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SOUTH AFRICAN PERMACULTURE: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY PERSPECTIVE

A Thesis

Presented to
The Faculty of Graduate Studies
of

The University of Guelph

by

CATHERINE PHILLIPS

In partial fulfilment of requirements


for the degree of

Master of Arts

August, 1999

O Catherine Phillips, 1999

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ABSTRACT
SOUTH AFRICAN PERMACULTURE: a political ecology perspective

Catherine Phillips University of Guelph, 1999

Advisor: Professor A. Winson

Permaculture has been introduced as a means of dealing with poverty in South Afn'can disadvantaged

h e application, usefulness and challenges of these pemacuhre pm@Ascommunities. This thesis questions t
Using a political ecology framework, four primary questions were posed: has there been increased food security?; has regeneration of t h e environment occurred?; are participation and efficacy evident?; and what are common project challenges and their possible resolutions? To this end, four cases of applied permaculture and two non-governmental organisations that promote petmaculture within South AFn'ca were investigated through participatory methods. Although there are many obstacles to success, permacuiture offers a productive way
to increase food security and environmental regeneration while facilitating participation and efficacy in

disadvantaged South African communities. In the final section suggestions are made to improve the projects and create a more conducive atmosphere for their success. Recommendations encompass three broad areas: ideological change, improved capacity-building, and stronger networking.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Canadian International Development Agency,

without which this project could not have occurred. 1 would like to thank my thesis committee, Professor Peter Stoett and ProfessorAnthony Winson, for their wisdom and guidance. Additionally Ithank Professor William Graf for providing such inspiration and encouragement.

For their support during the field research portion of this study I acknowledge Trees for Africa and

Abalimi, in particular thanks to Debby Ryder and Landy Wright for their friendship and guidance. Thank-you to each of the people involved in the case studies for spending the time and for being willing to share a part of their lives. Specific thanks go to Thoko Shabalala, Chris Zondi, Joy Nightingale, Robeena Mccurdy. Dave Golding, Ewald and Jeannine Viljeon, and Beauty Moore- Additionally, Iwish to express my appreciation of the school children I had the privilege of sharing time with, for the fun and enthusiasm that they inspired.

I thank my mother and father for their strength, and for their support and faith in me I thank every

member of the Amort family. My final thanks go to Anita for being such a wonderful friend and to Scott for his constant love, support and patience-

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION

... . . . . . . , . . , . . . . . -......
-.-.-.-.-.H ..W .W .. W . . -.

.......................................... . . . .. 128
- r+--r-rr-r-rrrr --rr--rrr---r+rtr-rrrrrr

INTRODUCTION ----.---------,,,..~~~~~------~--~-~-~--~-1 ~ 28- - - ~ - ~ FOOD SECURIW.................................................................................................... 132 ENVIRONMENTAL REGENERATION ---- ------------~ ~ 135 ~ PAR~CIPATIUN AND EFFICACY -,----------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------- 138

..-.., . . . . . . . .......-..--.--...-....-... .....................-.. . 161 APPENDIX It: SAMPLE INTERVIEW OF NGO EMPLOYEE ...................................................... -..........-..........-162 APPENDIX Ill: SAMPLE SURVEY QUESTIONS FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN .............................. ......-..-. . . 163 APPENDIX IV: SAMPLE SURVEY QUESTIONS FOR NGO BOARD AND COMMITTEE MEMBERS..................164 APPENDIX V: QUESTIONSFOR PERMACULTURE APPLICATION ASSESSMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .-..-...-. . . . . -.-...... 165 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY...... , ..... --. . . .......---.. . .............. ........................... 167
APPENDIX I: SAMPLE PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW

iii

LIST OF FIGURES

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10 Figure 1:Proposed Levels of Analysis for Political Ecology . Figure 2: Levels of Analysis Diagram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Figure 3: Map of South Afiica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 . Figure 4: Autonomous Black States of South Afiica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Figure 5: Location of Case Studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .86 Figure 6: The Viljeon Farm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Figure 7: Harding Special School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 8: Location of Case Studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .110 Figure 9: Tusong Youth Centre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I12 Figure 10: Bongolethu Community School Plan . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119

INTRODUCTION
The 'new' South Africa faces a multitude of challenges in the post-apartheid reality. Its citizens are in the process of reevaluating and reforming their entire society, not simply revising governmental policies.
The black majority in South Africa suffers high levels of poverty created during the previous decades of

apartheid.

Ofparticularconcern in disadvantaged communities is the issue of access to resources such as

food, income, housing, and education- Ecological degradation and limited control over decision-making exacerbate these conditions of poverty- Neither poverty nor ecdogical destruction has been mitigated by previous efforts to develop regions or localities in South Africa- It is increasingly clear that a new approach offering a more integrated and participatory analysis is necessary.

Sustainable development is often lauded as providing this type of perspective as i t purports to balance the concerns of development with those of the environment Although development agencies are currently making efforts to integrate these principles in their plans, access to resources, food insecurity, ecological destruction, and lack of popular participation all remain largely unresolved problems. Sustainable development is inadequate in its 'holism' and the 'resolutions' generally endorsed by sustainable development advocates ignore the changes necessary to properly address issues of true sustainability (Sachs, 1993). It does not simply require an additional column on the balance sheet to account for natural resources, nor does it simply require 'people's participation' in projects- A change is necessary in the very

way we think and behave in and about society and nature. As Harvey notes:
All ecological projects (and arguments) are simul!aneously political-economic projects (and arguments) and vice versa, Ecological arguments are never socially neutral any more than sociopolitical arguments are ecotogically neutral. Looking more closely at the way ecology and politics interrelate then becomes imperative if we are to get a better handle on how to approach environrnental/ecologicalquestions. (1993: 25)

The complex issues of food insecurity, unemployment, disempowerrnent and environmental degradation in South Africa are being addressed with the use of 'permaculture'. Several individual and community projects are attempting to follow permaculture's principles and methods that endorse holism and

interconnection as paramount to social and productive systems, Permaculture is also being promoted by non-governmental organisations and community based organisations throughout the country as an approach to alternative community development Permaculture was defined in 1988 as 'the conscious design and maintenance of agriculturally productive ecosystems which have the diversity, stability and resilience of natural ecosystems. It is the harmonious integration of landscape and people providing their food, energy, shelter, and other material and non-material needs in a sustainable way' (Mollison, 1988). Although this definition is a somewhat limited reflection of the evolution permaculture's meaning, it provides a useful beginning to understanding permaculture's applicability. In theory, permaculture would provide

increased popular participation, access to resources, and regenerate the environment in community projects.

p a r il c t The question becomes whether this theoretical improvement is evident in the c

implementation

of permaculture in South African disadvantagedcommunities. In order to investigate this possibility, four primary questions are addressed in this research. The first twm questions ask whether or not tangible benefits are offered by permaculture applications. The first enquires whether food security has improved for participants in the study, while the second, evaluates whether ecological regeneration has occurred. For t h e purposes of this study, food security is considered primarily on a local level. It is not enough that South Africa as a country is a net exporter of food, suggesting that there is adequate amounts of food for the population. Issues of access become the main focus in this debate. Thus, food security is defined as a household having consistent access to nutritious and adequate amounts of food, which are culturally acceptable and promote an active and healthy life. This definition brings the discussion of food security to a local level and allows a discussion of social, political, and economic restrictions.

Ecological regenemon is the second tangible benefit that is examined in this study. Given the degraded state of ecology in most disadvantaged communities, urban or rural, this is a vital issue. In this research, regeneration of the surrounding ecology refers to some obvious improvement in the environment that

has r e d u d or reversed the cycle of degradation. The question of whether ecological regeneration has occurred in the projects allows for a more thorough investigation of the level of degradation in areas using permaculture, an analysis of methods employed to deal with this degradation, and discussions of various alternatives for improving this process. It is ako necessary to investigate the level of understanding of environmental issues and their overall perceived importance within the project

Food security and ecological restoration are not the only tangible benefits offered by pemacultureon a

o u t h Africa permaculture projects have been promoted primarily on the basis of theoretical level. However, in S
addressing these concerns. Thus, it is important that these questions are considered in context Although food security and ecological regenerationare both related to technical and social relations within the projects, it is the third question of this study that is meant to more directly address social relations.

The third question asks whether permacultureprojects are participatory and whether the general use of participatory methods is promoted through the projkts. The level of efficacy experienced by the participants is also examined since it was determined that a major goal of these projects was to allow for empowerment of participants. Cook states:
an individual becomes more powerful (the essence of empowerment) when she grows in the subjective sense of feeling able to do things hitherto out of reach; when she develops the ability to do things which were not previously within his or her competence; and when doors of opportunity, which were previousIy closed, swing open to allow access to information, influence and opportunity. (Fitzgerald et al, 1995: 288)

The definition of what constitutes participation and efficacy within a project, community or organisation requires
that the views of the participants themselves be taken into account, along with accepted theoretical

conceptualisations.

One of the aims of these perrnacuiture projects is to create 'spaces of control' where individuals and

collectives increase their ability to make and control decisions by altering influential relations of power. Thus, an investigation of the possibilities of shared knowledge and action, the present relations of power, and obstacles to

change need to be examined to begin to understand this question, Although permaculture does not explicitly insist on equitable relations between people, it does imply this through its principles and it is logical to assume that strong invoivement and commitment on behalf of participants are necessary conditions for t h e successful creation of a sustainable system. The ability, will and conditions of choice of participants, along with their social identities, are significant in forming an understanding of this question. Participation and efficacy in these projects are predominantly concerned with a focal level analysis, as benefits only become real when the participants recognise them as benefits, However, national and international levels were also considered as possible inffuences on the levels of participation and efficacy-

The final research question seeks to discover the common challenges of the projects, as well as finding means of dealing with these challenges more effectively. As a supplementary discussion, how to duplicate the successes of case projects is also asked. Enquiry into these questions requires examination and reinterpretation of the biophysical and social relations within and influencing the projects. As this study is predominantly concerned with the local and national contexts, issues especially pertinent at these levels of analysis formed the foci of this deliberation.

In order to address these research questrons properly, it was necessary to use a multidisciplinary and layered theoretical framework that mncentrated on the complex relations between society and nature. Political ecology was chosen as such a framework. Swift defines political ecology as the investigation of the dialectic between human relationships in communities and their natural and social environments (1993). As this theory
has concentrated on local level case studies based on the livelihood struggles of communities, it seemed

especially relevant to this research. Access to resources and relations of power within society are extensively explored in works by political ecologists and relate strongly to the questions posed in this work.

There has been a redefinition of 'environmenf by disadvantaged communities in South A h , and elsewhere, to reflect a broader meaning. This definition refers not only to ecological concerns but also

encompasses 'the places where people live, wok and play'. This redefinition allows social justice issws that
had previously been neglected by some environmental discourse and a c v its im

to be amounted for in a more

comprehensive manner. The emphasis on environmental justice is increasingly reflected in theoretical debates in political ecology through the debates over the relations between ecological integrity, social empowerment and basic needs. This fact strengthenedthe applicability of a political ecology fiamework to this particular study.

However, there are several limitations to the use of political ecology. Most irnpof?antly, the relations
between levels of analysis remain vague, leaving the option open for almost any relationto be explanatory; there

is a strong rural bias, leaving the urban context largely unexplored and connections between the two areas iu t c ie r ignored; and although there is a strongq of the dominant politicaleconomy, there is no alternative offered.

In reference to this final point, political ecology does state that radical change is necessary. Through

t is realistic to assume that any viable alternative would involve the construction interpretationof the framework, i
of sustainable livelihoods through participatory and integrated processes. Permaculture seems to fit within this interpretation as both a strategy and discourse. Thus, despite the many limitations of political ecology it was deemed most appropriate to determine the usefulness (or lack thereof) of permaculture in South Afn'can disadvantaged communities.

Chapter Outlines

The first chapter begins by offering an elaboration of the theory of politicalecology. After a brief history, the branch of 'Third WorM' political ecology is pursued to provide the framework used in this study. The levels of analysis used in the theory are explored, as is the concept of a 'chain of explanation'. This study has focussed on the exploration of local and national levels and as such, the discussion of theoretical relevance is elaborated at these levels. Issues of access to resources, social idenbty and dkcourse each factor into this analysis and
are reflected in this treatment of political ecology. Within political ecology environmental justice has received

particular attention in recent years. Since this is a growing interest in South A h , the concepts involved are

explored in slightly more detail than some other pomical ecology issues. The second component of the chapter concentrates on providing a basic definition and understanding of what exactly permaculture is. The final section of the chapter deals with the methods used and limitations experienced during the course of this
research.

The second chapter attempts to provide a summary of the situation faced in South Africa as it might relate to permaculture issues This discussion concentrates on the national level and addresses politics,
economics, environment, and social realities. h each case, efforts by the government to address the

problematic areas through policies and programmes are considered. At some points analysis and summation
proved quite difficult since revisions to these policies and programmes are occurring constantly, and relevant statistics were not always available (or consistent) for post-apartheid years. It is generally concluded in this

chapter that the situation of poverty faced by a majority of the black population has not been substantially altered, that more assertive approaches to legislation are necessary, and that alternative developmentstrategies should be more persistently expiored,

The case studies are the subject of the next three chapters. The first of these three chapters explores the role of non-governmental organisations in promoting alternative development Two nongovemmentai organisations (NGOs) are studied in detail to provide a better understanding of the atmosphere faced and created by NGOs. The first organisation, Trees for Afn'ca, functions on a national level. While the second case. Abalimi, focuses its work locally in the townships of Cape Town. Both of these organisations are involved in the promotion of permaculture methods and principles thtough various campaigns and projects. They have also had contact or influence in the cases of implementedpermaculture that are investigated.

Implemented permaculture projects at four different locations were studied. In order to gain a strong understandingof the broad applicabilityof permaculture both rural and urban projects were investigated. During the field research period it became clear that schools play a significant role in the use and promotion of

permaculture in South Africa so two schools were included in the site selection, Four cases in all are detailed. Two are situated in rural contexts: a privately owned farm where the managers are attempting to establish a permaculture institute, and a primary school for s a p le c i needs children. Bdh of these cases are located in the

h e first is in the northeast while the second is in the southwest of the province of KwaZulu Natal. although t
province. These cases form the substance of the fourtfi chapter. The two urban cases are detailed in t h e next chapter. The first of these cases is located in Alexandra (a township outside of Johannesburg) and involves young offenders from the area.

The second urban case is a community primary school in Philippi(a settlement

outside of Cape Town). In all three case study chapters, a section that makes obsewations and specific proposals for the improvementat each location fbllows the descriptionsof each of the cases.

The final chapter deals more generally with the applicability of permaculture to the South African
context The research questions regarding the tangible improvements of food security and ecological

regeneration and the levels of and potential for participation and efficacy are discussed. It is concluded that the use of permaculture has been beneficial in each of these areas, in some cases more than others. However, substantial improvement could (and need be) made. Chapter six also identifies common challenges to the proiects and offers more general proposals for promoting the use of permaculture, or other alternative development strategies, on national and local levels. Recommendations for ideological change, improved capacrty-building and stronger networking are detailed.

CHAPTER ONE: THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Political Ecolonv
History

Political ecology has evolved as an interdisciplinary approach used to analyze the connections between social, economic, political and ecological realities. It was first articulated in the 1970s in response to the lack of theory offering an interdisciplinary analysis focussed on integrating land-use practices and political economy- Political ecologists used an interpretation of Marxist and neo-Marxist theory to investigate the global political economy with an explicit focus on local level analysis and environment This created a bias toward investigating peasant and agrarian communities. Although this focus has expanded to include other communities, the emphasis of political ecology studies remains largely based on rural localities. The growth in interest in environmental issues and the politicization of those issues during the 1980s (especially in the form of Green parties) was also a fundamental factor in political ecology's literary development. Additionally, Peet and Watts suggest that 'a renewed institutional concern with the

consequences of high rates of demographic growth' in 'developing' areas of (he world during the 1980s influenced political ecologists (1996: 5).

Two broad types of political ecology have evolved. The first school deals primarily with the analytic

and strategic study of environmental movements, their translation into political parties, and their pursuit of political power within the established institutional framework. This type of study is often referred to as the investigation of the 'politicization of environmental concerns' (Hershkovitz, 1993: 328-329). Concentrated largely in North America and European countries, this type of political ecology often focuses on 'green' platforms, parties andlor movements (see Roussopoulos, 1993)- It attempts to offer a way to understand environmental issues as well as a programme for change - some using ethics as a basis for argument and others avoiding that precept. According to Atkinson this version of political ecology provides 'a steady

growth of ideas and initiatives that can be interpreted as -and are certainly understood by those involved to
be - pointing toward radical changes in the political and social settlement as a whole' (Atkinson, 1991: 21).

The second type of political ecology is concerned more with the relations of land users and their

environment, which is defined in a wide sense to include social arenas as well as ecology. Referred to as the study of 'human-environment relations' this political ecology attempts to gain understanding of specific situations faced by land users in their lives- This interest has manifested in a large number of case studies focussed in 'developing worfd' localities, including Amozonia (Schmink and Wood, 1987), the Ivory Coast (Bassett, l988), Portugal (Black, 1WO), Mexico (Sheridan, 1988). Zimbabwe (Bebbington, 1996) and Honduras (Stonich, 1995). These cases generally concentrate on communities in a local context. their struggles for livelihood, the distribution of resources and how the local reality is influenced by, and influences, different levels of political economy.

It is this second area of study that Bryant has identified as 'an emerging agenda for Third World studies'. Hetcht and Cockburn agree, stating that environmental discussions regarding the Third World have generally disregarded the historical and economic realities through emphasis on the relation of conservation and development- Due to this inappropriate framework and the desperate living conditions of much of the populace in the Third World, organisations and movements are moving toward defining environmental issues in a more general manner. Questions are increasingly focussed on 'resource distribution and access, political rights and processes, as well as the larger philosophical issues..- and the technical and development alternatives' (1992: 375). The integration of social justice issues and ecological concerns is generally referred to as environmental justice (see later in this chapter for a more detailed discussion). This integration allows an emphasis on relations that have been neglected in previous natural resource management schemes.

The articulation of this second branch of political ecology is perhaps most associated with Blaikie and Brookfield (1987). According to these authors, political ecology 'combines the concerns of ecology and a broadly defined political economy'. This definition is offered in their attempt to analyze 'the constantly shifting dialectic between society and land-based resources, and also within classes and groups within society itself' (1987: 17). In their book Land Daradation and Society, these authors attempt to establish an integrated framework to analyze human and physical approaches to land degradation. They begin their 'levels of analysis' model with 'land managers' on a local level (see Figure 1). However, they also emphasize the importance of investigating how 'external' structures, especially international capital and the state, impinge on decision-making at the local level and how these relations change over time. They argue
that 'While the physical reasons why land becomes degraded belong mainly in the realm of natural science.

the reasons why adequate steps are not taken to counter the effects of degradation lie squarely within the

realm of social science' (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987: 2). Although the implications of this point are debatable, the importance assigned to the social sciences in dealing with land degradation remains undisputed by political ecologists.
Figure I : Proposed Levels oFAnalvsis for Political EcoIow

Social Relations/Issues

Crop Rotations. fuelwood use, interactions with other land/resource users. local environmental variables Settlement history, land use and property relations, sensitivity and resilience of biome. Regional investment, taxation, subsidies, research funding, land tenure and reform.

UnitIA,aencv (who determines the parameters of choice) Land/resource manager Co-ops, tribal authorities, rural deveioprnent administration, agricultural extension Agricultural and Coriservation planning, [ Marketing control boards. National I government policy. / World markets, IMF. World Bank. Multinationals. Creditor nations. NGOs.

Scale Local

Regional

National International

Increasing commodification of land. labour and produce, Third World debt. aid-

I
I

Sourcc: Wulsohn, I 9 9 1 :499 as derived tkom Blaikic and Brooktkld ( 1987).

Bryant suggests that although Blaikie and Brookfield's definition is a useful starting point, especiaIIy if 'land' is changed to simply 'environment' (1992: 13), a fuiler description is necessary. This revision would 'revolve around a clarification of the impact of unequal power relations on the nature and direction of

human-environmental interaction in the Third World' (1997:8). In his work, Bryant focuses on evolving a specific political ecology applicable to the Third World and how this version differs from political ecology analysis that might be done in other parts of the world. He suggests that 'Third World political ecology' is differentiated from other political ecology study, at least in part, by its radicaI character- According to Bryant. this is evident in two basic beliefs of Third World political ecologists, First, 'political ecologists emphasize that the Third World's environmental problems are not simply a reflection of policy failure, but rather are a manifestation of broader political and economic forces associated notably with the global spread of

) . And second, that 'the oniy way that the Third Worfdrs environmental problems capitalism' (Bryant, 1997: 8 ) . In can be resolved is through radical changes to the local and global political economy' (Bryant, 1997: 8
essence, Bryant argues that political ecology 'may be defined as an inquiry into the political sources, conditions and ramifications of environmental change...if mussing] on the interplay of diverse socio-political forces, and the relationship of those forces to environmentalchange' (Bryant, 1991: 165).

It is questionable whether a separate political ecology can be developed for the 'Third World'

- or

h i s would be desirable. In defending his belief in Third World political ecology, Bryant even whether t
argues:
A colonial legacy of global economic integration and dependency, environmental degradation, and central political control conditions environmental use and conflict in postcolonial times so as to distinguish the Third World from elsewhere... although poverty elsewhere is not to be denied, the sheer scale of the problem in the Third World stands out Such poverty, in turn. ensures that environmental conflicts in the Third World are predominantly livelihood-based. Indeed, Third Wortd political ecology explores the connections between poverty and wealth, environmental degradation and politics that are neglected by the mainstream literature. (1997: 10)

This suggests that the difference may be rooted in both the local conditions of the cases as well as the theoretical approach of the researchers, However, the arguments made by Bryant seem validly applicable to other contexts, perhaps just less obviously so, disputing the claim that a separate theory is necessary.

Bryant offers a simple version of the research areas of political ecology in his 1992 article "Putting Politics First: the political ecology of sustainable development". He emphasizes that these areas are inter-

related and overlap- The first area of study suggested by Bryant is an examination of the general and contextual 'environmental impacts of the state and its policies, interstate relations, and global capitalism'. Studies in this vein are reflective of the increasing impact of 'globalization' in national and transnational contexts (see Stonich, 1995; Peiuso, 1993; Moore, 1996: Bebbington, 1996)- The second thematic area deals with the regional effects of a changing environment and conflict over access in these regions. Part of

t h i s category is comprised of the works discussing how 'disadvantaged' people or communities defend their
environments and livelihoods (see Pulido, 1996; Scott, 1985). The final area of investigation analyses the 'effects of environmental change on socio-economic and political relationships'.

Bryant suggests that this theme is particularly relevant to Third World studies since it deals with the fact that 'the impact of environmental change is rarely neutral, and may well reinforce prevailing socioeconomic inequalities' (1991: 166). This theme would be reflective of critiques of sustainable development

(see Sachs, 1993; Escobar, 1996), advocacy of environmental or ecological justice (see Hetcht and
Cockbum, 1992; Bullard, 1994; Faber, 1998; Low and Gleeson, 1998) as well as being applicable to local level case studies. Bryant suggests that 'The development of the Third World environmental problems are linked to political processes, and it is only through political means that a solution to those problems will be devised' (1997: 9). If each of the areas identified are fused into a single framework of political ecology, the inherent recognition of various levels of analysis, inter-relations between these levels othenivise, and need for inter-disciplinary study becomes quite clear.

- political and

In their recent book, Liberation Ecolwies, Peet and Watts (1996) offer a slightly more differentiated version of the themes of political ecology, suggesting six related subject areas. Their divisions, although obviously overlapping (as were Bryant's), provide a more useful means of separating the vast amount of literature included in political ecology. The first division offered is the attempt by various scholars to refine Marxist and neo-Marxist versions of political economy within political ecology. This category of literature discusses the social relations of production and the impacts on unequal patterns of accumulation within

societies. The journal Capitalism. Nature and Socialism provides a venue for various discussions of this
type, generally focussed on Third World case study evidence- Much of this literature focuses on rural

societal relations. However, if the analysis is to move forward it will be necessary to more adequately deal with urban dynamics (Hawey, 1996), rather than just a cursory statement about urbanization's effect on rural areas-

i t h political The second division of the literature is referred to as the further integration of politics w
ecology. In particular this has been done through a n a y n z lig political action, at focal or global levels (see

Broad and Cavanagh, 1993: Pulido, 1996). Here the focus is on how different groups within a society are affected by changes in the broadly defined environment Political ecologists argue that 'environmental change not only signifies wealth creation for some and impoverishmentfor others, it also alters the ability of actors to control or resist other actors' (Bryant and Bailey, 1997: 29). This division includes gender focussed analysis, such as that offered by eco-feminists, as well as investigation of organized political parties or environmentaljustice movements.

This second area of study attempts to address the critiques of political ecobgy that its account of local politics is inadequate (Black, 1990: 44) and the 'romanticization' of local struggles may lead to a misunderstanding of real intents. This critique suggests that political ecology assumes that there is a consensus of actors within the struggles. which also coincides with political ecology's interests. In both cases, this assumption limits the potential to understand local initiatives and obscures dynamics that political ecology claims to address. According to Black 'most of the world's peasantry would not wish to withdraw from the market, not least because individually, they derive material benefit from such linkages' (Black, 1990: 42). The question of how to ensure that local knowledge and opinion give rise to sustainable options has yet to be adequately addressed by political ecology; however, the focus on civil society linkages and discourses will hopefully bring these questions to the fore.

The third focus involves the discovery and articulation of the linkages between political ecology and the institutions of civil society, The proliferation of these institutions in recent years has made questions of how they evolve and why, their methods of articulation of demands, and links to local knowledge bases especially pertinent (see Escobar, 1992,1996; Ghai and Vivian, 1992). Escobar makes the importance of

n his statement that 'social movements and communities are increasingly faced social movements clear i
with the double task of building alternative productive rationallty's and strategies on the one hand, and of resisting culturally the inroads of new forms of capital and technology into the fabric of nature and culture'
(1996: 327).

In many of the works in this category the applicability to and inclusion of local people and knowledge bases in institutions is emphasized. However, it has also been noted that 'local livelihood struggles are not unproblematic, and the enthusiasm to embrace local movements in many cases appears to have glossed over important internal contradictions and differentiations within local groups' (Walker, 1998: 137). The challenge here is to find a balance between different levels of analysis without

romanticizing the unity of movements or the motivationslgoals of participants.

The fourth theme is referred to as environmental history. These works offer alternative views of

history that more adequately take into account perceptions and biases affecting nature and ecology (see Merchant, 1995; the journal of Environmental History). The various interpretations of nature, the evolution of industry and capitalism, the advent of colonialism, and the changing local and global contexts are popular topics for these efforts to reinterpret in a historicaicontext Peet and Watts suggest that this theme of study, through its reinterpretative focus and historical analysis, provide political ecology with an otherwise missing depth.

The fifth area of study consists of attempts to link discourse theory with political ecology in challenging definitions and use of knowledge (see Escobar, 1996; Sachs, 1 992). Critiques of sustainable

development, expert knowledge, western science and technology, and conse~ationism are typical of this area. These critiques are often complemented by an advocacy of learning from and incorporating local knowledge systems through accepting a plurality of opinions in analysis- Hawey cautions porn-cai ecologists who might be too automatic about their support of local initiatives in discourse, or too focused on discourse in general: 'indigenous or pre-capitalist practices are not, therefore. necessarily superior or inferior to our own [western views] just because such groups possess discourses that avow respect for nature' (1996: 189). This quote suggests that actions of communities must be accounted for within studies of discourse and that romaticizationof practices or knowledge is inappropriate,

Atkinson also cautions discourse theorists, although he focuses on their critique of 'mainstream' movements and approaches, particularly 'environmental management'. He argues that this critique of the mainstream cannot go too far since in the future 'environmental management' will retain an important role and thus, is required to be part of the process. In fact, he suggests that since many 'radicals' are involved in 'reformist' measures in attempts to change the current situation, the line between many political ecologists and managerial environmentalists is not that easily detected. Whether this 'reformist involvement lends credence to mainstream discourse or whether it will be the long-term solution is debated within this fifth focus of political ecology. However, challenging established meanings and use of knowledge systems has contributed significantly to the usefulness of political ecology and should not be discounted.

Aside from critiques of the mainstream, this area discusses contesting views of meaning and history in the debate over resource access and control. This forms a major link between political ecology and discourse theory. Blaikie argued that 'by the act of viewing our environment we interact with it and bring to our view our own social construction' (1995: 204). Wilson states that 'me culture of nature - the ways we think, teach, talk about and construct the natural world - is as important a terrain for struggle as the land itself (as in Hannigan, 1995: 127). In an earlier publication Schmink and Wood argue that 'Ideas are never 'innocent'. Mental conceptions, including belief systems, morality, philosophy, and law, either reinforce or

challenge existing social and economic arrangements- And they do so actively, as biased participants in sociopoliticat intercourse' (1987: 51). Each of these quotations exemplifies the importance of meaning, interpretation and perception in analysis and research, without negating the possibility of usefir1analysis.

The final division offered by Peet and Watts refates to the revision of the 'ecology' of political ecology. In recent years there has been a questioning of the theory prevalent in the 1960s and 1970s. This theory of ecology suggested that ecosystems were wholly cooperative and indivisible systems (see Cockbum and Ridgeway, 1979). Newly developed theories, such as chaos theory, suggest that a revision of the conception of ecology may be necessary for more appropriate and relevant study (see Zimmerer,
1994; Worster, 1977). Pehaps investigating a balance between the dichotomy of chaos and order would be

more appropriate than a total revamp of the conception of ecology since it appears that both versions have something to contribute to analyses but neither can account for the complex reality alone. This approach would also be more reflective of the attempt of political ecology to investigate dynamics of change, rather than static relationships,

The major criticism of political ecology is that due to its multi-disciplinary approach, and the

s an observable vagueness to the theory. Peet resulting attempt to include so much in the analysis, there i
and Watts suggest that it might be seen more as similar areas of inquiry instead of a coherent theory. Black agrees that at this point political ecology falls short of providing the 'rational generalization' of theory. He recommends that 'the theoretical approach of the approach should be more rigorous and tightly defined1Atkinson suggests that this disinterest in theory may stem from 'a common view amongst some political ecoiogists that we are less in need of theory than effective action'. However, he adds that although 'it is clearly true that in the final analysis it doesn't matter what we think but what we do that will bring about or obviate the ecological denouement' it is inappropriateto think that well-thought out theory is unnecessary to appropriate analysis (1991: 39). The reality is that a complete and universal theory is not viable or acceptable and there must be an allowance for flexibility in analysis. Having said this however, clarification

and elaboration of some of the key relationshipssuggested by polka1ecology would be helpfirl in providing a more unified and consistent approach to the studies.

The categories, and accompanying literature, most relevant to this study are those that address livelihood based struggles to create alternative development projects, In the case of the divisions offered by
Peet and Watts, the discussions of the politics of political ecology in relation to political action and the

n relation to civil society are most pertinent, although some discussion of category of political ecology i
discourse is necessary for this study. In the latter analysis of the research then, these categories of thematic study will provide the focus, as the total literature of political ecology is simply too broad to be covered in this effort For this study the focal chain of analysis is that between national and local conditions and decision-making, With these parameters the following discussion focuses on the political ecology approach to livelihood based struggles. The next section provides a more complete discussion of

environmental justice, which provides a normative context for many of these livelihood struggles-

Ecological Justice

As mentioned earlier, previous definitions of the environment and issues of concern are perhaps

not relevant to the majority of Third World inhabitants.

Communities and activists have employed

environmental justice as a means of providing a more realistic definition of environment The concern of Third World governments and people with economic development, inappropriate structures, lack of capacity, and environmental degradation all point to the usefulness of a discussion of environmental justice literature. However, what the reconciliationadvocated by environmental justice literature will require is disputed - one side arguing for reform of the current system (Sandweiss, 1998: 41) and the other demanding radical reconstruction (Fabet, 1998). The fact that much of the literature has evolved in the context of the United States with a strong tie to civil rights advocacy also causes confusion when attempting to address similar concerns in other contexts, especially in the 'developing' world.

The ethical and political questions of the uneven distribution of resources and its affect on the environment are the central focus of environmental justice literature and activism. In the movements' beginnings there was a definite focus on the equalization of the negative impacts on the environment using the experiences and language of the civil rights movement in the United States. This struggle became not about traditionally defined 'nature', but of basic rights of communities to a healthy environment (Bullad,
1994). The definition of environment broadened to include 'the totality of life conditions in our communities

- air and water, safe jobs for all at decent wages, housing, education, health care, humane prisons, equity,
justicef (Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice). Bultard offers a simplified version stating that the term environment encompasses all the places 'where people live, work and play' (1994: 11). This revision of definition created a more acceptable, and in the minds of the advocates, more applicable understanding of the reality faced by disadvantaged communities.

In some cases an extension of the argument for justice is made to non-humans. For example, Low and Gleeson distinguish between two concepts within the politics of justice and environment: environmental justice, which is centred on people's relations; and ecological justice which evaluates the relationship between humans and the rest of nature. However, they emphasize that these two concepts 'are really two aspects of the same relationship' (1998: 2) since it is unrealistic to expect justice in human society if it is not considered what the implications might be for non-humans. Although this argument has yet to be extended
in the South African context, it is reflective of permaculture principles and would provide an interesting

progression.

Keeping these broad definitions of environment in mind, environmental justice movements attempt 'to address environmental enforcement, compliance, policy formation, and decision making' (Bullard. 1994:
11). It is argued that 'coloured communities' suffer more environmentally damaging conditions than other

communities and demands are made for the rectification of this situation. While it is not argued that 'white middle class' communities do not suffer from ecological destruction, it is stated that the burden falls unjustly

on the working poor- These communities are generally economically impoverished and less politically powerful, making them an easy target for private corporations or government to exploit (Bullard, 1994). Unhealthy working conditions and increased susceptibility to weather variations and disasters (Faber, 1998:
5) further complicate the situation. Additionally, the poverty of such communities leads them to be more

likely to ignore the prospect of environmental deterioration if economic growth is likely (Bullard, 1994: 55)Once industry is established in an area it is more difficult to have it removed, and if the community is benefiting economically it is also less likely members wiIf protest destructive industry practices, even if people are suffering,

As polka1 ecologists, environmental justice advocates critique mainstream environmental policies


and perceptions. The first common critique deals primarily with sustainable development literature. Low and Gleeson bring this particular critique to light with their comment that 'However important is the question of the distribution of environmental goods between present and future generations, a seemingly simpler choice has yet to be confronted: the just distribution of the wealth of nature and environment wifhh the population now livingr (1998: 19). This statement suggests that although the future is important, it is impossible to reconcile it before we deal with the current uneven development and distribution. This accounts for much of the environmental justice, and political ecology, critiques of the mainstream movements, which are believed to inadequately assess the impact of their suggested policies and represent
the ecological challenge too simply - ignoring much of the differentiation of society-

The second critique relates to 'moderate' policy solutions more generally.

Although it is

acknowledged that the environmental situation would be worse without these efforts at reform, it is argued that these types of solutions are becoming less useful and more contradictory as time goes on (Faber, 1998:

29). Additionally, by using the methods offered by the current system we 'perpetuate the current production
system that by its very structure is discriminatory and non-sustainable' (Faber, 1998: 15). Along these lines Harvey argues:

... the fundamental problem is that of unrelenting capitat accumulation and the extraordinary asymmetries of money and political power that are embedded in that process. Alternative modes of production, consumption, and distribution as well as alternative modes of environrnentai transformation have to be explored. (1996: 401)

Recently there has been a growing belief that the goal of movements must be extended to promote access to positive environmental consequences as well as the prevention of production of environmental risks. Afterall, how useful is a movement that results in having:
all Americans poisoned to the same peritous degree, regardless of race, color, or class (as if this were even possible)? The struggle for environmental justice must be about the politics of capitalist production per se and the elimination of the ecological threat, not just the 'fair' distribution of ecological hazards via better government regulation of inequities in the marketplace. (Faber. 1998: 14)

This stated change in focus is reflective of broader discussions in political ecology and shows the growing questioning of current structures and processes of countries, the global capitalist expansion, and the formation of viable alternatives.

Proponents of environmental justice argue in favor of democratic process, saying that 'those communities of people suffering ecological injustices must be afforded greater participation in the decisionmaking processes of capitalist industry and the state (at all levels), as well as the environmental movement
itself (Faber, 1998: I). Of course, greater participation is inadequate to properly address the divisions in

society if the choice for communities is simplified to environmental destruction or economic development It is thus necessary to investigate the relations of power and conditions of choice apparent in the mmmunity. As is suggested by Faber, 'The weight of the ecological burden upon a community is dependent upon the balance of power and level of struggle between capital, the state, and social movements responding to the needs and political demands of the populace' (1998: 4). Political ecologists would add that the responses of the community to these 'ecological burdens' and the discourse used should be considered as factors in the analysis.

Environmental justice literature has also begun to recognize the importance of discourse (Sandweiss, 1998). Sachs mentions one aspect of the discourse debate when he says mat 'the key to working toward environmentaljustice, then, may be ensuring that the people in power can not monopolize
the right to determine what it [equity/iustice] means' (1995: 8 ) . Faber goes further than this in his statement

that 'environmental inequalities in all forms, whether they be class, race, gender, or geographically based, are socially constructed features grounded in the systemic logic of capitalist accumulation' (1998: 5). Wallace notes:
One's social location - urbanlrural, richlpoor, btacklwhite, and so forth - largely determines the appropriate response to the ecocrisis. 'Nature' is not me special preserve of wilderness activists alone; nature is the lived environment common to humankind and otherkind alike wherever both kinds live and work and love and eat., Thus ffie environmental orientathns of both groups groups whose core philosophy is similar but whose organizational approaches are often different are equally legitimate and equally dependent upon the social, economic, and ethnic locatedness of the different participants in the common stnrggle for ecological wholeness and balance. (1997: 306)

These statements gives credence to the idea that there must be a confluence of social justice and ecological integrity within a multi-level analysis of social, economic and political conditions.

Levels of Analysis

Throughout political ecology literature there is what Blaikie and Brookfield termed a 'chain of explanation' (1987: 27). Although there are different approaches offered by the various studies, this chain
Figure 2: Levels of Analysis Diagram

consistently begins at a local level with the 'land manager' and the environment (see

) . The land managers' perceptions Figure 2


of the problems they face are considered
key to understanding the degradation of the environment. The following link at a focal level discusses the relations present in the community land managers live in, and how these relationships impact on resource use. Successive links

relate regional, national, and international dynamics to each other and to local conditions and decisionmaking. This chain of explanation alIows for spatial differentiation between actors as well as a more thorough discussion of different levels of power and actors in the case study. Bryant suggests that 'how these contextual actors deploy such resources in location-specific struggle is among the more crucial questions' addressed in political ecology (1992: 23). One of the critiques of political ecology is that the explanations at the 'higher' levels in the chain, national or intemational levels are conjectural. However, Hershkovitz maintains that'although the reciprocal links and modes of articulation between the Iocal and the global may be difficuit to specify, it is here that the clues to solving some seemingiy intractable environmental problems may be found' (1993: 351).

The chain of explanation model contextualizes the livelihood struggles being studied in political ecology, ensuring that the influence of the wider society and global arena is not lost in microanalysis. According to Hershkovitz:
The challenge presented by the regional political ecology approach is to integrate the physical dynamics of environmental degradation and the technical approaches to its mitigation with the political-economic factors that structure the choices about environmental management available to individuals and institutions. To do so requires the researcher to develop an understanding of how regional, national and global forces interact in both those spheres, without losing sight of the original object of inquiry: locat decision makers and the local environment (1993: 329)

However, a problem is posed in being able to adequately link each of these levels as well as dealing with the various perceptions and definitions of environmental problems evident at each level, and between different actors. Indeed, one of the major debates regarding political ecology, is how to adequately address the need for context, while still being realistic in what can be analyzed. Bassett argues that it is this attempt at providing a more thorough context within the national andlor global political economy that distinguishes political ecology from other frameworks discussing environmental issues, such as human ecology (1988). However, a differentiation and contextualisation of the dynamics of a case study can become too confused and complex to be of use. Some limitations must be established to ensure realistic expectations and interpretations are advanced through political ecology's investigations.

The Local Level

Any change in the political, social, or economic circumstances is likely to have an effect on the local environment, changing the ability of localities to make decisions and earn a livelihood (Bryant and Bailey, 1997: 29). Rapid change is often cited as creating unclear situations and facilitating resource abuse

) . Individuals and communities frequently find that their responses to social, (Little and Horowitz, 1987: 9
political and economic realitiesand resulting use of resources contradicts what decisions might otherwise be made if only local conditions were influential. For example, at times people may have restricted access to resources; may be forced to use resources for specific purposes, such as cash cropping; have to respond to governmental policies; or simply face an altered market or societal demand, In any of these scenarios the decision-making power of the users of the environment are d e tcirts e r

in various ways and these restricted

decisions, in turn, affect the local environment, yet again changing the circumstances for decision-making.
This complex feedback loop forms the level of local analysis for political ecology. Blaikie and Brookfield

suggest that for regional political ecologists, it is this 'intersection of circumstances and strategiest (1987: 3) that is the main concern. This seems a valid point at which to begin an analysis of resource use and access and this is reflected in most political ecology efforts.

Access to resources is one of the main themes of political ecology studies done at a local levelResearch thus investigates the relationships between rights to access and control of resources of various interested actors, local struggles and the changes in the ecology and political processes of the region. Access conflicts are not solely about land rights, but may involve other resources such as plants. animals, clean and adequate water, fertile and uncontaminated soil, unpolluted air, or even adequate sanitation facilities. Obviously, conflict over access may be isolated within a community, involve the total community, several communities or range across an entire nation.

In these examinations understanding the historical and current contexts is key. The complexity of this debate is only partially based on land issues, such as tenure. The other factors to consider are the social, political and economic institutions regulating access control and use of the land and its resourcesThus, there are questions not only of access involved, but of power divisions within society between various actors. With the focus of many studies falling on the livelihood battles being waged against states or corporations, it is easy to encounter a problem with relating and understanding divisions within communities. However, Bryant reminds political ecologists that questions about the differentiation within and complexity of societies of the poor in the Third World, particularly in the context of the situation faced by women, are also important to understand the true situation being faced in a locality (1992: 24).

This literature generally argues that the poor are particularly vulnerable and susceptible to ecological degradation. However, there is division among political ecologists about the effects of poverty. Some authors go so far as to argue that the combination of environmental degradation and poverty 'form a trap from which there is little chance of escape' (Adams, 1990: 87 as in Bryant, 1992:25). However, Blaikie has suggested that, especially when combined with non-agricuItural income, even degraded land can provide for 'sustainable livelihoods' (1988). in contrast, Horowitz and Salem-Murdock argue that the 'diversification of livelihood strategies puts local producers in a bind: they are unable to property manage their production activities because they have to divert labor and other resources to wage employment, but wage employment is too uncertain and poorly compensated to provide for household reproduction on its
own' (1987: 8). This difference of opinion suggests that other factors, such as the ability and willingness of

these poor communities (and their individual members) to address their situations, adapt, and protest, must
be investigated as influences in the examined cases.

In some cases these livelihood based conflicts give rise to the formation of organizations within civil society's various levels. Examining the formation, functioning and reasoning of these organizations is one of the previously mentioned themes of political ecology analyses. In one such effort it is suggested that

when protests such as those mentioned occur against 'superimposed management strategies which change who has access to and control over resources, a state may use violence to exercise control' (Peluso, 1993: 201). This type of response has obvious consequences on civil society's choice of protest method and organisation type. In her work Peluso also argues that less conventional means of resistance, such as theft and arson, can not be disregarded as inconsequential influences on 'higher' levels of analysis (1993). However, Scott cautions that these types of resistance should not be over-stressed since they are not likely
to significantly alter the conditions of exploitation faced by poor communities (1985).

The difficult conditions faced by communities are not restricted to what are normally considered

negative changes to the environment such as soil erosion or drought Literature has suggested two clear examples where local communities are negatively impacted by changes in the environment that might be considered an improvement FirstIy, commercial tree plantations cases examined by Hirsch and Lohmann
(1989) and Agarwal(1992) show that the opportunities for local communities were limited by the use of land,

and plants, which were previously available to residents. Secondly, the policies of conservation that have been encouraged in previous years have come under close scrutiny by political ecologists. Although these measures are generally seen as advancing common interests, in some cases the projects are seen as a 'justification of external intervention' in the affairs of states or communities. it is argued that the state (or other relevant actor) may resort to using the language of conservation in order to regain control over areas

or resources, with or without resorting to violent methods. This commonly results in both international and
1993: national conservation policies being seen as illeglmate and inappropriate on a local level (P~uso,

201). In both examples it is not only being suggested that there are contesting views of reality but that different actors within economic, social and politics[ arenas will attempt to convert other actors to embrace their view - 'by any means at their disposal' (Blaikie, 1995: 213).

The struggles over language and action aspects of 'discourse' have become key in the discussion
of the plurality of views and uneven power distribution issues. Peet and Watts suggest that 'The notion of

everyday resistance may be cornbined with a poststructural interest in discourses of power. A wide array of popular statements which often appear only at local level can be read, for example, as evidences of environmenta1 resistance..,' (1996:34). Escobar argues:
we need new narratives of life and culture. These narratives are likely to be hybrids of sorts; they will arise of the modifications that local cultures are able to effect on the discourses and practices of nature, capital and modernity- This is a collective task that perhaps only social movements are in a position to advance. The task entails the construction of collective identities, as well as struggles over the redefinition of the boundaries between nature and culture, These boundaries will be reimagined to the extent that the practice of social movement succeeds in reconnecting life and thought by fostering a plural politics[ ecology of knowledge. (1996: 341)

Thus discourse theory, through its chalienge to perceptions and advocacy of selfdefinition has advanced the applicability of local level analysis and struggle that might have been more easily ignored otherwise.

The National Level

Political ecology's emphasis on political economy's influence and relationship with local communities demands an examination of the national level of analysis. This level of analysis can

encompass any institution or organization that operates at a national or global level, and has influence on events within the local context of a case study. Of course, a major part of this type of discussion centers on the government as it is the usually the dominant institution in a national context, Governmental policies are key to contemporary relations between society and ecology. Not only do they determine the practices and priorities of the state, they also strongly influence the discourse of environmental and political change (Bryant, 1992: 18). Political ecologists examine the state and its policies - including their origin, process, content, implementation and impact - in order to create a clearer picture of power relations and changes in the environment It must also be made clear that the analysis of policy can not be confined only to environmental policies but must relate instead to a broader context of issues such as industrial policies, land tenure, trade and investment priorities, or even tax policies (Hershkovitz, 1993: 332). In addition to the conflicts between policies, the relative ability (and will) of the state to impiernent them must be considered. In many cases, the lack of coordinating bodies and the lack of governmental capacity compounds the

confusion over environmental issues- This is a particular challenge during times of sociai andlor political upheaval or rapid change.

The complexity and vagueness of governmental policies may allow governments to say that environmental obiigations are being met but still allow exploitation of areas by capital. In addition, Blaikie and Brookfield suggest that the 'state commonly tends to lend its power to dominant groups and classes, and thus may reinforce the tendency for accumulation by these dominant groups and marginalization of the losers..-' (1987:17). Hannigan modifies this line of reasoning slightly by suggesting that 'it is perhaps more accurate to view politicians and civil servants as representing a variety of policy options that are not always compatible' (1995: 23). This view is supported by R e d d i who argues that 'environmental managerialism' is often the result of states attempting to be both the promoter of economic development and environmental protector (1987), which allows governments to deflect criticism with limited protection policies but still promote growth (Hannigan, 1995: 21).

Colonialism is often cited as an extreme example of contradictory state direction that led to environmental degradation, economic dependency and massive political and societal change, 'Policies conducive to expfoitation and to the 'rape of the earth', and policies designed to restrict and repair the damage were both put in place and practiced' (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987: 102). The institutional and attitudinal changes that occurred during colonialism are stilt influencing local communities and the methods
by which they are dealt with by government:

The Afn'can systems of land-use had their own protective devices against erosion.., When the necessity of cultivating steeply sloping land was forced upon a people in me past, as it was in the refuge areas, they evolved devices in no way inferior to our own anti-erosion practices... That modem Afn'cans do not react in this way to their more pressing land problems is symptomatic of a loss of group initiative and self-reliance, and of new attitudes, concepts and values developed under European tutelage and dominance. (Allan, 1965: 386 as in Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987: 106)

it is thus imperative that historical relations are considered as well as those of current observed behavior in order to provide a better view of the national contexts and the situations faced by local decision-makers.

The national level influences on environmental and societal changes must, in turn, be contextualized. Given the reach of transnational corporations, international organizations and institutions, and the global community, these actors and their relations to national and local levels must be addressed. The interstate relations of a region, through conflict or cooperation, also have impacts on the local level. The analysis at this level and relations to local systems and action become somewhat difficult in some cases and has been labeled as one of the shortcomings of political ecology- It remains unclear what the exact linkages are between global forces and local forces of environmental and societal change. This confusion extends in both directions of relations -from local to global as well as global to local. However, it should be made clear that the existence of such linkages is not in question, only how to properly conceptualize, assess their impact, and alter them (Hershkovitz, 1993: 348)- Thus, it is necessary to investigate the complexity of these situations in order to achieve the apparent goals of political ecology through alternative means such as perrnacult~re~

What is Permaculture?

Since Bill Mollison coined the term in 1978, many definitions have been offered regarding the meaning of 'permaculture', each of them slightly different In fact, the various responses to the question of 'what is permaculture?' can at times create confusion and be counterproductive to permaculture's conceptualization, application and analysis. However, there are common themes, principles and methods that are generally considered to be key in understanding the concept of pemaculture. David Holmgren and Bill Mollison first used the term to describe 'permanent agriculture' and attempted to integrate methods of organic agriculture, systems planning and 'common sense' obsenration. However, since this initial

conceptualization, a more socially and politically relevant definition has evolved to include 'permanent culture'. In basic terms, permaculture's aim, however defined, is to create sustainable and integrated living systems for peoples' use without damaging, and preferably regenerating, the naturai environment

According to Mollison permaculture 'is the harmonious integration of landscape and people providing food, energy, shelter, and other material and non-material needs in a sustainable way' (1988). This seems like a tall order to fulfiI1; however, i t is expected that the development of these systems will evolve through time and within local context In Mollison's Permaculture: A Designer's Manual, there are several chapters suggesting methods for various climates and geography- However, throughout the 'manual' Mollison stresses that the suggestions made are limited and the system's design should be creative, address individual (or community) needs, and encompass the designer's (or designers') knowledge of the area. This flexibility i s one of the major strengths of permaculture, allowing for unique applicability within the guidelines of established principles and basic methods.

There ate six basic uniting principles of permaculture, which stand on ethical and philosophical bases that are meant as guides to implementation of permaculture. The first deals with caring for the earth. This principle is meant to apply to living and non-living elements of nature, ensuring that the ecological aspect of systems is not ignored but actively defended and 'cared for'- The second principle is referred to

as caring for people. This principle is promoted by aiming for self-reliance and community responsibility,
ensuring that the people involved in a system are ensured a useful and healthy life. Thirdly, there is a belief

s maintained for each in the intrinsic and instrumental worth of all living things, ensuring that respect i
participant in the system. The fourth principle is the sharing of surplus, which is complemented by the fifth principle of reducing consumerism. Finally, permaculture promotes the cooperation between all participants of a system. Each of the principles contributes to a framework that, although rooted in ethics, is possible to translate to any locality or project. Along with the integration of these principles, certain methods, or design tools, are used to accomplish the goals of creating sustainable lives.

Methods of design are varied and completely open to evolution in detail. These methods include water harvesting from roofs or tanks; solar technologies; alternative economic systems based in the community; organic food production; ecological conservation, preservation, and rehabilitation; seed saving;

biological pest control; and creating space for wilderness, amongst others, Obviously, these methods are meant to create more than what is normally considered 'gardens' or on a larger level 'agricuIturer. The methods and principles of permaculture are meant to build communities with improved relationships between all aspects involved in the community including buildings, agriculture, water supply, sewage systems, economics, culture, people and nature- As suggested by Auerbach, there is little doubt that permaculture will be regarded as idealistic and/or unattainable. However, he goes further to argue that permaculture will be, and is, useful in South Africa for three inter-related reasons: the logic of its methods, the principles which build upon local customs, and its practical approach to creating sustainable alternative development (1992:4).

The key to perrnaculture does not lie in its methods but in the relationships between the components of the system - human and ecological - on several different levels. In this way, permaculture becomes more than an exercise in design but an effort for individuals and communities to take responsibility and create viable local systems, with a mind to global solutions. This is one of the reasons that political ecology provides a decent starting point of theory to examine permaculture in South Africa.

As

perrnaculture and all of the elements involved in Me cases involve examining several different aspects of the communities, it only makes sense to examine the different leveb of South African society that affect these communities and their endeavors to improve their lives. This approach to analysis promotes a more thorough understanding of Me projects, the participants, and the wider applicability (or lack thereof) of these types of projects in South Africa -or elsewhere.

Research Methods

When deciding the methods to be used in this study the key consideration was how to overcome certain limitations and collect useful data in a relatively short period of time. Since the subject matter dealt
with both bio-physical and theoretical issues it wzs necessary to find methods capable of dealing with both

concerns. The interactive nature of permaculture projects was also an issue in deciding what methods were suitable, as was the multi-level approach to analysis offered by political ecoiogy. Participatory research methods provided the best opportunity for collecting useful data for the researcher, develop relations within the community, and build the capacity of the community in some way. This type of research requires a researcher to be particularly mindful of maintaining a balance between the need to be a productive part of the community and retaining the ability to observe and understand the situation. Aithough using

participatory research methods can be a constraint to the objectivity of a study, it seemed that in this case it provided the most realistic and defensible means with which to establish participants' views of themselves, the projects. and their challenges and successes. Participatory research uses traditional and innovative techniques in gathering data. Van Vlaenderen suggests that such activities vary From self-surveys,

workshops, group discussions, fact-finding tours, audio-visual creation and populartheatre (1993: 215 ) .

For this research four primary methods were used.

These included participant observation;

interviews; workshops; and suweys. Additionally, tours, meetings, and photography were used. Video footage was taken in only one case as a video camera was lent to the project and the researcher was asked to take over this duty during the study period. To supplement the data gathered through the case studies, archival research was conducted for various relevant academic, NGO and government publications. This research was done at the University of Cape Town, Witswatersrand University, the University of Guelph, and the University of Toronto libraries. The libraries of Abalimi and Trees for Afn'ca were also included in this exercise, as were those of the participants if applicable. In South Africa several research centers and government offices also provided useful documents.

Participant obsenration provided the primary means of collecting data.

This required being

involved in the everyday activities with participants while observing activities and dynamics. During daily activity basic notes and diagrams were made, and photos and limited video footage were taken. At the end of the day's activities more thorough observations were made from the preliminary notes and diagrams.

There were a few exceptions to being able to perform this function; in which case the more elaborate notes were made the following evening- Personal notes were included in an attempt to limit the effect of biased observation based on mood- All of the notes were organized to answer questions regarding the sites that were developed to provide consistency and to provide a check for other data collected.

To supplement the data gathered by participant observation formal and informal interviews were done. These intewiews were loosely structured and targeted to various groups of actors (see Appendix I and II for examples)- For example, schoolteachers answered some questions that were different than those asked of students, although some were similar to provide consistency. The looser structure allowed

interviewees to explore areas that might not have been addressed or that they felt were more important It also allowed for some discussion of the questions in order to deal with language differences. After a period of observation, certain key actors were selected for interviews in each case. Every scheduled participant

h i s option was never taken. Availability and was allowed the option of refusing to do the interview, although t
what

is commonly referred to as the 'snow-ball' technique provided the means of choosing other

interviewees. In the case of Harding Special School, additional interviewees were chosen by two teachers for their ability to communicate and understand the intenriew due to the limitations of many of the students at the school. At each site the interviewees were allowed to pose questions and were assured of

confidentiality. This allowed for a stronger sense of trust between the researcher and interviewee. Only sparse notes were taken during the interviews in order to ensure confidence and comfort of the interviewees, as well as allow for observation of body language and behaviour. To ensure proper

transcription, the interviews were taped- When interviews of project participants were complete it was requested that they draw a map of their project, The maps were meant as supplementary data that could allow for data collection avoiding problems of language differences. However, in the case of Bongolethu Community School it became clear that several of the students were uncomfortable with their skill at drawing, in some cases so much so that the exercise was simply not completed.

In order to gain a better understanding of group dynamics and levels of knowledge, workshops were held at each of the schools- Four workshops were also held at Eduplant, a Trees for Africa permaculture competition, with finalists fiom schools across the country. These exercises comprised of games to allow for easiness of the participants, but were targeted to deal with relevant issues, participants' comprehension, and group dynamics. At the schools studied as cases, 10 (Harding) and 20 (Bongolethu) willing and available students were included, while at Eduplant workshops were part of the programme and comprised groups of teachers and students varying in numbers between 15 and 32-

Finally, surveys (see Appendix 111 and L V for examples) were used in some cases for three primary reasons. Firstly, the sunreys provided another option for participants to express their views in their own language and in written form. A translator was hired to interpret the surveys written in Zulu and Xhosa. Secondly, the surveys were to provide another means of comparing other data collected- Third!y, the surveys allowed the collection of views from more people than could be scheduled for interviews in the limited time of the study. The surveys were a combination of specific and loosely defined questions and were distributed randomly to participants and other influential actors in the projects- Some of the surveys also included a map drawing exercise. However, problems have arisen with some of the surveys. Since their translation was not complete at the end of the study period, some were left for completion and have since been misplaced, causing some data to be unavailable for analysis.

Research Limitations

There were several limitations to conducting research on this topic and in the area chosen. Some were anticipated before arriving in South Africa but others were discovered along the way. The most obvious limitation was that of language difference. As the researcher did not speak Zulu or Xhosa, it was necessary to deal with a language barrier. In some cases, this was not an issue as some of the participants spoke English very well; however, in other cases communication was limited. This limitation was addressed

in three different ways. First, a translator was hired for formal interviewsand some of the surveys. Although this did provide a solution to the language barrier,
it also caused problems. The time for the interviews

became substantially longer and there was a possibility of inaccurate interpretation. Second, for casual conversation the researcher learnt several key phrases in Zulu and Xhosa. Obviously, this effort was severely limited by time; however, it did provide a more open atmosphere by showing a willingness to communicate in the participanfs own language. In some cases, people felt eased enough to attempt using their broken English to communicate. At the very least, laughter ensued from the efforts creating good feelings between people. Third, both participants and the researcher were able to communicate through gestures, limited common language, and drawings. This effort also aided in creating an atmosphere of trust and friendship. Of course, had the method of participant obsewation not been used, this method of communication would have been virtually impossible since it required time and common activities to devebp acceptance within the group to be able to communicate at all. The language barrier was not as problematic
as initially expected since the relationships that developed with many of the participants was friendly and

trusting. Language became less of an issue while we worked together to get things done and got to know each other.

The second limitation for this study was that of time. Again, this was anticipated previous to
departure and efforts to mediate this limitation were made. Initial contacts were made and projects were recommended as starting points even before the field research began. Unfortunately, there were

uncontrollabledelays at some points of the research making time a limitation again. For example, there was confusion at the host organisation when the Executive Director was on vacation during the beginning of the study period and other members of the organisation were uninformed of the researcher's arrival. Transportation delays also occurred throughout the study period. Although in some instances information gained during these revised travel plans were quite useful, in other instances it simply limited the time that could be spent elsewhere. The time restriction also affected the documentation that was available as some of the surveys and documentation had not been translated at the time of departure and seem to have been

lost in the meantime Although their loss is not fundamentally damaging, the fact that this data cannot be included despite its collection is problematic. The final aspect of the limitation of time is more appropriately referred to as timing. The season posed restrictions on what had been accomplished at some of the gardens and some of the projects were only available to be visited at set times- These schedules then affected the time available for other interviews and research, leaving some interviews to the final stages of
the study period. As this time was also the year's end, the availability of several officials and academics that

had been previously scheduled for interviews had to be cancelled-

It was also anticipated that there would be problems with suspicion of the researcher due to racial, gender and language factors. However, the extent and variability of this limitation were unexpected. In some cases, such as the Viljeon farm, there was a strong suspicion of the intent of the researcher that was only cured by time and association. It was suspected by labourers on the farm that the researcher was 'a spy' and would relate any incriminating comments to the owners, thus much information was held back until much later in the research period at the farm. In the other cases, the openness of the participants was surprising. For example at Bongolethu there was very little suspicion and comments were freely expressed. The exception, as stated in the case studies, was the children who were initially quiet and uncritical. Again,
it took time to gamer the trust of the children and assure them that their comments and ideas were

welcome, and would not place them in any awkward situation with teachers.

A fourth limitation for this project was the lack of research done previously in this area, particulady

in South Africa. Although there has been quite a bit written about relevant topics, most of this work has not been approached in an integrative or multidisciplinary way and none have involved permaculture projects specifically. However, there was a plethora of material that might be related to the subject and it was difficult to limit this literature since it was necessary to deal with several different areas of concern that were not generally considered related. This limitation is also evident in the choice of theory for this study. Although political ecology is not fully developed theoretically, it seemed to be the most applicable theory that

was open to multi-level and multi-disciplinary research beginning with local level analysis, as well as providing the flexibility necessary for this research-

The final two limitations are linked in that they both relate to the level of development of the projects. First, there is a variance within the case studies regarding their stage of development and the type of project that has evolved- In order to deal with this inevitability, a decision to deal with two uhan and two rural cases was reached- In this context, the projects were meant to provide a more complete picture of the variety of South African permaculture applications. It was also decided that two schools, botf~primary, were examined. This decision provided some ability for comparison of projects that might be affected by some similar factors. Even these decisions were not sufficient though, Due to miscommunication some of the projects that were recommended for study were not at a point which was most conducive to the initial proposed study. For example, the institute had yet to be formed at the Viljeon farm and both NGOs were undergoing restructuring. Their stages of development led to restrictions on what could be studied at these sites and required a reevaluation of purpose. In these cases both interested parties decided that potential alterations or effects would comprise at least part of the evaluation. The variance of the cases' stages allowed the research to take account of various parts of and approaches to the integration of permaculture into South African reality that otherwise might have escaped attention.

Second, is the question of how to evaluate the level and success (or lack thereof) of the development of these projects given the nature of permaculture to encourage variance. General guidelines (see Appendix V) established by the input of two permacuituralists and archival research on the topic were used, in conjunction with the definition of success according to the participants themselves as stated in conversations or intenriews. This approach of a flexible definition, which reflects the beliefs of the participants as well as the researcher, was also applied to the elusive concept of participation levels and efficacy. Given the confluence of the concepts of permaculture and participation this flexibility seemed the

most logical approach, rather than relying on a set definition that would likely not refiect the reality i t would be applied to.

The many limitations of this study made the field research and analysis a challenge. The most fundamental limitations were anticipated and thus, did not impact the research as negatively as they might have. Most of the limitations were dealt with sufficiently by adjusting the research methods or schedules;

n some cases this proved inadequate to redress the problem. Although it should be added that however, i
each limitation added to the understanding of a reality that is faced, either in academia or in the field - and in some cases in both.

Conclusion

This chapter has provided a basic outline of political ecology, which is the theoretical framework being used for this research. This discussion focussed on the levels of analysis and emphasis of local level study. Issues of access to resources and equity, along with their relation to ecological integrity, form the core of this study. This interest stresses the evolution of environmentaljustice in South African communities and within the discussed literature. Although political ecology is not fully articulated as a theory, and this does limit its usefulness as a framework, its flexibility and attempt at holistic analysis does allow a freedom in investigation that is lacking in many other theories. For this reason, it was decided that political ecology, with an emphasis on environmentaljustice, would provide the basic conceptual framework for this research.

Any framework used to analyze the current reality must take account of three essential elements: the plurality of perceptions of various actors; the actions of interested and influential actors in their daily context; and the various levels and relations of power within society in economic, social, political and ecological realms. Political ecology does provide a stating point for this type of analysis with its focus on local studies within a larger context with an emphasis on ecological issues, giving a grounding to the

approach that is lacking in other 'development frameworks.

The reiations between these locat actors and

others within the levels of analysis provide a link to national and global inffuences that is necessary in a world where such intluences are so strong. Although there is vagueness in the articulation and explanation of these relations and infiuences within the theory, it is perhaps this vagueness that allows so many studies, including this one, to use political ecology as a base foranalysis-

Political ecology, with its multi-leveled anaiysis seems to address the challenge of dealing with both
the 'politics of place' and globalization trends. Debates over access to resources and the ability (and

willingness) of people to apply knowledge in their dynamic environment are central to this study of

s dealt with at least partially by political ecology literature. The critique of permaculture and each i
mainstream environmentalism is also useful to this study as the conservation movement has been largely discredited in South Africa and efforts in this vein are generally considered inappropriate impositions by local communities.

Political ecology with an emphasis on environmental justice provides the conceptual basis for this analysis of the situation being faced today in South Africa, particularly with respect to research of alternative development schemes such as permaculture. Through using a politicaI ecology framework it is possible to investigate the relations between basic needs, ecological integrity and social empowerment and reflect on
the integration of these factors in permaculture application. The emphasis on social justice issues and their

links to ecological conditions is especially appropriate to environmental debates occurring in South Africa. Permaculture draws on both traditional and modem knowledge bases, and debates over access to knowledge and its use are also addressed within the theoretical literature. There is also a confluence of interest on the local level in both political ecology and permaculture, and the various levels of analysis proposed by political ecology serve to contextualize local decision-making in a way which otherwise might have been neglected.

Political ecologists argue that the problems evident in the world are not a simple reflection of a

s necessary to address established and problematic failure of policy but rather that a radical change i
political economic relations. Although proponents of the theory have not yet decided on an alternative, it seems logical that local and sustainabte livelihoods anived at through democratic processes and cultural pluralism would form its core. Escobar has argued that the 'creation of spaces in which to foster local alternative productive projects is one concrete way to advance the strategy' (1996: 339)- The question has been asked of how disadvantaged communities defend their livelihoods and environment Permaculture, proposed as such a strategy and discourse, seems to reflect political ecologistsr objectives. How reflective it is of South Africans' objectives remains to be seen.

In addition to the theoretical basis provided in this chapter, the methods and limitations of the research have also been discussed. In forming the methods for this research it was felt that due to certain anticipated limitations, participatory methods would be most useful. Interviews, workshops, surveys and archival research supplemented the participant observation component of the research- Most of the limitations of the research were anticipated and dealt with through changes to methodology or structure of the research. These limits included language difference; time restrictions; suspicion; lack of previous research in the area; and the level of development of the projects. Although it is not possible to address all limitations, each provided challenges and opportunities toward adaptive research into the realities of the South African context,

CHAPTER TWO: THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT

The 1994 election of a democratic government in South Africa marked the end of official apartheid rule; however, the legacy of apartheid remains embedded in every aspect of South African life. This era and its policies conditioned the poverty experienced by a majority of South Africans. The post-apartheid government faces the challenge of redressing the political and economic inequities created through decades of apartheid while at the same time creating the conditions for economic growth and environmental improvement The country's diversity of cultures, languages, and natural regions make Vlis challenge all the more complicated. A great opportunity to remake South Afnca exists, but the process wili be long and difficult. It will be necessary for the government and society of South Africa to take an integrated view of the multitude of problems they face and use their strengths in the most productive and responsible way possible.

In view of this, this chapter is dedicated to providing a basic background in various areas to provide

a context for the discussion of South Africa and permaculture, and the case studies investigated for this
study. It is by no means an exhaustive discussion, as this would be impossible to provide in such a short section. For the purposes of this study though, this discussion provides sufficient context through the discussion of political, economic, environmental and social situations within South Africa. The chapter is divided into several sections for ease of relating relevant material. These sections include: the state and government; the economy; energy; land settlement patterns and reforms; the environment, including land degradation, water issues, and pollution issues; housing; health; and education. Each section explains various facts, figures and government policy initiatives relevant to this study-

The State and Government

The Republic of South Afiica is the southern-most country in Africa (see Figure 3). The Atlantic

Ocean lies to the west, while the Indian Ocean forms the West Coast South Africa's land borders are shared with Swaziland, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia and Lesotho is completely
Fieure 3: Map of South Afiica

surrounded by it. The area of the country is


1 219 080 square km- This area is divided

into nine provinces. The executive capital is Pretoria, the judicial capital is Bloemfontein and the legislativecapital is Cape Town.

The population of South Africa is estimated, based on 1995 data, at 41-2 million. The population growth rate is

approximated at 2-4%, and especially concentrated in the black population. The population has been divided into four racial
Source: www-t~l.co.uk~southafr. Aug 9

groups and although the taw forming these divisions has been repealed, statistics are still gathered according to these categories, and the population generally sees themselves as belonging to one of the four categories. These categories break the population down into: 76.3% black, 12.7% white, 8.5% coloured and 2.5% indian/asian (1996 census estimates).

The urbanization of the country is approximated at 70%

and this figure increases daily with city growth that is approximated at 3-5% annually. The province of Gauteng is the smallest, most urbanized and highest contributor to GDP in the country while KwaZuu Natal

is the most populated. There are eleven official languages including, in order of predominance, Afn'kaans,
English, Ndebele, Pedi, Sotho, Swati, Tsonga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa, and Zulu. The government is now encouraging people to learn at least two of the official languages -especially English.

In 1934 South Africa became an independent state within the British Commonwealth. In 1961,
following the growing opposition to institutionalized racial repression, the government declared South Afn'ca a republic. Until the early 1990s the country was governed through a system of apartheid that allowed the non-white majority few rights. Although the election of the National Party in 1948 is often chosen as the advent of official apartheid policy, this was not so much the beginning of a new era as it was an 'intensification of a process which had been going on for three hundred years' (Ramphele, 1991). This process involved separating of races as much as possible, retaining political and economic control in white hands. Through various legislative acts blacks were disallowed voting rights, dispossessed of land, forcibly resettled, and exploited as cheap labour. The apartheid government also endorsed 'destabilization' through military means of its domestic population and the surrounding countries, specifically Angola and Mozambique, to prevent resistance to its policies. South Afica 'may well reflect the most extreme

combination of affluence and impoverishment of any country in the contemporary world - and one that is especially explosive politically because it coincides with a racial, and thus highly visible, divide' (Stedman, 1994: 194).

The anti-apartheid struggle reached a summit during the 1980s through organized resistance by black civil society. Aside from the demand for political voting power, three specific issues were focussed upon - wages, education and housing. The trade union movement argued against the low-wage policy of apartheid, as well as the poor working conditions, while the student'youth movement demanded the elimination of Bantu education and other civic movements protested inadequate housing and lack of land

9 4 ) . After years of domestic and international condemnation of the system, and tenure (Stedman, 1994: 1
various international sanctions, the dismantling of the apartheid regime began-

Negotiations for a new political structure began at the end of 1991 with the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, which was held by the government, representatives of the 10 Bantustans (black homelands), and various political groups. The constitutional talks resulted in an agreement signed in 1993

for a five-year power-sharing arrangement and the

installation of a transitory Executive Council, ending minorw rule. During this time an interim constitution allowing for democratic government, an independent judiciary and guaranteed individual rights was

established.

This document also abolished the

homelands (see Figure 41, reintegrating them into nine

revised provinces-

In April of 1994 democratic elections were held, resulting in the inauguration of the country's first
Source: South A6ican Embassy
km

3 ~ 1

black president, ANC r e p r e s e n t a t v ie

Nelson Mandela.

The ANC-led govemment replaced the 1993 Constitution on December 10, 1996. Aceording b this

document, the president is chosen by the political party with the most National Assembly seats, sewes a five-year term, and may be re-elected once. The Parliament is bi-camera1cunsisting of National Assembly and National Council of Provinces representatives.

Members of the Assembly are elected through

proportional representation, while political parties in the provincial legislatures appoint Council members.

Provincial govemment assemblies are also elected by proportional representation. Provinces are vested
with exclusive powers in several areas, including roads and provincial planning, although the central

govemment retains the ability to impose national standards and intervene regarding state security and economic policy.

The post-apartheidgovemment continues t o face the daunting task of redistributingwealth while at


the same time reforming institutions and policies to foster growth and equity. To these ends, the ANC has set a number of development priorities for the country. Much of this strategy is outlined in ~e 1994

Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). Since 1996 this programme has encompassed the

Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy, a macroeconomic approach based on the

International Monetary Fund austerity guidelines. The RDP aimed to create economic growth in an equitable and sustainable way, a goal that is also stated within the GEAR platform- The RDP was designed as 'an integrated. coherent socio-economic policy framework' to inspire t h e 'building of a democratic, nonracial and non-sexist' future- At least 17 million people are surviving below the Minimum Living Level (May and Rogerson, 1995: 168) and thus, many of the programmes of the RDP are meant to alleviate the situation of poverty of many of the country's citizens. As such, these projects deal with issues of water, sanitation and fuel provision as well as unemployment, housing, education and nutrition. According to the constitution provincial governments have control over many of these domains and recently the central office for the RDP projects has been closed in order to allow provincialfacilitation of the projects.

There has been concern expressed about several aspects of the post-apartheid government over the past five years. There have been problems with civil sewant corruption scandals and the high crime
rate in the country. However, the major problem expressed by the black population is that the reforms are

taking too long. For example:


A poll conducted just after the 1994 election shows that 58% of the population expect the government to provide ready-built houses and enforce minimum wages, while 71% demand that the government provide work to all unemployed. When asked what their reaction would be if their expectations are not met, 20% cited violent action, while only 5% cited peaceful mass protest (Anon as in Percival and Homer-Dixon, 1998: 295)

Or pefiaps more clearly, during a conversation with a woman from a township outside Durban the question

was asked 'we voted the ANC into power, now where is my land and house?. It is quite evident that conflict

has occurred between resource allocation and relative needs have been assessed in accordance with economic realities. For example, during the last year Mandela has on several occassions made statements that the reforms will take time and that too much should not be expected right away- Even during the campaign for the election in 1999 the ANC was dear in stating that their commitments were strong to equity and growth, but appealed for more time to complete their plans.

In 1999 the second democratic elections were held, The ANC was reelected and as Nelson Mandela has retired, previous Executive Deputy President, nabo Mbeki, has been inaugurated as President The results of the past election were not surprising. The reinstitution of the ANC to power was expected, although some parties hoped to make gains in the election in order to limit the power of the ANC

- especially with respect to being able to alter the constitution.


ANC gained over two-thirds of the vote,

However, these attempts have failed as the

Since 1994 the South Afn'can government has involved itself extensively in intemational affairs. On
a regional level South Africa joined the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and President

Mandela even served as its chairperson. The Organisation of Afncan Unity has also provided an important regional connection -especially in its endeavor to establish an African Economic Community and manage conflict in the region. On an intemational level, South Africa became a member of the British

Commonwealth, joined the Non-Aligned Movement, became active in the World Trade Organisation, and was re-instituted as a member to the United Nations. South Africa has also become a signatory of several intemational treaties and of course, in both regional and global relations bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements have been signed for trade and aid.

The Economy

The South African economy is considered the most diversified and devetoped in Afnca- However, since the mid-1970s it has been suffering. Growth dropped from 4.9% annually (from 1946 to 1974) to 13% and during the 1980s no new jobs were created in non-government sectors while the economy expanded at only 1.5% (Stedman, 1994: 30). Of course, the intemational sanctions and unrest were major factors and the need to maintain apartheid structures and policies further complicated the economic situation. There
were severe shortages of skilled workers due to

losses to emigration and a lack of education allowed to

blacks (Stedman, 1994: 31)- Overall, the economy suffered from slowed growth, high inflation, growing unemployment, poor investment levels and international pressure on the exchange rate and credit

The 1994 election placed the ANC in control of a skewed and distressed economy- However, the conditions under which the ANC gained power allowed it to draw on significant advantages of the South African economy. The infrastructure and economy remained largely intact with the strengths of large mineral reserves, a favorable credit situation (due to international sanctions), a large group of professional and technical manpower, and an increasing regional market for manufa~t'dred goods (Stedman, 1994: 191). However, in using these strengths it became necessary for the new government to 'pay far more attention to business confidence and property rights in order to reassure the private sector than it had anticipated' (Stedman, 1994: 33) and abandon previous arguments for nationalization. South Africa was already one of the greatest recipients of foreign aid, although this funding went largely to non-governmental organisations resisting apartheid policies. Since the elections this aid dispensation has shifted to government projects. This has substantially improved the government's ability to pursue reform and social service projects. Since 1994 the economy has made gains, although perhaps these are not as high as was initially projected or hoped.

In 1997 the growth expectations were not met According to the South African Reserve Bank, a
limited 1.7% growth in GDP and the lack of any meaningfd growth of the economy proved disappointing in

1998. It is estimated that the real gross national product per capita declined by 1.5% in 1998 - following the decline of 1% in 1997. Additionally, the budget deficit projection was revised for 98/99 from 3.5% to 3.7%. The decline evident in agriculture's contribution to real gross domestic product has continued at 1% in 1998, while mining and manufacturing have decreased %% (from 1%growth in 1997) and 1 %% (from 3 '/z% increase in 1997). However, tertiary sectors managed to maintain their growth at 1%. There is great hope

in the country that this sector will continue to grow, especially in relation to tourism. Domestic savings
remain low and have become even less sufficient for the development needs of the country in comparison to

previous years. However, the openness of the South African economy suggests that some of these

i t h i n the worfd market in relation to the 'Asia crisis' and since declines are symptoms of the difficulties w
there are signs of recovery there, many in South Africa are hopehi of a quick recovery.

In 1997 the gross national product (GNP) totaled R579 7f 4 million, with foreign trade constituting almost 55.8% of that sum. Obviously, this implies the importance of world economic trends in the

functioning of the current South African economy

- particularly with respect to mining activity as

it

constitutes 61% of export revenue. The balance of payments has changed from an average surplus position (as late as 1993) to a deficit of 1.5% in 1997, This indicates weak demand for exports as well as in rise in imports of capital goods. The high level of inflation (8.6% in 1997) in South Africa has given n'se to a more restrictive approach to monetary policy.

The decline in the economy is also evident at the household level. There are indications that consumers have less money to spend or save with decreases in consumer expenditure on durable goods and low personal savings ratios. The cost of homeownership has increased such that 'the equivalent of almost two months' disposable income of the average household is absorbed by debt-servicing commitments' (South African Reserve Bank, March 1999: 7). The higher taxes collected from households and inflation may also be factors in increased thriftiness at household levels.

A major problem in South Africa is the increasing rate of unemployment

The inability of the supply

side of the economy to respond to labour availability by creating more jobs points to a structural weakness that must be addressed. In 1998 private and public sectors reduced job opportunities, with the steepest decline being in the mining sector. Additionally, agriculture has reduced its employment of black unskilled labour, the group with the highest unemployment rate (Van Zyl and Vink, 1988). In 1997 the 'expanded unemployment' rate increased to 37.6% from 35.7% in 1996, although many believe these estimates are too
low. Despite the fewer available jobs, there has been growth in the remuneration per employee. This

increase is reflective of the high number of strikes in 1996 (and 1997 - although fewer) in which wage payments were the major issue. It is possible that the higher payment of current employees may be resulting in fewer opportunities for unemployed.

Not only is the availability of employment a problem but the distribution of income and jobs is also an issue in South Africa. Fifty percent of domestic income goes to 10% of the population while only 25% of the income goes to the bwer half of the population (Kotze and Van Wyk, 1994: 41). For blacks the rate of unemployment is nearly ten times the rate for white South Afiicans (Karaan and Mohamed, 1996: 2)- There are of course, differentiations between blacks as well. During apartheid a certain number of blacks were allowed access to power and the economy in order to quell protest about the unfair system. Aside from this, the union movement has conbibuted to Me asymmetry within the black workforce. The membership of these unions played a fundamental role during anti-apartheid protest and in the post-apartheid South Africa
exerts much power in political and economic realms. The Congress of South African Trade Unions

(COSATU) has strongly rejected the idea of making sacrifices in order to increase employment in South Africa (Stedman, 1994: 40), further dividing the line between nonmembers and trade unionists within the economy.

Aside from the racial divide, distribution of employment and income varies across the country, by
age and by gender. The province of KwaZulu Natal, for example, suffers from severe unemployment - it

was estimated that only 25% of the urban population and 16% of the rural population had formal (Percival and Homer-Dixon, 1998: 287). The youth in South Africa are particularly vulnerable to unemployment it

was estimated that up to 90% of the unemployed are under the age of thirty and that during the 1990s of
first-time work seekers 95% will be under the age of 25 (Stedman, 1994: 53).

Women are one of the largest suffering gmups of unemployed and frequently they are relegated to the informal sector. It has been argued that this is the preferred option for women, as it might allow for more

time fiexbility and seasonal variance. However, Budlender argues that entering the informal economy i s less a choice than an act of desperation, and that even in this sector they earn less than men are (as in Stedman, 1994: 10). As these example illustrate, restructuring of the economy presents a complex challenge to South African society that must be approached in an integrated way taking into consideration
less obvious ways that outcome is influenced.

South Africa's main energy source is coal and approximately 80% of primary energy comes from
this source (Cock and Koch, 1991: 97). The coal resemes are the MLh largest in the wodd and expo* of

the mineral make it the second most important mineral export aside from gold. Oil and natural gas are both

generated using coal. Many poorer South Africans, especially in urban areas, use it for fuelling household heating and food preparation. Coal is also used in the generation of electricity; approximately 92% of electricity is generated this way.

South Africa produces about 60% of electricity in Africa and it is the cheapest available electricity in the world, at approximately 38% less than North American prices. Generation is predominantly done by ESKOM, which in 1996 produced 96% of the electricity used in South Africa. Industry is the largest consumer of electricity, relying on electricity for 87% of its energy needs. According to the IDRC, the heavy reliance of the South African economy on resource-based industries. its reliance on coal for electricity

o w energy prices have all contributed to very high uses of energy for production, and the incredibly l
production activities (1995: 62). Although this ratio seems to have improved somewhat with encouragement of conservation, the total primary commercial energy consumption to GDP is twice that of the United States, four times that of Japan and only surpassed in the case of oilexporting and certain centrally planned countries (IDRC, 1995: 62).

The over-consumption in industry can be paralleled with domestic consumption- In 1991 domestic

consumption of electricity was estimated at 9 000 kilowatt-hours a year, compared to Britain's 4 000 (Ramphele, 1991: 123)- Despite overcapacity production (IDRC. 1995: 62). only 30% of the population has access to electricity. Since 1992 the South African government has been attempting to improve the electrification percentage the aim for 2000 is approximately 70%- However, even in poorer homes that
have been equipped with electricity it is frequently not used. Ironically, part of the reason may be due to

cost since newly electrified areas must pay for installation as well as the power. This results in some township residents having to pay 50% more per unit than white areas (Ramphele, 1991: 123)- For those who do not have access to electricity, wood, paraffin and coal senre as substitutes. Wood is the most popular option, especially in rural areas as it is perceived as being free - despite the time women spend in gathering (estimated at an average 8.3 km in KwaZulu Natal). The effects of using these fuel sources include massive air pollution, increased incidence of respiratory diseases, and in the case of paraffin an increased incidence of fire - which spreads very quickly in the townships close settlements.

South Africa offers nuclear power as an alternative for future generation when coal reserves run out or for the purposes of cleaner energy production. Currently, only one nuclear power plant is operating and new plants have not been pursued due to public pressure and finance constrictions. Regardless of the future of the program it is clear that the waste from the previously operating plants must be dealt with for
years to come and perhaps other options are worth pursuing as environmentally responsible alternatives.

Solar and wind energy are both very promising in the South African context. For example, installations covering just 0.1 5% of KwaZulu Natal could produce all of its electrical needs (Ramphele, 1991: 130) while investigations of the potential for wind power are proceeding on the West Coast.

Settlement Patterns

The black population has gradually lost possession of their land through armed baffle, treaties, economic pressure and legislation since the mid-seventeenth century. In 1894, for example. the Glaen Grey Act restricted land holdings of black farmers to a maximum of four hectares (Auerbach, 1990: 41). The Land Act of 1913 advanced this pattern of restricted land ownership by allowing blacks to own only seven percent of the total land area of South Afn'ca, fn 1936 this amount was raised to 13%, ostensibly as compensation for lost voting rights (Ramphele, 1991: 3). Legislation was even introduced to prevent white farmers from selling off sections of their land to anyone, leading to oversized commercial farms. The land set aside for blacks consisted of fragments throughout the country and in 1948 these fragments were used as the basis for establishing 'bantustans' or self-goveming homelands for blacks. Four of these homelands were given 'independence' and the other six were considered to have 'self-governing status'. This period marked the beginning of what is referred to as 'apartheid' institutionalized by the Nationalist govemment-

Over the next three decades massive forced removals of blacks to the homelands occurred. Between 1960 and 1985 it is estimated that over 3.5 million people were forcibly removed from one place and moved to another (Ramphele, 1991: 3). The homelands served to provide white-owned farms, industry and mines with cheap labour while keeping the races separated in daily life. The Pass Laws and Urban Areas Act furthered these ends by limiting access to urban areas. Primarily three kinds of techniques were used in restricting black presence in cities: pass laws, housing construction limits, and destruction of black communities (Wilson and Ramphele, 1989: 208). Of course, it was impossible to prevent all blacks from settling near cities so areas were set aside on the perimeter of the city for blacks, separated from the white, coloured and indian populations. This 'ethnic spatial engineering' was legislated by the Group Areas Act (1950) and Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act (1951). In Cape Town this resulted in the destruction of inner city settlements and massive forced moves to sprawling townships and the eventual prohibition of any development to control influx from the homelands (Dewar, 1991: 92)-

In the 1930s a programme referred to as 'betterrnenf was instituted in the homelands to address soil erosion concerns and improve the viability of the homelands as economic units- Lands were divided into residential, grazing and arable sections. This 'villagization' and stock reduction programme was strongly resisted by the homeland population- Since the chieftains of the tribal system had largely lost their legitimacy due to their status as paid employees of the state, legislated by the Bantu Authorities Act of the late 1950s,in some cases tribal authorities enforcing the policy required assistance by the armed forces (Cock, 1991: 13-14). In some areas 'betterment' policies resulted in people losing over half their land (De Wet, 1991:7). The remaining land, for those villagers who were not iandless, was often inadequate -even for subsistence- Thus, these lands were deserted by many in favour of providing migratory labour to South African white-owned industries.

The betterment programmes, and those like it, disregarded the origin of the overcrowding of the
homelands (apartheid policy) blaming black residents for the degradation of the environment through their ignorance or use of inappropriate farming practices. The Tomlinson Commission was appointed by government to investigate the carrying capacity of the homelands and to recommend alternatives to make the areas economically viable. In 1954 this Commission stated that the area could carry approximately 2 100 families and 17 400 cattle (Wilson, 1991: 34). However, its recommendationsfor revision were ignored

w i t h 10 and by 1980 approximately 14 000 extended families (

- 12 members) were present in the

homelands raising approximately 72 600 cattle (Wilson, 1991: 34). This pattern of settlement has had a strong effect on resource management For example, during resettlement 'cattlekeeping people from the highveld have been resettled in Maputaland, where traditions of sounield pastoral management are not applicable' (IDRC, 1995: 44). Not only has this resulted in inappropriate land use, but also much traditional knowledge has been lost in the process of forced adaptation to the new circumstances.

Regardless of the official reasoning for the policies, villagization allowed government greater control over the rural populations, which facilitated the implementation of apartheid (De Wet, 1991: 5).

Generally, the move to nucIeated villages within the homelands has not helped the black population- Many have less land with poorer qualities than before, Population densities of 0-1 hectares per person were noted in five of the homelands, while in the former Natal and Cape provinces this figure rose to 2.5 ha per person (IDRC, 1995: 44)- The homeland inhabitants were further from natural resources, jobs, and services, and had less control over their lives and land use decisions. Additionally, governments were unable (or unwilling) to provide 'improved services and agricultural assistance, even in the economically and bureaucratically stronger South Afncan context' (De Wet, 1991: 9). Black women in particuiar have suffered under this settlement pattern. Under customary law women were never allowed land tenure or the right to participate in decisions regarding land use. In the apartheid system, they were not allowed to own property due to their race and the use of men as migratory labour has left many women without many optionsWomen in rural areas constitute approximately 80% of the population but they are still are not accorded decision-making authority.

In 1986 the Pass Laws and Urban Areas Act were abolished, opening the floodgates of urbanization of black populations from the overcrowded and impoverished homelands. Motivated by drought, lack of land or employment, and generally poor conditions, masses of people moved from the rural areas to what were perceived to be better situations in the city. By 1990 63% of the population in South
Africa was urbanized (Kotze and Van Wyk, 1994: 35) and it is expected that by 2021 about 80% of the

f the population that remains in the rural population will be urbanites (Kotze and Van Wyk, 1994: 35-36). O
areas - dominantly women and children - approximately 80% have remained in the homelands (Thorgren,
1998: 25).

In 1994 it was estimated that over 7 million were already living in squatter communities

(Stedman, 1994: 55) and that 7.8 million homeless people drifted from rural to urban locations. It is estimated that South African cities are growing at a rate of 3 - 5% a year and the Urban Foundation estimates that 75% of the urban population will be centralized in five metros (Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town, Pretoria and Port Elizabeth) within the decade (IDRC: 1995: 80).

Although much of the poor population remains in the rural areas

- particularly the

former

homelands - May and Rogerson suggest that there has been a 'shift in the geography of poverty' due to increasing rates of urbanization and the high natural population growth in these areas (1995: 168). For example, in KwaZulu Natal both the mral and the urban populations are growing but the 'growth rate in urban areas is about three times as high' (Percival and Homer-Dixon, 1998: 288). It is also important to note that the greatest growth is within the poorest populations. Dewar suggests that the 'dominant demographic tendencies are faster. younger and poorer, resulting in high and increasing levels of poverty, unemployment and inequality within the cities' (1991: 92). The newIy urbanized population persists, and grows, in the belief that urban areas are better than what would be endured in m n l areas and that the potential for finding a job is better. This is despite the lack of any basic amenities - housing, sewerage, water, waste collection, transportation - in the informal areas and the high rates of crime.

Land Reforms

The Land Reform Programme of the ANC government commits to redistributing 30% of the land over a five-year period (IDRC, 1995: 47). Despite the ANC's previous 'socialist' arguments, since gaining power they have adopted a programme 'which respects existing propew rights' and will use the 'market in order to redistribute land' (South Africa Communication Sewice, 1998: 389). The Land Reform Act of 1996 and the folIowing White Paper on Land Policy (1997) are based on three components: land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure reform. The redistribution section of the programme targets the poor, especially farmers, and allows househoIds to apply for a maximum R15 000 SettternenV Land Acquisition

Grant in order to purchase land in the market. It is unclear how the role of chiefs and customary practices of
allocating land will be affected by these policies, although it is suggested that things can only improve due to the corrupt behaviour that has been demonstrated by chiefs in previous periods (LAPC, 1997: 14). This land reform approach has placed responsibility for development in the private sector, rather than allowing government to play a more substantial role (Keegan. 1998: 9-10). This raises the question of whether,

given the poverty of many of its citizens, the state will be able to achieve its goats in a relatively short period of time.

It has been argued that the programme will not likely serve to viably and sustainably establish current farm tenants as farm owners, This is based on the fact that newly established farmers, even with land, will need to find further funding to meet family expenditures and the costs of farming -especially in the beginning. This need is extreme in the case of labour tenants since they rely on farmers for housing, education, health care and employment, which frequently earns these taborers the title of the 'most socially oppressed' (EDA, 1987: 12). 'Most of the people say they want to farm, but many have lost the skills and the resources needed to succeed' (LAPC, 1997: 13). If this is the case, even with land, people (especially able-bodied men) may chose to pursue other employment, sell or rent the land for profit, or even refuse the offer for land entirely (LAPC, 1997: 14). In the meantime established farmers are attempting to limit the ability of tenants to claim tenure by no longer allowing grazing or farming rights. In some cases, illegal evictions occur.

De Wet emphasizes that land reform must be considered part of a larger package of reforms including everything from changing local government mechanisms, processes and policies to revising land
use patterns to be more flexible to ensuring services such as legal aid and credit access- He argues that

unless the approach is more holistic, 'land reform is more likely to hinder than to promote agricultural development - as is evidenced by the sad history of villagization schemes throughout Africa

- and of

Betterment planning in South Africa in particular' (De Wet, 1991: 14 - 15). While it is true that the primary

object of landless South Afncans is to gain secure tenure, but not necessarily to farm, Khumbane believes
that women and children especially are committed to working on the land (December 17, 1998). However, it

has been suggested that the output of farms will suffer and might eventually fail since the women who have taken on the role of farming do not own the land, are responsible for domestic tasks, lack access to other resources, and lack a 'culture of entrepreneurship' (LAPC, 1997: 15). This argument seems inadequate,

however, in attributing women who continue to provide for their families, despite the odds and lack of support from men-folk- it is unlikely that f a n s like this will ever compete with commercial (white-owned) agriculture; however, the usefulness and potential of small-scale farming should not be discounted-

The Environment

Natural vegetation in South Africa varies widely from desert to savanna to sub-tropical. The
Western Cape province is home to one of the sixth recognised floral kingdoms in the world, referred to as

fynbos. Naturally forested areas are very rare, covering about 0.25% of the total area, and are mostly confined to mountainous valleys of the Great Escarpment and the southern coast around Knysna. Most of the indigenous wildlife is now constrained to the natural reserves and game parks, such as Kruger National Park, due to settlement patterns beginning in the 18" and 19ficentury. Approximately 5.5% of South Africa's area is protected by some sort of conservation measure. Most of these areas were established during the apartheid years. These areas serve as major attractions for tourists and are a good source of foreign exchange. The government has expressed interest in developing this sector of the economy. Generally, the management of these areas has been isolated, but efforts to explore more integrated approaches are now being explored (IDRC, 1995: f 57).

The constitution of South Africa guarantees the rights of its citizens to a healthy and clean

environment. This is reinforced in the RDP that states 'government must ensure that all citizens, present and future, have the right to a decent quality of life through sustainable use of resources' and that 'environmental considerations must be built into every decision'. However, these assertions are inadequate
in addressing the need for environmentally sound policies, In fact, it might be suggested that these

guidelines could lull the population into a false sense of security against environmentat destruction since
they do not lie out the grounds of implementation or consequences- It is often the countries with

environmentai provisions in their constitutions that have the worst records of environmenta1 degradation
despite the ability of these provisions to provide guidance for future legislation (Ramphele, 1991:153).

South Affica faces numerous threats to its environment including land degradation, water quality and quantity, atmospheric pollution, and inappropriatewaste disposal that result in health problems, housing dilemmas, and economic restrictions. The legislation regulating environmental concerns is fragmented and implementation is under-funded. There have been recent attempts to unify legislation and ensure

departmentai coordination but the co-existing challenges of development growth and ecologicaI rehabilitation faced by South Africa have, and will continue to, require hard decisions on behalf of government and the population.

conservation does not have a good reputation with much of the South African population. It has been associated with white elite interests, and accused of emphasising saving the rhino over providing for
the needs of the population.

In the past state consenration measures have forced dislocation of

communities and loss of access to valuable resources such as fuel, game, fish or medicinal plants. This dislocation has resulted in another loss as we11 -that of traditional knowledge and cultural values. A quote from a rural community worker suggests the general resentment of such conse~ationprojects: 'If conservation means losing water rights, losing grazing and arable land and being dumped in a resettlement area without even the most rudimentary infrastructure, this can only promote a vigorous anti-conservation ideology among rural communities" (Ramphele, 1991: 6-7). It has also been suggested that black involvement in conservation issues was constrained since often their time is taken up with suwival strategies and the benefits of long-term environmental planning are not visible on a day-today level (Ramphele, 1991: 7). It has been agreed by most natural resource planners and environmental activists that the population is unlikely to comply with exclusionary policies restricting their access unless there are obvious benefits.

It is not surprising to find that in a country deeply divided along racial, economic and political lines that black South Africans generally do not see conservation measures as a priority. However, in recent years a new attitude toward environmental issues has begun to evolve relating to environmental justice. As in the American case, the environment in this movement has been reconceived to encompass areas where blacks live, work and play. In this way, struggles for better housing, health care, education, worker's rights, access to land, freedom of information, et cetera all become part of a battle for the environment and sustainable development (Cole, 235). The frequentiy cited case of the protest of importation of toxic waste by Thor Chemicals is an excellent example of this type of approach. Black peasant fanners, ecologists, unions, and students all united in protest and succeeded in halting certain operations (Cock and Koch, 1991: 10).

Land Degradation

The soils of South Africa are quite varied; however, generally they are quite fragile with low organic content. Only about 12% of the country's area is considered arable while 65% is considered serni-and or arid. Rainfall is irregular and periodic droughts do occur. Of the entire land area only 3% is high-potential agn'cultural land, of which 86% is already cropped. In 1991 Wilson estimated that the desert was advancing at a rate of 2.6 km every year (1991: 30). It has become abundantly clear that 'unless carefully managed, many parts of the country's land can be easily damaged' (Cooper, 1991: 53).

The homelands have been the most damaged: where 'dongas (erosion gullies) have become small valleys which split the hillsides; soil has given way to a crumbling gray shale, stonebuilt huts squat in a scene which is almost lunar in its desolation' (Wilson. 1991: 34). In KwaZulu Natal the high rainfall and steep slopes make soil erosion particulady problematic. However, since white farmlands occupy 87% of the land, land degradation in these areas

- although not as severe - might be considered more serious

(Cooper, 1991:54). According to the IDRC:

Commercial agriculture, while contributing in large part to meeting the food needs of SA, has often used methods that have led to land degradation. High levels of inputs, such as fertilizer and pesticides; monocropping; intensive irrigation; and the use of heavy machinery have slI contributed to soil degradation and fufierdependence on high inputs. (1995: 142)

It was estimated in 1991 that South Africa as a whole was about one-third overstocked (Cooper,

1991: 56). Excluding the former homelands, 'It is estimated that 8.1 million hectares of commercial rangeland has been severely degraded through overgrazing, and 22.1 million hectares has been moderately degraded' (IDRC, 1995: 143). In areas that are not grazing land, inappropriate ploughing can also be a problem -especially in western regions where government subsidies promoted mechanized maize growing despite the dryness and erodibility of the soils (Cooper, 1991: 56).

Currently, approximately 500 million tons of topsoil per year are lost in South Africa. This figure can be compared with the estimates of 1994 at 400 million and to the 233 to 363 million in 1981 (Kotze and Van Wyk, 1994: 38). The decrease in nutrients in the soil due to over-farming and mono-cropping practices are compensated by a heavy reliance on ago-chemicals by commercial farmers, and some small farmers.

The use of these chemicals threatens the quality of the soii (Percival and Homer-Dixon, 1998: 285) - and by
extension of the food and meat produced, Generally crops are treated with at least three different pesticides
in addition to fertilizers used (Cock and Koch, 1991:185). Chemicals are frequently applied without proper

equipment or training, creating a higher risk to people and land. Some of the chemicals used are carcinogenic or even mutagenic, and some that continue to be used, such as DDT, have been banned in many other countries. In the case of pesticides, the detrimental effects include a loss of bio-diversity through the elimination of beneficial insects in the process and the need for increasing doses in order to combat the continually escalating problem. There are also problems with the use of hormonal herbicide on sugar plantations in KwaZulu Natal since the spray drifts to adjoining fields negatively affecting vegetables. Soil acidification, already a concern due to coal-use induced acid rain, can also be promoted by the use of

artificial fertilizers and salination of rivers is worsened by polluting effluents from mining and agriculture (Cooper, 1991: 57).

The removai of vegetation has also contributed substantially to environmental degradation. The

increased exposure of the land and the removai of the 'sponge effmt' of trees have affected erosion rates, biodiversity and water supplies. Mining activities, especially sand mining in the Western Cape province have also become a concern due to 'poorly rehabilitated areas [that are1often left bare and exposed to strong winds and sand erosion' (CMC Engineering Services, 1997: 6)- The methods employed in building housing are also problematic since 'an area of land zoned for low-cost housing is cleared of all vegetation and graded Rat before construction begins, This results in the loss of topsoil and vegetation, and an increase in erosion' (IDRC, 1995: 85). The removal of vegetation in infbrmal settlements can lead to floods,
mud slides, and sink holes if the settlements are sited in water catchment areas (Lawson as in Percival and

Homer-Dixon, 1998: 289).

Water

In South Africa the available quantity of water is a major concem. Large areas of land are arid and

semi-arid receiving less than 250-mm rainfall a year, while South Africa receives on average less than 500
rnm per annum. The country also periodically experiences droughts. For largescale water needs, dams are

used. Since groundwater supplies are limited, the few lakes or rivers, although small, are an important source of water for much of the population. The availability of water varies regionally and in some cases water transfer is practiced. Gauteng province, with its industrial base, large urban population, and lack of water sources is such a recipient Water transfer agreements are also being developed with neighboring countries Lesotho and Swaziland and unconventional methods, such as desalination and iceberg importation, are being considered (IDRC, 1995: 51).

Despite the restrictions of water quantity there is a general iack of management of its use and very little recycling. Although the government introduced a 'wise use' conservation campaign in 1995, price remains the primary determinant of water consumption. Irrigation is the largest use of water in the country, comprising about 52% of the country's consumption. It is hoped that this demand will decrease with time and use of more sustainable water consumption methods. Domestic consumption accounts for

approximately 12% of water use, and is expected to grow substantially as more South Africans gain access to water. Here again there is a division within the population between races. As an example, Oewar estimated that in the Eastern Cape poorer black South Africans daily use approximately 201 of water per person; however, wealthier white residents use closer to 300L (1991: 95). While mining and power generation are relatively minor uses (2,7% and 2 . 3 % respectively), their local impact is substantial. Conservation areas, which account for a total of about 5.4% of South Afn'ca (IDRC, 1995: 145), presently use about 15% of water consumed, and this percentage may grow if the South African economy further develops the tourism industry. Finally, afforestation constitutes 7% of use. Although this figure seems relatively low, the use of water for forestry remains controversial - especially when the reduction in water

s not accounted for. availability in local catchments i

The poor population sorely feels the iack of water supplies in both urban and rural South Africa. In both cases apartheid settlement and economic policies have been fundamental to forming structural blocks to water access, availability and cleanliness. In 1995 approximately 70% of the rural population lacked safe water supplies and 63% lacked adequate sanitation (Fitzgerald, 1995: 556). In rural areas the removal of vegetation, done for clearing for farming or fuel collection, has resulted in the water supplies being less regulated and springs drying up. Increased flooding, silting of riverbeds, and poorer health is the result of vegetation removal's relation to water. The lack of local supplies also results in women and children having the added obligation of gathering water from distant sources, resulting in their spending 'no fewer than three hours every day fetching and caving water' (Wilson, 1991: 36).

In urban areas about 33% of the population lacked safe water supplies and 31% lacked adequate sanitation (Fitzgerald, 1995: 556). Of course, most of this lack is situated in poor black areas, not in white suburbs Chronic poliution results quickjy when water access is limited, especially in the case of sanitation facilities. In many cases the 'bucket system' of sanitation is still used in townships and collection is irregular leaving overflowing buckets to be emptied wherever is convenient - usually natural waterways. In some cases, such as Khayelitsha, which was build on the water catchment, concerns are now being expressed that even the water table has been contaminated and 'black water' from taps is common. Under these conditions the possibility of cholera, gastroenteritis, dysentery, parasitic infections, typhoid and bilharzia increase dramatically, and serve to threaten millions of people.

The contamination evident in some of South Africa's water systems can not however be blamed only on poor township or rural residents. 'Pollution from industrial sources and seepage from coal, gold, and other mines threaten the quality of both river and ground water' (Percival and Homer-Dixon, 1998: 286). For example, coal mine seepage of high levels of acid released to the Brugspruit River, west of Witbank in Transvaal, resulted in levels high enough to destroy clothing - a [eve1akin to battery acid (Dewar. 1991:95

- 96) and in Mngweni River in the Valley of a Thousand Hills mercury concentrations were recorded at I
500 times the levels considered toxic by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EJNF, 1995:

12). Women from a near-by settlement using the river's water to wash clothing simply dug holes meters away from the banks, believing that this would filter the 'poisons' from the water (Dewar, 1991: 95-96). The former homelands are particularly vulnerable to these types of pollution since environmental controls were not implemented during the apartheid years and it is a continuing baffle for residents to prevent pollution.

The 1996 constitution states that all residents have the right to clean water. In pursuit of this goal, The Water Services Act (1997) is being implemented and in 1997 approximately 2 million people formerly without water now have access to approximately 25 t per day available at a maximum of 200 m away from their residence. In many cases this also includes sanitation facilities. However, the target population was

4.7 million during the 1997198 period and this indicates the difficulty in implementing and administering this endeavor. The government faces challenges of not only providing services to its population, but also managing demand and allocation, and ensuring water quality with pollution controls. At the time of writing a National Water Bill was being formulated in the attempt to deal with this mu[tidimensionaI problem.

Other Pollution

There is a serious problem with atmospheric pollution in urban areas. A large part of the problem is car emissions, since personal transportation is the only option for many people and until phasing out began in 1996 petrol was completely leaded, In one region of Cape Town the lead levels in children were

so high that they were threatening mental and physical development(Dewar, 1991: 97). Industry emissions

t was approximated that 1.2 million tons of sulphur dioxide and 400 000 tons are also problematic. In 1990 i
of nitrogen oxides were released by industry per year (Duming as in Bromley, 1995: 12). Although there is plenty of legislation regulating these emissions, there is a lack of capacity in government to ensure the standards are met (IDRC, 1995: 117). The atmospheric pollution has led to increased numbers of respiratory diseases, which are the second highest cause of infant mortality. In Soweto for example, pollution levels were found to be 2 . 5 time higher than anywhere else in South Africa and the children there suffer more frequent and serious incidents of these diseases (Cock, 1991: 15). Asbestos fibres from mine dumps have also polluted the atmosphere causing asbestosis, mesothelioma and lung cancer in near-by communities, mine workers and households using the material for roofing (IDRC, f 995: 109). Until very recently South Africa was without freedom of information legislation, which has limited the ability of communities to access information on these destructive practices. Even workers were not legally permitted to know what they were handling and any effects that their work might have on their health (Slachmuijlder, 1993: 112).

Waste in South Africa is not recycled but simply thrown away to be placed in landfills with little control by municipal authorities. There is no separation of industrial or household waste so these dumps are filled with various hazardous and non-hazardous solid and liquid wastes, and in some cases illegal dumping is practiced by industry (IDRC, 1995: 88). Since these sites are frequently close to, or within, black residential areas children play in the waste and many residents, particularly women, scavenge through the landfills for everything from food to wasted metal for crafts. The dumping areas become wasted land and in some cases contaminate groundwater. In the case of sewage, there i s no recycling of organic matter and no separation of industrial and sewage waste. Women are particularly affected by these waste disposal
methods. Rampheie suggests that increased numbers of birth defects in babies is related to the use of

dangerous chemicals in industry and toxins in dumps (1989).As noted earlier, the removal of waste and sewage from informaltownships is irregular or non-existent contributing to this waste problem-

Housing

In 1971 central government regained control over public housing from local authorities, who had been responsible for housing since the 1920s. Settlement, as already mentioned in the 'settlement patterns' section, was segregated by race and involved massive rehousing of communities in the 1950s. Township development took place on the edges of cities, far from work areas and amenities requiring residents to travel long distances with inadequate (or no) transportation available. These areas were situated on poor or unsuitable land such as the sand dunes of the Cape Flats, the shadows of mine dumps of Soweto, and the unstable ground of Duduza. In the 1960snOs the development slowed even further increasing housing shortages. In Cape Town for example, housing for blacks was stopped with the Coloured Labour

Preference Policy of 1964. In response to this crisis, 'site and service' plans were initiated in the 1980s. These programmes targeted poorer populations who lived on the peripheries of cities, especially blacks, but

were inadequate to the task of providing adequate housing or sewices for the population.

In 1991 it was estimated that one in every five black citizens was without formal housing (Ramphele, 1991: 135). The previous housing shortage has only intensified with increased urbanizationAny lot with extra space is filled with makeshift shelters that are built for relatives or rented out There are major problems with badly built structures with no insulation or ceilings, asbestos roofing, or that are flooded a few months of the year. There is also a severe lack of any recreational or private space. What few open areas there are combine to provide waste dumping grounds, cattle grazing area, children play areas and scavenging grounds. With the increased freedom for blacks, areas that were previously white settlements, such as Hillbrow, are also being overpopulated and services are being overstressed (IDRC, 1995: 83). The loss of agricultural land and the encroachment upon environmentally sensitive areas has also become a concern of late. Urban planners in the Cape Metropolitan Region have argued that this type of situation is unnecessary as pockets of vacant and underutilized land exist and could accommodate affordable housing at high densities and mixed land uses (CMC Engineefing Senrices, 1997) to solve the related dilemmas of environment, resident proximity and housing.

Housing policy of the 1990s has been slightly different than previous approaches to the crisis. There has been a new emphasis on the joint responsibilities of private and public sectors to provide adequate quality and quantity of housing. In the public domain this has meant implementation of housing subsidies to promote individual ownership. These individual subsidies are offered to first-time home buyers whose household income is less than R3 500 per month and may be used to buy units within provincial housing schemes or purchase of private property. Additionally, since 1995 subsidies up to R15 000 per project have been available to institutions creating affordable housing. These subsidies do, however, create the conditions for a 'lose-lose situation, with the grants inadequate to answer the needs of the recipients, and the cost of issuing grants to all who are eligible

- amounting to millions of households - a 'staggering

burden' for the post-apartheidgovernment' (LAPC, 1997: 13).

These housing subsidies have been complemented by various programmes to make mortgages more accessible, improve urban township conditions, and gather more accurate information on the housing situation. A Housing Act was introduced in 1997 that reversed related race-based legislation and called for a national housing code, phasing out of subsidies, and establishment of guidelines for further housing development Its implications have yet to come into evidence, however it does not seem likely that this legislationwill adequately address the housing needs of the population-

Health

Medical services are generally public. although there are private hospitals and practitioners. Until
the early 1990s hospitals were segregated and blacks were inadequately sewiced. Despite the end of

segregation, blacks still encounter inferior care, largely due to their economic positions, which invariably
affect their level of care and the facilities available to them. The health of most black South Africans is quite

poor. This is reflected in higher incidence of mental illness and curable disease in black populations (Stevens and Lockhat, 1997: 251). Children suffer from high levels of respiratory diseases, parasitic infections and malnutrition. Despite the fact that South Africa is usually a net exporter of food, many children go hungry and there is a very high prevalence of malnutrition.

The incidence of HlV infection is also a major concern as numbers of infection increased sharply during the 1990s. it is estimated, based on clinic infection reports, that 2.4 million South Africans are infected with HIV. Of these cases, 900 000 people have full-blown AIDS, 200 000 of these being children (South Africa Communication Services, 1998). However, these numbers are believed to be severely underestimated, and other projections suggest an infection rate of 1 in 10. Although there have been several educational campaigns regarding HIV and AIDS infection, many South Ahicans continue to practice unsafe sex. Women are particularly vulnerable due to cultural norms and familial beliefs. The superstition and fear of this disease has had frightening results such as the rape of small children and babies in the

hope of purging the disease with their innocence, sometimes resulting in the death of the children- This
practice may be related to the doubling of child abuse rates (based on reported cases) in the last bur years.

Since June 1994 children under the age of six and pregnant women have been entitled to free medical care. The government has built numerous clinics and doctors are now obligated to do one year of community service, usually served in rural areas, once they have graduated. The issue of malnutrition in children has received special attention with the creation of a national feeding scheme administered through the schools. By 1997 4.8 million children were being fed at school with this scheme, with reported benefits inciuding increased concentration and alertness, improved attendance and decreased dropout rates. There have been significant problems with this programme including lack of community involvement, infrequent delivery, and low quality of food

- such as bread with lam for lunch. These problems have only been

exacerbated by the high incidence of administrative error and fraud

- at least R2.8 million was expected

misappropriated in 1997 (South African Communication Services, 1998)- As a result, many schools are seeking alternatives to the government-feeding scheme such as setting up soup kitchens through the community or growing produce on the school grounds.

Education

Separate standards, facilities and resources for each race characterized apartheid education approaches. For black South Africans education was controlled by the Bantu Education Act (1953). This act specified that black education should reflect the lesser status of blacks in society (Stedman, 1994: 53). This resulted in the black population having poorly trained teachers managed by a corrupt administration and an overall desperately poor learning environment in 'homeland' areas. In some cases, education was simply not available.

In the 1980s the education crisis came to a head with poIitically motivated student boycotts. By this
time any belief in the system of education was largely lost Dropout rates soared, while those students who

remained in school dealt with increasingly limited educations. It is estimated that some 15 million black adults are illiterate and lacking in the basics needed for skills training (IDRC, 1995: 169)- Although this population is concentrated in former homelands areas, it is also evident in townships such as Khayelitsha and Nyanga where 45.26% and 47.38% of the residents had no or less than grade 5 education levels (Central Statistical Services, 1991). Stedman reports that only 5% of black children who enter school reach matriculation, 60% do not complete primary schooI, and 25% of all dropouts are from grade 1 (1994: 54).

Education has now been made to be cornpuisory for children aged 7 15 or until the ninth grade, whichever comes first. A new curriculum, referred to as Cumculum 2005, is being phased into schools as
an effort to link practical skills and education through 'outcomes based education'. Segregated education

was abolished by the constitution, but most blacks are prevented from attending previously 'white' schools due to high fees and capacity limits and most private schools also remain inaccessible to a majority of the population. Students are now allowed to choose which language they wish to be schooled in, and are expected to learn at least one other official language. This choice, however, is restricted by the ability of schools to meet these obligations and in many cases this simply does not occur. Despite the official guideline for teachers to have at least three years of post-matriculation teaching training this is often not the case. Schools continue to be plagued by poorly trained and inadequate numbers of staff. Dilapidated buildings and lack of resources is common in several regions. Across the country, about 24% of schools do not have water within walking distance, 59% do not have electricity (in the Northern Province this percentage raises to 79%), 13% do not have toilets (and 50% rely solely on pit latrines) (South African Communication Services, 1998)-

All of these conditions persist, although in some cases not to the same extremes, despite the expenditure on education that is approximately 6.5% of GDP and the many programmes that have been

undertaken to improve teacher training, build new schools, and improve resource accessibility- International support for developing the education system in various ways has been received from many sources including Canada, the United States, Britain, Japan and the United Nations Educational and Training Programme. The demand from black communities for education has only increased in recent years, putting further pressure on an already massively inadequate system,

Conclusion

Redressing the past tendencies of exploitation and inequity in South Africa will require time and diligence on behalf of government, NGOs, international organisations, and the population. The revisioning of this society requires that as integrative an approach as possible is taken and an inclusionary process is used, including as many interested actors as possible. A great opportunity exists for South Africans to remake their society. Environmental justice, through its focus on community involvement, equitable

distribution of power, and ecological concern, provides a guideline to this type of re-evaluation. However,
the infrastructural, governmental and societal changes will be neither quick nor easy- This chapter has

provided a basic background to the situation faced in South Africa. This allows the discussion to proceed to a more in-depth discussion of the specific case studies of this research, which illustrate efforts to explore alternative development through the use of permaculture.

CHAPTER THREE: NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANlSATlONS

Introduction

It is often argued that where govemment falls short in providing necessary services and development, NGOs have an opportunity to actively 'pick up the slack'. In South Africa there are numerous NGOs working in a wide variety of fields including education, housing, health, community development,

human rights, and environment During the apartheid years some NGOs played fundamental roles in
mobilizing communities in resisting racist policies and in providing services to impoverished communities. Since the post-apartheid govemment has been in power though, NGOs have faced a new challenge in obtaining funding since foreign donors are less willing to provide funding to the organisations, opting instead to work with govemment. Additionally, some NGOs have been viewed suspiciously by the government, although this sentiment seems to be subsiding as the key role of NGOs is revealed. At this point, many
NGOs are reevaluating their missions and abilities to contribute to the building of a new South Africa, while

others have simply decided to shut down due to irrelevance or lack of funds. As a means of dealing with this shifting reality some NGOs are beginning to work more closely with govemment - both to secure funding and to ensure consistency and effectiveness. With this in mind, it is probable that NGOs will distinguish themselves even further by the level at which they work - national, regional, or local - and with whom they work - govemment, other organisations, overseas interests, and/or communities.

Alternative options for development are an important focus for many of these organisations, since it is increasingly clear that the South African govemment and economy will be unable to provide for the needs
of all of its citizens through its policies. Within this grouping, several NGOs have been active in promoting

permaculture and its related principles within rural and urban South African society. Most tend to focus on disadvantaged community development in one way or another and at some level deal with food growing. Trees for Africa, Abalimi Bezekhaya, Valley Trust, PELUM, Seed Care Network, the Permaculture

Association of South Afn'ca, food Gardens Foundation, and many others may be included in this list along with community-based organisations such as KEAG and Thlolego that also promote alternative development options. Projects vary extensively including such activities as learning alternative building

r e e planting, or facilitating workshops and training courses. techniques, establishing nurseries and gardens, t
Many of the NGOs promote urban agriculture using permaculture principles. In each case the participation of communities and developing skills is emphasized-

An assumption has been made that the civil mobilization that was apparent with the anti-apartheid movement would make community organisation in the post-apartheid era even easier, especially in establishing participation within communities- This however, has not always proven to be the case. There are several limitations to the use of the established organizational base. First, in some cases it may no longer exist since its purpose has been accomplished, Second, it may be corrupt or inaccessible to the general population. Third, established power relations may not easily shift to accommodate new actors or interests, especially if those in power feel threatened. Fourth, and finally, the legacy of apartheid through government control, provision and destruction of self-esteem has established a mentality of entitlement in the population that is not easily overcome and has been frequently (perhaps inadvertently) reinforced by the current government. It is clear that the relevance of NGOs, especially those involved in alternative

development programmes, can only be measured in comparison to their usefulness as perceived by the communities with which they work, and cannot be separated from their methods of assessment or intervention. The reassessment going on in South African NGOs offers the potential for attaining at feast a measure of success in this regard.

Two NGOs that are active in addressing disadvantaged community concerns through permaculture
were investigated for this study. Trees for Afiica is an organisation that operates at a national level, while Abalimi confines its programmes to the townships of Cape Town. Both of the organisations are involved in the case studies that comprise the next two chapters. This involvement suggested that understanding the

NGOs through looking at their structures, approaches, and staff perceptions would provide deeper insight into implemented permaculture projects- This exploration has also created a better picture of the changing climate for NGOs, as well as their primary concerns with that climate. AIthough the research into these NGOs is considered supplemental to the applied permaculture cases, it has contributed to developing a more nuanced understanding of the projects and their influences than might have evolved without this effort,

Trees for Africa Johannesbura, GA

Description

Trees for Africa ( F A ) is a non-governmentalorganization which focuses on awareness campaigns and projects dealing with greening and permaculture promotion throughout South Africa. Its main office is situated in Johannesburg, At its formation 9 years ago the primary goal was the planting of trees but in recent years it has changed focus slightiy. The current mission statement of the organisation is 'to contribute to a healthy and sustainable quality of life for all through environmental awareness and greening programmes'. This mission is supported by the two main objectives cited in TFA's annual report that aim 'to involve at least 10% of the population in greening projects by the year 2000 and to create an awareness of the benefits of environmental upliftment activities amongst all communities of Southern Africa' (1998: 1).

The structure of TFA consists of a Board of Directors, a Committee, the Executive Director, a fulltime staff, and consultants. The Board and Committee are comprised of government and business representatives, as is the Committee. The Executive Director is a position that is hired out by TFA to Progreen, a private corporation. The six member full-time staff includes office personnel as well as two field workers. The structure of TFA is currently under review and will be revised in the coming year to reflect the changing realities and focus of the NGO.

Trees for Africa is involved in numerous projects throughout South Africa including nurseries,

r e e planting. The core of its activities remains its national treeplanting programme. This gardens, and t
programme is promoted throughout the year in various locations, although its focus has become the Arbor Week campaign. The trees being planted by communities are either donatedlsubsidised by TFA or bought
by the communities. This particular programme has been running since 1990, although in 1997 it was

extended from a day tc a week campaign. In 1998 the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry hired TFA to administer Arbor Week's promotion and organisation. Aside from sponsoring communities doing tree planting, there have been two recent greening projects in urban areas. The first occurred in Kimberly and the second in Port Elizabeth. At the conclusion of the study period the reports for these programmes were not complete. The other major event organized by TFA is Eduplant Initiated in 1995 with Eskom, Eduplant
is a national competition for schools.

Schools compete for various prize allowances based on their

proposals for permaculture integration activities at their schools.

Trees for Africa is also involved in information dissemination and awareness campaigns. The organisation produces pamphlets, newsletters, posters and booklets that are given out at their events and distributed to various communities. TFA also utilizes radio and television to promote their campaigns and severai newspaper articles have featured their activities. Many of the communities that have been involved with TFA have also been featured in these promotions. This year, in conjunction with Eduplant, TFA offered workshops to promote the use of permaculture throughout South Africa, concentrating on school and government bureaucracy participants. Most of the staff members felt that the strength of the organisation was in the activities which promoted and disseminated information since these projects seemed the most successful.

The communities targeted by TFA's projects are generally considered disadvantaged and consist largely of black urban dwellers. The Eduplant competition is the one event that is not specifically aimed at poorer areas, although the majority of entrants are from less wealthy schools. Permaculture gardens and

nurseries in disadvantaged areas are meant to aid the selected communities with building skills and some income generation through ways that might be self-sustaining in the Mure. Although it has been decided
that the nursery promotion does not accomplish these goals, especially in the area of self-sustainability,

there is stronger faith in the possibilities for the community permaculture projects. At this point, the promotion of permaculture by TFA is largely limited to food production; however, in the future it is hoped the projects will become more integrative of other aspects of permaculture,

TFA has recently begun to lobby government These efforts are aimed to get greening and
environmental issues center stage and promote a more integrated analysis of the challenges facing South Africa. In this capacity the Executive Director, the Committee and Board members could play a fundamental and positive role in government policy formation. The Executive Director has been involved in meetings discussing changes to policies affecting the environment and urban sectors and one of the fieldworkers has been attempting to persuade municipal officials of the benefits of greening programmes.

TFA is one of the most known environmental NGOs in South Africa, even within the entire

Southern African region. It had a budget of over 2 million dollars last financial period (ending June 1998). with funding coming from national and international sources. This NGO has been quite successful in many of its endeavors, especially in raising awareness about the environment and in tree planting.

Observations

During the interviews, several of the staff members expressed their dissatisfaction with the relations of power within Trees for Africa. There was obvious tension within the office between staff members and between different levels of the organizational structure. There was a serious problem in establishing clear communication and instructions. The resulting confusion impacted every area of the NGO causing unclear responsibilities for staff, resentment among employees, inefficiency, lack of information,

redundancy, and a general sense of things not getting done properly or on time- TFA suffers from a chronic high staff turnover which can be explained partially by the previous statements as well as by the feeling of disempowennent most of the staff expressed. Within the study period alone, both consultants and the Programme Coordinator left the organisation, and three other staff members were actively seeking alternatives. There were several comments about [ack of capacity, lack of commitment, overworking, inabiiity to make decisions, and problems in giving feedback to superiorsc All of these problems have managed to permeate the projects and the communities TFA deals with. For example, there was much confusion and resentment at Eduplant this year among staff, the hired consultants, and the participantsAlthough the event was generally considered a success, a large amount of the stress experienced by all those involved could have been easily avoided,

The process of restructuring had just begun when the study period ended, but even during this

process there were issues with relations of power that staff were dissatisfied with. There did not seem to be an avenue for the staff to freely offer feedback on the functioning and improvement of TFA, and when asked whether they would give this feedback if given the opportunity a few expressed that they would not for fear of retaliation and being ignored. The involvement of the Committee and the Board of Directors in the functioning of TFA is very limited, and staff felt isolated from these bodies and their decisions about the organisation. Establishing clear job descriptions, authority structures, and operating procedures will go a long way in addressing some of the problems evident Given the personal conflicts it might also be advisable for the Executive Director to step back from every day decision making, as well as the affiliation with a private corporation, and allow staff more decision-making power. Increasing the capacity and project involvement of the staff is also be paramount Some key staff had never even visited the sites that they were evaluating or giving information about while others were unsure about the concepts promoted by the organisation.

Although there are several problems with both the processes and products of projects TFA is involved in, their successes are also encouraging. TFA staff felt that there has been a substantial impact in South Afnca regarding information about environmental issues and the community projects, despite the limitations and some failures. The continuing increase in numbers of participants in events such as Arbor Week and Eduplant are evidence of this success, as are the numerous requests for help made by disadvantaged communities. This success is somewhat limited however, since several of the participants in Eduplant were unsure of what permaculture really was, despite their making the finals of competition for resources for permaculture projects. Even some of the communities already receiving assistance have expressed their confusion over methods and concepts of permaculture, despite the information provided by
TFA. TFA has been very successful in raising funds for schools, communities, and events and it is believed

that providing access to the funds allows opportunity that would not have been possible without TFA. The fact that there are several schools and communities willing to try and address environmental concerns shows that awareness is spreading and this is in large part due to the efforts of TFA.

The relations of TFA with the communities that are involved in the programmes were dualistic. On the one hand, communities were happy to have the aid offered by the NGO; however, there was also resentment of the power retained by TFA and issues with a lack of continued and consistent support for the sponsored communities. TFA staff also had mixed feelings, saying that although some of the projects seemed worthwhile, some of the communities were not doing all they could (or should) without TFA's input. The frustration on both sides of the relationship has led to some projects simply being excluded from future support by TFA or communities themselves withdrawing from programmes. Communication with the communities may also have been shaped by limited language skills as well as behaviours leftover from the apartheid years. If TFA is to continue to be involved in community development projects it needs a more integrated and participatory process, increased numbers of skilled fieldworkers able to communicate with
the communities, and a proper follow-up procedure including monitoring and support Again, the clarity of

the role of TFA and the role the community and the participants are to play is key to avoiding confusion and resentment

Relations with the finders of TFA programmes seem to be quite strong, especially in light of the continued support from several of the larger sponsors and the growing budget However, some of the staff expressed that there was some catering to the funders in the reports made regarding events- Although it was never said that the reports were inaccurate, there was an implication that certain information was left out of reports to ensure the continued support of funders. In some cases, staff felt that there had not been enough follow-ups on projects to properly report on their success. Although every NGO experiences dilemmas when dealing with funders' perceptions, this issue at TFA seems more extreme than most and should be addressed accordingly. There was also a feeling that linkages with other NGOs had been avoided in order to ensure the funding of TFA, Some staff felt that even if some funding was shared or even lost to other NGOs in the region, the benefits of stronger links to similar organisations would far outweigh any loss TFA might encounter. As there is definitely an effort on the part of other NGOs in the country to link efforts and knowledge, it is disappointing that TFA has not taken a stronger part in this effort, especially in light of their extensive experience in information dissemination and government contacl.

Several of the interviewees, both staff and community members, suggested that TFA reexamine its future goals. There seemed to be a feeling that TFA had taken on too much and was not concentrating in areas that their skills were most useful. Although there was division about what TFA should focus on in the future from greening projects to awareness campaigning to fundmising, it was clear that some reevaluation was necessary. in lieu of altering TFA's current goals and programmes, increasing the skills and number of staff members was suggested as a measure to deal with the multiple foci of the organisation. The increased involvement of Board or Committee members might be able to contribute to this process as well.

Abalirni Bezekhava Cam Town, WC Description

Abalirni Bezekhaya, meaning 'Planters of the Home', was established in 1983 as part of the Catholic Welfare and Development organisation,
It has recently separated and is in the process of

becoming a NGO in its own right It is based in Cape Town and concentrates its activities in the townships, predominately Khayelitsha and Nyanga. Both of these settlements are built on the Cape Flats and face difficult circumstances. Abalirni Bezekhaya was also in Ule process of restructuring during the study period, which included a change of name to simply Abalimi. This restructuring was more extensive than that planned by TFA and included a reexamination of every aspect of the NGO. At the end of the study period this process was just finishing up and the organisation had evolved a new vision, mandate, and structure. Job descriptions, finances and a new community extension process were still being developed.

Aside from providing a new mandate for the organisation, it is hoped that the revision will provide
staff with a clearer understanding of their responsibilities and the lines of communication. The revised

mission statement reads as follows:


We Abalimi, based in the Cape Flats disadvantaged communities, believe that development can only exist within a healthy environment We believe that Urban AgricuIture and Greening promotes food security, self-help initiatives and job creation; supports environmental renewal and conservation; and is a doorway to broader development processes- We seek to achieve our vision through capacity support, resource support and research- We facilitate: participatory training resulting in practical implementation; community driven and owned environmental development partnerships for sustainability; and environmental awareness and education. (1998: 18)

As all of the staff were involved in the process of reevaluation, it is expected that an even stronger commitment to the vision and mission of Abalimi will evolve with the revised organisation.

During apartheid the NGO was not allowed to engage in certain community development activities
so instead concentrated on the establishment of individual food gardens and the running of two nurseries. However, since 1994 the restriction on working with communities has been eliminated and Abalirni

Bezekhaya has taken advantage of the opportunity. It is engaged in two broad categories of activities greening and urban food production. Between these two foci, Abalimi Bezekhaya is involved in projects such as Arbor Week, nurseries, community and school development, and most recently cumculum development for integrated land use management Although the NGO does not generally use permaculture as a term for what they do, they recognize that the methods and principles they promote are reflective of permaculture.

The t w o nurseries they nm in the townships are quite successful and the demand from the
was reduced to 3 days of the surrounding community forced their reopening to a full week after s e ~ c e week. The aim is to establish environmental centres at the nursery locations, and perhaps at some of the schools Abalimi works with. This wiii provide a base of information and gathering place for the communities. This would also provide an area for skills to be demonstrated, learned and exchanged. The Neighborhood Gardening Groups' sites might also provide a useful venue for these clearing houses- In the Mure the Executive Director is also aiming to establish market gardens from the base of the Community and Neighborhood Gardening Groups now working with Abalimi.

The new process of integrated land use management, adopted from a PELUM workshop, should also deal with some of the problems that have been apparent with the 'on-theground' projects. This process, reflective of that of permaculture, involves increased participation of communities in planning and decision making from the beginning rather than an 'expert' creating the plan for them with limited consultation. It involves alternative teaching methods and is an attempt to integrate environmental concerns with the needs of the humans using U1e design. The proposal by the Abalimi staff is to do a workshop with prospective cornmunitieslschools comprised of three days of intensive training and planning. This seems short but after seeing it done for the first time at a school, it seemed to provide adequate time for the initial stage of planning and generating an increased understanding of the issues involved - for the students,

teachers and facilitators necessary.

- despite some rough spots.

However, continued assistance and facilitation is

Observations

The total restructuring and reorganisation of Abalimi does make a relevant critique difficultHowever, this evaluation is based on observations and interviews done during the process of reorganisation so hopefully it will be at least partially useful, despite the changes to the organisation. One of the primary reasons for the restructuring process was the level of confusion and resentment present in the staff and consultants working at Abalimi. Personal conflicts, inappropriate pay scales, and misunderstanding of responsibilities were ail present previous to the restructuring, There was also some concern about ability to advance within the organisation and the amount of work that needed to be done, the workload seemed exceptionally heavy for the senior fieldworkers. These dynamics are unlikely to disappear easily, especially

h e those concerned with personal relationships, workloads and concern over advancement However, t
process of the revision was well received and positive comments were made regarding the results thus farThe commitment of the staff to the purpose of Abalimi is very strong and this provides a good foundation for the future functioning of the organisation.

At this point Abalimi is also dealing with changes to its status and funding. These changes are a
byproduct of the organization's separation from the Catholic Welfare and Development organisation

requiring Abalimi to attain a different legal status and become more self-reliant With respect to funding, it
has been decided that the base of funding must be expanded. At this point the majonty of financial support comes from a foreign investor and the Board and staff of Abalimi felt that this made the organisation too vulnerable should that funder withdraw or reduce support. Other avenues of foreign, national and selffundraising are being investigated. The Board also discussed changing to become 'a conduit for funding' for

community projects in support of the revised vision of Abalimi moving toward more of a facilitating role versus an implementation role.

The revision of the extension programme also appears to be a positive change moving in the direction of communities making their own decisions, creating their own projects and obtaining the skills necessary to keep them running- It will take a while for the field staff to adjust to this new approach and method, especially as some of them have been doing the 'chalk and talk' method of teaching for some time, but it did appear that most of the staff was committed to the change at a certain IeveI. Some community participants involved in previously established projects felt that Abalimi was not doing enough to help them or were not responding quickty enough to requests- The organisations' staff felt this was a problem of communication of responsibilities of the participants or perhaps not enough staff to deal with all the requests. This obsemation was born out during the study period observations during which both dynamics were evident

On the whole, the community projects that were visited were enthusiastic about Abalimi and its

staff. At one meeting of such a project, a female participantexpressed her thanks to the organisation. She stated that before being involved she 'usually sat in the sun and did nothing but now we garden and it is leading to sewing - and maybe more activities later - so thank you very much for the support'- This particular project was also pursuing the idea of using the produce from me garden and establishing a soup kitchen for the area. These community projects are strongly linked to the wider community. For example, at
SCAGA the soil is very rocky and sandy and had to be hand dug and picked through before laying out trench beds. The small group, largely made up of women, felt that to get the job done others in the

community had to be persuaded to help. Using a traditional 'work gathering' the women organized the community to help with the work and pay them with food and beer, which was more than made up for with
the next yield of the gardens. As one member said 'if you are not strong enough, you must be clever',

Although Abalimi does not refer to its activities as permaculture, it is clear that there are linkages between the revised conception of land-use management and the methods and principles of permaculture. However, it was also clear that several of the projects could be more integrated as systems rather than relying on external inputs to such a high degree. For example, rather than using the manure from their own cows, or bringing in chickens, manure was trucked into sites to lmprove the soil. Water had to be carried from common access taps to the gardens rather than attempting to lay the beds to conserve water, harvest water fhm their roofs, or imgate the area in an alternative way. In some of the beds inter-cropping was very limited and the problem with pests was high as a resuk It was expressed that inter-cropping and succession had been taught and received well by the communities, but there had been no change at the gardens. Why this was remained unclear and some follow-up seemed necessary to ascertain why the participants did not pursue seemingly appropriate measures.

On a national ievel, Abalimi is influential on and influenced by other NGOs in South Africa.

Recently, the organisation has begun pursuing stronger connections with other NGOs in the hopes of gaining knowledge and sharing resources, In particular, this interest has centered on PELUM, which acts as an NGO for NGOs in Southern Africa. The annual general meeting attended by Abalimi was quite useful in forming contacts with similarly interested groups with various expertise. Abalimi and many of the other NGOs present at the meeting felt that it was imperative that organisations link more strongly to develop knowledge and ensure the development of sustainable projects and communities in South Africa. Although
the current contact with government is limited, there is potential to build this connection and interest was

expressed in this area.

Conclusion

Non-governmental organisations operating in South Afn'ca are part of a rapidly changing dynamic society. Not only are these organisations expected to fill in gaps' where government is unable (or unwilling)

to address pertinent issues, but they must do so in an atmosphere of shifting funder priorities, varied expectations of government and communities, and adaptation to the post-apartheid era. In order to deal with this constantly changing reality, many NGOs are reassessingtheir roles and restructuring. Some have decided to pursue closer ties with government and function at a national level, others have chosen to operate at increasingly local levels with communities, while still others have shut down altogether.

For those organisations working with disadvantaged communities, altemative development schemes usually take priority. This will be especially relevant as it becomes increasingly clear that

government is unable to deal with all of the demands of civil society for improvement in material conditions. Permaculture has been (and continues to be) advanced by several NGOs as one means of accomplishing relativeiy short-term improvements within a framework of possible long-term sustainability. The influence of these organisations affects every aspect of the local projects they promote. Thus, it is important to understand the strengths and weaknesses of NGOs in this field in order to facilitate a more realistic view of applied permaculture in communities.

To this end, two NGOs focussed on promoting environmentally sound altemative development in disadvantaged communities were detailed in this chapter. Trees for Africa, which is a nationat NGO, and Abalimi, which functions at a local level. As demonstrated by the case NGOs,there are several challenges to the effective and efficient operation of these NGOs. Overcoming established power relations and attitudes is crucial to allow for the development of the organisations and the more productive interaction with communities. Along with an effort to facilitate more participatory and equitable relations, increased capacity through training of staff in technical and theoretical areas would go far to improve the dedication and empowerment of staff. Increased capacity would also assist in building stronger contact and clearer communication with communities. Adjusting to conceptions of environmental justice and integrated

development also suggests that networking between organisations would be beneficial in building knowledge b a s s and limiting duplication or contradictory efforts. Of course, the effectiveness and

usefulness of these organisations must be evaluated not only in light of the relations and dynamics appamt
within the organisation, but through the perceptions of the communities that are dealt with. Although this

investigation of NGOs is considered supplemental to the study of the applied permaculture cases, it is clear
that a deeper insight into the context and functioning of the projects has been gained by this effort.

CHAPTER FOUR: RURAL CASE STUDIES

Introduction

The difficult situation faced by South Afn'can 'disadvantaged' communities has led several to create alternative development schemes- One such effort is the integration of permaculture into the systems of these communities, and is present in urban and rural communities, including schools. The purpose of the next t w o chapters is to provide outlines of the applied perrnaculture case studies- These outlines incIude discussions of the primary interests in each of the projects, their various roles and influences, and some preliminary observations for each case. The sections are loosely arranged to reflect the approach of political ecology - from the local level to the 'higher' level of government, and in some cases international influence. Although some of the obsenrations are integrated into the description, at the end of each case there is a section with elaboration of specific dynamics and permaculture use.

In this research, four perrnaculture projects were studied. Two of the studies were conducted in rural atmospheres, while the other two were situated in urban contexts- This division offered the best option of gaining a more balanced understanding of permaculture in the country and provided some initial insight into the dynamics of urbanization and its affects. The bias of political ecology toward rural investigations and the general lack of literature on integrated urban township development simply sewed to illustrate the need for investigation of these projects. One case in each category is a primary school. Although this was not the original intent of the study, it became clear that schools play a fundamental role in the use of penaculture in South Africa and excluding them from the study would weaken its purpose. This change allowed for additional questions regarding the role and perspectives of youth, changes in educational approaches, and the views of educators to be addressed, albeit briefly, that otherwise might have been overlooked.

This chapter is dedicated to the rural case studies. Both of the cases are situated in KwaZulu
Natal (see Figure 5). This province has the largest population, despite being the third smallest in area.
Figure 5: Location ofCase Studies

Aside fiom the Northern Province, it is also the province with the largest proportion

of

its

NORTH w n

population living in rural

areas. The first case


study is situated in the

WESTERN CAPE

--

northeast

of

the

province outside of the town of Ingogo. tt is a private farm where the managers are exploring

the option of beginning a penna~uiture institute. Although the institute is still in the formation stages, it was

possible to compile a useful analysis of the Mure potential of the endeavor. This was done through observing the established power relations and predicting the affect these might have on the Mute institute, examining the proposal for the institute, and investigating the current integration of permaculture at the site.
The second case described in this chapter is a primary school for special needs children. It is situated in

Harding, which is in the southwest of the province. This school has been applying permaculture for approximately five years now. It is possible therefore, not only to look at Mure possibilities but at the substantive changes that have accuned with this application.

CASE 1:The Vilieon's Farm Ineoao, KZN Description

The Viijeon's farm is situated in a rural area, outside the settlement of Ingogo, which is approximately 30 km outside of Newcastle in the northwest of KwaZulu Natal. The surrounding landscape is hilly and categorized as Upland (moist). The soils of the area are quite variable, but the farm consists largely of thin, rocky soil with fertile pockets. Cattle ranching activities dominate the region, although there is some commercial cropping. The area was settfed by ex-military officers who created farms using black farmers. The Viljeon farm is one such settlement, and like the surrounding farms, it continues to be run by whites, while the labourers are black.

Approximately nine years ago this privately owned and run farm came under the management of

Mr. E. Viljeon, the owner's son. At this time the farm was converted to organic fanning and in the past four
years has moved toward permaculture. The catalyst for the switch to permacuiture was an accidental burning of the farmland through the spread of a fire set by one of the neighboring farms. This type of occurrence is not uncommon as the region's farms are burnt annually to allow for new growth of grass that is preferred by caffle. The toll this practice has taken on the surrounding environment is unmistakable. Soil erosion and loss of biomass is a problem in the area, as is increasing air pollution. There is some concern about seepage of pesticides and herbicides from neighboring fans, as only one other farm in the area is organic. Water use is also an issue that concerns the farmers of Me area. For the Viljeon farm water is provided by a combination of storage tanks, a river and boreholes. The river and wells are used by neighboring farms, which has recently become more of an issue as a new farm raising commercial crops has been using large-scale irrigation, causing a drop in the water table. Although some of the area is blessed with less extreme variations, the Viljeon farm does receive seasonal frost, strong winds and dry periods, providing a strong challenge for raising successful crops and livestock.

At the time of the M y , Viljeon's hddings (see Figure 6) consisted of approximately 172 ha of

varying

fertility

and

gradients. although the

owner was investgating


selling off a portion of
the farm,

The land is for raising

used

livestockt predominantly cattle, and a small

permaculture

garden.

The caWe grating is an


interim measure while the Viljeons attempt to establish a permaculture institute on the grounds. Space at the farm is ranted by local people, who either do not have enough land or who have moved to urban locations, k r R1 a day. Uhanites with cattle generally do not have enough enclosed space to keep the animals, tending instead to graze them in common open space in the settlements. Problems such as stealing, shooting, tailcutting, or choking on plastic are common for cattle
due to this practice, so many urban dwellers of the region have chosen to pay to keep their cattle on farms-

The Viljeon fam is smring finarcial difficultiesthat have spurred the managers to reconsider their practice

of renting space br M e . Mr. Viljeoeon also suggeskd that the land was being overgrazed by the number of
cattle present requiring the managers to ask that m e cattle be removed by renters. In addition to the
cattle, there are sheep, chicken, geese, rabbits, and pigs being raised for the Viljeons.

Aside from the activities of raising livestock, a permacultue garden and nursery have been built at
Me Viljeon farm. The permacultwe garden is primarily used to supplement the M consumed by the

Viljeon family, although occasionally labourers are allowed to take produce home- The garden is filled with a variety of crops, including several fruit trees. When the study was done there was in the way of yield

(mainly spinach and some lettuces) or intercropping- However, this may have been primarily due to seasonal variation. It seemed from photos and notes taken by the managers in previous years that the garden produced quite a varied yield. New plantings were also occurring at the time to further the variance
of produce and relations between crops.

The small nursery on site sells seeds and seedlings to local people, including the farm labourers. as well as a few outside groups accessible through other activities of the managers. For example, Mrs. Viljeon teaches a few organized community groups how to create recycled material crafts for sale, including in her services the possibility of sale of such crafts at a shop. These groups are outside of the immediate
locale and sometimes purchase seeds and seedlings from the farm's nursery. The nursery also provides

some of the plantings for the permaculture garden and offers a range of local and exotic seedlings-

The Viljeons are occasionally employed by outside NGOs as consultants to run workshops on permaculture. Mr. Viljeon is also the Chairman of a South African NGO (PELUM) that promotes 'integrated land use management'. These duties are meant to supplement the future activities of !he 'Second World Institute of Permaculture' that the Viljeon's hope to establish at the farrn. The purpose of the institute would be to provide information, training, et cetera to those who want it, especially those just gaining access to land as well as to promote land redistribution and skills building, such as craftwork. The constitution for the institute is in what is hoped to be the final stages of formation, a process that has thus far taken four years. Despite its limited infrastructure, the Viljeon farm held their first 'permaculture training course' at the end of December 1998 with the aid of two New Zealand environmental educators- The first priority for the proposed institute is to become a legal entity; after which the Viljeon's hope to raise funds for additional infrastructure and retraining of current labourers. It is hoped that these workers will be able to continue on
at the farrn once the institute is established since many of them have spent the majority of their lives on the

farm and consider it home, The owners of the farm (Mr.Viljeon's parents) have specified that as long as their own standard of living is maintained this endeavor may continue, otherwise the farm will be sold.

At the time of the study the farm employed 11 peop1e to care for the garden, nursery, housekeeping, repair work and care of livestock, Women were responsible for the first three duties, while men were employed for the latter two duties. The families of the employees were allowed to build their own homes, with supplies they purchased or scavenged, on a designated site on the farm. These homes form a small community of famifies in seven houses, which are placed away from the 'main houses' used by the owners' and managers' families. The labourers housing is overcrowded with limited sanitation facilities and no electricity. The poor living environment is compounded by the lack of vegetation, restricted space, and no land titles for the families. Land title has become an issue in the minds of the labourers recently, especially in light of the fact that the newest employees amved over six years ago and the oldest residents have been there for over 20 years.

In addition to the two main houses and the labourers' community, there is basic accommodation for visitors near the main houses in a converted storage building and a goqa (a traditional structure). All of these accommodations use the facilities of one of the main houses at this point, which caused serious problems during the first course run on the farm- At the time of the study two people hired to do translation and odd tasks while training for permaculture qualification inhabited the goqa. There is also a schooi on the farm that was built by the government at the request of the surrounding community with the agreement of the Viljeons, who supplied access to the land for a specified time period.

The government-sponsored school was established to provide teaching for all grades for residents of the area. However, only black children attend the school since white families prefer to send their children to boarding schools with better educational resources. Although the building itself seems adequate, supplies are limited and the grounds are barren. However, the major limitation of the school has been

consistent probIems with the stat

There are frequent and unexplained staff absences, instances of child

abuse, and some confusion about fee payment Many days classes do not occur since teachers are absent

or are not interested in teaching that day, and children end up playing soccer. Complaints have been filed
with government authorities and follow-up calls made but the situation remains unchanged.

This is a serious concern within the community and during the study period a meeting was held to address the situation. During the meeting objections to the behaviour of teachers and the principal were voiced, and the reasons offered by the staff were not accepted by the meeting attendees who felt ttrey were being put off, The Viljeons suggested that privatization of the school should become the goal for the community, since this way the teachers would be hired and fired by the community rather than relying on government action, which had thus far not worked. Although there was support for community involvement in school decisions, there was resistance to any increase in school fees or privatization- There was also

some confusion over the details of the proposal for privatization, which several members of the community
felt had not been thought through or organized in a useful way. A further suggestion was made by one of the foreign visitors to the farm of providing more useful training b the teachers and using the skills of the community to supplement 'traditional teaching methods'. The community received this suggestion well; however, the discussion was led away from this idea to refocus on privatization and fees. The meeting ended without a final decision being made, although some of the community members felt that at least some

of their concerns had been voiced and they had options to consider.

Although the immediate effects of establishing a perrnaculture institute would be felt primarily on the farm and its small grouping of families, the area's community would also be influential on and affected

by its establishment i h e establishment of a perrnaculture institute would bring increased funds, visitors
and development to the area. Even if the majority of this activity is located on the fan, increased buying of food, labour, improved school facilities, etcetera would all occur. If the idea of establishing a perrnaculture eco-village becomes a reality, this would change the composition of the population of the area, its skills,

wealth and land distribution- The community in turn will affect, as it does already, school activities, labour relations, potential violence, and available skills. Depending on the community's support the future of this project could become much brighter or much dimmer-

There are obvious divisions in the surrounding community based on complex relations of race, class, gender, language and age. The divide between blacks and whites is vivid since, as in almost all

n South Africa, the white population is also wealthier and more privileged than the black- Despite the cases i
end of apartheid overcoming these divides will not be easy or quick. Additionally, there are divisions within the white and the black populations of wealth and status. For example, although the managers of this farm are clearly better off than the labourers, they are not wealthy compared with other white farmers in the area. They have been further isolated from the white community with their endeavors to change farming systems and their apparent link to the black community; however, they do retain a level of connection with white
farmers in the area. In comparison, the blacks on this farm seemed more connected with the black

community of the area. Having similar concerns and poor living conditions seems to have provided this community with strength, although the changes involved in forming a 'new South Africa' may in time alter this unity. This type of unity is rarely apparent in the white community, except perhaps on the issue of racial violence.

With respect to gender, there are specific roles that have been identified for women, girls, men and boys that have yet to be changed, despite some challenges to their application, in both white and black communities. These divisions apply to what is appropriate behaviour, such as children not challenging teachers or women accepting men drinking, to appropriate jobs, such as men herding cattle and women cleaning house, to appropriate clothing, et cetera. Age also provides a division within the community. Again, there are expectations regarding roles and set behaviours that may prevent youth from contributing as much as they might, The plethora of divisions and unions of its society affect every aspect of the lives of people in this community, including those on the farm.

In addition to the wider community of the area, international and national forces affect this farm in particular. The visitors to the farm who are foreign have changed the perceptions of both the labourers and managers as well as made suggestions for improvement of the institute that otherwise might not have
occurred. Most of the funding for the institute, especially at the start, will come from foreign and national

external sources. The regulations under which the institute may function are determined by legislation passed by the national government This might include labour legislation on hiring, firing and payment practices and fundraising status. In other related policies there are further restrictions on sewice provision, housing specifications, land tenure and redistribution, and environmental rehabilitation. The education policy determined by the government would affect training programmes offered by the institute, activities and methods allowed on the school grounds, and their potential funding. On a more local level, the ability and will of the government officers to implement such policies will affect the farm and its community. And government officials and practices will be affected by the participation (or lack thereof) of the institute in promoting and articulating its agendas on that level on its own or through other organisations. Aside from joint campaigns, other NGOs and CBOs may participate with the institute through exchange of knowledge and other inputs. Finally, international and national linkages to both individuals and organisations will be aided by the internet and satellite technology that has been made available.

Observations

Although the enthusiasm and faith of the Viljeons was vivid during the study period, there were several limitations that present strong challenges to what might be considered a successful permaculture institute. The first, and most difficult, challenge with be to alter the established relations of power- The

h i s goal is to be met, the stated aim of the institute is to be participatory and inclusive of contributors. If t
present form of ernployerlempioyee relations must alter. Although the Viljeons have suggested that the workers would become partners in the institute, it seems unlikely as the labourers expressed that being on the f a n was a job and the sense of community really did not encompass the Viljeons to the extent that was

suggested by the family. Although the Viljeons insisted that the farm is run through incorporating everyone's
ideas and suggestions, this was not reflected in

t h e results of the intenriews, discussions activity

observationlparticipation during the study.

The Viljeons maintain sole control of farm resources and inform labourers of decisions. There is limited feed-back by or involvement of labourers. Obviously, without major changes to these relations the likelihood of the institute becoming a participatory and productive force for permaculture is low. The employees suggested that these relations could be changed if the actions of the Viljeons started to correspond with what they were being told would be established, forexample, the provision of services that had been promised and the paying of wages on time and in full. They also expressed a need for increased communication of the goals and purposes of the practical permaculture work, perhaps even formal training, and of the future goals for the farm. These suggestions were also reflected by the interviews with the two permaculture students on the farm, who at the time felt that they had been brought to the farm under false pretenses and that their skills were not being used properly.

These relations are complicated by the fact that the managers of the farm are not the owners. The owners may veto any decision made by the managers, and communication between the two families is limited. For example, grass that was harvested for roofing purposes was sold by the owner, without consultation of the managers, on the belief that if it was not sold it would rot in storage. Although the Viljeons have considered purchasing the farm from the owners, the funds are not available. Additionally, there has been a suggestion that the farrn be divided into plots to be sold to members of the institute in hopes of forming a type of eco-village; however, nothing has been done in pursuit of this suggestion. Either a stronger and clearer relationship with the owners must be established or the farm should be bought to ensure clarity in responsibilityand control.

Poor communication and mistrust between the actors on the farm complicate the present power relations. Each person has hisiher agenda and acts in order to pursue that agenda, not necessarily in consultation with any other party that might be affected by that course of action. There appeared to be much confusion on the part of the owners and the labourers as to what the institute really was, when it would be established, and what role they would play, In the case of the labourers, there was mistrust that the institute would ever occur, or i f it did that their circumstances would be improved in any way, despite the assurances of the managers. Labourers expressed that many promises that had been made in the past had not been pursued and explanations had not been offered, suggesting to them that this situation might not be any different In fact, not only had their conditions not improved in recent years but they felt things had become worse, especially with the inconsistent wages. Employees were dissatisfied with the amount of payment - lower than that of labourers on neighboring farms - and the fact that payment was often withheld partially or completely when they believed the funds were available, although they were told otherwiseAlso, the lack of services

- even when laborers offered to pay for installation and use - contributed to

disbelief in managers' proposals,

It was also argued that the Viljeons are too frequently away fmm the farm to property run it, never mind any additional responsibility, which seemed borne out by the study observations and interviews. This factor seemed complicated by confusion about specific duties and roles of the managers as well as the employees. There needs to be clarity regarding the duties of the household itself, othewise there is confusion and resentmentthroughout the farm, not just among management or labourers.

A language barrier further complicates communicafion. Although the managers have recently been
making attempts to learn Zulu, they are not fluent and although some of the workers know some English it has proven (in many cases) inadequate for complex conversations. This barrier has resulted in frequent miscommunication and hstration. The legacy of apartheid relations between races, especially the

assertion that blacks should not question whites, has led to some of these misunderstandings going unnoticed until work must be redone or frustration levels are too high to productively deal with the situation.

n necessary skills for the organization and operation of an institute of The lack of training i
permaculture, along with a lack of necessary funding, also causes restricfions for the farm, It will be necessary to build knowledge in every aspect of running an institute. The Viljeons' intent is to nm the institute themselves, with help from the labourers, and this requires skills that neither the managers nor the workers have at this time- Thus, capacity building is necessary and wouId include training in financing, resource development research skills, facilitation, and participatory methods as a beginning. In addition, any skill transfer of Viljeons' knowledge of permaculture, such as a certification course for the labourers,
would have to be translated into Zulu in order for workers to gain real understanding- An attempt had been

made previously to provide training to one of the labourers who had a basic understanding of English and interest in permacuiture, but according to the labourer he retained almost nothing due to his limited English, which simply served to frustrate and embarrass him. The obvious constraints of lack of finances will be further complicated if the development of the institute takes precedence over improvement of the labourers' living conditions, Several workers expressed resentment that they lived one way and the Viljeons' another
when it had been suggested that this would change. One labourer was so angered at Vlis that it was

suggested during the interview that although this had been a peaceful farm so far the future may not be so free of violence.

Aside from the relations between parties on the farm there is a need for increased infrastructure to accommodate an institute on the level suggested by the Viljeons. Increased housing, services, training facilities, and an improved implementation of perrn&ulture principles on site would be necessary to even begin to reflect the needs of an institute of the desired capacity. These changes in responsibility are only worth establishing if it is clear that there is a strong commitment to the project, a plan put in place for its development, and the Viljeons' external consultation is limited to the point of non-interference with the

establishment and running of the institute. Unless these very fundamental changes take place the institute of permaculture at the Viljean farm may end up being established but not reflecting the principles of permaculture and the initial intent of having participatory and productive relations and systems.

CASE 2: Harding Special School Hardina, KZN

Description

This school is situated just outside of Harding in southern KwaZulu Natal on Town Council land.

r e e plantations, which provide the main industrial development The hills of this rural area are covered with t
in the area. The weather patterns in the area led teachers of this school to joke that there were only two seasons when the school was first established - muddy and dusty. The rainy season usually begins in December continuing through part of February; however, in 1997 the rains arrived in November and continued through June. The combination of increased and prolonged rain and the ground conditions led to floods and lost of crops, including all of the potatoes. Even in less extreme seasons the slope of the terrain and the run-off from the adjoining highway creates the potentid for high soil erosion. The winds of the area are also problematic as they can get quite severe. Fmst occurs generally from the end of April through part of May. The soil of the school grounds is uneven and quite thin in some areas, necessitating high levels of organic material additions. The layer of shale under the soil's surface causes areas with poor drainage. All of these conditions create challenges for the use of permaculture at the school.

Harding Special Schcol is a primary school for physically and mentally challenged students. These students come from all over the province of KwaZulu-Nataland reside at the school during the school terms. Most of the 136 students come from rural areas and have come to Harding Special School as a last resort, having been rejected by other schools, family or their communities. The majority of the students are underpriviledged and some are on social welfare so fees must be kept low (at this point they are

R300lsemester not including uniform), The need for this type of s c h d is quite high and Harding hopes to expand their capacity in the near future, including facilities hr physical rehabilitation for the children,

increased skill development opportunities, improved structures and better trained staff- The limited
resources have forced the school to reevaluate their funding strategies and they have recently decided to

become as self-sufficientas possible. The use of permaculture at the school, within the curriculum and on

the grounds, is the main part of this sbategy.

The integration of permaculture into Harding Special School has translated into several different

activities for the students, teachers, parents and community. In the process of these activities the school
grounds have been partiaily redesigned and planted with various crops including many fnrl trees, various vegetables, indigenous plants and ornamentals (see Figure 7). The plants have primarily come from
Figure 7 : Harding S~ecial School

donations or been grown

from cuttings, although a


few have been purchased, such as the orange trees,

with grant money.

The

primary objectives of the project at Harding Special School are to save the school money and teach the children useful skills for when they leave school. Initially it was hoped that growing food at the school wouM improve the health and attention span of the children as well as decrease the fees charged b families. At this point, the school is hoping to replace the government feeding scheme currently used in schools. Additionally, by increasing the number and usefulness of the children's skills, the children gain higher possibilities of being considered valued members of their community and are allowed to develop a sense of empowerment.

On the academic side at the school, basic concepts and methods are taught and discussed in
agricufture class. Practical skills are also taught at the school to ensure the development of useful skills and increased dexterity in the attending children, This is especially important since most of the chiidren at this school do not continue formal education past Level 5 (Grade 7). Classes such as pottery, sewing, knitting, and leatherwork are conducted atong with the gardening activities. It is hoped that woodworking will be returned to this list of skills soon. The lack of resources and the ingenuity of the students and teachers have encouraged the use of recycled materials in each of these classes in the form of inputs and products. These projects have ranged from the use of old calipers and crutches in the garden as supports for climbing plants to using old plastic soda bottles filled with rocks as instruments or planters to scrap wood pieces being used to create games for the children. Used paper that is not recycled as mulch is formed into bricks for students to use at home as an effective alternative fuel.

Re-used tractor tires are used as planters and each child in Level 3, 4 and 5 is allowed to choose the plants they wish to grow in their tire - most opt for vegetables of some sort and is responsible for the care of the plants. Lower levels share tires and concentrate mainly on flower plantings as an introduction to gardening. The use of tires for planters selves several purposes - money is saved since the tires are free, soil is stabilized on the sloping grounds, and water is consenred due to the shape of the tires. Most importantly however, it was discovered that to the children with calipers or in wheelchairs the tires provide an almost ideal height for caring for the plants since children can lean against or sit upon the tires while working rather than trying to reach down to ground level. The resourceful thinking of the participants has also led to the blankets, chairs, tables, lockers and even one of the buildings being recovered from places throwing them away and mending the items to suit the purposes of the school. In order to provide a more reliable and free source of water, the school harvests water from the roofs of the buildings. This water is used for the hostel showers and garden.

The restrictions of movement for some of the students must be accounted for when involving them

t has been possible to find in the outside activities, but this has not been a substantial limitation since i
alternative means of including them. Additionally, two full-time employees are retained for general

maintenance and to take care of the larger gardening tasks. This limits the hstration some students might

i t h their physical limitations. Seasonal workers are also employed during busy periods in Me experience w
gardens to ensure that students are not academically disadvantaged during peak seasons. While the older students are more involved, since the teacher in charge of the programme is most involved with these classes, all of the school is involved in some way.

One particular teacher at Harding Special School has spearheaded these activities. However, the School's Committee makes the final decisions regarding funding and planning approval. There has been some friction between the Committee and the project leader's aims; however, generally the decisions are in the project's favour even if they do not always reflect the first choice. For example, recently the school gained the opportunity to buy a tractor, and although the recommendation was made for a plow and horse instead, it was decided that the school would buy the tractor despite the increased cost and comparatively limited benefits. Each of the proposals for the project must make economic sense to the committee and principal and be a beneficial alternative for the project.

The principal and other teachers are generally supportive of the project However, resistance to being directly involved has been quite evident in teachers. One teacher felt that black teachers were resistant to 'getting their hands back in the dirt' since they felt they had been educated and were 'above that sort of thing'. It is possible that this sentiment was me reason for low participation rates with the teachers, however, issues such as disinterest or a lack of perceived ability might also be influential. The teacher in charge of the project is hoping that this attitude will be overcame by the visible success of the pmject and the personal benefits that the teachers gain from permaculture being used at the school. Teachen have benefited by getting plants and trees for their home gardens and some training. It has been suggested that

the school has not really benefited from sponsoring this training since the teachers tend not to share the information. However, the project leader retains her optimism stating that she felt that teachers would slowly come around to the idea of being more invoived in the activities. Recently three of the teachers asked for help with starting projects at their churches and although only two seem to have followed up on this request it is encouraging. There has also been resistance by the kitchen demonstrated by staffs refusal
to change the menu to reflect the produce being hanrested daily to feed the children- It is hoped that these

attitudes will also change over time with the success and acceptance of the programme-

As the final, and perhaps most important, actors at the school the students are very enthusiastic
participants. The intenriews and daily activities gave strong evidence that they are ieaming and interested

in the permaculture activities. AIthough the level of understanding is quite limited in some cases, the fact that the lessons are supplemented by activities outside, or in arts and crafts activities, is very helpful.
Although it seemed that the more complex relations of the project were not completely understood by students, basic concepts such as mulching, watering, planting, and recycling were appreciated. Ideas of saving money, being able to make money and being an important part of the community were expressed quite clearly. For example, one child expressed his happiness at being able to be seen as a useful person like everyone else, since normaIly people see him as a burden and unintelligent due to his disabilities. He looked forward to returning to his community and teaching others what he had learnt and having his 'own permaculture place'.

The surrounding community has benefited substantially by the school's recent activities. The students have engaged in greening projects for a near-by park and a new government housing scheme, donating time, trees and skills to a community that is lacking. The school has also started community employment schemes by hiring local unemployed people to lay the brick paths to increase the area accessible to students in wheelchairs, calipers and crutches while helping unskilled and unemployed community members. Both of these efforts have received a positive response from the surrounding

community. Generally the community has been very supportive and interest in what is happening at the school is increasing. One of the clinics and several individuals have approached the school for advice and
aid in starting their own projects. Requests for advice has even come from schools in other areas of

KwaZulu Natal. Businesses in the area are also responding positively by donating tires and posts for building, while farmers frequently donate manure and compost The impact on communities is not isolated to the immediate surrounding community since when students finish their studies at Harding they graduate with gifts to return to their own communities with - the trees and plants that they have started from seed or from cuttings during the past years. During the research period it was estimated that the graduating children
would receive nine trees by the end of the year. Overall, the community's attitude toward the school has

changed from one of avoidance to one of curiosity and pride in the school's success.

However, there have been instances of resistance within the surrounding community.

For

example, at one point the students decided to clean up one of the park areas in the community, plant some trees and repair the play equipment After a period of time several of the trees were killed or stolen and the play equipment was in need of repair again. This was very disappointing for the entire school, especially for the children that were excited about being included in the community. Despite the setback, when the children were asked whether they wanted to try again they were very positive and enthusiastic. The plan for
the second attempt failed when the local Council requested that the effort not be expended due to the first

failure, feeling that the community perhaps did not deserve, or would not appreciate, the second chance.

On a higher governmental level, several national policies influence the functions of the school, its participants, and their use of permaculture. The most obvious is the revised education cumcuIum that the govemment is now testing in selected schools referred to as Curriculum 2005. This cuniculum is meant to encourage more practical skills than the educational policies of the apartheid era. It is inspired by policies at work in New Zealand, Australia and Canada. Additionally, when the ANC became the govemment of the day they pronounced that anyone 16 or older would not be allowed to continue schooling if they remained in

primary levels (up to grade 7). Although this seems a logical policy, in the case of some of the students at

Harding it becomes problematic, especially in light of the children who were pushed aside during the apartheid years, or even within the current system due to perceived deficiencies-

The governmefit of the day is also against the specialization of schools. Again, this is part of the

attempt to redress the legacy of apartheid through integrating races in the schools. However, children with special needs are disadvantaged by the policy, which does not differentiate behveen discriminatory versus necessary specialization. This 'anti- school specialization' platform has resulted in large cuts to the funding provided by the govemment to schools like Harding. Harding currently receives only -51R per child per day as subsidy, which is obviously inadequate for 'normal' children, never mind those with specific care requirements. This is one third of the funding that was available to the school in 1994, even with the increase in the student numbers. The feeding scheme that has been instituted by govemment also has an impact on the school and its children.

Aside from educational policies this school is impacted by labour legislation, through employment
equity and payment plans; health policies, which determine special needs and subsidization of physical

aids; housing programmes, such as the one being instituted across the street from the school; and land distribution and development. Regarding the influence of the school on governmental policy, at this point its involvement is limited to individual teachers' involvement with various campaigns and parties, although this

s instituted nationally since there are some teachers with may change when the new curriculum i
reservations about learning new teaching methods and lessons.

Outside of formal politics, Harding Special Schooi has been, and does itself, influence the national and international arenas. The success of the project has gained Harding funding from various competitions and grants, including the national Eduplant competition and First National Bank- However, this year the school was excluded from the awards when judges decided that the school was too advanced in their

permaculture to be considered fairly in comparison with other entrants. Obviously, the children, teachers, and principal were very disappointed, especially when they had been admitted to the final round of judging and had raised the funds to attend the final event The project has suffered from this result since the

s that Harding is not worthy of receiving perception of other funders and the community that has resulted i
further funding from the competition.

Despite this setback, there is interest from other schools alI over South Africa in what Harding Special School has done and this has resulted in the school being contacted with requests for workshops. Although the funding and time is not available to deal with each of the requests, information is given and some of the schools have been visited by the project's leader. The school also receives visitors from various universities and organisations, from South Africa and elsewhere. These guests have brought finances and research results to the area, prestige to the school and received knowledge and new experiences from the schook members and activities.

The school has also recently linked to the intemet and has a web page. Through this medium the
search for information and its sharing is expedited. There is also a hope that it will bring more expertise to the school in the form of specialized therapists. The children are now learning how to use computers and the internet as one of the practical skills promoted at the school and this has had a significant impact on their perceptions and understandingof their country and the world.

Observations

The relations of power at Harding Special School have both positive and negative implications to the project. There has been real progress with the students - who initially responded with violence and disrespect to the school. At this point, there is limited violence and frustrated students know that there are people to talk to about their problems. Several students suggested that coming to Harding was a very

positive experience and that the permaculture project contributed substantially to this experience. However.
it is important to note that these comments, although freely offered by students, would be colored by what

they have been taught in school- Additionally, challenging or criticising a teacher is generally not accepted

in the culture that most of the students grew up in, so it must be acknowledged that their feedback may be cautious in this area. Although some of the teachers are wing to change this dynamic of fear, it is difficult to overcome and is sometimes reinforced by other teachers. An increase in the encouragement of student participation and feedback would be useful in eliciting more active participation and feelings of pride and responsibility,

There was an obvious division between black and white teachers during the study period- For example, although sitting in the same room during breaks, black teachers and white teachers had separate conversations and sat separated rather than in an integrated manner. However, there did seem to be general goodwill between all the teachers, despite some problems with teaching methods employed by some. In some cases, violence was suspected, language guidelines were not followed, or laxness in

h e teachers in the supervision was apparent There was also a problem with the level of involvement of t
projects regarding their personal gain but lack of interest in developing the school. A method of follow-up on how the resources distributed for personal use should be devised. Such a support mechanism wouM likely improve the success of the home projects and their creativity as well as provide inspiration and feedback to the school.

Aside from students and teachers, the School's Council is responsible for decision-making for the school. There is only one teacher on the Council, along with the principal and various interested community members. These community members are not generally representative of the school's population, although
it did seem that the school's best interests were represented in most cases. The separation of the decision-

making body and the school itself has resulted in some tension, although the problems are generally resolved without too much trouble. It would be useful to have more staff on the committee or increase the

committee's involvement in school activities, The non-teaching staff have expressed some dissatisfaction with the way the school is run and what is expected of them; but again, these tensions are generally resolved quickly. The project and school, could be improved with increased training and active participation of these other staff members,

The organizational relations with Trees for Africa that had been established through the Eduplant competition were being debated at the time of study. There appeared to be some resentment of the NGO taking credit for Harding Special School's success but not having visited or encouraged the schooi outside of the competition award- The recent events of exclusion from Eduplant and the perceived lack of effort by
TFA to find alternatives for the school have suggested to Harding's participants that other organisations

must be sought out for funding and access to knowledge. Networking with other schools andlor permaculture institutions in South Africa and abroad would help greatly in gaining access to information and skills, especially in the area of implementation and potential funding sources.

The integration of permaculture at Harding Special School has had a lot of success, most especially in saving the school money, the regeneration of the environment and the improvement of the children's' lives. Several of the participants remarked on the difference for the children, including children themselves. There has been a 45% decrease in minor illnesses since using produce from the garden and several of the children have shown improved dexterity and fitness from increased physical activity. However, it is still only a partial integration and there is much left to do. Projects such as a biogas generator, reed bed sewage treatment or alternative structure building would be very useful. AS for the gardens themselves, the intercropping of the main garden and the use of space could be vastly improved. as could pest management (upon occasion they do resort to using inorganic herbicides and pesticides). One of the full-time garden staff suggested some sort of irrigation for the main garden and this would definitely be an improvement Finally, there should be a stronger effort at including all of the school's community members in the activities and soliciting feedback in order to maxirnise the potential for the

project. This is especially pertinent since the teacher now running the programme desires to retire in a few
years, and as yet there is no one to continue the programme- The limitations of the site and the supposed

limits of the participants have filled this permaculture effort with challenges; however, it also makes its success that much more encouraging.

Conclusion

The cases detailed in this chapter are both situated in rum1 KwaZulu Natal. However, there are

obvious differences in their circumstances since the first focussed on a project yet to be implemented on a privately owned farm, while the other describes a primary school for special needs children that has been implementing permaculture for almost five years. Despite the various differences between the cases, there are similarities in some of the observed dynamics and potential improvements.

Both cases show evidence of needing to address the power relations of the projects at local and regional Ieveis. The assumptions regarding roles, responsibilities and social identities need to be

confronted and questioned for the further progression of the projects and their participants. In the case of the Viljeon farm, the conflict between race, class, and gender are very clear and the relations of power here are especially problematic. On the other hand, at Harding at the staff and regional level these dynamics are apparent but for students this is not as much of a concern as are issues of social identity based on ability and age. The change in students' attitudes toward the project and toward others suggests the positive role integrated development strategies such as permaculture can have in difficult circumstances.

In both cases there was a need to link to other sources of knowledge, such as organisations or communities. The isolation of rural projects makes this linking crucial to ensure access to resources (such as funding and knowledge). This improvement of networking could also lead to a stronger concentration in improvementof techniques, rather than effort expended to find alternatives that have aiready been explored.

Creativity in finding solutions and accessing resources was evident in both cases discussed- For example, through the recycling of various objects as planters and games or through using cuttings of plants rather than purchasing seed. This ingenuity should be encouraged and improving the levels of participation and communication in the projects would further this objective.

Finally, in both of the cases environmental education seemed necessary. Since in a rural context

many people have been exposed to commercial farming techniques, there is sometimes a resistance to
organic and small-scale methods. Part of the reason for this may be Ule connection between these practices and the apparent wealth of white farmers. However, there is also knowledge of various plants, soils, et cetera that might not be apparent elsewhere- Thus, it is important that environmental education initiatives deal with appropriate issues. Of course, this education would also need to be integrated into the projects using participatory methods and emphasizing feed-back from participants and relate to the various actors within the projects.

The rural, as opposed to urban, areas are perhaps a more obvious choice for pursuing the

application of permaculture. This assumed connection may be related to perceptions of the role of agn'culture and subsistence promotion. This seems especially pertinent in South Africa given the pressure for small-scale farming initiatives and the extraordinarily high levels of rural poverty. The established base
of knowledge regarding farming methods in rural communities also seems at first glance to support this

assertion. However, permaculture - even in limited form - offers more than just a means of subsistence and efforts along these lines should not be disregarded as unambitious or unimportant. Additionally, with a broader look at urban and rural relations it becomes apparent that even with successful rural devekpment schemes, it is unlikely that the rate of urbanization will slow significantly- It thus becomes imperative to
investigate alternatives for dealing with the reality of urban poverty in the sprawling black townships.

CHAPTER FIVE: URBAN CASES

Introduction

The tradition of urban agriculture in South Afn'ca is short compared to those of other countries in the region. In previous years it has been argued that the impact of household food growing in urban areas was economically negligible (Eberhard, 1989). However, since the late 1980s interest in food issues, and in particular urban agriculture, has been growing. Surging urbanizationand inflationary food prices resulted in even poorer conditions for disadvantaged black communities. A rise in observed cases of urban agriculture has occurred and it is increasingly argued that the potential offered by urban agriculture practices could be of substantial importance for South Africa (see Rogerson, 1993). The official stance on urban agriculture is generally ambivalent; however in some cases areas of informal cultivation have been destroyed by municipal authorities either in pursuit of further housing development or simply due to resistance of the practice (see De Necker and Uys, 1995). The lack of land tenure for most poor households causes problems in fighting this destruction. The goals of cultivation and development, especially housing, are seen as contradictory and only those 'who are on land not suitable for housing stand a chance of being left alone'
(May and Rogerson, 1995: 170).

As urban agriculture provides food for home consumption and allows increased income, its practice
could be construed as a form of employment This is especially valid when it is considered that the

dominant participants in these projects are unemployed or elderly women.

The potential benefits of

increased incomes, improved levels of available food, and stronger community ties must be considered in light of potential negative impacts such as health hazards and noxious pollution, especially when raising

7 ) . Through a more integrated approach it might be livestock is practiced (Moasha as in Rogerson, 1993: 3
possible to achieve the benefits of urban agriculture. efforts, and avoid the possible negative influences. The use of permaculture is being employed in urban circumstances in efforts to deal with various issues,

including those addressed by urban agriculture. As permaculture suggests a more systemic appmach to designing projects, b use may provide a means to achieve increased levels and typesof benefits.

Two cases of urban permaculture application are investigated in this chapter (see Figure 8). The

first is a project in
Alexandra, a township outside Johannesburg,

of
which

has evolved at a youth

centre

to

create

alternatives to crime for young offenders. The

second project is a primary school that was

started by a community
in Philippi, a township outside of Cape Town. While the pmject in Alexandra has been ongoing far the last two years, the application of penacultue has just been initiated at the primary schooi. Through the detailed look at each

of these cases, and the preliminary obsemtions made, it is possible to begin building an understanding of
the potential of permaculture in a South Afn'can urban context

CASE 3: Tusona Youth Center Alexandra, GA

Description

Alexandra is approximately 12 km north east of central Johannesburg. The area is divided into east and west banks split by the Jukskei River, one of the most contaminated river in the country- The conditions within the township are varied, but in general are quite poor. Housing and services are limited, if available at all. There are approximately 160 accommodation units, most informal housing, per hectare (IDRC, 1995: 83). Although the government has upgraded parts of the settlement w i t h tarred roads. waterborne sewerage, and electricity since the 1986 protests, these improvements have not affected the majority of residents- Those areas that were improved have degenerated again since local authorities have been unable to maintain the new services. The bucket system of sewerage continues to be practiced and piles of trash (some several meters high) continue to line the streets where cows graze and children playUnemployment, and crime, is rampant throughout the settlement-

Tusong Youth Center initiated a permaculture project in the township of Alexandra in 1997. The
Youth Center is involved in many different projects and programmes including everything from typing to

gymnastics. However, this project was specifically aimed at giving young offenders an opportunity to learn a new skill and provide income as a way of preventing their return to criminal activities. The project initially was established on the grounds of the Youth Center (see Figure 9) but has expanded to include the grounds of a near-by old age home. Both sites of this project concentrate on the production of food. The produce is either sold or brought home by the Youth Center participants; while at the old age home most of the produce is used to provide food for the elderly staying.

The garden consists primarily of spinach, onion, cabbage, and rape. There are no h i t bees or
Firrure 9 : Tuson~; - Youtb Centre

perennial

crops-

-1

There is some concern about crops being

stolen and the area at Tusong is fenced and locked. The garden at

the old age home is


open to members of

the home, although the home itself is gated and has restricted access. The gardens were set up using a

trench bed method in an effort to improve sail andions and consenre water. Water for the gardens i s

obtained from the water taps at the Youth Center and the old age home. The gardens are completely organic using intercropping to prevent pests. Mulch, consisting of gass gathered frwn the side of the
highway, is used to conserve water and improve the soil-

Trees for Africa was approached to provide funding for the project and has been responsible for
paying the participants, providing seedlings and seed,training and follow-up visits and advice. TFA agreed

in the hopes that t h e Tusong project would prove successful, improving the community and F A ' S reputation. The project was started with six members, not all of whom remain part of the project At the

time of study there were formally 12 participants (although fawer were active), two of which were considered
s u p e ~ s o n . All of the participants were initially male and young offenders. Recently two elderly women
have become part of the group. Their membership is meant to promote a sense of amilly and rasponsibilii.

These women are not formal supervisors but provide a sense of stability and commitment to the project that was previously felt to be lacking. The director of the Youth Center selects all of the participants, a h u g h
suggestions fiom the current members are considered. TFA does retain the ability to fire the participants since the organisation is paying the wages.

The decisions regarding the garden are made on two generally separate levels. The first level consists of a committee formed by the participants and the director of the center. The second level involves the TFA fieldworker and Executive Director. It was unclear from the interviews and the time spent at the gardens which decisions were to be made by the two decision-making levels- However, it was clear that there was confusion and tension regarding this issue- Participants felt that the decisions should be left to them, if the project was supposed to be theirs, but felt that TFA should continue to financially support the project. TFA hoped that the project would be able to run itself by now but maintained control over decisionmaking on several levels. Since TFA is going through a period of restructuring and restaffing this

relationship may again alter once the new structure is put in place.

During the study period TFA announced that it would be unable to continue the financial support of the project, which furthered tension between the two groups. Participants who felt they had not been given alternatives or proper notice regarding the decision felt resentment and asserted that it was the responsibility of TFA to find additional funding for the project to continue. TFA, on the other hand, argued
that at this point the project should be self-sufficient and that if it is to continue running it is up to the current

participants. The organisation has suggested that it will continue to look for funding to continue the project, causing further confusion over the future of Tusong's gardens. The payment of participants as employees
likely compounded this issue as some participants felt this was more of a job than a project they controlled,

and thus expressed dismay at being 'laid off all of a sudden'. It remains unclear whether the project will

continue at this point since participants suggested that they might not stay if they are not paid, despite the benefits of available food. A few participants suggested that some of the members might return to crime since it would be much more lucrative. The benefit of receiving food and some income from selling the produce was not enough to inspire their continued participation. The miscommunication regarding this situation has resulted in misgivings on both sides.

There did not seem to be a large amount of participation of the surrounding community, although there did seem to be some interest in the project Two community radio stations did interviews regarding the garden and the research being done, airing the programmes in the Johannesburg area, and newspaper articles have previously been written on Tusong's programmes including the garden. At the Youth Center,
the participants' peers discuss the progress and usefulness of the project The eiderly at the old age home

have increased contact with youth, save money through the food production, and some have occasionalfy helped the youth do the gardening, In the wider community some elderly women of the community have expressed interest in becoming involved in this project, or one like it For this particular project, there is the benefit of reducing criminal behaviour through removing these young offenders from those activities, Additionally, the community does purchase some of the food produced in the garden, although much of it goes back to the families of the participants. Of course, these families benefit from increased access to healthy food and although this aspect of the project does not necessarily lead to increased income at least there is an improved quality and quantity of available food. Again, the impact and influence of the

h e projects' success. With the future of the project surrounding community, although limited, is important to t
in question, the support and role of the sumunding community may become increasingly important-

There are also national and international variables that influence the garden and its participants, and they in turn influence (if only in a small way) the dynamics of these forces. The conditions of the township of Alexandra are continually altering with large-scale urbanization, govemment housing schemes, service provision (or lack thereof), and the pollution of the air and water by local sources (such as cooking stoves) and industry. The functioning of Tusong Youth Center is regulated by govemment policy, which is further complicated by the involvement of TFA. TFA's financial sources are both national and international bringing the biases and restrictions of funders into the equation of Tusong's project. Several foreign visitors, funders and otherwise, have wandered through the gardens due to connections with TFA, or through the coordinator's promotions of the center. These visits have perhaps changed foreign perceptions, as well as the beliefs of participants through mutual learning. The techniques used in the gardens are a combination of

knowledge from several national and international sources gathered by TFA and combined with local knowledge systems suited to local conditions.

Observations

With respect to Tusong's gardens, some of the permaculture methods are used very well- Far example, the beds are well laid out to deal with local climate conditions, there is little evidence of pests, and the intercropping of the vegetables. However, there are several areas in which things could, and should, be improved for the benefit of the project and its participants. These gardens focus primarily on production of four vegetables, which could be supplemented by hit trees or even a more varied crop of vegetables. The gardens themselves remain isolated from any other endeavor suggested by permaculture principles that could easily deal with some of the restrictions of the garden. This might include water harvesting, alternative structures, or even alternative economic systems - such as exchange of inputs from the community for produce. There is a good use of space in these gardens; however, it is limited to a horizontal (through beds layout) and b'me level (through succession). There is no use of vertical space despite the fact that fencing and walls surround the garden. Although the participants have learnt some of the skills for food gardening, the neglect of other possibilities has restrictedthis attempt to build knowledge. The project might become more useful by including elements such as medicinal plants, perhaps by linking with local nyangas (traditional healers); the integration of animals such as chickens; or even recycling craft projects.

The project is also limited since the planning and design of the gardens was done by a TFA fieldworker rather than by the participants. Although it might be argued that this was done because of the limited training of the participants. issues such as crop preference and potential problems (such as theft or water sources) could have been dealt with productivelywith a more participatory and integrated programme. Or even better, time could have been committed to providing training before the set-up to ensure fuller participation by participants.

The relations of power evident in Tusongts permaculture garden deal primarily with dynamics with
TFA. Despite the supposed goal of establishing a self-sufficient garden. TFA has retained control over the

higher levels of decision-making such as finances, firing practices, and input availability, including the types of crops raised. However, the participants' assertion that they desire control of decisions did not translate into independent actions - whether on a level of finding alternative sources of seeds or on a higher level of finding akernative financing- The mismatch of rhetoric and action in both groups has caused confusion and resentment Much of this tension could have been avoided with a clearer plan and stronger communication between involved parties-

The goals and expectations of both parties should have been clarified and revisited periodically to ensure understanding. For example, the fact that TFA would be withdrawing their funding at a certain point should have been made clear from the beginning to participants, This would have ensured that those participating in the project were committed to its continuation and creatively searching for new ways of improving the project rather than simply considering themselves employed. Given that funding was to be withdrawn, training should have been given to those participants willing to take the responsibility of finding money to continue the project Of course, this training could still occur although the benefits would definitely have a time lag. It was suggested at one point by a TFA employee that perhaps the Tusong group should never had been paid at all. Although this could have been one way to ensure that the group was committed to the project, it is debatable whether the target group of participants, young offenders, would have been reached without the incentive of a paid job- There also needs to be clarification of roles for the different decision-makers so that tensions can be avoided as much as possible and feedback for improvement is freely given and acted upon.

In the future, assuming the project continues, clarification of actors' roles and responsibilities is necessary. If this project is to progress through participants' control of decisions, a change in relations will need to be facilitated by capacity building and a change of the mindsets of both TFA and the youth.

Innovation and creativity will need to be encouraged rather than controlled and skills such as fundmising, administration, building, seed-saving, et cetera must be obtained- Whether this should be TFA's responsibility or the participants' is debatable- Additionally, it should be considered that perhaps the project should not continue, or at least be substantially revised. The question of whether there is a strong enough commitment to the project must be asked of participants and the involved organisation. If the conviction to

the project of participants is lacking, surely the usefulness of a project must be questioned, and revised (or
ended) to reflect a more appropriate use of time and energy.

CASE 4: Bon~olethu Community School Philippi, WC

Description

BongoIethu Community School is a primary school located in Philippi, a high-density informal settlement outside of Cape Town. Although the settlement is slightly outside of the area, it is generally considered part of Nyanga township, and of the Cape Metropolitan area. The townships comprise part of the Cape Flats region, 'a flattened coastal sand dune area with hardly any vegetation that receive the full

) . The soil is also very poor with low nutritional content force of southeast gales' (Fermont et al, 1998:l - 2
and high pH values, requiring large amounts of organic material for cultivation. The climate is considered
Mediterranean, having wet winters and dry summers.

The townships of the Cape Flats were established during apartheid, consisting of the majority of poor people in the CMA. Despite being far from jobs and services, the townships have rapidly increased in population since the end of apartheid. The initial settlement was built on the water table, which was not considered to be a probIem at the time since the sefflement was meant to stay small and be fully serviced. However, since the urbanization influx a concern has arisen regarding the contamination of the water table, due primarily to lack of sewerage and garbage removal services. There are problems with water, air and

noise pollution throughout the townships. In Philippi itself the unemployment rate is very high and despite many peoples' involvement with informal activities. there is rampant poverty. Housing consists

predominantly of impermanent shacks with limited or no service provision and no recreationalfacilities.

Bongolethu Community School was established in a time when no school was available for the children of the area to attend. Since then, the school's site has been moved four times but remains an important part of the community- Many teachers were not paid and had no training when they started; however, they were committed to the establishment of the schooL There are approximately 1000 students
at this point in time. Although the school is still lacking in resources, the teachers and surrounding

community are very proud of its progress. In fact, President Mandeia visited Bongolethu in recognition of their efforts and government funding has been supplied, including subsidies from the government feeding scheme.

Bongolethu has had support from the Novalis Institute, a national alternative teaching support organisation based in Cape Town, for the past 8 years. Novalis has provided various training programmes for the teachers and different programmes for the children, such as a current programme teaching woodworking. When in 1998 the school approached Novalis for aid in beginning a food garden, to supplement or replace the government feeding scheme, Novalis agreed and solicited the help of a local

NGO, Abalimi Bezekhaya. Bongolethu was suggested as a pilot site for the development of a method of
integrating pennaculture into the proposed Cuniculurn 2005. Abalimi Bezekhaya agreed to participate in the process and a foreign team of environmental educators and pemaculturalists, School Environmental Education and Development (SEED), was suggested as implementen of the programme. SEED had recently approached Abalimi looking for a school willing to participate in such a project and it was felt that the match worked. Although no formal structure or plan was formed, the school was approached and all of the parties agreed to begin the project together in August 1998. Initially the programme was to include two

schools, but the second school was dropped fmm the programme due to lack of time on the part of the
SEED team.

The SEED team decided that t h e optimal schedule was a breakdown of the programme into three

phases. The first phase was to deal primafily with environmental education. At the beginning the team
consisted of two environmental educators from New Zealand, a permacuhralist from New Zealand and

consultant from Soweto. During the first months SEED spent three days of the week during a set period visiting and working

w i t h the school. During this time two SEED members teaching environmental

education to the students visited each class on average once a week. This education consisted of games, outside activities, and interadhe teaching. As only one member of the SEED team spoke any Xhosa (the consultant - who was Zulu) it was necessary to have one team with a teacher from the school translating to
the children.

The second phase of the pmject was to design the school grounds. This process involved the teachers, students and the SEED team. Arriving at the redesign of the grounds involved interactive teaching methods such as surveying, model building, games and map making. The decided upon design included ornamental, indigenow and food gardens, a recycling center, a playground, a hardened surface for field sports, a concession area fir the ladies that sell produce at the school br snacks, and various seating arrangements (see Figure
10).

Once the grounds'

design had been agreed on

the third phase began.

The third, and final


ImEimgra*PYrt(

stage for the year, was the implementation of the design. At this time the SEED team altered some of its staff, the two environmental educators left and a local horticulturistand a project assistant fhm Khayeliiha

joined the team- The SEED team also began to come every day since it was recognised that time was short. The implementation of the design started with laying out the planned tire beds and filling them as if in a trench bed method- During this phase, a cultural element to the work was also introduced in the form of
music and dancing. This was an attempt to link some of the educational concepts to the culture of the

region. At the end of December 1998 this phase ended having established an indigenous garden, several beds (outlined in tires) to be planted at a later time, and a cultural club. An open day was held for the community and funders to visit the school, see the progress of the project, and watch presentations and dances. Since the project remains largely incomplete, it has been proposed that this project receive further assistance next year, although this will not occur until April or so and will likely continue without the participation of the SEED team.

The School Development Committee (SDC), comprised of teachers and the principal, represented
the school during decision-making processes with SEED about the grounds and any fundamental changes

in the programme. However, SEED maintained control over the resources for the project at all times, and many of the decisions were made without consultation of the school. In some cases, assumptions were made by the team that the school would take responsibility for activities that SEED could not organise- For example, a decision to have an open day at the end of the project was made by SEED and announced at a
SDC meeting, but the school was expected to organise and fund the event- This caused tension and

confusion between the school and SEED, which it was expressed was common throughout the process.

The students at Bongolethu were very enthusiastic about the entire project, especially the activities outside of the classroom. However, some frustration existed regarding several issues. Fist, the language

barrier was a problem since many students could not understand the SEED team, or be understood, and
translation was not always organized, Students also expressed disappointment at not always sharing in the benefits of the work being done (such as photos and videos) and were upset that the project remained

unfinished at the end of the timeline. A few of the children also felt they had not gained a full experience of

what was being done since different classes were responsible for different tasks. For example, one might plant trees and have to return to class before the watering and mulching was done, leaving the exercise incomplete for both groups-

There were four teachers that were very involved with the programme, and each were enthusiastic about it. although each also had reservations, One of these teachers had gone through a week of training in permaculture and was persistent in advancing his thoughts, which contributed greatly to the planning and understanding of the project He expressed regret that the project had not gone further in the design of the grounds, such as incorporating alternative sanitation facilities (since the school has insufficient pit toilets) or water harvesting. The most important limitation in the minds of the teachers was the insufficient time and planning. Each teacher and the principal expressed regret and concern that things had been so rushed and felt that they had been unable to foster the relationships and gain the knowledge necessary to continue the project at the school. All were frustrated that the programme was not complete at the time it ended, despite
the fact that they believed the timeline was unrealistic from the beginning. The remaining teachers at the

school had limited, if any, involvement in the project, although they were encouraged to participate. Whether this lack of participation was due to simple disinterest or some other factor remained unclear.

Since the school has only recently begun their programme in permaculture integration, it is

unrealistic to expect the extension of this project to the community as of yet. However, there are plans to include the community in the recycling center and crafts once the programme is completed. There are also plans to train some of the local people in the techniques being used at the school. To the school's credit, there were attempts made to include the community in the planning process of the project. Since the school
is firmly rooted in the community, it was made clear that the involvementof parents and surrounding families

was key to the programme. A community meeting was held at the beginning of the project to gain the acceptance of the area and parents volunteered to help with the programme if need be. In the latter stages

of ?he third phase parents were brought in to help with various tasks. The community was also invited to participate and attend the open day at the end of the semester.

The SEED team might be considered both a local level and an international influence on the project, since it was involved in the entire programmeon the ground and it was being run by and consisted largely of foreigners. Although there were benefits to foreigners being involved, such as reduced racism and availability of skills; the differences in culture, language and goals all contributed to the difficulty of creating a successful, sustainable project at Bongolethu, especialIy in such a short period of time. The
SEED team all agreed that time was a major limiting factor on the effectiveness and usefulness of the

project, although the leader of the team contradicted this statement by saying that things had progressed surprisingly quickly. Several of the team members suggested that the lack of coordination, appropriate planning and communication within the team itself also caused problems for the programme. It was also expressed that although meant as a test school, Bongolethu might not be replicable since the project required very high funding input and it was unlikely that other schools would be able to gain such funding or afford it themselves.

Both organisations, Novalis and Abalimi Bezekhaya, were quite enthusiastic in the beginning of the

project. Although there was tension at Abalirni with workers who were already working on this type of programme and felt excluded by the SEED team, on the whole the programme itself (if not the actors) was decided to be useful. At the end of the programme however, both organisations were somewhat dissatisfied with the results, even if they found the project encouraging. Novalis felt that teachers had not been properly trained and involved in the process and would be unable to continue to educate the children, or spread expertise, without the SEED team.
It was also observed that in the implementation stage that the

understanding of the process and activities may not have been as reinforced as it should have been, that some of the students might not have linked the activities to the learning done in the first phase. Abalimi felt

that the curriculum and implementation documentation should have been more complete by Ute end of December, and that the project shouid have been more appropriately scheduled.

The effects of government policy on the schoot's a c t v it e is

are predominantfy focussed on

educational policy. The school has been allotted extra funding since it was sponsored by the government, has tapped into the city water supply, and been able to provide more permanentstructures for the school. It is also a participant in the government subsidized feeding scheme, although there is hope that this will end with the development of the food gardens. Other policies especially relevant to the community around the school, and thus to the school and its participants, are housing and service provision policy as well as land

h e settlement is informal, and technically illegal at this point, any change in distribution platforms. Since t
policy in these areas would have quite a strong impact on the residents of the community. The government has committed to providing some housing and services to other areas such as parts of Khayelitsha but the future for Phillipi's status is questionable.

Finally, the high input of finances makes the funders of this programme imperative. At several points in the programme it was debatable whether some members of the SEED team could be retained as
paid employees or not. In other cases, it was doubtful that certain inputs would be available or that

important parts of the programme, such as the open day, could be funded since they had not been proposed in the initial grant applications- In contrast, other grants had to be reassessed since they were overabundant. This reflects the limited planning and structuring that took place during the formation of the programme, as well as the idiosyncrasies of funders. Part of the funding came from national sources, such as the Green Trust and Old Mutual, but the majority came from international sources such as the British and New Zealand High Commissions. Obviously, the restrictions set by each of these funders had a large impact on how the money was spent and when and how the project might continue. For funders, projects like this bring prestige and information, assuming the projects they sponsor are successful at some level.

The reiations of power at Bongolethu are probably the most complex of all the cases due to the multiple actors. influences and goals. In the case of students, the involvement of Novalis has mediated the fear of speaking-up mentioned in the Harding Special School case. However, some of the teachers at Bongolethu were very persistent in reinforcing their power over the children. One teacher was even known
to resort to violence on several occasions. The fact that some of the teachers have not been formally

trained also causes some confusion about appropriate behavior in the class. There is division based on gender and on the training amongst teachers, although on the whole they seemed to work together for the good of the school and children. During the implementation phase of the project there were some problems with control of classes, and some classes were cancelled so involved teachers could continue supenrising the activity - although the SEED team did say this was not necessary, The most involved teachers were all men, senior class teachers and their involvement seemed to involve some prestige. Within the SDC women were quiet until asked their opinion or they felt very strongly that something needed to be said, while the men were freer with their opinions.

The dynamics of the SEED team were very fluid, although at all times the leader of the project

retained ultimate power over decisions. The leader of SEED was a white, foreign female, which definitely had an effect on some of the relations during the project. The involvement of Abalimi and Novalis with the project was not on the ground. but did involve informal meetings with the SEED leader. There was quite a bit of confusion and tension about the various roles and responsibilitiesof the various actors since nothing had ever been formally structured or assigned but rather done as the need arose. Better communication including increased feedback mechanisms and a clearer picture of the project is necessary, especial in beginning phases. For any other projects this could be instilled from the beginning with clearer structures and mechanisms for communication and conflict resolution options.

The limitation of time, organising and planning has been mentioned throughout the previous paragraphs but bares repeating. In a programme with such a short time line (Aug - Dec), it seems obvious that great care should be taken in preparation of the programme. The planning of the project should coincide logically with the amount of trrne that the project will last and the commitment of the staff and children to keep it going. It is possible to run a successful permaculture project at a school; however, five months is not enough time to run a pilot project. Realistic goals shouid be set, scheduled and revised with the full participation of the involved parties. Structuring the roles of each of the actors i s imperative to being successful and avoiding tension and confusion /ater in the programme. Several of the delays experienced throughout the SEEDlBongolethu project could have been avoided, and although it is unlikely all of the goals that had been set could have been achieved in the specified time period it is clear the project could have been farther along than it was. If this project is to be replicated elsewhere it is illogical to think that a team of external people will be able to visit every school interested in the process and be able to help them gain the same results. It is necessary to apply a method involving time, skill, finances, resources, et cetera that are more realistic and representatbe of the target schools. Most of the schools in South Africa are not wealthy with highly trained and committed staff and access to external training and resources and this must be taken into account in a pilot programme.

Since a major point of the programme was to improve the capacity of the school, the teachers should have been present and trained at the same time as the students were learning. It is integral that teachers feel a part of the process of learning and gain skills from co-teaching, in-class and outside, with experienced environmental educators. Especially in a case such as Bongolethu, where many of the teachers have no formal training this is a key advantage to having a project like this running at the school. These teachers could also then visit other schools or organisations with their newly learned skills. The training of teachers might have been supplemented by increased participation of parents and the larger community. The surrounding community is relatively active and possesses usehl skills. It was very supportive both at the beginning of the pmject and at the open day in December, this suppolt could have

been encouraged for the improved success of the project The Bongolethu project will likely be quite successful, in large part due to the commitment of a few of the teachers and the principal to the students and the school. However, the success could have been more easiiy reached with fewer complications and a more useful process for replication purposes.

Conclusion

The increasing population of poor within urban townships poses a strong challenge to the

government and society of South Africa, Disadvantaged communities have initiated the use of permaculture in attempts to deal with this multidimensional issue. It is clear from this research, and from that in urban agriculture, that the role of women and children in alternative development projects such as these is vital. These relationships should be further examined to determine various means of encouraging and improving their involvement.

In relation to the two urban perrnaculture applications discussed in this chapter, there are identifiable similarities in the challenges that are faced. For example, the destructive relations of power both within and influential in these projects must be addressed- There is also a common need for improved capacity-building through training in technical and theoretical areas. Much of the knowledge about technical matters has disappeared with the second (and beyond) generation rf urbanites. This means Mat a specific type of environmental education must be evolved to deal with issues such as a connection to nature or learning to plant trees, as well as developing other skills and positive relations. The close quarten of most urban dwellings emphasizes the need to have efficient and interconnected systems of perrnaculture. In order to gain as much as is possible from whatever space is available, it is necessary to combine elements strategically. However, training and support must be made available to encourage Me development of these projects. Both cases suggest that networking between projects, NGOs, and government would be a productive pursuit in building knowledge and improving the projects' success.

It is possible that urban alternative development projects, especially those involving cultivation, might be lost in concern for urban expansion and rural agriculture, Avoiding this situation is paramount to the success of these projects and thus, the alleviation of poverty in urban areas- Pursuing means of linking
urban and rural issues seems a valid means of avoiding this pitfall. Permaculture and political ecology

analysis promote a change in thinking, not only at the application level, but at 'higher' levels of relations toward a more integrative approach to problems. This should include efforts to productively link rural and urban projects and participants.

The primary interests, various roles, and influences of participants and projects have been discussed in reference to each of the four case studies- These descriptions have been loosely arranged according to the levels of analysis specified in poM-cal ecology, beginning at the local level and progressing
to national and sometimes international forums- These brief outfines have also included preliminary

observations and suggestions for improvement for each of the specific circumstances faced by the projects. The cases were chosen to provide a relatively balanced perspective of the use of permaculture in disadvantaged communities in South Africa. Two mraI case studies, a privately owned farm and a special needs school, and two urban projects, a youth center initiative and a community school, were studied as cases. During study of these projects the role of youth and schools in using permaculture has been particularly enlightening. To supplement the understanding gained at these sites, two non-governmental organisations, one national and the other regional, were included as slightly less detailed case studiesBoth of these organisations are involved in the promotion of permaculture in South Africa through various campaigns and projects. The study of these institutions has provided a more nuanced understanding of the situation facing South Africans and NGOs involved in alternative development. It is clear that numerous policies and perceptions were relevant to this study. The comparison of these cases and their implications provides the subject matter of the following chapter.

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION


Introduction

Political ecology has provided a basic theoretical framework for this research. This theory centers on investigating the shifting relations between society and ecology through various levels of analysis. A broad definition of the environment, provided by environmental justice activists and including social and political relations along with ecological concerns, has been employed in this analysis. This allowed for a more realistic interpretation of the dynamics of disadvantaged South African communities' livelihood struggles. The different levels of analysis and emphasis on local community livelihood struggles in political ecology were particularty useful for this effort in exploring permaculture application in disadvantaged communities. It was clear that in South Africa the situation faced by communities could not simply be discussed as a failure of policy. In light of the change to democratic rule, it was necessary to investigatethe established relations o f power and their continued influence. The legacy of apartheid made it particubdy important to gain some understanding of the history, knowledge systems, and social identity that developed in South Africa, and political ecology theory did provide a means of pursuing this objective.

However, there were several limitations to political ecology's usefulness in explanation. The lack of elaborated and consistent relations between the levels of analysis leaves many of the potential links
between levels purely conjectural. This was especially problematic in attempts to investigate indirect links

between global, national and local actors and influences. This research was limited to an initial exploration of permaculture in South Africa based on local and national level obsetvations, which restricted the evolution of a detailed chain of explanation. However, a more developed study would have had increasing difficulty relying on the levels of analysis and chain of explanation offered by political ecologists due to their vague character and resulting ability to account for any change. In order to facilitate stronger analysis of case study data, clarification and elaboration of these elements of the theory is crucial.

The bias of political ecology toward investigating rural communities, and the romaticization of these

communities also caused problems in this analysis. The urban focus of environmentaljustice literature was useful in attempting to balance rural and urban issues. However, the inter-play between the two forces remains largely unexplored in the literature and there is no overall integrated approach of study to address either context This made analyzing the influence of rapid urbanization in South Africa difficult, as well as limited possible exploration of rml-urban ties between people and ecological processes. There are assumptions made in political ecology that communities are largely unified in their resistance and that they are automatically supportive of the goals of political ecologists and environmental justice activistsAlthough the detailed accounts of case studies do not usually fall into this trap, the more generalized observations and theoretical analyses are frequently guilty of this. As the differences within communities and their various perspectives were quite clear in this research, this was not a large restriction in the research, but it is a fundamental flaw in political ecology and environmental justice literature that needs to
be addressed for future analytical efforts-

Another limitation that caused conflicts in this research and analysis is the fact that although holistic and dialectic analysis is advocated, how this is to occur remains vague. The dialectic relations that appear to provide the focus for political ecology are, in fact, generally dichotomized so that balance and relations are sometimes lost, For example, assuming that nature (or society) must be wholly co-operative or conflictual, rather than a complex hybrid of these two extremes is unrealistic and could strongly bias research. A revision of this typology should be undertaken to ensure that 'dialectics' are actually investigated rather than more dichotomies being formed, In specific relation to holistic analysis, there must be a point where holism is sacrificed for realistic purposes- It is impossible to take into account every aspect that might impact any case or situation. However, it is important to move as far as possible in this direction so clarifying a means of accomplishing this would be quite helpful to the theory.

The final major limitation of political ecology that impacted this study is the lack of an offered altemative. Political ecologists argue that because environmental problems are reflective of larger issues in political economy, a radical change is necessary to break the cycle of exploitative relations and environmental degradation. The question of how communities defend their environment and livelihood is posed in the literature and it is possible to infer that certain types of integrative and participatory initiatives, including that perrnaculture, might be considered acceptable to political ecologists. However, it would be more useful for a (or some) specific altemative(s) to be constructed. A future exploration of permaculture's potential in this regard could prove quite interesting.

Permaculture in South Africa is believed to offer a means of improving immediate material conditions and regenerating the environment through offering more sustainable livelihoods with expanded knowledge bases and equitable relations, The emphasis on alternative development schemes and social relations within permaculture theory supports this suggestion. However, the question becomes whether this theoretical improvement is evident in the application of perrnaculture in disadvantaged communities. In this regard, three primary questions were asked.

The first two questions dealt with the tangible benefits of perrnaculture and issues of access to resources. They asked whether f w d security was improved through the projects, and whether

environmental regeneration was evident Although these are not the only benefits potentially offered by permaculture systems, the context of South Africa has brought these issues to the fore. Political ecology emphasizes the struggles for livelihood by disadvantaged people to gain access to resources (including food) and this effort has been demonstrated through perrnaculture projects, although the battle has taken place in a much less confrontational way than is usually studied. Environmental regeneration is more a goal within permaculture theory, although once defined in a broad way it could also be contained within the theoretical literature on access to resources and equitable distribution. Although both of these questions

dealt with integrated issues of technical and social significance, the third question was the most fundamentally related to socia[ relations-

Whether or not participation and efficacy were clearly demonstrated, and potentially improved, was the third question asked in this research. The goal of high levels of participation and control by communities is clearly supported by political ecology literature, and although it is not explicit in the theory of permaculture it is a logical to infer that full involvement and commitment of all participants would be necessary for a sustained system. Thus, participation becomes a major issue in the success of permaculture projects The level of efficacy in the projects was also investigated as it was deemed vital that participants feel part of the process and that they were predominantly in control of the projects. Efticacy was primarily investigated on a local level, as was participation, although the interaction with the national or regional levels was a factor in some of the projects. The abilities and commitment of participants are fundamental to understanding the levels of participation, as is their social identity and the relations of power within the projects. Thus, the definition of what constitutes participation was defined through the participants themselves as well as through the theoretical literature.

The final aim of research was to discover the challenges and successes of these projects. After finding out what challenges and successes existed, it was useful to ask how to more effectively deal with the challenges and how (if it were indeed possible) to duplicate the successes. Addressing this question required re-examining the biophysical and social relations within the projects, and addressing the relations between national and local levels. The theoretical framework of this study offers input on many of the limitations of the projects, and in some cases, means of dealing more productively with these challenges. Environmental justice in particular suggests means of improving relations between local and national levels and the relevance of policy. Political ecology addresses issues of struggles over knowledge and meaning as well as those over resources such as land and water, although suggestions for improvement are largely contextual rather than locally applicable. In a more hands-on fashion permaculture offers means of

integrating elements within the projects to deal with various challenges and relies on relations on a local level to spread benefits. Overafl though, it is the innovation and determination of the participants that must overcome these obstacles and their commitment and expansion of programmes that will allow the spread of knowledge. Without this local level dynamic, national (and even international) actors and policies may speak of sustainability in proiects, but will be unable to achieve it

The quest for understanding the dynamics and results of permaculture projects in South Africa has been addressed through the analytic study of four cases of implemented permaculture, and two cases of organisations promoting their principles- lnfluences on these projects were explored, particularly at national and local levels. This chapter provides generalized observations about each of the questions under the headings of food security; environmental regeneration; participation; challenges; and proposals. This is done in the hope of beginning debate about the South African context, and most especially about permaculture projects as alternative development schemes. As this research is meant as an initial step toward understanding, many questions have been left unanswered. However, hopefully interest in these issues will be sparked by this effort, and f u ~ e research r will provide a more nuanced understanding of permaculture and alternative development in South African disadvantaged communities.

Food Security

The first question asked in this study dealt with the potential changes in participants' food security within the projects. Food security has been defined on both a household level and a national level. Within a national context, the definition most frequently used is - 'the ability of a country or region to assure, on a long term basis, that its food system provides the total population access to a timely, reliable and nutritionally adequate supply of food' (World Bank: 1980 in Van Zyl and Coetzee, 106). According to this definition, macro and micro factors affect overall food security, so that issues of distribution, trade policies, technology, and income are all influential, Thus, although it is a Wor, the fact that South Africa is generally

a net exporter of food is not sufficient in determining whether the country as a whole is food secure since many of its citizens go hungry and ate rnalnourished-

In a more local context, food security signifies access of the household 'at all times to sufficient and nutritionally-adequate food for an active, healthy life' (Drescher, 1994)- It might be added that the food should be 'culturally acceptable'. This definition is more directly applicable to this study. The situation of food insecurity in South Afiica could be characterized as both short term (in times of drought) and chronic (due to evidence of long-term u n d e r n u o t r in )
(Van Zyl and Ccetzee, 1990: 106). It is suggested that one in

five South Afn'can children are malnourished, in some cases leading to learning and growth limitations (Khumbane, December 17, 1998). It is not really the amount of food that is a problem in South Africa, but the lack of access to food due to factors such as income distributions and food price. Van Zyl and Coetzee's research shows that in Gauteng province food constitutes the highest percentage of household expenditure at approximately 30% a month, in informal settlements across the country these figures are even higher. For example, in Cape Town an estimated 40 - 50% of income is spend on food in poor urban

t is about 52%. Thus, it could be argued that the households, while in pen-urban areas around Durban i
national atmosphere is primarily responsible for food insufficienciesevident at the household level.

Previous investigations, as far back as the 1930, have recommended that people, especklly women, should grow vegetables on their land. However, such efforts were never really considered

econornica!Iy significant until economic circumstances deteriorated and food prices surged. The various measures recently undertaken by govemment have been largely ineffective. Even the government's school feeding scheme has suffered serious setbacks.
It is in this atmosphere that projecl of alternative

development have sprung up in both rural and urban contexts. Since the late 1980s various NGOs and
CBOs have been actively promoting home faad gardens as useful for increasing home consumption and for

earning limited levels of income- The change in thinking in NGOs and govemment from weifare oriented

strategies to more 'self-help' strategies is clear in this statement made by Tshepo Khumbane, at the time an extension worker with We Environmental DeveIopment Agency:
I got so fed up with giving out food rations that I began distributing the seeds for people to plant food themselves- At that point I began to question how effective casework could be, as an effort to change even an individual's life, let alone to meet the needs of a family. I began looking at alternative ways to address problems around subsistence. (as in Matlala, 1992: 12)

The projects studied in this research showed evidence that food security has remained a primary
concern for the participants, and thus has become a major goal of the projects. In the two cases of established permaculture, participants believed that their food security situation had improved substantially.
The improved quality of the food and health benefits were also emphasized. This was especially relevant in

the case of Harding Special School where teachers also stated that there had been improvements in children's concentration and enthusiasm- This observation was reiterated by feedback to NGOs regarding various projects with schools. Many participants were surprised by the effects of organic production and suggested that without involvement in the project they would not have known these benefits. Moreover, it would not have been possible to consume organic produce without personally growing it, as it is very expensive in shops. In the other two cases, the Viljeon farm and 8ongolethu Community School. it was generally felt that food security would be improved by the implementation of the projects - in fact. this is a primary goal for Bongolethu since the feeding scheme does not provide healthy or consistent supplies.

This emphasis on food security was also evident in other permaculture sites throughout the
country. People at visited sites agreed Mat food security had been a major motivating factor for projects, and that it had been improved through the programme of permaculture. However, at none of the sites were people satisfied with the amount of food being produced. In some cases the limitation was land access, while in others increased resource input was necessary to improve yields. It seemed that the aim of increasing the productivity within the projects was reflective of a need for more food for consumption; however, the emphasis was definitely placed on improving sales of produce for income. A study done by

Cross et al- suggests that produce sales accounted for approximately 20% of household income for the poorest groups of the study (May and Rogerson, 1995: 169), which indicates the importance of this type of activity in some socio-economic groupings. This obsewation reflects assertions made in political ecology and environmental justice theory.

Since the primary goal of many of these permaculture projects is increasing access to resources such as food and income - it seems obvious that the two concerns would be interconnected within the minds of the participants- The success in gaining increased food security and higher levels of income from sales of produce is encouraging. However, this must be tempered by the fact that neither need is being fully met and households are still food insecure and lacking in sufficient income. Of course, there is also the fact that these projects do not involve every poor person, so dominant conditions of poverty and lack of resources continue for most of the population. Even in townships where programmes are being run, not all people participate or even know that the programmes exist, and frequently resort to dire measures to care for their families. A Philippi resident expressed the Fnrstrationwith these circumstances in these words:
We earn our tiving through the waste products. We clean old bricks and sell them to get food- We wait for the 7-1 1 supermarket trucks where we t r y to get some potatoes so that we go to bed with something in our tummies. i am not saying these vegetables from the dump are not poisonous but what do you do when you are hungry and there's a bag of potatoes in front of you? (Noli Jastile as in EJNF, 1998: 9)

In the context of these desperate circumstances, efforts to improve food security through alternative development schemes such as permaculture projects should be advanced and expanded. Even if the improvement in access to resources is limited, in the short-term any improvement is useful and the potential for long-term benefits through these applications is quite high.

Environmental Regeneration -

The second component dealing with physical improvement at the permaculture sites was a question of whether regeceration of the environment was apparent Ecological regeneration is a strong

component of permaculture systems, and in South Africa i t is of fundamental concern due to high pollution and degradation levels. In general, the concem with environmental regeneration was peripheral in the projects studied. In many cases, there was simply an aesthetic concern, especially in the planning stages.
This might relate to attitudes toward conservation programmes within the counby or simply to an

unawareness of the integral impact the environment has on the lives of participants. except in extreme and obvious circumstances such as drought or flooding. It seemed that unless there was a vivid and clear connection between environmental factors and people's living conditions that the links were largely ignored.

However, in the more established projects or those with quite a bit of previous environmental educationltraining, a concern with these fadon was evolving. This might be considered evidence of the theory that only once basic needs are taken care of do environmental issues become a concern:
It can be argued that environmental protection in general is sometimes perceived as a luxury at the present time. There are many, much more pressing calls for expenditures simply to permit human survival. The more esoteric nuances of the quality of that survival do not necessarily feature high on the priority lists of many of the county" poor people. Those priority lists feature instead demands for basic necessities such as schools, hospitals, housing, roads and employment creation. (Ugbelm and Wilsenach, 1993: 63)

It is also possible that increased interest in the environment is a reflection of a change in thinking toward environment justice or even that, as is suggested by permaculture, afier a time of observation and learning
that the fundamental role and relations of the environment become clearer. However, in the case studies

evidence suggested that these two perspectives were actually combined. It seemed that it was not necessary for every need to be taken care of. Instead, a minimal level of education and basic subsistence were key for the existence of a more sophisticated environmental understanding and concern, or at least for the perception that something could be done about ecological issues to exist*

It was also observed that environmental improvements had actually taken place, even when they were not consciously planned as part of the projects. For example, although indigenous plants may have been chosen for environmental reasons by an NGO, the community might not realize the reason for the

selection and by default be using plants more suited to local conditions than they might have otherwise. Other examples include such effects as increased biomass with the use of mulch in gardens, improved

r e e plantings, better soil stability with increased vegetation, and more numerous places 'sponge effect' with t
for small wildlife to live, In each of these cases, it was not necessarily that regeneration was intended but that it took place and was observed by participants. It is hoped that in the future participants will develop a
better understanding of processes through these accidental effects and observations. In some cases

however, the improvement of the environment was not perceived as a benefit and inappropriate action was

h e mistaken belief that all insects taken. For example, the eradication of beneficial insects occuned due to t
o p u a lt o in are bad for crops. This shows evidence of a loss or lack of knowledge in the p addressed in order for permaculture and, more generally, environmental regeneration to occur, that must be

It is possible, given these observations about food security and environmental regeneration, to question whether permaculture is even happening in these projects. Do these projects in fact reffect more of a slightly modified method of organic f w d gardening? Many projects began or remain at the level of food gardening, and although this is a step on the road to establishing food security and improved nutrition, it is inadequate in being referred to as permaculture. The impression that permaculture is about vegetable gardening and mulch was quite dominant in projects and organisations supposedly using andlor promoting permaculture. It is important that the process does not stop at this level in order for the projects to succeed in promoting alternative development and that systemic thinking be encouraged. It is possible to have successive yields, water harvesting, alternative building and senrice provision, integration of animals, alternative economic systems, recycling projects, agroforestry, indigenous wilderness areas, et cetera in each of the projects, regardless of size. This would only serve to increase benefits, and would constitute more of a systemic application. It is possible that the limited permaculture in several projects is reflective of a need for improved training, facilitation and continued support for the communities, or persons, interested in permaculture. There was evidence of a general lack of understanding of the concepts and methods of permaculture.

Although most of the projects discussed in this paper, and indeed most of the sites visited in all of South Africa, are in the preliminary stages of applying permaculture, there is a willingness and commitment to learning and an openness to different options that is very encouraging. To encourage this attitude, the standards of training and facilitation being provided to communities need to be raised, standardized, and made available in the appropriate language. Although there should be flexibility within perrnaculture, it is impossible to know whether it is advanced or applied without having common guidelines for processes, methods and aims.

Participation and Efficacy

The second question of this study, and its primary focus, debates whether perrnaculture projects in disadvantaged communities in South Africa are promoting participatory techniques and how this is occumng. This discussion focuses on the relations of power within the projects and communities, although the regional and national contexts are also of relevance. The definition of participation used in this paper is quite flexible, meant to be as reflective of the participants' views as possible. However, given the framework of this study certain criteria were used to determine the level of participation.

Political ecology discusses the need for participatory projects, and generally recommends this type of community development; however, this issue is not explored in depth. On the other hand, environmental justice literature suggests that to be considered participatory not only do the projects taking place 'on the ground' have to be equitable and consensual, but policy formation at the national level must include any community that would potentially be affected by such a policy. According to both environmental justice and political ecology there must be access and control of resources, a democratic (preferably consensus-based) process, relatively equitable distribution of power, and use of community (andlor indigenous) knowledge and resources. Additionally, it is necessary that any analysis of projects or programmes be accountable to the participants, at least partially being defined by their goals and views of success.

On numerous occasions it has been suggested that establishing participatory projects within South African society should be less onerous due to the history of active black civil society during the later apartheid years. However, this has not been proven valid- Limitations of existing civil society groups such as resistance to changing power relations, corruption, inaccessibility, and redundancy have all restrfcted efforts to establish participatory processes and projects through these groups- Additionally, there is evidence that there is a societal attitude that reflects a feeling that the 'jobr of civil society is now complete since apartheid has formaliy ended, and it is time for government to take over. This mentality is likely compounded by 'entitlement' and 'welfare' attitudes left over from apart'leid times, and in some cases unwittingly perpetuated by the current government and NGOs.

From the relations of power obsewations at the case level, and from experiential data of the entire field research period, it is possible to suggest certain trends regarding these projects. The legacy of apartheid has substantially affected the attitudes of all interested parties and as such has caused problems with instituting participatory projects. Established attitudes of difference between blacks and whites; women and men; children and teachers/adults; abled and disabled; and young and old have ali had affects on these projects. Although race plays a dominant role in South African politics, all of these other relations are fundamental to understanding participatory projects, and governmental policy and traditional beliefs have affected each. For example, women are not accorded decision-making power or allowed to own land in the traditional systems; however, they are expected to ensure adequate food, energy and health for the family. Since during apartheid men were expected to provide migratory labour, this left many women in rural areas without power and thus, their ability to meet their obligations was restricted, Feelings of helplessness,

gender stereotypes, and decision-making models continue to reflect these biased relations, despite efforts to improve women's rights within the country. This situation has obvious implications for participation in projects involving alternative development schemes, and relations between all of the previously mentioned groups of people also reflect the reality of skewed power relations.

NGOs and government are also pervaded by the leftover attitudes and conditions created by apartheid and its conflict with traditional belief%. Problems of perceived and actual comption and inaccessibility plague government, especially on a local level where practices of excluding the majority were encouraged by the apartheid govemment It also seemed that the 'welfare' mind-set of NGOs and govemment during the apartheid period had continued despite attempts to escape this pattern. This problematic perspective was supplemented by an 'entitiement' mentality held by many South Africans, stemming from decades of being provided for, being told what to think and do, and years of resistance movements arguing for the state to provide restitub-onfor racial policies, On both sides of the equation then, there are problems in restructuring projects so communities are able, and willing, to take full control and responsibility for the running of the project

Although each level of influence uses participatory rhetoric, it is rare that the relations of power are reflective of the goals of truly participatory projects and tensions between actors generally result. The lack
of 'ownership' of the projecl is perhaps one of the reasons that some participants at Tusong expressed

their belief that their project would not continue without wages, and why several participants elsewhere observed that activity halted as soon as participants got jobs, even if only temporarily. Auerbach gives another example of a feeling of lack of ownership in South Africa through his description of behaviour in rural communities with boreholes: 'Often, govemment comes and drills the hole and fds the pump without much liaison with the community. Everyone is pleased to have clean water, but it remains 'government's pump'. If it ceases to function, 'government must fix it' (1990: 42). Again, this demonstrates the importance of ensuring consultation and a feeling of control in community projects, as well as the reliance of South Africans on govemment intervention.

Having said this however, it is important to note that participants did express that they felt more in control of their lives and that, although there was not full participation, these projects were a move in the right direction. There was no evidence of participant efficacy for national level, but increased control at a

local community level was definitely apparent One field worker suggested that one of the reasons for limited community initiatives in South Africa generally was the diversity of such communities and the lack of space for communal activities. Links between members of the community have grown through these projects and have led to other community initiatives, such as neighbodmod watches, clean-ups, and park developments. These local efforts may yet grow into something on a larger level, especially in those instances where national NGOs are involved in the projects. It is possible that Ulrough learning how NGOs work and obtaining increased knowledge of national systems that these types of projects will lead to more involvement on a national scale, In most cases although participants expressed that government

programmes, such as the housing policy or feeding scheme, were not very effective, they had not actively sought to improve the situation. This feeling of governmental policy inadequacy also did not usually translate into a belief of general governmental inadequacy.

It is interesting that many of the participants in these permaculture projects are considered the poorer of the poor: women, children, special needs individuals, and young offenders were all involved in these projects. In one case, the target group was these individuals (young offenders) but in all other cases it seemed to be the more marginalized of the disadvantaged that were most interested in alternative development schemes. It is logical that since these individuals are not included in the formal economy, or are at a distinct disadvantage within it, they are the ones interested in exploring new alternatives with a mind open to change. Women in particular displayed interest, and it is suspected that their circumstances of formal economy exclusion combined with family obligations (being in control of providing food and maintaining health) spurred their interest.

It was suggested by female participants in projects not included as case studies that gardening was beneficial since it gave them 'something to do other than sit around all day', indicating that this activity might be considered a substitute for employment on some level- It is true that most of the participants, and
it is possible to say most poor South Africans, would not choose to exclude themselves from market

activities due to the material benefits that are offered with inclusion. Thus, individuals with supposedly higher potential for inclusion in the market might have more restricted commitments to programmes, since the opportunity cost of participation might be considered to be too high. In addition to those formally employed, individuals (perhaps especially youth) who value obtaining a job may choose to ignore options open to them, in favor of continuing the jc5 search, regardless of the likelihood of obtaining employment

Participation was also limited by a problematic attitude that agriculture is for the poor or those in rural areas - that it is a 'dirty' or 'demeaning' activity. This perspective was clear in some students and teachers at schools in the study, and noted by NGO staff. However, schools engaging in permaculture are combating this attitude and students and teachers alike are seeing potential in these activities. However, the potential seen remains at a level where sustenance is challenged, not generally in more resource rich circumstances. Since projects, such as AbalimPs neighborhood gardening groups, are expanding their activities to include such things as sewing and a soup kitchen it is possible to ask whether Me gardening activities will even continue once these other activities are established - assuming they succeed- On a purely gardening level, it is likely that projects will not continue since the income earned from sewing would be higher than that earned from gardening (although the consumption of food is generally not included in

this calculation by participants). However, if permaculture was being used systemically, it is possible that
the combined activities of food production, energy generation, shelter provision, et cetera would prevent

such programmes from falling apart through the combined effects of regained and expanded knowledge and material benefits.

Overall, it can be said that although the participation in the projects was limited, there was a strong improvement in levels of personal and community efficacy. Cook states:
an individual becomes more powerful (the essence of empowerment) when s h e grows in the subjective sense of feeling able to do things hitherto out of reach; when she develops the ability to do things which were not previously within his or her competence; and when doors of opportunity, which were previously closed, swing open to allow access to information, influence and opportunity. (in Fitzgerald et al, 288)

No matter how beneficial projects may seem in theory, the benefits only become real when they are

appreciated and desired by the participants implementing the projects. In this sense, it is true that perrnaculture projects are truly usefbl in the South African context

These community development initiatives can only be sustained in the long-term if they are
integrated and the participants have the will and ability to advance the development themselves. It i s

necessary in these types of projects to establish 'empowered' relations between people as well as within individuals. Paul Cohen, owner of Thfolego perrnaculturecenter, confirmed this in his statement
Relationships on the human level are necessary to drive the reality of ecological design in our everyday lives. There is a certain amount at this relationship level that needs to happen before the communication is dear enough to be effective, otherwise we will be on different learning levelse can go on Learning that we are really on different learning curves can be the first step and then w from there. (December 7,1998)

These words emphasize the need for clarity and clear communication between participants and interested parties to ensure the participation in and sustainability of the ecological projects that permaculture promotes.
They also indicate the importance of establishing an understanding of relational dynamics before

proceeding with a project,

This logic can be expanded to deal with the applicability of NGOs in South Afiica. It has become clear that the relevance of NGOs, especially those involved in alternative development programmes, can only be measured in comparison to their perceived usefulness in the communities w i t h which they workThis perceived usefulness is inseparable from methods of assessment or intervention. Both of the case NGOs were formed during formal apartheid and their structures and processes still reflect Me relations of this era. However, these NGOs were also established to enable disadvantaged communities in various ways and as such were formed to facilitate some level of community participation. These NGOs then, have
complex relations, reflective of those evident in the projects and in South Africa generally, which at one and

the same time reinforce and challenge the existing order of ideas and attitudes.

Although the participation levels evident in the NGOs and in relation to the NGOs was quite limited, there was apparent interest in improving participatory processes and methods. The reassessment of many of Me organisations in South Afrca attests to this willingness to adapt. and to the recognition of the need to alter present practices and structures. This reevaluation offers the potential for attaining at least a measure of success in improving the levels of participation within the organisations and within the projects they promote, including permaculture projects such as those investigated in this research. Given the rapidly changing reality of the post-apartheid South Africa it is good news that NGOs and communities are accepting more responsibility for their actions and livelihood. NGOs have become more accountable and communities have been forced to look for alternatives to government welfare.

Challenges

Permaculture promoters in South Africa face a multitude of challenges. The first obstacles to success are what might be termed 'normal' constraints to permaculture projects anywhere and relate to access to resources. However, in the case of disadvantaged communities in South Africa these challenges seem to reflect the more extreme circumstances faced by project participants. Lack of access to resources was a major constraint to all those involved with the projects, including NGOs. Although permaculture projects can alleviate some of this pressure for individuals participating in the projects, there are also necessary inputs for a permaculture system. These inputs are also difficult to access and thus, access to resources becomes a constraint to the projects themselves, not just to participants.

It is possible to do permaculture with very limited resources, which is one of the reasons it has

been proposed as an alternative for disadvantaged communities; however, the benefits of projects would obviously be seen more quickly if progress is quickened through resource availability- Issues of land access

and knowledge building seemed most pertinent for these projects, although funding was also a concern especially for NGOs. Other resources, such as water, energy, fwd, housing, et cetera are more easily dealt

with - and at least partially made accessible by using permaculture creatively. However, it did appear that the level of understanding of the systemic approach of permaculture was quite limited- As a result many methods commonly used in permaculture were not present, and their application would have been quite beneficial in gaining improved access to resources that othewise would not be available or would have to be bought

Access to land and a basic knowledge base are necessary to begin a permaculture project While knowledge bases can be built, land access and tenure is the first condition that South Africans expect to be met before beginning an alternative development project In most instances it was conveyed that projects

t - why improve an area when it does not belong to you? As stated by would simply not proceed without i
Tshepo Khumbane: 'Proper development can only take place when people are sure that they are permanent on that land. That nobody, not even the government, has got a right and powers to remove them from that land' (as quoted in Matlala, 1992:12). The redistribution and restitution of the RDP has not effectively dealt with the land issue, and the system of private ownership of land seems to be exacerbating difficulties with attempts to reform patterns of land distribution. Most of the projects investigated were not on land owned by participants but situated on land donated by government or private landowners for an indefinite period for the purpose of the project This arrangement does not solve the issue of land tenure or access that will eventually have to be confronted if these types of projects are to continue.

The second major challenge to permaculture projects relates specifically to participation. The relations of apartheid and the anti-apartheid struggle have set conditions within South Africa, but perhaps more importantly, ways of thinking and attitudes have been established that can be counter-productive to permaculture principles and applications. Relations between races, genders, ages, and classes all

contributed to the difficulty in promoting participatory processes and projects. Through these relations attitudes and general practices have evolved that limit the potential of not only permaculture projects, but also the participants and wider South African society. Many people within disadvantaged communities feel

disempowered individually and communally, but at the same time have a sense of 'black solidarity' that is evident in national level politics leftover from the days of anti-apartheid struggle- This national level identification is useful for government, but may become difficult to maintain when needs are not met quickly enough by government, and communities feel excluded from 'higher' processes- The lack of education of blacks within South Africa has exacerbated feelings of inadequacy and a lack of general teaming skills resulting in problems with expressing opinions and creative thinking- Of course, the results of a lack of education were intensified by decades of blacks being told what to do, say, and think.

These attitudes gave rise to complementary attitudes within NGOs and govemment, where the

idea was to hand out benefits with limited (if any) consultation rather than inspire community development
While it is true that efforts are being made to change all of these views, these established social identities dominate many NGOs, govemment programmes, and communities. As one TFA staff member stated: the difficulty is the fact that they [communities] don't know where to sbrt they want someone to come and do it for them. That is what w e created in this country -that people can't do anything For themselves and we'll do it for them. Although that is changing - the thought process is changing they still want and they don't know how to actually begin to take responsibility-(De Lange, personal communication: December 2 1998) These different approaches and attitudes result in confusion and tension. In many situations no

responsibility or action is taken since community residents blame environmental problems on govemment and feel that it should deal with these issues through various service provision. On the other hand, 'the state and Eskom [electricity company] have, in the past, held the residents themselves responsible for the many difficulties in the townships' (Ramphele, 1991: 121).

The social identity of black South Afncans has been further complicated by the influx of western influences in recent years. Demands for material benefits are increasing, while at the same time the ability to meet these needs is decreasing. There is also a conflict over which needs take priority. For example, it
is not exceptional for a household to own a stereo, but have no electricity to run it, or for alcohol and

cigarettes to be purchased in large amounts while children go hungry and are malnourished. Stevens and Lockhat argue that the contradiction between cote expectations has:
been encouraged through capitalist ideology on the one hand, and a racist ideology on the otherBlack adolescents [and other blacks] have been exposed to the imagery, symbols and values that encourage individual achievement and social mobility, but simultaneously have been refused access to any significantmaterialresources that allowed for this. (1997: 251)

Government initiatives have been ineffective in changing these inequities and there is now a 'proliferation of gangsterism, substance abuse, anti-social behaviour and an emerging ethnic separatism' (Stevens and Lockhat, 1997: 253). The fnrstration and violent reactions reflect a conflict between the desired appearance of wealth and basic needs provision. This has obvious probfematic implications for the success of permaculture projects since it compromises the potential for needs to be met and constrains acceptance of alternatives to a consumerist ideology.

The third challenge for permaculture projects relates to the national and regional context The available infrastructure and legislation in many circumstances constrains the ability of local people to make decisions or take advantage of opportunities The post-apartheid government must, at one and the same

time, adopt policies that address the massive demands for material goods, while creating the conditions for
economic growth and investment, The current South African government is stiil in the process of repealing racist and inequitable legislation and creating new alternatives. As this process involves every aspect of social relations at each level of society, there is often confusion over what is allowed and what is not At a local level this results in utter confusion and sometimes legal frameworks meant to more adequately address the reality faced by South Africans are completely ignored.

Aside from previous legislation repeals, there are problems with current legislation. Limitations are evident in enforcement and implementation due to lack of funds or capacity and tension between multiple responsible departments. Attempts are being made to address the numerous accusations of corruption that have cropped up since the 1994 election, but this continues to be a problem. Additionally, policies that are

formed tend to reflect compromises between departments and other interested parties such as unions and private business, rather than reffecting what is best for citizens. Although this is a reality in most democratic governments, the results seem more extreme in South Africa. For example, housing policy allows for funds to be allocated for private sales or building of housing. However, the housing that results is inappropriate to
the conditions of the country, not spacious enough, or the settlements are not conducive to commun&y

activities- Most of the housing is not integrated into other projects so issues of waste, water, energy, and green space are not dealt with previous to moving people into the houses. Another example of inadequate policy change is the repeal of the Group Areas Act, which allows people to move into areas previously unavailable to them. The problem with this policy is that while it does allow wealthier blacks to move in to higher-income suburbs previously left only to whites, 'it will do nothing to alter the fact that those who are poor will continue to live where apartheid dumped them - in impoverished ghettos, miles distant from their work' (Ramphele, 1989: 310). In this case, and in others, it could be said that an economic apartheid has deposed the previousIy dominant political apartheid.

Proposals

The second component in the discussion about challenges to these projects asked how to improve dealing with these issues. It is possible to divide these recommendations into two large categories based on the levels of explanation of political ecology. First, the national level is addressed and suggestions regarding policies, processes, and capacity are discussed in relation to government and non-governmental organisation efforts to promote permaculture within South Afiica. The second set of proposals is discussed in the context of the local community efforts at implementing the projects. In this discussion improving access to resources (including knowledge) and increasing participation levels for participants provide the focus. Although several of the recommendationsoverlap, this format provides the structure to allow h&er discussion of the various levels influencing the application of permaculture in disadvantaged communities. Throughout this section though, it is important to recall that the interactions between the global, national,

regional and local levels form a system of relations that must be considered as a whole as well as analyzed on more detailed levels.

National

Although govemment is attempting to change the policies and approaches of the previous regime,

h e established attitudes, infrastructure. and legislation as well as by the these efforts have been limited by t
limited capacity and conflicts of interest of the present civil sem-ce. Additionally, outside interests have served to confine governmental initiatives. Labour unions and private business interests have contributed to the difficulties of government creating policies and taking actions that are appropriate in the post-apartheid context The global economic situation and worldviews of development have combined with these domestic factors to limit effective sustainable practices within the state. For example, the Reconstruction and

Development Programme initiated by the government was based on increased reliance on foreign aid, loans and direct investment However, the goals of the RDP and policies advocated by foreign institutions, such

as the structural adjustment policies of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, stand at odds and
it is possible that the limited success of RDP programmes reflects this conflict of policies (IDRC, 1995: 183).

Calling for 'appropriate' legislation and standards in developing areas frequently results in a lack of enforcement or no standards at all since it is argued that increased employment will result from enterprises attracted by low operating costs (Dewar, 1991: 99). However, in many cases this assertion is simply false. Dewar gives the example of Ciskei, where he asserts that increased industrial activity did not result in increased employment, but rather higher profits for a few people and high social and environmental costs (1991: 99). It is necessary to create an atmosphere that recognizes that developmental and environmental concerns are not diametricallyopposed and that in fact, one can serve to advance the other.

The rehabilitationand proper management of the environment is necessary for sustained economic

growth and the improvement in the lives of the poor majority- Thus, environmental policy should not only be deliberated on its own, but integrated as an essential part of other policies such as housing, employment, women's equality, nutrition and economic development (IDRC, 1995: 4)- By using a more integrated approach, it is likely that such policies would better reflect the needs of rural and urban communities, especially if increased popufarconsultation is sought For example, housing policy would include measures such as sanitation, energy provision, and community clustering currently excluded from such programmes, while farming subsidies would encourage more environmentallysustainabie practices in lieu of current overuse of chemicals and inappropriate technology. This move would also encourage industry and private

households to reduce abuse of the environment by holding them responsible for their actions through enforced legislation and incentives (Ligthelm and Wilsenach, 1993: 60).

Environmental legislation, as well as other programmes. must be more assertive. For example, the constitutional right 'to environmental quality can be considerably strengthened to include the notion of 'duty
of care' and environmental responsibility, as well as a stronger statement about the quality of the

environment to which all South Africans have a right' (ID=,

1995: 13). With respect to permaculture

project facilitation in particular, land redistribution and secure tenure policies would need to be advanced quickly and ensure the possibilities of ownership for disadvantaged households. To ensure that the most resource poor could take advantage of community development programmes it seems reasonable to
suggest that start-up be subsidized (or fully financed) by international, state, or regional sources. Of course,

this should not be allowed to imply a partisan affiliation of the projects or the participants.

The Curriculum 2005 educational initiative could also be reformed to specifically include permaculture principles and methods. Including permaculture in the education system has very high potential for changing the South African situation and ensuring permaculture principles are accessible to everyone. Outcomes-based learning initiated through Mis programme is very compatible with petmaculture

design and could be integrated quite easily- Perhaps the model of Zimbabwe's permaculture in schools could be used to provide suggestions along these lines, as could initiatives such as the SEED programme
with Bongolethu Community School.

Adult education programmes codd also include elements of

permaculture systems in order to reach those previously excluded from the educational system or those adults unable to access this knowledge otherwise- The change to outcomes-based education in SouVl Africa has just begun and it seems prudent to ensure that future (and current) educators are equipped for this change with appropriate training and support systems. While alternative teaching models can be quite useful, without proper training the results of this change could prove destructive.

The legacy of Bantu education policies and the number of unskilled and uneducated people are

cause for serious concern. Although there are several 'courses' offered throughout the country to improve various skills, including accounting, language, or software use, many of these programmes are not standardized and do not ensure that attendees are tested on their new skills before 'graduationr- Obviously, this does not sewe anyone's interests in improving the workforce, so standardized courses with appropriate testing should be promoted- Some mechanism for subsidized learning at this adult level should be installed to ensure that the poor majority would still able to access this service. The responsibility for these measures falls primarily to government; however, options employing the strengths of non-govemmental organisations and communities should also be investigated.

Non-formal education initiatives should also be investigated, especially in areas of environmental awareness and responsibility. These programmes should not just deal with clean up or greening of a community as a one-shot deal. but facilitate the empowerment of communities to participate in environmental decision-making at the local and national levels. To this end, the IDRC argues:
The empowerment of disadvantaged communities to take part in monitoring and managing their own environments is crucial to ensuring that environmental racism as it has been widely practiced in SA is no longer tolerated. At the same time, nonformal environmental education within affluent sectors of society is needed to continually bring to people's attention the environmental impacts of consumerism and the disposable life-style. (1995: 175)

The importance of educating both affluent and disadvantaged communities cannot be overemphasized. It also could provide a means of linking races through community action.

Along with capacity building endeavors within civil society, it is necessary to train governmental officials to understand and promote participatory methods. processes and changing legislation. As much of the civil service has limited experience due to the adjustments made after apartheid, capacity building is integral to the success of the new government in promoting revised programmes. Without this capacity it is impossible to expect that civil servants will be able (or willing) to implement or enforce changed legislation.
This training would also serve to make government more accessible and rnore likely to sustain democracy.

In this area, it might prove helpfuj to draw on the expertise of NGOs and promote mutual learning.
By working closely with NGOs on policy formation and enforcement, government could contribute to solving

the funding dilemma many NGOs face, as well as potentially deal rnore adequately with community development issues. This link between NGOs and government could contribute to stronger links with the communities and increased numbers of sustainable projects being established- It is important to note however, that this attempt could also senre to corrupt NGOs or de-link them from the communities they work
with, so reflexive systems would need to be established to ensure transparency and effectiveness-

With respect to non-govemmenbl organisations, the observations of the two case studies along

with other visited NGOs proved useful in determining several areas for improvement. Several NGOs were undergoing restructuring during the study period. This indicated both a need and a willingness to adjust to the new realities of post-apartheid South Africa. The structures, mandates, and methods of NGOs need to be adapted to allow for decision-making at local levels, rather than more welfare-oriented programmes. The changing funding climate has forced these organisations to find new ways of fondraising and new finders, both foreign and domestic. Ensuring a diverse funding base is integral to ensure programmes are not overly biased toward funder agendas. It also provides more stability for the NGO.

Within the institutions themselves, capacity building in organisation, language, facilitation, financial management, reporting, and conflict-resolution should all take place. For those staff working with

communities it is especially important to provide training in participatory techniques, appropriate technical knowledge, facilitation methods, language skills and clear communication, Training within NGOs is necessary to their effective function- However, without the commitment of localities the usefulness of NGO programmes is very limited. Ensuring that staff are at some level involved with the affected communities is important in creating an atmosphere of mutual learning, responsibility, accountability, and a sense of involvement that would otherwise be missing.

There is a need to improve the networking of local pro@& and NGOs within South Africa, or even with countries such as Zimbabwe that already run various permaculture programmes. Each of the cases demonstrated a need for information, skills, or contacts that could be provided by other organisations or communities in South Africa. However, due to a lack of coordination and networking, the knowledge that these other groups existed or were useful in some way was inaccessible. For example, at Harding Special School there was a need for information on alternative building techniques, bio-gas generation, companion planting, alternatives for irrigation, cultural integration with the curriculum, and potential sources of funding. Various groups and individuals in the region could have addressed each of these issues but the school ended up searching for the information elsewhere. The results have taken longer and the information

gained is not necessarily applicable since some was based on American or British sources.

The further coordination or networking of NGOs and CBOs in South Africa could also apply to creating a database of possible funding sources, their expectations and requirements, et cetera. This information is generally difficult for CBOs and even some NGOs to find, and it is impossible for funders to ensure eligible groups know about potential funding. This type of database would be very usefol for groups that require extra resources to develop their projects more quickly. CBOs taking over the responsibility of finding funding would develop skills and further understanding that would not be developed while NGOs

administer and monitorfunding use. Although this networking is considered primarily as a national initiative,
it would involve stronger control and access for communities and on a smaller scale it could be pursued by

linking community members with various skills at the local level-

Local

Permaculture attempts to join different principles fiom various traditions to form a theory of sound ecology and socia[ organisation. Thus, projects implementing permaculture on a focal level are a combination of practical and theoretical factors. It is necessary then to deal with both of these aspects when attempting to understand and promote permaculture. In South Africa the primary issue of concern in disadvantaged communities is access to resources. Land tenure and access, housing, service provision, and food affordability are of particular concern. Perhaps less materially focussed. but still of great

importance is access to knowledge and control of decision-making. Within the projects investigated in this research each of these areas were partially addressed through permaculture.

However, there are constraints to the success of permaculture endeavors. First, it is absolutely necessary to have access to space in which to establish the living system. In other words, some form of land control (although it need not be legal ownership) - even in the form of a rooftop, balcony, or roadside strip - is necessary to begin a permaculture project Second, a certain level of knowledge in areas such as planting techniques, design, and needs assessment are required in order to productively set up a project. If the project is to be community based, it is vital to have connections within the community, understand their situations, and establish useful relations. The projects that were detailed in this research faced many limitations to their efforts. Although many of the limitations were influenced by national level decisions, or even regional governmental decisions, there are several challenges Mat could have been addressed on a local level to allow pmjects to be more effective and efficient. This section begins an exploration of some of the actions that might have such an effect.

Access to land is one of the rights that the anti-apartheid movement was built upon. The RDP endorses land restitution and redistribution; however, reform of land settlement patterns has been limited in the 'new' South Africa. Despite changes to legislation, several million South Afn'cans remain without title to land. Black women in particular are suffering from lack of land tenure since they have been caught in the middle of apartheid and traditional practices, never allowed decision-making or title rights in either system.

Although land reform is largely an issue that needs to be addressed on a national level, there are means of attaining access to land that can be applied Iocally. Several of the projects visited gained use of unused land from local authorities by applying for particular plots, others requested the use of land from private landowners, and still others simply took over areas retaining control through the neglect of authorities to evict them. A group of individuals might also purchase a plot of land for specific purposes if
money was pooled together. These methods could be used in any disadvantaged community, although

legal courses of action should at least be attempted first Facilitation of these efforts is key to success. Many communities do not know their options of attaining use of land and letting them know is the first step to addressing their concerns, at least until national land reform measures are effectively implemented. NGOs, CBOs and individuals from communities that have succeeded in their efforts could all contribute to building this knowledge in communities. Understanding the application processes or even gathering the strength to approach a local landowner is a big step toward empowerment and accepting responsibility-

The further development of participant capacity, and that of the population in general, is often stated as necessary to addressing the challenges faced in South Afica. This paper is no exception to that recommendation. In fact, the training and empowerment of the participants is considered paramount to the success of any of these projects as permaculture applications, and as a form of potentially sustainable alternative development strategies. Finding ways to overcome cultural and historical divides and ensuring that people have the skills and understanding to deal well wi!h their rapidly changing reality not only facilitates projects such as these but will ensure the success of the country as a whole. This can only be

accomplished using truly participatory processes, building crosscultural understanding, and approaching the challenges in as integrated a manner as possible. However, it should be cautioned that 'capacity building' should not be used as an excuse, self-indictment or lead to 'expertism'. Any of these alternatives would lead to the exact opposite of encouraging locaI decision-making and control. Allowance for continued follow-up and necessary support should also be made. and clear communication must be emphasized throughout the process. Although this process may take longer initially, the effort is well worth if the communities feel they have gained and developed as people. It would not be only the temporarily gained income, food or other product of the project that was at issue, and this would create a better chance for the project to continue.

Capacity building was cited as a major goal by several of the participants at the projects. Although this could apply to almost any subject, financial accounting, applying for funding, housing methods, organic pest control, water conservation, and alternative energy provision were all mentioned. It should be noted that some of the participants had received training in these areas already but felt that limited understanding
of the language used had restricted their learning. Thus, it stands to reason that facilitation and training

should be made available in the language requested by participants. Exchanges of information between various projects, rather than reliance on NGO consultation, could serve this purpose well. For example, bilingual individuals could receive training and spread this knowledge through other communities.

Given the limited education of most of the poor black population, using alternative learning and teaching techniques including games, music, outside activity, map mapping, model building, and popular theatre is recommended. Even with conventionally educated participants these methods inspire creative thinking, provide a different avenue of expression, and create an atmosphere of camaraderie within the group that otherwise is not possible. In the case of permaculture these approaches are particularly useful since it is sometimes difficult to convey the systemic thinking necessary to projects with more conventional methods.

If possible, providing opportunities for working examples to be visited would also be quite useful- It
seemed that actually visiting a place that had already begun its permaculture application was highly

inspiring for participants, particuIarIy youth. It also gave a sense of pride to those running the project Although there are good examples of working permaculture in South Afn'ca, most are not easily accessed or even known to exist Popularizing and ensuring ease of access is necessary to the success of a 'visitation programme', It would be especially exciting to see NGOs apply this concept in their centers. This way not only could potential participants visit a working example of pemacuIture but staff responsible for promoting permaculture would have first hand experience dealing with its application in limited surroundings.

Having working examples of permaculture would also allow for the demonstration of projects that are rarely attempted in South Afn'ca. The integration of elements within most of the applications was quite limited and having the option of showing the benefits of 'more radical' ideas might inspire more creative linkages in projects currently concerned primarily with food production. There are a plethora of such possibilities; including seed saving to save costs and maintain biodiversity; integrating medicinal plants through linking with local nyangas; creating recreational areas through recycled materials; cob, strawbale, living structure building; wilderness corridors; rooftop or container gardening for those in highdensity urban apartment areas; bio-gas, solar and wind generation; or sanitation through reed beds or cornposting toilets. More conservative efforts a t improving bed layout, water harvesting, successive cropping, inter-cropping
and organic pest control would also prove useful, while alternative economic systems (such as LETS) or

social organisations (such as eco-villages) could be promoted with more experienced participants.

For those projects that have successes, it is important to spread these benefits to the larger community rather than isolate the projects and their participants. Expanding the activities to include efforts to establish recreation areas, old-age homes, educate others, hold competitions or open days, or lobby for other change within the community would not only senre to spread permaculture, bit would provide stronger links between people within the community. Opening up projects to visitors also serves this purpose.

Attempts in this direction could provide others with a sense of efficacy, encouraging more ambitious programmes or even national lobbying on issues of importance within the community. This development of civil society will only serve to improve South Afiicans ability to maintain the recently attained democracy and ensure sustainability within development initiatives.

Conclusion

The situation in South Africa is rapidly changing and the country faces challenges on various

levels. In an attempt to deal with high levels of poverty and environmental degradation, permaculture methods and principles are being put to use by South Afn'can communities. Although many of the projects are in the very early stages of investigating the use of permaculture, it is believed that permaculture methods and approaches have been, and will continue to be, useful. As none of the projects were evolved enough to provide a very developed example of applied permaculture, with the possible exception of the Harding Special School, it is difficult to say whether its usefulness will provide sustained alternative development within the communities. However, the potential for this is present.

Aside from the limited level of applied permaculture, there was also some evidence of conflicting prioritization of participantobjectives for projects. For example, debates occurred about whether to increase consumption or increase income given the limited output of the gardens. However, even if the impact of the projects is limited to an increased feeling of efficacy and empowerment in the participants, or even further limited only to increased food security, these projects provide substantial benefits.

The ability of disadvantaged communities to make decisions is restricted by their limited access to resources. With the use of permaculture local access to resources has been (and could further be) improved, suggesting that even degraded areas can conbibute to sustainable livelihoods. Thus,

permaculture, through its systemic design based in ecoiogical principles, offers the possibility of

substantially contributing to the lives of participants and to South Africa as a whole, especially in the context of alternative development in impoverished communities. This possibility will only become a reality through the co-ordinated efforts of government, non-governmental organisations, communities and individuals at various societal levels,

Several suggestions have been made in this study regarding the numerous challenges faced by these projects, and the organisations that support them. Broadly speaking the recommendations fall into three categories. The first, and perhaps most important is an ideological shift A move toward more consensus based and creative patterns would be most useful in promoting permaculture principles and the ecological and economic sustainability of these communities. The established social identity based on race, gender, age, location, and class must all be challenged in the new South Africa to allow for more constructive and equitable relations of power to evolve. This change of view must involve all levels of South African society from national governmental officials to schoolchildren.

Second, the building of capacity is paramount to Me success of these projects. Again. efforts in
this vein must be facilitated at local and national levels as so many South AFn'cans have been excluded from

knowledge expansion activities in the past In the case studies both the organisations' staff and participants expressed a desire to learn and know more in order to further their objectives. This capacity building exercise must not only focus on such activities as fund raising and networking, but also involve the technical application of permaculture. Also, this knowledge base building must not be approached in isolation but should be complemented by environmental education and instillation of earth-care values, both of which
were limited in the projects. An emphasis on facilitation and conflict resolution

methods would also be

relevant. Evidence hom this study suggests that the highest potential for these types of projects lay with schools and women of the communities, so their inclusion should be particularly encouraged, although other actors should not be excluded on this basis. In some cases this would require national infrastructure

development by the govemment, although in many situations local and regional efforts of organisations and
i f any) governmental involvement communities could facilitate this development with limited (

Third, networking of projects, organisations and govemment must be encouraged to ensure that everyone has access to resources, knowledge and options. This linking should not only take place domesticaIly, but instead should include foreign influences that offer useful relations. Networking might also serve to alleviate some of the problems with funding, policy formation and duplicated services within higher level sectors, while further developing an active ckil society. The improved communication between interested actors should take place within a national vision of ecologicalIy responsible development evolved through active involvement of the local level of society. This way the inaccessibility and ineffectiveness of many govemment policies could be addressed, facilitating productive changes within economic and political relations of power.

There can be no one appropriate approach for every circumstance, given the influences of biophysical, socio-economic. historical, and political factors on local conditions. However, the approach of permaculture emphasizes locally generated solutions to environmental probiems and there is evidence that its use in South Africa is contributing to a more integrated and participatory vision of social justice,ecology and development. Permaculture offers the potential to address basic needs, ecological integrity and social empowerment through interactive means that allows for integration of elements of 'baditionai' and 'modem'

s not a direct challenge to established relations of power in a conflictual knowledge systems. Although it i
sense, it does offer a pro-active approach to changing Ule livelihoods of communities. Ultimately. though, it

does not matter whether it is permaculture or some other appmach that is applied, but simply whether
alternative development efforts benefit communities. Change in the inequitable relations of power within South Africa is unlikely to occur through national policy formation. Instead it is more likely that the totality of local initiatives will create the conditions for the necessary changes within the South African context

Gender: Age: Religion: Occupation: Spoken languages:

Nationality: income:

Ethnicity: Marital Status:

Race: Dependents:

I. What is your definition of permaculture?

2. How long have you been a participant at the site?

3. What are your responsibilities?Who decided those responsibilities? 4- Would you draw a map of the sitelcommunity@eopte/energyflows? 5. Do you do work for the site outside of the garden? 6. Why did you join the project? 7- What motivated you to become a part of the project? (economic gain, fwd security, community development, spouse pressure, enjoy gardening) 8. Before you were a participant how did you eam a living? Do you still do that? 9. What was your economic situation before being a participant? (desperateldifficultlcomfortable) 10. Compare you overall personal and family economic well k i n g before and after your involvement with the project11. How is the money you earn spent? Who determines how the income is spent in your family? 12. How has your life changed since you became a participant at the site? 13. What benefits (other than food) do you receive through the project? (education, technology, security, respect, land access) 14. Does participation in the project add further work to you day (or burden)? 15. Has your level of self-confidence changed since your involvement? 16. Do you feel more in control or feel you have more say in your communitylhome? Explain. 17. What is the most important thing you have learned since being involved? Why is this important? 18. Have you had a positive experience with the project you would like to share? 19. Have you had a negative experience with the project? 20. Do you feel you have been discriminated against within the project? 21. Were there restrictions on membership? If so, what and for who? (fee to join, regulations, land ownership, spouse restriction, domestic duties, work) 22. Has involvement in the project facilitated community solidarity or divided the community? How? 23. Since your involvement with the project have you become involved in any other institution or group? If so, in what capacity do you participate there? 24. If you could change anything at the site what would it be? Why? 25. What are some of the problems or restrictions of the site and the project? 26, What sorts of future development would you like to see?(training, expanding, crops, etc) 27- Is the project sustainable? Explain. 28. What are your responsibilities at home? (subsistence, domestic, income, etc) 29. Are there certain jobs at the project you would never engage in? Why? 30. How bas your fife differed from your mother'slfather's? (income source, responsibilities, access, living standards, etc) 31. How do you see the future for you sonsiciaughters (education, income, living standards, responsibilities, etc)? if grown - what is their occupation? 32. How do you see this project contributing to your community? 33. Do you feel your dependence on outside sources of goods has been reduced? Is this good? 34. Compare the situation of the community previous to and post the site establishment? 35. Does the government support this initiative or others like it? Do other organizations? Do you feet their involvement improves the site? Do these groups have too much power? Do you feel you have an input into these organizations? 36. Do you have any questions or comments you would like to express?

Gender: Age: Religion: Occupation: Spoken languages:


2.
4.

Nationality: Income:

Ethnicity: Marital Status:

Race: Dependents:

I . Please give a brief background on yourself-

Do you have a garden at home? If so, what do you grow (and how) and if not, why? 3. Could you briefly offer your opinion on the general state of food security, environment and political participation in South Afn'ca? What organization do you work for/with? What do you do? How long have you worked there? Do you have another job? Do you volunteer with other organizations? Are you a member of govemment? Is the govemment involved in the projects? In tfre organization? If so, in what capacity? on membershipto this organization? Are there e r o c s ir t n s What is the organization's mandate? What are the future goals? What are the strengths and weaknesses of this organisation? What is their interest in and definih'cn of permaculture? Does your organization work with other groups on this issue? If so, which ones and where are they based? Can you think of any successes your organization has had re: permacultureor related issues? What challenges do you feel the organisation faces? Permaculture projects? How should these be addressed? Has the organisation has support or resistance from authorities, communities or other organisations? If so, in what ways? Could you share a positive and a negative experience you have had within the organisation? Are you personally involved in any of the projects? If so, in what capacity? Who is involved in the projects? Why do people become involved? What is the general state of food security and environmentat these projects? What inputs are necessary and what outputs are produced in the projects? Do you feel the projects are usehrl? Which ones? In what way? How could they improve? Why is that an issue? What is your definition of perrnaculture? What level of understandingof permaculture is there in South Africa? In the projects? Has this increasedlremainedsteadyldecreased in recent years? How do you see the future of permaculture? Do you have any questions or comments you would like to express?

5. 6.
78. 9. 10. 11 12.
+

13. 14.
15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26.

This survey is being done in order to help Catherine with her research- No one will see your responses except her so be as honest and open as you can- If you do not want to answer a question please show that on the survey and move on to the next question, You may respond in whatever language you fed most comfortable in. Catherine thanks you very much for your help with her research.
Age:
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Grade:

Gender:

Nationality:

Ethnicity:

Race:

Where do you live? How long have you lived there? Do you have a garden at home? Who takes care of this garden? What is grown? How long have you attended this school? How would you rate your family's financial situation: very poor 1 poor / average / wealthy What is your definition of perrnaculture? 6. How do you feel about the permacultureactivities at your school? 7. Have you participated in these activities? If so, in what ways? 8. How do you feel about the environmental education activities you have participated in? 9. What have you done during the permacultureactivities at school? 10. Who decided what you were to do during perrnacultureactivities? How do you feel about that? 11. What is your favorite and least favorite activity related to the permaculture project? Is there any activity you would not participatein? Why? 12. What have you learnt from being involved with the perrnaculture project at school? 13. Does this project benefit you, your school, or your community? Explain. 14. What do you think could be improved at your school? Do you think permaculture could help with this? Explain. 15. How do you think the permaculture at your school could be improved? 16. What are some of the benefits and costs of permaculture at your school? 17. How is permaculture used at your school? Is this important? Explain. 18. Is your or your school's future different than before the project began? Explain. 19. Do you see permaculture being useful in the future? If so, in what ways? 20. Please draw (and label) a map of your school.
*this survey was translated into Zulu and Xhosa for the ease of the students for which English was a second language.

APPENDIX IV: SAMPLE SURVEY QUESTIONS FOR NGO BOARD AND COMMITTEE MEMBERS The following survey is being administered to gather data for the Master's thesis of Ms- C-Phillips. You cooperation in filling out and returning the survey is most appreciated- Please be as honest as possible in if you do not have enough your responses and feel free to elaborate or use the back of the quesfionnaire room on the form. Name: Occupation: Position at Organisation: Date: Age: Citizenship: Levet of Education completed: Number of Children: Race: Sex: MalelFemale Country of Origin: Marital Status: Single/DivorcedlMarried/Widow income per annurn: Ethnicity:

10. 11.
12.

13. 14.

Please provide a brief summary of your career background and any relevant interests. What precisely is your role in this organisation? What do you feel the organisation's main strengths and weaknesses are? What challenges do you feel the organisation faces in the future? How do you feel these challenges should be addressed? How do you feel this organisation could be improved? What is your vision for the organisation? Please identify the situation in South Afnca, as you understand it, regarding food security, condition of the environment, and community developmentand involvement Food Security: Condition of the Environment Community Development and Involvement If you have identified any problems in the previous question how do you feel these need to be addressed? What does permaculture mean to you? Do you feel that perrnaculture has anything to offer in the South Afncan context? If not, why? If so, what? If you believe permaculture is useful in the South African context, please identifL what you feel needs to be done to promote its use in this country. What is the organisation's definition of perrnaculture? How do you feel the organisation's permaculture projects could be improved?

Again, please feel free to make any further comments or pose any questions on the back of the questionnaire. Thank you again for your time and participation.

To be addressed at each site: 1. Who was the site designed by and for whom? 2. What were the original objectives of the project? Have they been met? Are the periodically reviewed and altered? 3. Who decides what to grow and how? 4. Who provides the labour? 5- How are the products distributed? 6. What are the participant's unmet needs? 7. What resources do the participants possess? 8. What outputs are not being used? 9. What are the limits of the site? Is there multiple function of each element? 10. Is there a map? Are the compass directions, contourshapes, and heights known? I I. Are there weather records? 12. What does the sun do in relation to the site across the seasons? 13. What does the wind do? 14. How much precipitation and when? Is there frost andlor fog? 15. Who is responsible for maintaining the boundaries? 16. Do the users own, rent or borrow the site? 17. Is access adequate? What are the rights of way? 18. How does the site affect neighbours and vice versa? 19. Where is the nearest village or town? 20. Are the shops nearby, and if not how can needed products be accessed? 21. What buildings are there? Do they serve the purposes needed, and can they be altered if not? How can they be made more energy efficient? 22. Can the system be made more efficient by moving jobs around? 23. What energy sources are there? Can more renewable energy be harnessed here? 24. Is there maximum water flow right through the system? 25. How much responsibility is taken for capturing and retaining the water required for the system? 26. How clean is the water that leaves the system? Is there a filter process? 27. How clean is the air, are there filter plants and appropriate food species Mat will not concentrate toxins? 28. How is solar access managed, suffer from too little or too much sun? 29. How solar passive is the home and work areas? Good use of natural lightlheating? 30. Has there been a lasting reduction in imported energy (electricity, gas, water, fuel)? 31. Has the waste material for disposal been reduced? 32. Is the system now self-reliant in terms of mulch, seed, feed, and fertilizing materials? 33. How is wind controlled, is it deflected from fragile areas, is it used for reducing work? 34. How well is the site prepared for catastrophe? 35. What transpolt system is used? Is it adequate? Could a 'softer" system be used? 36. What water is there on the site? Can it be made to cycle further to yield more? How can its quantity or quality be improved? 37. What crops are grown on the site? 38. What is the soil type? What is the underlying geology? What is the condition of the soil? 39. What species do well on this site? What others might yield more or offer more variety? Is there good stacking of yields? 40. How diverse are the crops? 41. Were the species planted suited to the area? Is there maximum diversity and incorporation of rare breeds? 42. Wildlife species -has this increased in number and in species diversity? Include insects, worms, birds, reptiles, mammals as well as larger species.

43. Are pests managed by an integrated system? Have numbers dropped? 44. What stock is there here, and is itthe best mixture of breeds for this site? Are the animals in the system enjoyed, well positioned to hanrest and clear, providing the site fertilizer and supplying eggs andlor meat? 45- Can maintenanceof crops be reduced? 46- What craft skills are used here? If more are needed are they available locally? 47. Are tools adequate for the job? 48- Is training needed to enable the people to have more control? 49. What materials are imported to the site? Could they, or substitutes, be at site? Do they bring the best return they could? 50. What resources are there in the immediate community which could improve life? 51. How could people on this site enhance their surrounding area? 52. Is wilderness given a place here? Is there room for more? 53- Are financial resources adequate? What external sources of trade skills and funding could help? Could new structures be developed to make things work bettet? 54. Where are we short of knowledge in answering these questions? How can we learn more? 55. Is what is being suggested the least level of intervention needed to achieve the stated aims? Is it practical to implement the suggestions? Can the system be maintained once changed in the suggested ways? 56. Is the site practicing permaculture or ecological agriculture? 57. Levels of fertilizer, land use, water use, crop yield, diversity, erosion, energy inlout? 58. Number of participants? Related standard demographics? Their distance from site? 59. Has there been a plan for future needs including the next generation, aging of people and the system? 60. Has the families' lifestyles been enhanced by the system? 61. Have the finances of the residents changed in focus, with more money invested in procreative wealth? Alternative structures of finance? 62. Perception of participant involvement? Level of control, change in lifestyle, future hopes? 63. Has there been an improvement in political efficacy? Food security? Political articulation? Environmentalconditions? Community involvement?

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