the pirates, armed like a warship, lying in ambush for the other. Driven mad by the singing of the band of Dionysus followers, the pirates forget their rowing and, after the god produces a series of miracles (apparition of panthers, change of the mast into a thyrsus, vines spreading from all over
Fig. 3. Once, Rome, Forum Romanum. After Del Chiaro 1974: fig. 5.
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Fig. 4. Munich, Antikensammlungen 8729. After Kernyi 1976: fig. 51.
the ship, a fountain of wine), he forces the maddened pirates to leap into the sea and be transformed into dolphins.
The Munich cup by Exekias

The most intriguing monument is undoubtedly the picture on the tondo of the eye-cup Munich 2044, signed by Exekias60 (Fig. 4). Dionysus reclines at ease in a boat that sails him across a placid sea. A huge twin-stemmed grapevine growing from the mast dominates the scenery, while seven dolphins are leaping around the boat. Perhaps for the first time, the god is depicted as a banqueter, a drinking horn in his hand, with the upper part of his torso naked61. The background is rendered by a coating of a warm coral red slip. This masterpiece of Attic vase-painting and potting has been the subject of numerous commentaries that have usefully pointed out its innovative character
in terms of shape, technique and iconography62. Interpretations of the image on the tondo fall in general in four different categories: cultic mythological, pointing to its cosmic symbolism and finally those relating to the archetypal image of Dionysus as the god of wine and banquet63. Even a summary of the relevant scholarship would exceed the limits of this study. For our purpose, we will concentrate upon its possible relation to the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates. Many scholars assumed a connection of the cup to the legend narrated in the Homeric hymn, principally on the ground of two points of similarity that seem too close to be coincidental, namely the splendid grapevines growing around the mast and the presence of seven dolphins swimming around the ship64. But in recent times grew a tendency towards denying any explicit connection, mainly because the Munich cup contradicts the hymns narrative in three very significant details: first, the reclining god is a bearded adult, not a youth; second, the dolphins show no trace of metamorphosis; and third, the helmsman who succeeded to recognize Dionysus divinity, is absent. Nor are other important narrative elements of the Hymn represented, such as the beasts, the ivy and the wine fountain65. Other scholars have remarked the difference between the idyllic atmosphere of the painting and the dramatic tension of the mythological narrative and concluded that the two share no common elements at all66. Instead, it is often stated that the vase represents the triumphant epiphany of Dionysus as the god of wine67, either in the context of the banquet68, or in connection to his arrival at Athens that was enacted during a festival69. My belief that the Munich cup illustrates the legend of the Tyrrhenian pi-
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rates is based on the fact that this one is the only picture in extant vase-painting where Dionysus himself is explicitly and directly associated with dolphins70. The connection is further reinforced by the presence of a small dolphin painted in added white color on the prow of the ship. The key aspect for the correct reading of the image is the transformation itself. Some scholars have noted that the painter would not have left in doubt this central part of the legend, given the fact that the earlier images of legged dolphins discussed above, would have easily provided the pictorial means to depict such transformation71. I would rather suggest that Exekias aim was to underline the difference in status between the Tyrrhenian pirates, who experience a complete and irreversible change from human to animal form, and figures underlying a transformation that is either temporary (Odysseus companions and Io), inconclusive (Thetis) or illusive (Actaeon) and are depicted in vase painting as hybrid creatures72. On the other hand, the Munich cup should not be used for dating the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus in the 6th century73. All that is proven is that the legend existed in some form, already by 530 BC. The deviations from the Homeric hymn are too numerous and important to allow for a direct dependence of the Munich cup to the poem. In that light, we better admit, along with Jennifer Penny Small, that (if) the pictures do not match the texts we have, it is more parsimonious to assume that they were not meant to rather than to offer explanations for why they deviate74 and conclude that Exekias follows a different version of the legend75. The navigating Dionysus appears on two more monuments, a cup in Berlin and an amphora in Tarquinia76. The Berlin cup is a coarse work, dating from 500-490
BC and shows the god, a drinking horn in his hand, in a small boat, surrounded by branches77. No dolphins appear at all (Fig. 5). The Tarquinia amphora is a more elaborate piece, dated to the last decade of the 6th century: on both sides a statuesque Dionysus is seated on board of a large ship and is accompanied by diminutive satyrs and women who dance, make music and steer the ship78 (Fig. 6). If the painter of the Tarquinia amphora had the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates in mind, he follows a narrative, which, like Euripides Cyclops and the painting described by Philostratus, implies the presence of a second ship carrying the followers of the god79. This scene is related to a small group of vases showing Dionysus flanked by two piping satyrs on board of a wheelcart in the form of a ship, in a procession that also include satyrs, humans and sacrificial animals80. The vases are closely related in style: two skyphoi are by the Theseus Painter, another one belongs to the
Fig. 5. Berlin, Antikensammlung SMB V.I. 2961. After Kernyi 1976: fig. 52a.
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Fig. 6. Tarquinia, Museo Ar- White Heron Group, while the fourth vase cheologico Nazionale 676. is too fragmentary to allow attribution81. After Hedreen 1992: pl. 23. The same subject appears on a lead strip from Montagna di Marzo in Sicily82. The Bologna skyphos presents the most complete version of the procession: the wheeled ship is drawn by two satyrs; it is followed by a man, a girl carrying the sacrificial basket, a youth holding a thurible, two males holding twigs, and two more males leading a sacrificial bull (Fig. 7). On the London skyphos a flute-player is included in the procession, along with four bearded men carrying twigs and leading a sacrificial bull. On the Acropolis skyphos only the god and the pipers are preserved. The Tbingen fragment preserves part of the wheel cart. On the Montagna di Marzo lead strip, a band of ithyphallic satyrs pulls the ship cart from both sides with ropes. The ship cart is identical on all four complete documents: there is no mast, the wheels are of a primitive type, there is no visible means of propulsion, the prow takes the form of an animal head (boar or dog) and
a screen with a criss-crossed hatched pattern is visible on the stern. The function of the screen is not clear, but we may safely conclude that it is not an item indispensable in navigation, since it is absent in representations of ships on attic vase painting, with the significant exception of the Tarquinia amphora (Fig. 6)83. A procession of a ship is known to have occurred in several East Greek cities (Smyrna, Priene, Ephesus) during a Dionysiac festival most often identified with the Katagogia84. Evidence dates from the Hellenistic and the Roman period, except for a fragmentary East Greek amphora from Karnak; probably painted in Egypt, it provides the necessary link with the Athenian procession on the skyphoi. The amphora, now in Oxford, shows four men dressed in Egyptian aprons carrying a ship on their shoulders and a satyr-like figure sporting with two phalluses standing on the prow85. It is reasonable to assume that the use of ships in processions might have been influenced by Egyptian rituals86. Since De Wittes article of 1875, the
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group of skyphoi has been connected to the myth of the gods triumph over the Tyrrhenian pirates allegedly illustrated on the Munich cup by Exekias87. Most scholars, however, think that the subject of the skyphoi is the ritual enactment of the mythical arrival of Dionysus in Attica during a festival, either the Anthesteria88 or the Civic Dionysia, when the navigation season opens89. Both positions have been richly argued, but none gained consensus in scholarship. It is often assumed that the figure appearing on the ship-cart is the image of the god, or a priest disguised as the god90, while the Tarquinia amphora focuses on the mythical arrival itself91. A puzzling aspect is that the iconography of the ship-cart procession was short-lived, dying out at about the end of the 6th century92. This encourages us to believe that the source of inspiration for the painters might have been a memorable fact, the best possible candidate being the introduction of the triumphal procession of the City Dionysia, which was instituted by the young Athenian
democracy during the last years of the 6th century93. Whether it died out soon afterwards, or became indifferent to vasepainters, is a question that cannot be answered by present evidence94. Quite a few scholars think that the ritual reading of the images does not preclude any connection with the Homeric Hymn and the Exekias cup: all the vessels discussed above are warships95, a fact that adds some weight to the arguments of those who believe that they all show Dionysus in charge of the ship of the Tyrrhenian pirates. In fact, it was taken for granted by some scholars that the Homeric Hymn provides an etiology for the triumphal arrival of Dionysus in Athens during a spring festival96. Similar ideas led to the suggestion that the Munich cup was especially designed for use during the celebration of the Anthesteria97. This is highly unlikely, given that the cup has been unearthed in an Etruscan tomb98. This discussion brings us back to the problem of determining the geographic and ritual references of the Ho-
Fig. 7. Bologna, Museo Civico 130. After Kernyi 1976: fig. 59.
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meric Hymn, to which we shall return in the next two sections of this study. To sum up, the iconography of the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates was established during the late archaic period. Earlier versions of dolphin men need not be connected to the legend itself. On the Munich cup (Fig. 4), Exekias chooses to evade the episode of the transformation of the pirates (emphasized by the Painter of Vatican 238) and concentrates on the aftermath of the gods encounter with the pirates99. In a sense, the two painters adopt different viewpoints: on the Toledo hydria, Dionysus is absent, since the focus are the Tyrrhenian pirates, while on the Munich cup, the dolphins surely refer to the legend, but their role in the narrative is diminished. The true protagonist is the god himself, in a triumphal assertion of his divine power. The notion of triumph is further enforced by the fact that the god reclines to the left, the usual depiction of banqueters, while the ship heads to the right, which was the traditional direction for the victors in Athenian art100. While the two archaic monuments do not contradict the narrative of the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, they do not depend on it, and they certainly cannot be used as evidence for its dating. As regards to late classical, Hellenistic and Roman monuments, they may have been inspired from a variety of literary and stage versions of the myth. No established iconographic tradition is apparent.
Tyrrhenians East and West and the localization of the myth of the Rapt of Dionysus
Who are the Tyrrhenian pirates referred to in the Homeric Hymn, and where did their action take place? What motivation or historical stimulus lies beyond the
choice of that group of people as recipients of the divine wrath? Ritualists attempted to link the Homeric Hymn to Athens and Attica, but this is scarcely convincing101. The Homeric Hymn to Dionysus does not specify any location. This is probably due to the fact that the Homeric Hymns had no definite religious or local setting, but were destined to be recited in the great Panhellenic festivals and thus were adaptable to different performance contexts102. To be sure, some geographical indications are given, for the pirates are planning to carry the youth in far away lands (v. 28). The appearance of historical and rather familiar areas for the Greeks of the archaic and classical period (Egypt and Cyprus) points to the Eastern Mediterranean as the range of their activity103, but the inclusion of the mythical land of the Hyperboreans should warrant us against putting too much weight on these indications: it seems that the poem lacks any local anchorage104. What the poet seeks to emphasize is that the pirates wish to remove Dionysus from the Greek world, and sell him to barbarians living in the west or north-west (Hyperboraea), in the South (Egypt) or in the East (Cyprus)105. In Euripides, the setting of the Cyclops is in Sicily, although it is clearly stated that the satyrs sailing to rescue Dionysus had been attacked by a tempest off the cap Maleas (v. 18). This has prompted much discussion, since Maleas is phonetically very close to Maleos, a legendary Etruscan king of Regisvilla, but also, according to an obscure genealogy, the father of Erigone, an Athenian woman connected to the Dionysiac festival of the Aiora. Moreover, the cap Maleas was the legendary home of Silenus. Thus, it has been suggested that the god was kidnapped while standing on the coast, at the promontory of Maleas106. This theory generat-
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ed a recent attempt to connect the hymn with Corinth and its commercial interests in Sicily and the West in the late 7th century, via the structurally similar myth of the rapt of Arion by the pirates and his subsequent saving by a dolphin near the cap Tainaron107. But the mention of Cap Maleas on the satyrs sea adventure does not necessarily imply a journey westwards. If their ship has passed the cap Maleas returning home, they were sailing from East to West108, exactly like Odysseus (Odyssey, 9.80-81). In fact, some scholars believe that Euripides should be ranged among those who adopt an oriental version of the legend109. Nor the Occidental direction can be ruled out110. Cap Maleas is an obvious point for navigation in both directions, and its mention by Euripides does not clarify the setting of the legend. The efforts to link the legend to the Aegean111 seem more legitimate. While it is true that the Samian cup with the dolphin riders cited above, bears no apparent connection to the legend112, one should not ignore the evidence of the localization of the legend to Naxos, Keos and Icaria in a series of narratives, mostly Hellenistic and Roman in date. In Apollodorus, Dionysus wanted to sail from Icaria to Naxos, but the pirates tried to sell him in Asia. Naxos as the gods destination is common in Latin sources (Ovid, Hyginus and Servius) and may be traced to Aglaosthenes Naxika or to another Hellenistic source, now lost. The theory of a Naxian setting, accepted by a large majority of scholars113, needs to be considered in the light of an important assumption put forth by Michael Hedreen, namely that the legend of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates is but one of a constellation of Dionysiac narratives including the presence of satyrs and having their origin in the island of Naxos (like the Return of Hephaistus and the union of the
God with Ariadne and our legend, in the versions found in Euripides Cyclops, in Philostratus account of the Naples painting, on the Lysikrates Monument and on Roman representations of the myth)114. Although there seems to be a point in Hedreens argument, one should not assume that a Naxian setting is the only available solution. For example, the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus certainly does not belong to such a Naxian tradition. On the other hand, if we accept Hedreens assertion that the Tarquinia amphora (Fig. 6), where satyrs and maenads escort Dionysus on his ship, depicts an episode from the same myth, then the Naxian version might belong at the latest to the end of the 6th century. Greek authors of the Roman Imperial period (Aelius Aristides, Lucian, Charax of Pergamon and Longus), use the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates as a counterpart to the Eastern adventures of Dionysus in India. They prefer to equate the Tyrrhenians to the Etruscans, and place their activity in the western world115. Philostratus too adopts a western setting, when he states that the pirates were active in their own waters, i.e. the Tyrrhenian Sea. Nonnus speaks of a Sicilian legend, but this need not be part of a given tradition116, because, as Pierre Chuvin aptly comments, for Nonnus Italy and Etruria have no place in his dionysiac geography and the name Tyrrhenos is used to denote the inhabitants of Sicily117. There are three conclusions to be drawn from this short discussion: 1. The setting of the myth can established with reasonable certainty only in the Hellenistic Period. A Naxian setting is possible, but by no way proven, even for earlier versions of the legend. 2. Different versions certainly circulated together, and there is no objective method to define with any degree of certainty which one Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
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was the earlier. 3. The Italic or Sicilian setting, as far as written accounts are concerned, is probably a later development, and grew from the need to find an occidental counterpart to the Eastern adventures of Dionysus. It is far from clear when the occidental tradition developed. Mauro Cristofani argued that it took shape in the second half of the fourth century and was part of Roman propaganda with anti-Etruscan overtones, made possible in the very moment that the Aegean Tyrrhenians were nearly extinct118. But by present evidence, the earliest extant source that links the Tyrrhenians of the myth to Etruria is the Toledo hydria, more than a century and a half earlier. I will explore this important aspect of the discussion in the last section of the study. As regards the question of the ethnic origin of the Tyrrhenians, scholarship provides four possible answers: 1. At an earlier stage, the legend refers to a group of non-Greek speaking people living in the northern part of the Aegean (mainly in Chalkidike, the Hellespontine region and the islands of Lemnos and Imbros), the so-called Eastern Tyrrhenians119, because the setting of the story is the island of Naxos or another place in the Aegean. 2. Although the story takes place in the Eastern Mediterranean, the protagonists are Etruscans, either marauding pirates, or settlers who temporarily occupied strongholds in the Aegean during the archaic period. 3. The setting is occidental and the protagonists are Etruscan pirates from the West (Sicily or Italy). 4. The term Tyrrhenian does not refer to any real historical people, but is used as a synonym for pirate 120, or as a generic term which is used to denote not very well known people on the fringes of the world, or on the fringe of time121.
The first three answers require that the background of the myth reflects historical reality, generated by the widespread belief that the Tyrrhenians were a nation of pirates, judging, for instance, from Euripides reference (Cyclops, 1112) to the 122. Whether this refers to the Etruscans or to Aegeans, is an ongoing debate in recent scholarship. The existence of a Tyrrhenian people in the Aegean is documented by four fifth-century authors123. Hellanicus of Mytilene argued that the Pelasgians of Thessaly, after their expulsion by the Greeks, migrated to Italy, landed near Spina, founded Cortona, and changed their name into Tyrrhenians124. In Sophocles fragmentary satyr-play Inachos (fr. 270 Radt), the protagonist is the great ruler of the plain of Argos and the rocks of Hera, leader of the PelasgiansTyrrhenians. This may mean nothing more than Sophocles espoused the widespread yet erroneous belief that the Pelasgian Argos in Homer is the city of Peloponnese and that he cites together the Tyrrhenians and the Pelasgians as representatives of the barbarian prehellenic people of Greece125. Thucydides (4.109) reports that in his days the Pelasgians lived in the Akte peninsula in Thrace, and among them he ranges the Tyrrhenians, who once occupied Athens and the island of Lemnos. The opinion that the Tyrrhenians are identical with or just a part of the nation of the Pelasgians, is implicitly rejected or ignored by Herodotus, for whom the Tyrrhenians of Chalkidike are neighbours of the Pelasgians and speak a different language126. In the 1st century AD, Dionysius also rejected Hellanicus theory, claiming that the Tyrrhenians were not Pelasgians, but native people of Italy127. Otherwise, most of our sources see the two names, Tyrrhe-
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nians and Pelasgians, as interchangeable. It must be emphasized, however, that no fifth century source makes any connection between the Aegean Tyrrhenians and piracy. Apparently, this was a fourth century development128. The confusion between Tyrrhenians of the Aegean and their counterparts in the West, the Etruscans, gave rise to a host of different traditions that tried to link two distant and culturally very different people. Thus, Anticlides implausibly tried to solve the problem by suggesting that the Tyrrhenians who founded Imbros and Lemnos allied themselves to the Lydians of Tyrrhenos, when the latter migrated in Etruria129. The identification of the two people may also work the other way round: Myrsilus of Methymna, an author of the 3rd century BC, claimed that the Tyrrhenians originated in Italy, but they migrated to the Aegean and thereafter were called Pelasgians130. Lemnos is at the center of these discussions, that were further prompted by the spectacular discovery, in 1884, of an engraved sandstone stela at Kaminia, in the eastern part of the island, bearing Greek letters, but written in a language very close to Etruscan131. Archaeological evidence does not support the hypothesis that the speakers of this language were colonists from the West. Scholars have looked for other solutions, including a prehistoric migration from West to East (equally unfounded on archaeological grounds), or the existence of a prehellenic strata closely affiliated linguistically to the historical Etruscans, which resisted assimilation until the fifth century BC. In Homer, the Lemnians are descendents of the Argonauts, living together with a native people, the Sintians. The people of Lemnos are considered Pelasgians by Herodotus, in his narrative of the occupation of the island by the
Athenians under Miltiades some years after the Persian Otanes first assaulted Lemnos in 511, probably around 506 BC132. It is sometimes stated that this incident generated an Athenian interest for the myth of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates133. Herodotus echoes two distinct traditions, one pro-Athenian, the other pro-Pelasgian that goes back to Hecataeus. The Pelasgians had once occupied Athens, but, after a series of events, they were driven out by the Athenians and took refuge in the island of Lemnos. Some time later, the Lemnian Pelasgians raided Attica and kidnapped the Athenian girls celebrating the Brauronia134. This story is usually taken as evidence of Athenian propaganda in the period after the conquest of the island, but need not be as late as the end of the sixth century. It has been recently stated that the legend probably belongs to an earlier mythological strata of Athenian origin and was re-elaborated for the purpose of justifying the Athenian military actions135. Post-fifth century sources indistinctly name the inhabitants of Lemnos as Tyrrhenians136. Their reputation as pirates is reflected in a samian tradition, which states that the Tyrrhenians of Lemnos, instigated by the people of Argos, tried to steal Heras statue from her temple on the island of Samos, but failed, because they were unable to move their ship137. Given the existence of this body of evidence, and the testimony of an authority such as Thucydides, it is not a surprise that the vast majority of scholars identify the Tyrrhenians of the Homeric Hymn with the inhabitants of Lemnos138. But the reputation of western Tyrrhenians, i.e. the Etruscans, as pirates should not be overlooked139. We know from Ephorus that, before the foundation of Naxos in 736 BC, the Tyrrhenian pirates Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
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had infested the coast of Sicily, barring the way to Greek colonists140. Slave-trade exercised by pirates through kidnapping, which might be documented in the Homeric Hymn, has an air of authenticity to the context of the archaic period141. Other scholars, however, attribute this intense pirate activity by the Tyrrhenians to the historical context of the 4th century BC, when literary sources are matched by epigraphic evidence. In this period, such activity is best documented in the area of Adriatic, thanks to the serious efforts of the Athenian fleet to guarantee free access to the rich coasts of Northern Italy142. In the early Hellenistic period, the champion of the fight against the pirates is the island of Rhodes. The main body of evidence has been recently analyzed by Alain Bresson, and needs not concern us in detail here: it attests to a Tyrrhenian stronghold on the small island of Antikythera (Aigialeia), which was cleared by the Rhodian fleet143. Inevitably, a number of scholars prefer to identify the Tyrrhenian pirates mentioned in the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus with the Etruscans. The idea goes back to Beloch144, but it has been recently formulated in a more articulate way by Michel Gras. According to this ingenious hypothesis, the core of the legend of the rapt of Dionysus portrays the historical situation in the Aegean during the sixth century BC, when Lemnos housed a settlement of Etruscan traders, who also practiced piracy occasionally. This is further corroborated by Latin authors, who take it for granted that the Tyrrhenians are Etruscans, even when the setting of their stories is Naxos in the Aegean145. Gras goes further and assumes that the myth is nothing more than the projection, in the mythological level, of the long standing commercial rivalry at sea between Greeks and Etruscans, marked
by the victory of the former. Dionysus stands for wine, the most conspicuous trade commodity transported in the Mediterranean146. In view of the confusion of our sources, one may wonder if it is really possible to define which branch of the Tyrrhenians is meant to in the Homeric Hymn. Tyrrhenian, like Pelasgian, seem to have been an elusive name, a convenient term to define linguistic groups that speak an unintelligible, barbarian language147. People of remote places and remote times, the Tyrrhenians provided an anti-model for pious and civilized behavior and their cruelty was proverbial148. Greek sources often describe them as cruel, brutish and violent people, pirates, kidnappers and invaders. Aristotle is perhaps the earliest extant source that mentions the famous Tyrrhenian torture, the practice of chaining rotting corpses face to face with living captives, fitting as exactly as possible one against the other. Their victims were dying in a terrible way149. Latin sources mention the torture, but without any reference to the pirates150. Jacques Brunschwig has the merit of making the connection between the Etruscan torture, and the episode in the Homeric Hymn, where Dionysus is miraculously liberated from his bonds. However, his suggestion that Aristotle found his story in an Orphic poem and that the myth of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates is closely related to the orphic myth of the dismemberment of Dionysus by the Titans, has been generally ignored in classical scholarship151. In other parts of his corpus, Aristotle displays a fair knowledge of the Etruscans152, so it would not be unreasonable to conclude that he is directly referring to them, and not to the Aegean Tyrrhenians. But there can be no certainty here. For those in the Roman period who cited Aristotles passage (di-
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rectly or indirectly), the Tyrrhenian torture was a genuinely Etruscan custom. The above observations will help us explain the role of the Tyrrhenians in the legend. I am inclined to assume that their proverbially cruel character made them the ideal target for the divine plan to take revenge of their misdeeds. To my mind, there lies the reason for their inclusion, instead of any other group of sea-raiders and not to any particular historical situation. My assumption, then, is that there is no positive way to determine with certainty either the original setting of the legend or the true origin of the Tyrrhenian pirates. This is perhaps the essential aspect of the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus: the action is deliberately placed on an unknown promontory; the adversaries of the god are a band of itinerant outsiders, cruel foreigners or primordial barbarians who dared stand at the way of a powerful god, whose plan of revenge they were unable to decipher. All subsequent developments (some of them still very early) might be regarded as attempts to rationalize the myth and connect it with historical people and real places.
Dolphins, Dionysus and Etruria

The Toledo hydria is undisputable evidence that the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates was circulating in Etruria as early as the beginning of the 5th century BC. However, the existence of Etruscan monuments dealing with the legend of the transformation of the Tyrrhenians is sometimes taken as evidence against the identification of the pirates with the Etruscans, because the myth is anti-tyrrhenian153. In other words, the Tyrrhenian pirates cannot be Etruscans, because they are depicted on Etruscan monu-
ments. I wonder whether this type of reasoning is helpful. On the Toledo hydria, the artists emphasis on the dolphin-men may also hint at his interest to comment upon the victims of the god, ignoring the triumph and the epiphany of Dionysus. This observation makes likely two assumptions, first that the Etruscan painter identified the Tyrrhenians with the Etruscans154, and second that his clientele was aware of this connection, apparently through the intermediary of earlier vasepaintings of Attic origin. That this particular legend had a special meaning for the Etruscans is further reinforced from the fact that the dionysiac myths, as opposed to generic images of the dionysiac thiasus, are seldom depicted in archaic Etruria155. Our analysis has revealed the existence of a variety of traditions beneath the myth of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates into dolphins. The core of the legend is the desire of the god to have his divinity revealed among the mortals and to punish those who offend or oppose him. The transformation of the pirates, a remarkable and spectacular aspect in itself, assumes a central place in our story156 and was the main concern of artists, to the expense of other elements of the narrative. At first sight, the animal transformation fits well the capacity of Dionysus to transcend the boundaries between human and divine, man and animal, life and death157. If Philostratus is to be trusted, this change was not regarded as an exclusively negative fact: the pirates are turned from humans to animals and from evil to benevolent creatures, so that their transformation is both corporeal and psychological, leading to their moral improvement. In Greek mythology, the dolphins appear as benevolent creatures which carry children, adolescent or older heroes on their backs158. Their connection Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
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with Dionysus goes beyond the general association of wine and the wine-god to the sea159 and is anchored in ritual practice, especially in the form of choral dances. Dolphins are dancers, most notably in Euripides Helen (1454-1455) and later sources. They dance in a circle around a god or around a ship, but most probably around a piper on the stage160. On Corinthian vases, the dolphins are sometimes associated with padded komasts161. Marie-Claire Anne Beaulieu162 made the pertinent observation that a recurrent theme in later versions of the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates (Ovid, Hyginus, Philostratus and Nonnus) is the terror and madness inflicted upon the pirates just before the moment of their disastrous leap into the sea. This alienation of their state of mind is caused by dionysiac dancing and music. The maddened sailors are conquered by the desire to dance and as soon as they come in contact with the waves, they undergo a radical transformation leading to a new existence, which may be plausibly paralleled to the loss of the self experienced by the followers of Dionysus. Both a punishment and a salvation from madness and terror, the transformation of pirates into dolphins marks their introduction into the retinue of the god. Etruscan monuments provide a further link between Dionysus and the dolphins. It has been noted recently that the appearance of dolphins leaping into the sea on Etruscan wall-paintings and mirrors of the late archaic period does not have a decorative function, but betrays an eschatological message163. Since the tomb is regarded as a place of mediation between the world of the living and the world of the dead, the idea of putting friezes of dolphins leaping into the sea in the lower part of wall-paintings and engraved mirrors found in tombs might
have served as a point of juncture between the two worlds. The act of leaping into the deep sea is regarded, in funerary iconography and symbolism, as an act of passage from the world of the living to the world of the dead164. The equation of the banquet with the dionysiac afterlife is a very well known feature in funerary iconography in Etruria and Southern Italy, where most of the documents illustrating the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates have been found. So it seems justified to assume that the myth was regarded as a metaphor for death and rebirth. This would explain the legends relative popularity on funerary monuments although the tales primary meaning was not eschatological165. It remains to consider what made the Etruscans adopt in their arts a myth with anti-Tyrrhenian overtones. The occidental version of the myth should be probably regarded as a native elaboration, encouraged by the fact that the geographical anchorage of the myth was left deliberately open in the Homeric Hymn. It is impossible to affirm whether the legend was ever used as a foundation myth for the introduction of the dionysiac cult in Etruria. On the other hand, it is plausible to suggest that the identification of the Tyrrhenians to the Etruscans may have been generated by a growing interest in Dionysus and his iconography in the second half of the sixth century BC. Greek myth in Etruria, among other things, offered to local elites an occasion to participate in the same cultural environment as the Greeks. Legends with local interest, like the one of the Tyrrhenian pirates, would have encouraged this sense of belonging to the civilized world, and might have had political implications, as well. The advent of dionysiac cult in Etruria, which by present evidence occurred in the mid-6th century BC, was
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certainly encouraged by the ability of the natives to identify themselves in an episode of the gods saga and to find a place in Greek mythical history.
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Notes
1 For a detailed and nuanced examination of the pattern of resistance to Dionysus, see Massenzio 1969. 2 Rohde 1925: 283. 3 Massenzio 1969; McGinty 1978. 4 Guthrie 1955: 145-182; Seaford 1996. 5 On Dionysus insistence on having his divinity recognized, see Versnel 1990: 164-172. 6 Massenzio 1969. 7 On resistance stories as a means to validate the established hierarchy between gods and humans, see McGinty 1978.
General accounts: Crusius 1889; Brunswick 1963; James 1975; Herter 1980; Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 33-47; de Spagnolis 2004: 41-47. 9 Jaillard 2011: 135: framework and emphasis seem to be exceptionally (and perhaps intentionally) detached from all local anchorage, whether it be cultic, mythical, or historical. 10 Scholarship on the dating of the Homeric Hymn: Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 35-36, n. 12, Faulkner 2011: 14 and Jaillard 2011: 133, n. 2. Most scholars accept a date in the 6th or the 5th century. Isler-Kernyi 2010, argued that a youthful Dionysus, as the one appearing in the Homeric Hymn, is inconceivable in Athenian art before the 430s. Consequently, this date should be taken as a terminus post quem for the dating of the hymn. A similar argument was first advanced by Pareti 1926: 47. 11 Mythographi Vaticani I, p. 39, no. 122 and p. 133, no. 171, ed. Bode; Seneca, Agamemnon 451; Servius, Schol. ad Virgil, Eneid, I, 67; Lucian, Dialogues of the Sea Gods 8 and On Dance 22; Aelius Aristides Disc. XLI, 8 Keil; Charax of Pergamon FGrHist 103 F 31; Oppian, Hal. I 646-685; Propertius, Elegies 17.25-26 (curvaque Tyrrhenos delphinium corpora nautas / in vada pampinea desiluisse rate); Palatine Anthology IX, 82, 524 (where Dionysus is called ); Longus, Daphnis and Chloe IV, 2-3. 12 James 1975: 17: Although it is impossible to date the hymn within a century or two, no one is likely to dispute that it is the oldest extant version of the story and no more than that is assumed in this study. 13 Fr. 236 in Eusthathius Commentary on Odyssey 10, 240. Another pindaric passage, cited in Philodemus, On Piety 48, may also refer to the same legend (Crusius 1889: 207, n. 20 and Briquel 1984: 273, n. 74). 14 Down to the Hellenistic period, the only Greek term for pirate was . The same word alse means bandit. The word , from which derive the modern term, appears first on an Attic inscription from Rhamnous dated to 267 BC. Afterwards, both terms are used concomitantly. Another term, , is much rarer. For a full discussion, see Ferone 1997: 46-59; De Souza 1999: 3-9. 15 V. 55-57: , , : ,
8
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. V. 55, is corrupt. Kershaw 1991: 59-60, restores the word , escort. Eden 2003: 210, reads instead and argues that Aktor is the name of the helmsman. 16 Garca 2002: 16-17. 17 McGinty 1978: 76-80. 18 An unnecessary explanation, according to Seaford 1984: 97. See also Jeanmaire 1951: 227: Le fait quil (i.e. Euripides) donne pour origine de la msaventure du dieu linimiti dHra, dont il nest pas question dans lhymne, autorise lhypothse quil en utilisait une version diffrente. 19 Seaford 1984: 97. 20 Acoetes, , means the one who does not sleep, a very appropriate name for a sailor: Chuvin 1990: 76. 21 A shorter account of the same version appears in Servius commentary at Aeneid I, 67. Senecas Oedipus (449-466) also shows awareness of the Metamorphoses, but presents a somewhat different version, in which Nereus calmed the sea and changed the waters into meadows: James 1975: 25-26. 22 The motif of the rape appears in Servius commentary at Aeneid I, 67 and Myth. Vat. I, 2, 20. It is implicitly alluded to in Ovids description of the god as a puer. See James 1975: 24; Herter 1980: 117, Chuvin 1991: 75 & Romizzi 2002: 353, n. 8. 23 Nonnus is apparently inspired from Ovids choice to imbed the narrative into the Theban episode: see Crusius 1889: 225; James 1975: 29 and Chuvin 1991: 76. Vian 2000: 690, is more cautious in asserting the dependence of Nonnus upon Ovids model and leaves open the possibility that the analogy is fortuitous. Nonnus model for the first part of his narrative (45.105132) is apparently the Homeric Hymn, while the second part (45.133-169) displays a number of elements found elsewhere in his own work, combined with various elements found in earlier accounts: Vian 2000: 687. 24 Vian 2000: 684. 25 Crusius 1889: 221, 224; James 1975: 34; Chuvin 1991: 76. Nonnus account is probably inspired from Ovid, with reminiscences from the Homeric Hymn. 26 James 1975: 32 and Vian 2000: 688. The fountain appears also in Philostratus, Imagines, I. 19. 27 See most notably Sutton 1973. 28 Inv. 82.134. Broken and repaired. Ht.: 52.1
cm. Boulter & Luckner 1984: 14-16 & pl. 90; Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 3-4, fig. 3-8; Rizzo 1987: 176-177 & 311, no. 130; Harari 1988: 36, fig. 5; Bonfante 1993: 227, fig. 22; Harari 1997: 155, no. 1, pl. 115; Descoeudres 2000: 331: fig. 6; Csapo 2003: 83, fig. 4.5-4.6; Frontisi-Ducroux 2003: 9, fig. 1 & 85, fig. 20; de Spagnolis 2004: fig. 67; Nobili 2009: 5, fig. 3; Buxton 2009: 77, fig. 9. 29 Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 2-3; Spivey 1987: 42-45. To his works, add a hydria in New York Market (Christies 6.12.2004, p. 156, no 527). On the body: Achilles ambushing Troilus. On the shoulder: two maenads. On the neck: cocks. 30 Compare the hydria Louvre CA 2510 by the Painter of Vatican 238 (Spivey & Rassmussen 1986: 2, fig. 1-2), a kyathos once in Lucern Market with dolphins leaping into the sea (Ars Antiqua Lagerkatalog 3, 1967, no 81) and the neck-amphora Gttingen HU 749b (Bentz 2001: pl. 40.2-4). 31 Frontisi-Ducroux 2003: 83. See also Buxton 2009: 76, n. 2. 32 Frontisi-Ducroux 2003 : 83; de Spagnolis 2004: 55. 33 Boulter & Luckner 1984: 14; Harari 1988: 36; Bonfante 1993: 227; da Spagnolis 2004: 55; Nobili 2009: 14. 34 I.e. Paris, Louvre CA 2510 (above, n. 30). 35 On dolphins on wall-paintings and engraved mirrors, see Descoeudres 2000: 325-330. 36 I have notes for 23 Etruscan black-figured vases with dolphins. Micalian kyathoi: Spivey 1987: 16-17, no 93-96; 23, no. 144; Gaultier 2003: 41, no. 26. Note also a kyathos once in Lucern Market (above, n. 30). Other vases from the same workshop: the oinochoe Munich 926 (Spivey 1987: 11, no. 40), a fragmentary bowl or kylix in Heidelberg (E 32: Spivey 1987: 17, no. 99), two small neck-amphorae in Cambridge (Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6, fig. 12; Spivey 1987: 14, no. 68) and Florence (Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 5, fig. 9) and the hydria Louvre CA 2510 by the Painter of Vatican 238 (above, n. 30). Pontic workshop: the kyathos Wrzburg HA 512 (Hannestad 1976, 66, no. 78). La Tolfa Group: the dinos Rome, Villa Giulia 50600 (Moretti Sgubini 2000: 78, no. 44) and the amphorae Florence 92194, 92181 and Rome, Villa Giulia 50655 (Rallo 2009: 761 & 764, with earlier bibliography). Ivy-Leaf Group: the amphorae Boston 62.70, Switzerland, private and Leiden R Sx 2 ( Werner 2005: pl. 26, no
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4.7/7.3, 4.7/7.4 and 4.7/7.1); Orvietan fabric: the neck-amphora Gttingen Hu 749b (above, n. 30). Unattributed: cup and kyathos once in the London Market (Christies 23.9.1998, no 255 and Sothebys 11.7.1988, no. 301 respectively). Dolphins appear on three Caeretan hydriae: Rome, Villa Giulia 50643 (Moretti Sgubini 2000: 80, no. 46), Monaco, the Stavros Niarchos collection and Louvre E 696 (Hemelrijk 2009: pl. 10-11, 18b and 37b). 37 Harari 1988: 38. On dolphins in Greek vase-painting, see Stebbins 1929: 9-11 and 97-131; Isler 1977; Vidali 1997. 38 See above, n. 36. 39 Csapo 2003: 82-83, argued that there is nothing on this kalpis to suggest an illustration of the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates. He rather sees (d)olphins with human feet dance upside down Six dolphins follow each other as if dancing upside down upon the line marking the shoulder of the vase. This reading is not convincing: the waves surely denote the sea, the quasi-vertical movement of the dolphinmen is indicative of diving, and both elements cannot refer to anything else than the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates. Csapos observation that the dolphins adopt a dancing attitude does not necessarily invalidate the identification of the scene with the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates, because the transformed pirates are said to be dancing in literary sources (Hyginus, Poetica Astronomica ii 17 and Lucian, On Dance 22). Even the similarity of the dolphin-men on the Toledo hydria with the part-men, part-dolphins figures that appear on the pontic amphora Rome, Conservatori, inv. no. 91, but the parallel is not that obvious, since on this representation the figures have both human feet and dolphins tails (Csapo 2003, 83 & 84, fig. 7). 40 Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 7. 41 Louvre MNC 674: Csapo 2003: 87, fig. 4.104.11; Nobili 2009: 6, fig. 5. 42 Rome, Villa Giulia 64608: Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6, fig. 13; Vidali 1997: 120, no. A1.6, pl. 8; Csapo 2003: 82, fig. 4.4; de Spagnolis 2004: fig. 46. This image brings in mind a passage in Euripides Electra (435: where the pipe-loving dolphin is leaping). There was a popular assumption that the dolphin is a lover of music and can be charmed by singing in harmony (Pliny, NH IX, 8). Pindar (fr. 140b.13-17) likens
his responses to those of a dolphin roused by the lovely sound of the flute. Also of relevance might be the fact that the breathing hole of the dolphin was called aulos in Greek (Aristotle, Hist. Anim. 537a-b). On all these, see Stebbins 1929: 9192, Davies 1979: 74-75, with fig. 6 & Csapo 2003: 71-78. 43 Mnster 855: Rohde 1955: col. 102-111, no. 2, fig. 6-8; Harari 1988: 39, fig. 3; Csapo 2003: 81, fig. 4.2-3; de Spagnolis 2004: fig. 46; Nobili 2009: 5, fig. 2. 44 Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6; Csapo 2003: 82. 45 Athens, Acr. 1033: Cristofani 1983: 59 & fig. 39; Harari 1988: 41; Vidali 1997: 58-59, 144, no. A2.242; de Spagnolis 2004: fig. 47. 46 Philadelphia University Museum MS 3440: Csapo 2003: 82, n. 37. 47 Csapo 2003: 81, with literature in n. 35. 48 As it is argued, among others, by Harari 1988: 40, Kossatz & Kossatz-Deissmann 1992: 469470, Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 42 and de Spagnolis 2004: 54. The connection is denied by Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6 and Csapo 2003: 81 (But we should especially doubt the argument that because the pirates in later art are shown as dolphins with human feet, dolphins with human feet in earlier art are therefore pirates), followed by Nobili 2009: 7. 49 Little can be said of a lost red-figure vase of unknown shape and date (once Thymbra, Frank Calvert collection), known only from descriptions, cited by Herter 1980: 131, n. 2 and listed by Harari 1997: 155, no.2. 50 Cou 1893; Bauer 1977; Herter 1980: 118119; Ehrhardt 1993. 51 Especially on monuments of the Roman period, listed below, n. 58. 52 See Csapo 2003: 80, n. 30, for earlier references. 53 Once Rome, Forum R 65.75, now lost. For the identification of the subject and a detailed description, see Del Chiaro 1974: 65-66 and fig. 5. See also Cristofani 1983: 60 & fig. 68; Jolivet 1985: 64-65, fig. 5; Harari 1988: 42; Bonfante 1993: 226; Romizzi 2002: pl. VII, fig. 1; de Spagnolis 2004: 58. Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 7, fig. 14, prefer to identify the ship with the one carrying the first priests of Apollo from Knossos to Crisa, an episode narrated in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo. Csapo 2003: 83, n. 41, denies any connection to the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates.
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Taranto, Museo Archeologico, inv. 211: Bernab Brea 1952: 209-210, fig. 193 (arguing that the subject betrays attic influence). See also Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6, Kossatz and Kossatz-Deissmann 1992: pl. 108.2; Harari 1997: 155, no. 3, pl. 115; Descoeudres 2000: 334, n. 40, no. 2 and de Spagnolis 2004: 59 and fig. 68. 55 Kossatz and Kossatz-Deissmann 1992: pl. 108.3; Descoeudres 2000: 334, n. 40, no. 3. 56 de Spagnolis 2004: 73. The doubts expressed by Nobili 2009: 14, n. 50, seem to me unfounded. 57 de Spagnolis 2004: 65-66. 58 Romizzi 2002, lists a relief from the Villa of Hadrian (pl. VII, fig. 2), a famous mosaic from the House of Dionysus and Ulysses from Dugga in Tynisia, dating from the mid-third century AD (pl. VIII, figure 3), a dionysiac sarchophagus from Rusicade in Algeria, from the first half of the third century AD (pl. VIII, fig. 4) and a relief pelike from Tunisia, dated to the first half of the fourth century AD (pl. VIII, fig. 5; Harari 1997: 155, no. 5, pl. 115). This last document is obviously dependent on Ovids narrative, since the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates is matched, on the other side of the vase, with Pentheus death. Otherwise, satyrs are present alongside the god aboard of the ship. 59 It is not clear whether Philostratus describes real of fictional paintings. This need not concern us here. Longus, IV, 2-3, also refers to a painting illustrating the transformation of the Tyrrhenian pirates, allegedly belonging to the decoration of a temple of Dionysus in Lesbos. 60 Munich 2044, from Vulci: ABV 146.21. See Fellmann 2004: 14-19 and Mackay 2010: 221 f., for earlier literature. The excerpt from T.H. Lawrences poem, They Say the Sea is Loveless, cited as a motto in the beginning of this study, is obviously a poetic description of this picture. 61 Mommsen 2005: 23 and Isler-Kernyi 2007: 186. Note however that an earlier fragmentary dinos from Cortona might represent Dionysus and Ariadne reclining and served by a group of satyrs bringing forth cups and other vessels: Hedreen 1992: 139-140 and pl. 25. The god appears as a banqueter on numerous black-figured vases of a later period. More significant is an eye-cup of exceptional size with Dionysus halfnaked reclining on a bed and playing a barbitos (Rome, Villa Giulia 773; ABV 381.298; Gasparri
54
1986: Dionysos 425, pl. 348). Dionysus reclining appears also on the hydria London B 302, showing an episode from the Return of Hephaistos (ABV 261.40; Gasparri 1986: Dionysos 556, pl. 362), the neck-amphora Boston 01.8052 (ABV 259.26; Isler-Kernyi 2007: fig. 83-84) and the neck-amphora Munich 1562 (Isler-Kernyi 2007: fig. 95, where Dionysus reclines in a vineyard, along with a half-naked woman, while satyrs and maenads are treading the grapes). The Cortona dinos dates from circa 570 BC, all the other vases from around 520-510 BC. 62 Useful recent commentaries include Mommsen 2005: 22-23; Isler-Kernyi 2007: 171-187 and Mackay 2010: 221-241. 63 Pailler 1995, legend in pl. 1. 64 I.e. De Witte 1875: 11; Pareti 1926: 42; Stebbins 1929: 9-11; Neutsch 1949-1950: 47-48; Webster 1975: 91; Kernyi 1976: 167; Gaugh 1979: 48-50; Cristofani 1983: 58; Briquel 1984: 274; Somville 1984: 17; Gras 1985: 584; Gasparri 1986: 502; Moore 1987: 155; Shapiro 1989: 89; Auffarth 1990: 217; Hedreen 1992: 67; Kossatz & Kossatz-Deissmann 1992: 469; Schefold 1992: 74-75; De Spagnolis 2004: 65. 65 See the discussion in Mackay 2010: 235. The connection was questioned already by Gerhard 1840: xlix, Harrison 1890: 251-252 and Furtwngler & Reichold 1902: 228. Farnell 1909: 258, regards it as an unnecessary and improbable supposition. See also James 1975: 20, n. 4; Simon 1968: 282-288, Herter 1980: 123, Harari 1988: 40-41; Henricks 1987: 110; Lissarrague 1987: 118, Vidali 1997: 108; Beaulieu 2008: 134; Nobili 2009: 4 and Isler-Kernyi 2007: 187 & 2010: 257. Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 6, do not explicitly reject the connection with the myth and leave the question open. 66 Isler-Kernyi 2010: 257. Similarly, Mackay 2010: 235. 67 Georg Kaibel, in Maass 1888: 78, n.4, was the first to connect the Exekias cup with a fragment of the comic poet Hermippos (63 Kock): Tell me now, Muses dwelling on Mount Olympus, ever since Dionysus has sailed on the wine-dark sea, all the good things he has brought hither to men on his black ship . See also Usener 1899: 116; Furtwngler & Reichold 1902: 228; Davies 1978: 74. 68 Simon 1968: 287; Slater 1976: 165-166; Daraki 1982; Henrichs 1987: 110-111; Lissarrague
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1987: 116 et 118; Auffarth 1991: 217; Mommsen 2005: 23; Isler-Kernyi 2007: 187; Mackay 2010: 238. 69 Harrison 1890: 252-253; Farnell 1909: 258; Burkert 1983: 201; Guarducci 1983: 116; Harari 1988: 40; Auffarth 1990: 217; Vidali 1997: 107108; Mackay 2010: 234. 70 Davies 1978: 74, usefully cites Pomponius Porphyrios commentary on Horaces Satires 2.8.15, about the Chian wine that is free of seawater: quid in Chium vinum marina non additur. Inde institutum tradit Varro, ut delphini circa Liberum pingerentur (Because sea-water is not added to the Chian wine. Varro records that from that practice it was customarily for dolphins to be depicted around Bacchus). But such evidence is non-existent, outside the context of the myth of the Tyrrhenian pirates, at least before the Roman period (Beaulieu 2008: 134, n. 13, for a list of monuments). On dolphins in the context of dance and music, see above, p. 472. 71 Mackay 2010: 235. On the dolphin men, see above, p. 460. 72 Davies 1986: 183: the apparent incomplete metamorphosis in reality indicates that the afflicted figure was originally, and remains basically, a human being. This rule does not account for Zeus transformations, either as a bull in the story of Europe, or as a swan in the story of Danae: see Buxton 2009: 76-88. 73 Gras 1985: 584, n. 6. Frickenhaus 1912: 7879 and Pareti 1926: 45, went as far as to suggest that the legend of the transformation has a visual inspiration in some work of art similar to Exekias cup. 74 Small 2003: 25-26. 75 This possibility is acknowledged by Shapiro 1989: 89; Mommsen 2005: 22; Mackay 2010: 235 and Isler-Kernyi 2010: 258. See also the discussion in Jaillard 2011: 147. 76 Already discussed by Frickenhaus 1912: 6179 and Pareti 1926: 41-42. 77 Berlin, Antikensammlung SMB V.I. 2961, ABV 639.100; Kernyi 1976: fig. 52a; Schwarzmeier 2008: 90, fig. 11. 78 Tarquinia, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 678, from Tarquinia. Frickenhaus 1912: 76-77, fig. 1-2; Kernyi 1976: fig. 49-50; Gasparri 1986: Dionysos 792, pl. 392; Auffarth 1991: fig. 4; Hedreen 1992: pl. 23; Tassignon 2003: fig. 2; Broder 2008: 125, fig. 1; Jaillard 2011: fig. 2. The scenes on the
two sides of the amphora are virtually identical. 79 Hedreen 1992: 68. 80 Frickenhaus 1912; Pareti 1926: 41-45; Kernyi 1976: 167; Burkert 1983: 201, n. 26; Hedreen 1992: 67-68; Tassignon 2003: 85; De Spagnolis 2004: 6263; Broder 2008: 124-125; Mackay 2010: 234. 81 1. London, The British Museum 1836.224.62 (B 79), from Acrai in Sicily: ABL 250.30; Kernyi 1976: fig. 58-59; Guarducci 1983: 113, pl. III; Gasparri 1986: Dionysos 828, pl. 398; Borgers 2004: 144, no. 8, pl. 4a; Fritzilas 2006: 62, no. 20, pl. 8.20. 2. Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 1281, from the Acropolis of Athens: ABL 250.29; Kernyi 1976: fig. 57; Guarducci 1983: 109, pl. I; Gasparri 1986: 492, Dionysos 827; Hedreen 1992: pl. 2; Borgers 2004: 143, no. 2, pl. 2a; Broder 2008, 126, fig. 2. 3. Bologna, Museo Civico 130, from Bologna, t. 109 of the De Luca cemetery: ABL 253.15; Kernyi 1976: fig. 56; Guarducci 1983: 111, pl. II; Gasparri 1986: Dionysos 829, pl. 392; Gttlicher 1992: 104, fig. 59; Broder 2008: 127, fig. 3; 4. Tbingen, Universitt, 1497 (D 53) fr. (unknown provenance): Auffarth 1991: fig. 5; Gttlicher 1992: 105, fig. 60. It is often stated that the fragment comes from a skyphos, but this is not proven: see Borgers 2004: 91, n. 552. 82 De Miro 1982; Auffarth 1991: fig. 3; Gttlicher 1992: 105, fig. 61. The strip is 1.80 m. long and 0.40 m. large. Mansfield 1985: 121, questioned its authenticity. For a good discussion of the problems relating to the function and the cultural background of this object, see Borgers 2004: 91. 83 Gttlicher 1992: 104-105; Tassignon 2003: 87; Mackay 2010: 233. 84 See Tassignon 2003 (for sources and bibliography). I have many doubts as regards the violent character of the ritual, as it is reconstructed there. 85 Oxford 1924.264: Boardman 1958; Hedreen 1992: pl. 24. 86 Boardman 1958; Mansfield 1985: 121-130; Humphreys 2004: 230. 87 De Witte 1875: 12-13, on the London skyphos (above, n. 81, no. 1). See also Neutch 1949-1950: 47-48. de Spagnolis 2004: 65 & 66, attempts to relate the two wheel-like objects decorating the upper part of the ship shown on the lost Genucilia plate from the Regia (above, n. 53) with the ship-cart on the skyphoi. This suggestion is unconvincing: the row-like motifs
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can be linked to similar earlier Villanovan and early Etruscan astral motifs. 88 First argued by Nilsson 1900: 125, who associated the procession with the sacred marriage of Dionysus with the wife of the archon Basileus, the Basilinna, during the second day of the Anthesteria. See also Nilsson 1908: 399-402; Deubner 1932: 102-103; Guarducci 1980 & 1983: 107; Simon 1983: 93 (arguing that the procession takes place during the first day of the festival); Graf 1985: 366367; Auffarth 1990: 113, n. 3; Gttlicher 1992: 103107; Hedreen 1992: 92, n. 10; Vidali 1997: 107-108; Spineto 2005: 93; Mackay 2010: 234 (hesitantly). 89 Frickenhaus 1912: 61-62; Kernyi 1976: 167173; Burkert 1983: 201; Gasparri 1986: 502; Robertson 1993: 218; Humphreys 2004: 230; Fritzilas 2006: 17. Parker 2005: 303, is undecided, but in 56, he rightly observes that (t)he bovine on the Bologna skyphos does not fit well our image of the Anthesteria. 90 Man playing the role of Dionysus: Deubner 1932: 107; Jeanmaire 1951: 49-52; Boardman 1958: 7. Image of the god: Nilsson 1908: 335; Frickenhaus 1912: 63 (statue of Dionysus Elethereus). Van Straten 1995: 19, is undecided. Similarly Davies 1978: 74. Romano 1980: 70 and Broder 2008, 124, argue that the paintings do not show the image of the god. 91 Mackay 2010: 234. Kernyi 1976: 113-115, believes that even the skyphoi show the mythological first arrival of Dionysus in Attica. 92 As it has been astutely observed by Borgers 2004: 92. See also Parker 2005: 302. 93 Connor 1989 laid the foundation for this new orthodoxy, rejecting the traditional date of 534/533 for the institution of the City Dionysia. Note however Gasparri 1986: 502, who argues that the introduction of the ship-cart procession was the result of the re-organization of the festival after the fall of the Pisistratids in 510 BC. 94 Robertson 1993: 218. 95 Gttlicher 1992: 104. 96 Webster 1975: 91; Gaugh 1979: 48. 97 Gaugh 1979: 149, n. 17 and Moore 1987: 155 98 Descoeudres 2000: 334, goes as far as to suggest, that the cup was especially commissioned by an Etruscan client. Gasparri 1986: 502, believes that the man who used the cup was a dionysiac mystes. 99 On Exekias habit to avoid the moment of greater tension of the myth, see Shapiro 1989: 89.
On this important detail, see Small 1987: 128. Crusius 1889: 212-217, was among the first to suggest that the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus recites an etiological myth for an archaic ritual. He opted for the Dionysia in Brauron (a connection based on a story about the activity of Tyrrhenian pirates in that area), and imagined an alleged victory of Dionysus over fish-like seagods. Icaria mentioned in Apollodorus, Biblioteca 3.5.3, is recognized as the Athenian deme Icarion or Icaria, where Dionysus first landed when he arrived in Attica (Crusius 1889: 220), an idea cited with approval by James 1975: 20. Hedreen 1992: 93, n. 19, arrived at the same conclusion. Myres 1907: 215, favours Crusius ideas, and goes further to think that the passage in the hymn encouraged later scholars to equate the Pelasgians who raided Brauron with the Tyrrhenians. Maass 1921, 11-14, connected the myth to yet another Athenian festival, the Aiora, and tried to show that the Cap Maleas, mentioned in Euripides Cyclops actually refers to an unknown promontory named Maleotis, in the region of Piraeus (Contra Pareti 1926: 55; Briquel 1984: 274-275). The myth has also been linked to a cult of Dionysos under the epithet Delphinios ( Voigt 1884: 1083), but with no serious supporting evidence. 102 James 1975: 17; Faulkner 2011: 14; Jaillard 2011: 145. 103 James 1975: 17. 104 This is emphatically stated by Jaillard 2011: 145. 105 Briquel 1984: 276. 106 Maleos of Regisvilla and his journey to Athens are mentioned by Strabo, V, 225 E. Erigone: Etym. Mag., s.v. Altis. In the Homeric Hymn, Dionysus is on a promontory: v. 3. The localisation of the legend of the Tyrrhenian pirates in Cap Maleas is proposed by Crusius 1889: 207-208 and was accepted by Pareti 1926: 5255 and recently by Nobili 2009: 14-18. See the discussion in Briquel 1984: 273-277 & Gras 1985: 639-641. 107 Nobili 2009. Arion is credited in ancient sources with the invention of the dithyramb (although the earliest extant use of the term goes back to Archilochus). After a tour in Sicily and Italy, he paid a corinthian ship to bring him back to Greece. The sailors turned into pirates, robbed him and prepared to kill him. Arion
100 101
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sang with his kithara and then leaped into the sea, only to be saved by a dolphin who brought him on his back to cap Tainaron. There are several striking parallels with the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, including piracy, miracles, leaping into the sea, and dolphins. The myth is first reported in Herodotus 1.23-4. For bibliography and references, see Csapo 2003: 74-76 & Beaulieu 2008: 86-93. On Arion as a dionysiac figure, see Burkert 1983: 199-204. 108 See the comments of James 1975: 20 and Seaford 1984: 99. 109 Vian 2000: 685, n. 11. 110 Briquel 1984: 275; Gras 1985: 641. 111 See already Usener 1899: 124. 112 The Mnster cup, cited above, n. 43. See Rohde 1955: col. 102-111, for a link between the cup and the birth of the legend in the Aegean, see Cristofani 1983: 58; Harari 1988: 40; Kossatz and Kossatz-Deissmann 1992: 469-470; de Spagnolis 2004: 53-54. 113 I.e. Usener 1899: 124; Jeanmaire 1951: 227 (although he argues that the poet of the Homeric Hymn was an Athenian); James 1975; Herter 1980; Cristofani 1983: 58 & 1984: 3-4; Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 44-45; Briquel 1984; Seaford 1984: 99; Gras 1985: 585; Harari 1988: 41-43; Vian 2000; Hedreen 1992; de Spagnolis 2004. 114 Hedreen 1992: 68-70, based on the observations of Simon 1968: 280-281. 115 Chuvin 2000: 75. 116 Vian 2000: 691, argues that Nonnus recollected the myth from an earlier source of Sikelika. 117 Chuvin 1990: 77. On the use of the term in Nonnus, see also Vian 2000: 685, n. 9. 118 Cristofani & Proietti 1982: 72-73; Cristofani 1983: 60, 105 & 108; Cristofani 1984: 4. Cf. also Harari 1988: 42. Contra, Jolivet 1985: 65, sees an allusion to the destruction of the pirate base of Antium in 338 BC. 119 On the Tyrrhenians of the Aegean, see Pareti 1926: 48-56; Brard 1949: 224-243; Cristofani 1983: 58-59; Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 11-32; Briquel 1984: 273 ss.; Gras 1985: 583-651; Nobili 2009: 7-14. 120 Giuffrida 1978: 176 & Giuffirda Ientile 1983: 16. 121 Bakhuizen 1988: 28 and passim. 122 Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 16; Seaford 1984: 97. 123 Hellanicus, EGM fr. 4, in Dion. Hal., Ant Rom. 1.28.3; Soph., TGrF F 270. Thuc. 4.109; Hdt.
1.57. Hellanicus is probably the first to make the equation between Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians (Fowler 2003: 3), although Briquel 1984: 18, 20,22 n. 100, 52f., 58, 110f., 132-40, 141, 221 and 291293, thinks that the tradition may have been older, going back to Hecateus of Miletus in the late 6th century. 124 See Briquel 1984: 3-34. 125 Myres 1907: 215 and 218. 126 Hdt. 1.57. See in extenso Briquel 1984: 101140 (where Kreston is corrected in Croton, alias Cortona in Etruria) & Fowler 2003: 11-15. Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians are regarded as distinct also by Conon, FGrHist 26 F1 (Narrat. 41). 127 Dion. Hal., Ant Rom. 1.28. 128 Beloch 1912: 51; Pareti 1926: 48; Pallottino 1947: 39; Nobili 2009: 8. 129 Anticlides in Strabo 5, 2, 4. See Brard 1949: 226: Mais cette version prsente tous les caractres dune invention drudit, qui fut chaufaude pour expliquer lidentit de nom des Tyrrhniens de Lemnos et dEtrurie. Note also Andron FGrHist 10 F 16a-b, who mentions Lyktos in Creta as a settlement of those Pelasgians who did not migrate to Tyrrhenia. 130 Myrsilus, FGrHist 477 F 8-9, in Dion. Hal., Ant Rom 1, 23 and 28. 131 On display in Athens, National Archaeological Museum. The inscription: IG XII 8, no. 1. See De Simone 2000, with earlier references. For other documents in the same language, see references in Fowler 2003: 4, n. 7 and Nobili 2009: 9, n. 21. 132 Hdt 6, 137-140. Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 23. 133 Cristofani 1983: 59; Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 38, Harari 1988: 43 and de Spagnolis 2004: 55-56. 134 Philochorus, FGrHist 328 F. 100-101; Plut., Aetia graeca 21 & Mul. virt. 8; Zenobius, Prov. III, 85. 135 See the detailed demonstration of Sourvinou-Inwood 2005. A different tradition, reported by Aelius Aristides, sees the Pelasgians expelled from Athens and kidnapping the Athenian women in Brauron as intruders to the island of Lemnos, who were subsequently expelled by the true inhabitants of the island. This, according to the late Greek scholar, might preserve traces of the original version antedating the occupation of Lemnos by Miltiades. 136 I.e. Philochorus, FGrHist 328 F 100-101; Apollodorus 4, 1760; Diod. Sic. 10, 19.6; Conon, FGrHist 26 F 1, 36; Plut., Mor. 247 & 296.
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Menodotus of Samos, in Athen. 15, 672b-3. Another story mentions the kidnapping of an Athenian youth by the Tyrrhenians in cap Kolias in Attica: Schol. Aristoph. Clouds 52; Eustathius, Geogr. Gr. Min. II, 331, 4; Suda, s.v. K; Etym. Magnum, s.v. . 138 The Lemnian origin of the pirates is already alluded to in Crusius 1889: 225 s. See also Cristofani 1983: 59-60 & 1984: 3-4; Torelli 1975; Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 44-47; De Simone 2000: 503. 139 For a summary presentation of the sources, see Bakhuizen 1988. 140 Ephorus, FGrHist 70 F 137, in Strabo 6.2.2. 141 Briggs 2003: 250-251. On piracy in Homer and the archaic period, see Ferone 1997 & De Souza 1999: 13 s. 142 See recently Ferone 1997 & 2004; De Souza 1999: 38-53. Sassatelli 2004, argues that Spina was an important base of the Tyrrhenian pirates. The evidence consists of an inscription mentioning an Athenian colonial expedition in an unspecified location in the Adriatic. Significantly, the head of the fleet is Miltiades, a member of the family of the conqueror of Lemnos (IG II 1629: 325/324 BC). Some years earlier, in 339/338, Timoleon arrested the Tyrrhenian pirate Postumius in Sicily (Diod. Sic. 16, 82.3). Two lost speeches by Hypereides (LVI, fr. 166-167) and Dinarchus (Minor Attic Orators, fr. 6) respectively, mention in their title the Tyrrhenians. The Lysikrates Monument of 335/334 BC, is sometimes regarded in this context of antagonism between Athenians and Tyrrhenian pirates: Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 34, Romizzi 2002: 355-356 & de Spagnolis 2004: 72. 143 Bresson 2007. The date is the late fourth or the early third century BC. The evidence consists of two inscriptions from Rhodes. Bresson seeks confirmation in literary sources: Aelius Aristides 24.53 mentions that the prows of the Tyrrhenian ships were still visible in his times. Diodorus 20.81.3, says that Rhodes became so powerful that it undertook wars against the pirates. Polybius 30.5.5-8, mentions Rhodes collaboration with Rome against piracy. A third inscription of relevance, mentions a loan of 5000 drachmas sent by the temple of Apollo to the city of Delos, in order to enforce the defences of the island against the Tyrrhenian pirates (IG XI.2, 148, l. 73: 299 BC). The idea proposed by Torelli 1975, that the Tyrrhenian pirates in question
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are the remnants of the Aegean Tyrrhenians of Lemnos, is ruled out since our sources do not mention them at all after the conquest of Lemnos by Miltiades (Giuffrida Ientile 1983: 99-100). 144 Beloch 1913: 50-51. See also Pareti 1926: 48, Pallottino 1947: 39 & Brard 1949: 231, n. 2. 145 In Ovid, Lycabas, one of the pirates, is an Etruscan in exile (3, 621-628). For Hyginus (Fabulae 134), the Tyrrhenians were later called Tuscans: In Servius commentary (in Virgil, Aen. I, 67), the Tyrrhenian pirates gave their names to the Tyrrhenian sea. 146 Gras 1976: 368 & 1985: 648-649. See also Haynes 2000: 258; Camporeale 2001: 96; Briggs 2003: 250-251. 147 Bakhuizen 1988. 148 Philochorus (FGrHist 328 F 100) derives the ethnic Tyrrhenian from the word , because of the cruel behaviour of the Tyrrhenians. The same false etymology is found in the Suda, s.v. : : and in Steph. Byz., s.v. . But the earlier Greek form is not , but . See Pallottino 1947: 38 ss. 149 This famous passage has generated much discussion in Aristotelian studies, about the alleged Orphic influence on the Aristotelian theory of the soul. Most scholars accept that the passage belongs to the lost dialogue Eudemus. Aristotle uses the metaphor of the Tyrrhenian torture for his theory of the duality of body and soul. Augustine, in his controversy against the bishop Julian (Contra Iulianum Pelagianum IV, 15, 78), mentions a passage from the now lost dialogue Hortensius by Cicero. The same metaphor, without reference to Aristotle, is also found in Jamblichus Protrepticus 8. See Brunswick 1963; Ppin 1985; Beatrice 2003 & Bos 2003. The Tyrrhenian bonds where proverbial: Hesychius, s.v. . Suda, s.v. . A place in Asia Minor is said to have been a prison () of the : Suda, s.v. T . The word tyrans is usually emended to Tyrrhenians. 150 For Virgil, Aen. VIII 478-488, the author of the torture in Mezentius, the legendary king of Agylla. Valerius Maximus, Fact. et dict. Memorab. IX, 2, 10, speaks of the Etruscans in general. Clement of Alexandria, Protr. I, 7, 4, mentions the torture, but without mentioning the Tyrrhenians.
484
Brunswick 1963: 173-180, followed by Ppin 1985: 389-390. 152 He is known to have composed a work entitled . The remaining fragments mention the Etruscans twice: see Batrice 2003: 281. 153 E.g., Harari 1988: 43; de Spagnolis 2004. This is also implied in Cristofani 1983: 56-60. 154 Gras, in the discussion of the paper of Harari 1986: 44. Tentatively, Rassmussen & Spivey 1986: 7. 155 The only other recognizable dionysiac narratives to be encountered in archaic Etruria are the birth of the god, his encounter with Oinopion and Ariadne, the Return of Hephaistus and the Gigantomachy. For an overview, see Paleothodoros 2004-2007: 188. 156 Forbes Irving 1990: 317, is among the very few scholars who deny this fact. 157 The dolphin, this man-loving and intelligent mammal enjoyed an intermediate status between humans and beasts: Beaulieu 2008: 132143. 158 Palaemon/Melikertes (Pache 2004: 135180); Koiranos of Paros (Archilochus, fr. 192 West), Enalos, Taras and Phalanthos of Taranto (for coins and other monuments see Zeuner 1963 and Ambrosini 1999-2000: 259, fig. 16), Icadios, Theseus visiting Poseidon, Arion (above, n. 108) and Hesiods dead corpse. See in general Stebbins 1923: 62-81 & Beaulieu 2008: 79-85. For a good and updated discussion of dolphin-riders in visual arts, see Ambrosini 1999-2000: 261-271. On archaic monuments, see also Vidali 1997: 147148. The widespread belief that the dolphins rescue humans in danger is not incredible, to judge from modern reports: see Green 1978: 77. Pliny, NH 9, 24-27, mentions a domesticated dolphin ridden by a school-boy in Hippo (Bizerta). On modern dolphin-riders, see Higham 1960. 159 This is a recurrent topos in Greek literature, and has been fruitfully explored in the past, most notably by Maass 1888; Slater 1976 & Davies 1978. Dolphins appear on the rim of kraters and bowls as early as the late 7th century BC (Isler
151
1977). On a very interesting attic black-figured cup of the Segment Class, found at Utice, two dolphins swim around two transport amphorae (Maffre 2007: 111, fig. 4). 160 For sources see Csapo 2003: 78, n. 20.Not just dolphins, but also fish are thought of as dancing in a circle: Lawler 1941: 153-154. 161 A cotyle from the Anaploga Well shows a padded dancer swimming towards a large dolphin: Corinth C 62 449: Davies 1978, 78 and fig. 8; Csapo 2003: 85-86, fig. 4.9. See also the vases cited in nn. 40-43. 162 Beaulieu 2008: 135-137. 163 Descoeudres 2000: 325-329. The most noted monument is the Tomb of the Lioness in Tarquinia (end of the 6th century). The list of mirrors cited by Descoeudres (329, nn. 20-24) has five items, all in Berlin (Fr 15, Fr 18, Fr 25, Fr 31 and Fr 32). Descoeudres finds Dionysiac connections for all but one (Berlin Fr. 18: Eos and Kephalos). However, as a rapid survey in Etruskische Spiegel and other Corpora makes clear, there are many more pertinent documents, with subjects that do not betray any dionysiac overtone (Gorgoneion, Peleus and Thetis, Menerva and Akrathe, Herakles and Lasa, the adornment of Turan, etc.). For dolphins on Etruscan vases, see above, n. 29. Dolphins also appear on Hellenistic urns: see de Spagnolis 2004: 68, n. 7, for references. 164 DAgostino 1999, offers a summary of earlier debates on the interpretation of two key documents, The Tomb of the Diver in Paestum and the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing in Tarquinia. For the sea as a metaphor for death, see also Daraki 1982. 165 Ambrosini 1999-2000: 267; Romizzi 2002: 68; de Spagnolis 2004: 67-68 & 73; Beaulieu 2008: 132138. Descoeudres 2000: 334, goes as far as to suggest that the original eschatological meaning of the legend the accession to Dionysiac Underworld of eternal bliss via the transformation of adepts into dolphins, was misunderstood by non initiates, like the poet of the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus.
485
S T U D IA AR C HAEO L O G I C A 186
50 -Uhlenbrock, J. P. 51 52 53 54 55 -Cavagnaro Vanoni L., Serra Ridgway, F. R. -Rallo, A. (a cura di) -Calcani, G. -Morandi, A. -Favaretto, I. - The Terrecotta Protomai from Gela: A Discussion of Local Style in Archaic Sicily, 1989. - Vasi etruschi a figure rosse. Dagli scavi della Fondazione Lerici nella necropoli dei Monterozzi a Tarquinia, 1989. - Le donne in Etruria, 1989. - Cavalieri di bronzo. La torma di Alessandro opera di Lisippo, 1989. - Epigrafia di Bolsena etrusca, 1990. - Arte antica e cultura antiquaria nelle collezioni venete al tempo della Serenissima, 1990. - Artigiani e botteghe nellItalia preromana. Studi sulla coroplastica di area etrusco-laziale-campana, 1990. - Il principato di Apollo. Mito e propaganda nelle lastre Campana dal tempio di Apollo Palatino, 1990. - Gli scavi a Vulci della societ Vincenzo Campanari - Governo Pontificio (18351837), 1991. - The Twelve Labours of Hercules on Roman Sarcophagi, 1992. - Terra sigillata tardo italica decorata, 1992. - Septimia Zenobia Sebaste, 1993. - Genova romana. Mercato e citt dalla tarda et repubblicana a Diocleziano dagli scavi del colle di Castello (Genova-S. Silvestro 2), 1993. - Archeologia Cristiana, 1993. - Le terrecotte figurate da Cales del Museo Nazionale di Napoli. Sacro stile committenza, 1993. - Monumenti e culture nellAppennino in et romana. Atti del Convegno. Sestino, 12 nov. 1989, 1993. - Catacombe di Comodilla. Lucerne e altri materiali dalle gallerie 1, 8, 13, 1993. - Archaic terracottas di Boeotia, 1993. - Lantichit marginale. Continuit dellarte provinciale ro mana nel Rinascimento, 1993. - La policromia nella statuaria greca arcaica, 1994. - Studi di archeologia della x Regio in ricordo di Michele Tombolani, 1994. - Erotica pompeiana. Iscrizioni damore sui muri di Pom pei, 1994. - Rmische Memoiren, Knstler, Kunstliebhaber und Gelehrte (1893-1943), 1994. - The Dendrites in pre-Christian and Christian HistoricalLiterary Tradition and Iconography, 1994. - Latleta di Fano, 1994. - Museo Maffeiano. Iscrizioni e rilievi sacri latini, 1995. - Dai Palazzi assiri, 1995.
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63 -Deichmann, F. W. 64 -Ciaghi, S. 65 -Renzi, G. C. (a cura di) 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 -Marconi Cosentino, R., Ricciardi, L. -Szab, M. -Calcagni, G. -Manzelli, V. -Scarf, B. M. -Varone, A. -Pollak, L. (M. M. Guldan ed.) -Charalampidis, C. P. -Viacava, A. -Modonesi, D. -Dolce, R., Nota Santi, M. (a cura di) -Barbanera, M.
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- Lager nord-occidentale della citt di Mutina. Il popolamento nel carpigiano e nella media pianura dalla romanizzazione al tardoantico-altomedioevo, 2004. 127 - Minetti, A. - Orientalizzante a Chiusi e nel suo territorio, 2004. 128 - de Spagnolis, M. - Il mito omerico di Dionysos ed i pirati tirreni in un documento da Nuceria Alfaterna, 2004. - Archeologia al femminile. Il cammino delle donne nella disciplina archeologica 129 - Nicotra , L. attraverso le figure di otto archeologhe classiche vissute dalla met dellOttocento ad oggi, 2004. 130 - Conventi, M. - Struttura ed urbanistica delle citt romane. Quaranta casi a confronto, 2004. 131 - Di Matteo, F. - La villa di Nerone a Subiaco. Il complesso dei Simbruina Stagna, 2004. - De rebus nauticis larte della navigazione nel mondo antico, 2004. 132 - Medas, S. 133 - Corso, A. - The Art of Praxiteles. The Development of Praxiteles workshop and its cultural tradition until the sculptors acme (364-1 BC), 2004. 134 - Ciarallo, A. - Flora Pompeiana, 2004. 135 - Morandi Tarabella, M. - Prosopographia etrusca I. Corpus, 1, Etruria meridionale, 2005. - Labra di et romana in marmi bianchi e colorati, 2005. 136 - Ambrogi, A. 137 - Giavarini, C. - La Basilica di Massenzio. Il monumento, i materiali, le strutture e la stabilit, 2005. 138 - Car, A. - LOrnato architettonico della Basilica di Massenzio, 2005. 139 - Sciacca, F. - Patere baccellate in bronzo. Oriente, Grecia, Italia in et orientalizzante, 2005. 140 - Giavarini, C. - The Basilica of Maxentius. Monument, Materials, Construction and Stabillity, 2005. - I sepolcri padovani di Santa Giustina. Il sarcofago 75-1879 del Victoria and Al141 - Zampieri, C. bert Museum di Londra e altri sarcofagi della Basilica di Santa Giustina in Padova, 2006. 142 - Bellelli, V. - La tomba principesca dei Quattordici Ponti nel contesto di Capua arcaica, 2006. 143 - Pesando, F. - Gli ozi di Ercole. Residenze di lusso a Pompei ed ErcoGuidobaldi, M. P. lano, 2006. 144 - Cuomo di Caprio, N. - Ceramica in archeologia 2. Antiche tecniche di lavorazione e moderni metodi di indagine. Nuova edizione ampliata, 2007. 145 - Attanasio D., Brilli M., Ogle, N. - The Isotopic Signature of Classical Marbles, 2006. 146 - Bonfante, L., Fowlkes, B. (eds.) - Classical Antiquities at New York University, 2006. Pandolfini Angeletti, M. - Archeologia in Etruria meridionale. Atti delle Giornate di studio in ricordo di Ma147 - (a cura di) rio Moretti, Civita Castellana, 14-15 novembre 2003, 2006. 148 - Equizzi, R. - Palermo San Martino delle Scale, la collezione archeologica. Storia della collezione e catalogo della ceramica, 2006. 149 - Petraccia, M. F. (a cura di) - Camillo Ramelli e la cultura antiquaria dellOttocento, (Sentinum II) 2006. - De Re Metallica, dalla produzione antica alla copia 150 - Cavallini, M., Gigante, G. E. (a cura di) moderna, 2006. 151 - De Carolis, E. - Il mobile a Pompei ed Ercolano. Letti, tavoli, sedie e armadi. Contributo alla tipologia dei mobili della prima et imperiale, 2007. 152 - Giudice, G. - Il tornio, la nave, le terre lontane. Ceramografi attici in Magna Grecia nella seconda met del V sec. a.C. Rotte e vie di distribuzione, 2007. - The Art of Praxiteles II. The Mature Years, 2007. 153 - Corso, A. 154 - Caprioli, F. - Vesta Aeterna. L Aedes Vestae e la sua decorazione architettonica, 2007. 155 - Thorn, D. M. - The Four Season of Cyrene, 2007. 156 - De Miranda, A. - Water Architecture in the Lands of Syria. The Water-Wheels, 2007. - I santuari di Asclepio in Grecia. I, 2007. 157 - Melfi, M. 158 - Marchesini, S. - Prosopographia etrusca. II, Studia, 1, Gentium Mobilitas, 2007. 159 - Luni, M. (a cura di) - Domus di Forum Sempronii. Decorazione e arredo, 2007. 160 - Montanaro Andrea, C. - Ruvo di Puglia e il suo territorio. Le necropoli. I corredi funerari tra la documentazione del XIX secolo e gli scavi moderni, 2007. 161 - Thorn, D. M., Thorn, J. C. F.S.A - A Gazetteer of the Cyrene Necropolis, 2008. 162 - Medri, M. (a cura di) - Sentinum. Ricerche in corso I, 2008. 163 - Medri, M. (a cura di) - Sentinum 295 a.C. - Sassoferrato 2006. 2300 anni dopo la battaglia. Una citt romana tra storia e archeologia, 2008. 164 - Pisani, M. - Camarina. Le terrecotte figurate e la ceramica da una fornace di V e IV secolo a.C., 2008. 165 - Todisco, L. - Il Pittore di Arpi. Mito e societ nella Daunia del tardo IV secolo a.C., 2008. 126 - Corti, C.
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18 Paleothodoros 1

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Storia Archeologia Antropologia

LE ORIGINI DEGLI ETRUSCHI

Storia Archeologia Antropologia

Le origini degli Etruschi

PREMESSA (Oscar Belvedere)

Introduzione (Vincenzo Bellelli)

Atti del seminario di Agrigento (9 febbraio 2011)

17 49 85 105 143 153

Le tradizioni letterarie sulle origini degli Etruschi: status quaestionis

249 279 295 345 359 383

XI Origini etrusche, origini italiche e lerudizione antiquaria settecentesca (Stefano Bruni) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XVIII Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates (Dimitris Paleothodoros) .

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

The myth in literature

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Fig. 4. Munich, Antikensammlungen 8729. After Kernyi 1976: fig. 51.

The Munich cup by Exekias

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dolphins, Dionysus and Etruria

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates

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