SPECIAL ARTICLE

Draupadi or Savitri: Lohias Feminist Reading of Mythology

Kumkum Yadav

Rammanohar Lohias reflections on gender set him apart from both his contemporaries and his predecessors. His contribution lay in his capacity to raise the concern for women to a political doctrine, often disagreeing with not just thinkers from other political ideologies but also those within his own party. How far he was successful in translating his ideas into actual practice is an important question, but there is little doubt that he was honest in pursuing solutions to the layers of difficulty that made social equality for women so elusive. He did not visualise such solutions as probable within a given period of time. For him, like Gandhi, the process, the tools and the ethics of transformation were as important as the change itself.

Woman is undoubtedly among the most exploited sections of huma nity, together with poorest and lowliest of men. She may try to forget her condition with love or trinkets and her charitable generosity. But ugly practices of society and certain dark recesses of the soul have both combined to turn woman into a sphere where socialism is most needed. If socialism and democracy are a battle for equality, they are cut out specially as creeds of women. Rammanohar Lohia, Notes and Comments, Vol 1, 1972: 32.

I am thankful to Yogendra Yadav for reading the initial draft of this paper, sharing valuable suggestions and insights and for posting me study material that I had missed, especially the excellent monograph by Awadhendra Sharan and Ravikant Sharma. Discussions with Prem Singh also helped immensely. Kumkum Yadav (drkumkumyadav@gmail.com) teaches English at Sri Guru Nanak Dev Khalsa College, University of Delhi.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48

ammanohar Lohias observations on caste and gender i ssues germinated from his unflagging crusade for equa lity and a socialist revolution. He saw no chance of much success for a socialist revolution unless the two social categories of caste and sex were demolished. According to him, the segrega tions of caste and sex had deprived Indian people of all positive motivation. He wrote, I am convinced that two segregations of caste and women are primarily responsible for this decline of the spirit. These segregations have enough power to kill all capacity for adventure and joy.1 Lohias understanding of discrimination as it existed in its nu merous and subtle manifestations caste and gender inequality in particular offered a unique intervention in that it refused to be simplistic about the causes of discrimination and its possible eradication through metaphorical or regimental processes. Equality is a frame of mind, wrote Lohia, that is not always linked up with logic or with law.2 The impulse to exclude and discriminate reflected manifestations of the wish to exceed and get the better of ones fellow through illegal and immoral means.3 Inequality was so well integrated with life that it has become its base. Most people are not even aware of its existence and when prodded react with shock and denial.4 Impulses for the enjoy ment of monopolistic powers threatened and affected all ranks of the human race irrespective of their status within other struc tures and equations. Some areas of the mind, he wrote, remained unlit despite all claims to the contrary. Caste and gender i nequality was thus, for him, an example of the various dimen sions of inequality that marked humanity and it needed to be contested continuously. In outlining seven revolutions that marked his time, Lohia mentioned five such dimensions of ine quality. It is important to note that he refused to accord primacy to any of these or to reduce any of these dimensions into another. Lohia repudiated the simplistic assumption that there could be a final or lasting solution to the menace of inequality. He main tained that the fight against changing and veiled forms of ine quality at different levels, including gender, was a continuous process. The fight against inequality must be waged for a long time to come, in a sense, for ever.5 In saying this, Lohia implied that the success or apparent failure of an ideology was not

107

SPECIAL ARTICLE

ecessarily reflected in immediate results. The war against n inequality required a c onsistent awareness of the devices that may be employed by the dominant sections to continue their oppressive and discriminatory practices.

Full Participation of Women

Lohias observations on gender and inequality were important for the reason that he did not view them as sub-topics to be taken up occasionally, if and when other major issues allowed time for it. He wrote, But this problem of woman must not be treated on the level of temporary annoyances; it must be tackled as its root. Woman is undoubtedly among the most exploited sections of hu manity6 Lohias political position, in comparison to the other political giants and thinkers of the period, presented a consistent and primary concern with gender inequality. All his speeches and writings be it a travelogue, a lecture to party workers, a political manifesto, a programme of action, an editorial in Mankind or an abstract piece on the principles of socialism were marked by a constant and consistent awareness of the plight of women. He was unable to visualise any positive social develop ment or revolution without the participation of women or their partial involvement only from the margins. Later some of his follo wers encapsulated it in a powerful slogan Nari ke sahbhag bina har badlav adhura hai (without women, all will be incom plete). His vision of a new and equal society did not become com plete unless almost half the total number of citizens and their contribution was taken into serious consideration. In a letter to active party members, Lohia wrote that it was important to revo lutionise politics by active participation of all its members, It is important that every individual makes up his/her mind regard ing the contribution and role that he/she would play in the coun trys politics.7 He demanded preferential treatment for all shu dras (the lowest category in the traditional Hindu caste system) and for him this category included women. Lohia believed that women were shudras in that they suffered systematic injustice. He was one of the first political thinkers who insisted that 60% of organisational positions be reserved for backwards, including women, within his party. Lohia mentioned that gender inequality also existed in devel oped countries. At a conference that he attended in the US, not one of the 30-odd speakers was a woman, he noted. No demo cracy in the world could claim to be a true democracy while such marginalisation existed and no development, progress and mate rial well-being was complete or justified if half the population was excluded from active participation. It was with this convic tion that he insisted on looking for avenues that would emanci pate women and gain them recognition of their capabilities. Lohia began by interrogating gender stereotypes. The bio logical difference, like the intellectual and the economic, was a cknowledged. But the essentialisation of the biological status and health of women was as misplaced and damaging a phenomenon as that which related to her intellectual and emo tional limitations. The 19th and early 20th century perspective of viewing the biological difference between men and women as an important starting point in the gender debate was reflected to some extent in Lohias views too.8 He referred to womens

ifficulties in actively participating in politics, their faster ageing d process and emotional vulnerability. But, he carefully added, such ideas were true as of now. Over the years, with an im provement in conditions related to womens health, financial in dependence and awareness about their rights, researchers have pointed out their stronger resilience, resistance to diseases and longevity.

Social Reform Movements

The reform movements of the 19th century led by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Madanmohan Malviya, Romesh Chunder Dutt and Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay marked a giant leap forward for wom ens emancipation. They mobilised public opinion against dis crimination and injustice, created significant grounds for wom ens education and raised issues related to their subordination in the family. Efforts that advocated widow remarriage and argu ments against the practice of sati created a new social atmos phere for women in relation to the institutions of marriage and patriarchy. The efforts of 19th century women reformers like Mary Carpenter, Annette Beveridge and Annie Beasant were backed by the new spirit to counteract oppression at various l evels. However, the 19th century movements continued to abide by the conventional emphases on family, marriage, motherhood and domesticity as the focal point in a womans life. The ideals of p urity, caring and serving persisted to form the base of the largely domestic role within which womens education and emancipa tion was embedded. It was only later, in the 20th century, that womens journals, schools, organisations and associations helped women to find their own voice. The public sphere that was denied to most women appeared closer. Writings by Rashsundari Devi, Rokeya Hossain, Tarabai Shinde, Ramabai and others saw womens voices being heard in the public sphere and gradually in politics. Groups such as the Womens India Association (1917), the N ational Council of Women in India (1925) and the All-India Womens Conference (1927) were established with the definite purpose of finding a footing for women in politics. But that was not an easy goal in a culture that was accustomed to the idea of placing women within the confines of domesticity. Brute strength, aggression and volume, generally associated with good, capable and perhaps male leadership, were not in gredients for a better world. The myth of female reticence, frailty, meekness and so on also held no water.9 The body would experi ence the seasons, joys and agonies but Lohia reminded us there was a world beyond the body, one that simply remains detached and observes impartially.10 In other words, he refused to confine or base the gender debate within categorical considerations r elated to sexuality or asexuality, domesticity or public space, emotional or material matters, individuality or social roles and so on, although most of these matters were taken up and discussed. Women, in Lohias perspective, were neither dispensable, to be used or sidelined according to political needs, nor were they to be seen as unholy temptations that might mar higher and nobler p olitical aspirations. Nevertheless, the quest for revolution in gender did not mean that the existing reality was simply wished away by Lohia. On the
november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

108

SPECIAL ARTICLE

contrary, he paid considerable attention to womens responsibil ities such as cooking, cleaning, fetching water and rearing chil dren. He strived to relate the abstract principles of equality to the everyday life of the average and ordinary woman. Lohia was crit ical of the socially accepted practice of women eating last in the family and being expected to be satisfied with leftovers. The selfdenial and self-effacing practices of women, no matter how s ocially rooted such expectations were, were unacceptable to L ohia. He was deeply concerned about the trivial, apparently everyday, difficulties that women faced. Whether it was smoke from the kitchen fire or the strain of carrying water over long distances, or the difficulties associated with the absence of a t oilet in most rural households, the burden of such hardships on women was recognised. The womens problem is undoubtedly difficult. Her slavery to the kitchen is an abomination, and the stove that smokes horribly. She must be given a reasonable timetable for food and also a chimney that spirals the smoke away. She must indeed take part against under-feeding and unemploy ment. But her problem also reaches beyond that.11 In India, the subject of womens active participation in spheres other than the domestic presents major difficulties like dual standards, a false sense of morality and decorum and an obses sive tendency to associate female identity with her sexuality. Present-day India holds the worlds record in hypocrisy and dou ble talk, Lohia wrote in an essay in 1959. Discussing the discour agement meted out to women in sports, Lohia wrote, Indians are delighted when they see these women of health and therefore of beauty at play. Only they would not have women of their families do it, at least not publicly.12 Similarly, the sexuality of a woman was used as an excuse to segregate and imprison her. Lohia, per haps, was one of the few Indian politicians who dared to speak for sexual liberation among the youth, without discarding sensi tivity and care. It is time that young men and women revolted against such puerilities. They should ever remember that there are only two unpardonable crimes in the code of sexual conduct rape and the telling of lies or breach of promise. There is also a third offence of causing pain or hurt to another, which they should avoid as far as possible.13 In saying this, Lohia was decades ahead of his times. The Pro tection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005), which came into force in December 2006, does not distinguish between a woman who is married and one who is in a long-term relation ship. It considers the latter to be as legally binding as marriage. It provides protection to women who suffer abuse at the hands of their husbands as well as partners and their relatives. A recent observation by a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court stated that there is no law that makes a voluntary relationship an o ffence. True to his character, Lohia practised what he preached. He was publicly transparent about his relationships with women astonishing for a political leader in those days. In December 1952, when he founded the Socialist Party after leaving the Praja Socialist Party, one of Lohias primary political aims was to confront the womens question. His political agenda was (1) to draw attention to the poor, the rural people, and ver nacular languages; (2) to take up the issue of people discrimi nated against on the basis of caste; and (3) to make a definite
Economic & Political Weekly EPW november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48

a ttempt to include women in active politics. Lohias concern for women needs special mention because the early socialist move ment in India did not similarly emphasise it. It was not a part of its political agenda. No discussion of gender equality took place even though economic inequality was an important issue with socialist giants like Jayaprakash Narayan, Ganga Sharan Sinha, Ashok Mehta, M R Masani, Achyut Patwardhan and even A charya Narendra Deva. In a study titled Indian Socialism and the Gender Question: An Inquiry into the Thoughts of Dr Rammanohar Lohia, Awad hendra B Sharan and Ravikant Sharma write that among the prominent strands of political thought during the period a chasm often existed between the ideals of womens emancipation and the actual mobilisation and participation of women in group poli tics. The Nehruvian policy on womens rights was elitist, focused on the upper castes, and was therefore not truly in keeping with the spirit of social justice. The mass movements led by Mahatma Gandhi included women who were poor, low caste and unedu cated and their participation in the national struggle, along with the educated middle class, presented a positive contrast. Gandhi did not ignore the existing, traditional social reality and avoided a confrontational position vis--vis conventional practice and new thought. The communist political groups in India were suc cessful in mobilising women and encouraging their participation in peasant struggles, trade unions and working class campaigns. Yet women as prominent leaders were not largely visible and there was no articulation of their difficulties and demands. Their contribution during the armed struggle was often confined once again to cooking and other forms of domesticity.14 Sharan and Sharma state that Lohia and the other socialists assessed cul ture as a negative dead weight against which socialists must fight if they had to help women liberate themselves. Women, in this reading, appeared to be only objects and victims and not the makers of culture. Sharan and Sharma maintain that L ohias reading of culture as an iron cage that had imprisoned women and robbed them of all agency was not only to turn a blind eye to the rich history of womens participation in the anti- colonial, peasant or working class struggles. It was also to discount, as the left had done in the 1930s and 1940s, any appeal to emotion, f eeling or subjectivity. It would seem, then, that u nlike Gandhis creative use of tradition that provided spaces for women to p articipate in a range of practical and ideological a ctivities, L ohias reading of tradition was ideologically a c onstricting stance.15

Need for Deep-Rooted Change

Lohia contextualised his discourse on the situation of women mainly within the Indian situation and reality. Prem Singh, in his article Lohia Ka Istri Vimarsh, writes that Lohias socialist con cerns led him to further focus on the socially and economically deprived sections of Indian women.16 In doing so, he explored the complex phenomena and shades of discrimination that worked in devious patterns within dominated groups. To address the issue of class and gender discrimination, Lohia, besides theorising the idea of socialist feminism, attempted to offer alternatives that involved both immediate and long-term action.

109

SPECIAL ARTICLE

Lohia argued for adequate representation in politics for d eprived sections like dalits, adivasis, backward groups, women and the minorities. However, like the caste system, the dogmas and prejudices against women had been inherited over centuries of unbridled and rarely questioned practices. Therefore constitu tional protection and economic independence were necessary but these alone were not adequate or effective enough as reme dies. The deep-rooted beliefs in the minds of men, and perhaps also women, living within a patriarchal society, were not easily dislodged by economic and legislative changes. In trying to change society, the Marxist belief that such social prejudice and bias might find solutions through primarily mate rial levelling did not convince Lohia. Money could, and did, go a long way towards effectively combating the forces of domination. There was no doubt that poverty damaged the best in human hope, endeavour and promise and caused inequality in a multi tude of ways. But history had ample evidence to show that there was a factor more formidable than the economic, and that was the social mindset, which has been conditioned over ages. Educa tion and economic independence had liberated many. The number of those who found escape from gender and caste domi nation through the miraculous escape route of money was con stantly on the rise. But the story, very often, did not end here on a happy note. One did not have to try very hard to locate the s everal instances of new forms of discrimination and domination that persisted despite the newfound material freedom. All war on poverty is a sham, unless it is, at the same time, a conscious and sustained war on these two segregations.17

Myths as a Socialist Vehicle

Lohias speeches and writings established a direct communica tion with his audience and readers from all classes and sections in society. Their tone is conversational and non-formal. For him, the common people were always in focus and the use of m y thology was one way to establish a contact with them. He pre sented an insight into how the contemporary reader could relate to the constructs and implications of mythological texts to change cultural and mental blocks. Lohia was not unduly concerned about the historical authenticity of mythical tales. Writing about Draupadi and Savitri in his famous essay Draupadi or Savitri, he said, It is very much possible that these two women are imag ined. There is also the possibility that they did exist in reality.18 The areas that required weeding and overhauling were the s ocial and the cultural. Lohia, in his attempt to find a more per manent way out of the age-old bias against women in Indian soci ety, took the debate to the mythological terrain, within which countless behavioural and moral touchstones had been created and nurtured. Various women characters such as Sita, Savitri, Draupadi, Parvati, Tara, Maitreyi, Gargi, Mandodari, Lilavati, Anasuya, Urmila, Goddess Durga-Bhagwati-Kali and others go be yond their mythological roles in Lohias discussion, to represent categories and symbols of certain social roles and social values. Lohias essay Draupadi or Savitri was based on a lecture he delivered at a study camp of the Samajwadi Yuvjan Sabha (SYS) in 1962, where he spoke about the two significant women charac ters in Indian mythology. Savitri and Sita had been readily

a ccepted as ideal mythological figures who represented the e ssence of all that was noble and virtuous in womanhood. L ohia was not alone in his attempt to reinterpret myths to use them as a base to explain his arguments. But the socialist in L ohia led him to recognise myth as a part of a sanctifying strategy constructed and employed by patriarchal society to influence the b ehavioural pattern of the marginalised. The idea was to sanctify only such codes of behaviour that benefited the interests of those who created such myths. However, Lohia used mythology only as a vehicle to carry his argument. He did not romanticise any i ncident or character and there was no undisputed model of b ehaviour or icon. Though Lohia often began his discussion about the status of woman with reference to mythological characters, he, as a socia list visionary, did not get carried away by it. At no juncture did he describe or delineate Draupadi as a goddess. Lohia humanised the mythical character; no argument in his discussion was aimed at thrusting divinity upon her. Lohia also insisted that no person ality, howsoever enigmatic, was to be accepted and venerated as a perfect and unquestionable ideal. Draupadis character was to be considered only as the starting point of a wider discussion. At times, much well-meaning criticism against gender bias, even when it attacked the conventional role models for women, c ontinued to be sexist and patriarchal. The foremost point of comparison and contrast between Savitri and Draupadi was em bedded in their social roles as wives, in conformity with the s ocial institution of marriage. Lohia criticised the tendency to sensa tionalise the debate by those who perceived Draupadi primarily as the wife of five husbands. Lohia discussed how social and cultural yardsticks had been devised by the powerful and the dominant to oppress the weak. Culture was used by them for self benefit. The definition of good ness, particularly that of a good woman, was constructed so that the social was mistaken for the ethical. Matrimonial and ma ternal duties, if not burdens, were presented in a disguised form as virtue. The question to be asked was what this virtue did for the women themselves. The values attached to chastity and faithfulness, and the resultant power to challenge the uni verse, was viewed as an illustration of all that was most required and most acceptable in the life of a woman. Lohia, contrary to the apprehensions of his critics, had praise and honour for Savitri and Sita. However, the important intervention that he made was that loyalty and chastity were important but only as a single a spect of a womans personality. There were 20 other desirable virtues to be developed and appreciated. Lohia rejected the patriarchal trap of pitting women against women and then attributing negative emotions like envy and jealousy to them. On the other side, positive attributes like caring and sensitivity were highlighted only as female attributes to d elimit and confine women to the domestic arena. For Lohia, Savitri and Draupadi were not binary opposites. His intention was not to present the two as contrasting role models. But he did point out that if chastity and fidelity were highlighted and upheld as f emale virtues at the cost of other accomplishments that are sacrificed, denied or destroyed, it was difficult to view that as an ideal. He said, I have great regard for Savitri but only in one
november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

110

SPECIAL ARTICLE

r espect. But a woman is not confined to just one virtue. There are 20 others.19 Lohias argument was that the ideal of womanhood could not be built on the single virtue of pativrat dharm (fidelity) and chastity.

Women as Property
Creativity and aesthetics, like ethics, have been used to issue veiled threats, warnings and possible punishments for those who dare to deviate. Lohia explained how tales had been modelled on a clear principle of inequality. Dont mistake me as valorising a woman who has more than one lover, at once or one after an other. But I am condemned to search for equality.20 The ideals of faithfulness and undying loyalty had been created with only women in mind. Lohia did not accept this position. To illustrate his point, he cited the episode in which the Pandavas and D raupadi pass through the Himalayas on their way to heaven. The reason why Draupadi melts first, the conventionalists maintain, is that she did not love all her husbands equally, Arjuna being her favourite. Lohia argued that if this criterion of fidelity were a pplied to her husbands, then they, particularly Bhima and Y udhishthira, even Arjuna, would have melted much before Draupadi. In addition to making this unequal comparison b etween the fate of men and women, the orthodox school failed to address the oft-repeated query why there were no male role models in mythology who personify faithfulness and immor talise undying love for their wives. Lohia expressed his great regard for Rama, who loved Sita all his life, but mentioned how working-class women all over the country see him as a sinner in their folk songs. As a ruler, Rama had to be just to all the peo ple in his kingdom, including his wife, who was banished for no fault of hers. Lohia found the conventional image and identity of women was basically perceived as physical. Her purity was perceived as the embodiment of the dignity and respectability of the social unit to which she belonged. In other words, she was not human, she was property. Draupadi, a most powerful symbol of woman hood, possessed a sharp intelligence and had the courage to speak her mind. Lohia wrote that with the exception of Krishna, Draupadi is perhaps the one woman of myth or history in the wide world, who was wiser and wittier than all the men of her time.21 Episodes that reveal Draupadis wisdom on subjects such as politics, justice and religion abound. All through her life with the Pandavas, from vanvas (exile in the forest) to swargarohan (ascent to heaven), Draupadi stood out as a woman who knew her mind and was capable of taking decisions. Her oft-mentioned speech in the court of Dhritrashtra, after Yudhishthira lost her to the Kauravas in a game of dice, was outstanding. Her fury was d irected not just against the victorious Kauravas, who considered women as booty to be usurped from the vanquished, but also against her husbands, who took her to be a valuable piece of prop erty that could be bartered at will. Central to the vision of a s ocialist civilisation is the principle of equality in marriage, m orals and the mind. Reacting to a misplaced notion of reverence, Draupadi laughed at Bhishma when he preached politics to the Pandavas and the Kauravas at the Shanti Parva. Krishnas intervention, when an
Economic & Political Weekly EPW november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48

e nraged Arjuna tried to discipline her, revealed that she had been amused with the irony of the situation, of a preacher who did not practise what he preached. The courage to speak and the courage to register dissent mirrored the face of an emanci pated woman, one who could claim to be the new and modern ideal of womanhood. Draupadi refused to be defined only by her social relationship to men. There was also a refusal to name all her relationships. In doing so, Draupadi represented social emancipation and equal ity, so close to Lohias vision of socialism. The first related to her unique relationship with Krishna. It is a relationship that does not fall within social definitions: brother-sister, father-daughter, mother-son, or lover-beloved. Lohia had written with feeling about the situation of single women, not just widows but also women who remained single by choice. He did not perceive them as odd members outside acceptable society. There was no need for a social relationship to make a woman complete. Single women he wrote, were probably no more unhappy than very married women and, if there are some exceedingly happy ones in their ranks, they can be matched by the ranks of the married.22 The relationship between Krishna and Draupadi was based on the values of companionship, one that defied socially defined r elationships between a woman and a man. Krishna and Krishna (Draupadi) are the two heroes of Mahabharat, of equal merit, companions without a shadow of conflict.23 Draupadi is dark skinned, the opposite of the conventional fair beauty. Lohia used this to build another significant argu ment. In his article Beauty and Skin Colour, he suggested that such skin-deep considerations in life, values, priorities, know ledge, relationships and so on do not lay any lasting foundation in society, least of all that of a socialist civilisation. Through the character of Draupadi, Lohia referred to the damaging political influences that distort aesthetic judgments and lead to world wide domination. Lohia wrote, The accepted tyranny of col our can be seen in its most accentuated forms. All the world suf fers this tyranny of skins colour The debate shifted from the aesthetic to the social when he wrote, The distance between dark and fair and between rich and poor is covered by innumer able intermediate points so that the restoration of a valid aesthetic judgment has become as difficult as that of a proper economic or moral standard.24 The canonisation of any mythical, social or historical personal ity was absolutely contrary to Lohias vision of a socialist society. Although Draupadi fulfilled many of the expectations he had of women as equal members in society, he did not accept her uncon ditionally. Lohia expressed his reservations about her deciding to call Karna a sarathi putra (charioteers son). Although her young age when she did so and the social conditions of her time have been cited as reasons, Lohia used this flaw in her character to r eiterate his belief that no halo should be assigned to anybody. D espite his deep respect for Gandhi, Lohia reminded us that he did not accept Gandhi unconditionally. Lohias reflections on the question of gender set him apart from both his contemporaries and his predecessors. It was true that the womens question was not new to the national movement and Lohia was not the first one to raise it. But his contribution lay in

111

SPECIAL ARTICLE

his capacity to raise the concern for women into a political d octrine. There is always room for democratic disagreement in a s ocialist society. Lohia disagreed with not just thinkers from other political ideologies but also those within his own party. I mplementing an ideology has never been easy. But it is impor tant to explore the ideology threadbare. How far Lohia was s uccessful in translating his ideas into actual practice is an i mportant question but there is little doubt that he was honest in pursuing solutions to the layers of difficulty that made social equality for women so elusive. He did not visualise such solutions
Notes
1 The use of women for what we would today call gender may be confusing. The title of the essay is Segregation of Caste and Sex, which is also in keep ing with Lohias Hindi expression Jati Aur Yoni ke Katghare. Therefore, the appropriate word would have been sex though Lohia does not use it. Lohia, Rammanohar (1964): The Caste System, Rammano har Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, H yderabad, p 1. 2 Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Discrimination and Equality, Notes and Comments, Vol II, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 73. 3 Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Discrimination and Equality, Notes and Comments, Vol II, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 63. 4 Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Discrimination and Equality, Notes and Comments, Vol II, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 71. 5 Lohia, Rammanohar (1963): Marx, Gandhi and Socialism, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p XXXVII. 6 Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Preferential Rights for Women, Notes and Comments, Vol 1, R ammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, H yderabad, p 32. 7 Authors translation from the Hindi original. K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Three Letters to Party Members, Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 3 ( Delhi: Anamika Publishers), p 168.

as probable within a given period of time. For him, like Gandhi, the process, the tools and the ethics of transformation were as important as the change itself. Legal and material transforma tion and the data to support its success can be recorded but the slow cultural process of change takes time, is less visible and has to contend with changing conditions and circumstances. Lohia hoped that the strength and participation of women in active politics, which so far had been only partial at best, would find a more complete manifestation if a substantial, long-lasting change was made in the minds of people.
ohia, Centre for Womens Development Studies, L Delhi, p 44. Singh, Prem (2003): Lohia Ka Istri Vimarsh, S amayik Varta, Lohia Visheshank, March, Delhi. Lohia, Rammanohar (1964): The Caste System, Rammanohar Lohia Samata V idyalaya Nyas, H yderabad, p 2. Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Ram Manohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 2 (Delhi: Anamika Publishers), p 251. Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 2 (Delhi: Anamika Publishers), p 261. Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 2 (Delhi: Anamika Publishers), p 254. Lohia, Rammanohar (1965): Interval during Politics, Rammanohar Lohia S amata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 134. Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Notes and Comments, Vol 1, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 34. Lohia, Rammanohar (1965): Interval during Politics, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 134. Lohia, Rammanohar (1965): Interval during Politics, Rammanohar Lohia S amata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 139.

8 Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Draupadi or Savit ri, Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 2 (Delhi: A namika Publishers), p 258. 9 Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Samanata Ka Arth, Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 1 (Del hi: A namika Publishers), p 336. 10 Authors translation from the Hindi original, K apur, Mastram (ed) (2008): Samanata Ka Arth, Rammanohar Lohia Rachnavali, Vol 1 (Del hi: A namika Publishers), p 341. 11 Lohia, Rammanohar (1964): The Caste System, Rammanohar Lohia Samata V idyalaya Nyas, H yderabad, p 5. 12 Lohia, Rammanohar (1972): Notes and Comments, Vol 1, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, p 4. 13 Lohia, Rammanohar (1964): The Caste System, Rammanohar Lohia Samata V idyalaya Nyas, H yderabad, p 8. 14 Sharan, Awdhendra B, Ravikant Sharma (2002): Indian Socialism and the Gender Question: An I nquiry into the Thoughts of Dr Rammanohar L ohia, Centre for Womens Development Studies, Delhi, p 23. 15 Sharan, Awdhendra B, Ravikant Sharma (2002): Indian Socialism and the Gender Question: An Inquiry into the Thoughts of Dr Rammanohar

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

SAMEEKSHA TRUST BOOKS

China after 1978: Craters on the Moon

The breathtakingly rapid economic growth in China since 1978 has attracted world-wide attention. But the condition of more than 350 million workers is abysmal, especially that of the migrants among them. Why do the migrants put up with so much hardship in the urban factories? Has post-reform China forsaken the earlier goal of socialist equality? What has been the contribution of rural industries to regional development, alleviation of poverty and spatial inequality, and in relieving the grim employment situation? How has the meltdown in the global economy in the second half of 2008 affected the domestic economy? What of the current leaderships call for a harmonious society? Does it signal an important course correction? A collection of essays from the Economic & Political Weekly seeks to find tentative answers to these questions, and more.

Pp viii + 318 ISBN 978-81-250-3953-2 2010 Rs 350

Windows of Opportunity
By K S KRISHNASWAMY
A ruminative memoir by one who saw much happen, and not happen, at a time when everything seemed possible and promising in India. K S Krishnaswamy was a leading light in the Reserve Bank of India and the Planning Commission between the 1950s and 1970s. He offers a ringside view of the pulls and pressures within the administration and outside it, the hopes that sustained a majority in the bureaucracy and the lasting ties he formed with the many he came in contact with. Even more relevant is what he has to say about political agendas eroding the Reserve Banks autonomy and degrading the numerous democratic institutions since the late 1960s.

Pp xii + 190 ISBN 978-81-250-3964-8 2010 Rs 440

www.orientblackswan.com Mumbai Chennai New Delhi Kolkata Bangalore Bhubaneshwar Ernakulam Guwahati Jaipur Lucknow Patna Chandigarh Hyderabad Contact: info@orientblackswan.com 112
november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

Orient Blackswan Pvt Ltd

Available from