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relevant and increasingly problematic. The validity and relevance of postmodern critique to Habermas concept of the public sphere cannot be denied, yet the concept of a public sphere and Habermas notion of a critical publicity is still extremely valuable for media theory today. The public sphere is subject to dramatic change; one might even argue that it is on the verge of extinction. Computermediated communication has taken the place of coffeehouse discourse, and issues such as media ownership and commodification pose serious threats to the free flow of information and freedom of speech on the Web. I don't believe the situation is quite that serious. I will give an introductory overview of Habermas theoretical concept and point out that it is conceptual rather than physical. I will describe why Habermas key concept is valuable for media theory today. Further, I will give an overview of the main issues, debates and problems that arose around the concept of the public sphere in the decades that followed. I will conclude that the notion of the public sphere is not a static one, but subject to change, and show how the theoretical concept of the public sphere is being used to work out viable options for a digital future and models for positive change.
Contents
Introduction Reason crucial to communication The postmodern debate A shallow substitute? Commodification of the public sphere Panoptic surveillance Distorted communication? The public sphere and democracy Journalism and content The public sphere, cest moi! Networks and social structure The modern delusion Globalisation and the public sphere The future of the public sphere Technocapitalism Conclusion
Introduction
"Reframing the discussion for a moment, one could say that journalism has been doing its best to deny the mounting evidence of difficulties in the classic Enlightenment formulations a refusal to air the relevance of such disputes for its own activities." Peter Dahlgren Jrgen Habermas published Strukturwandel der ffentlichkeit, his critical investigation and analysis of the public sphere in civil society, in 1962. The work describes the evolution fromopinion to public opinion and the sociostructural transformation of the latter. According to Habermas, the emergence of the mass press is based on the commercialisation of the participation of the masses in the public sphere. Consequently, this extended public sphere lost much of its original political character in favour of commercialism and entertainment. This shift is documented with regard to the public spheres preeminent institution, the press: Habermas diagnoses an integration of the once separate domains of journalism and literature, and an increasing blurring caused by the mass media in their response to the emergence of a consumerist culture: "Editorial opinions recede behind information from press agencies and reports from correspondents; critical debate disappears behind the veil of internal decisions concerning the selection and presentation of the material." [1] The emergence of the electronic mass media in the public sphere made things even worse. "The news is made to resemble a narrative from its own format down to stylistic detail; the rigorous distinction between fact and fiction is ever more frequently abandoned." Yet at the same time they have an impact more penetrating than the print media, yet their format effectively prevents interaction and deprives the public of the opportunity to say something and to disagree, leading Habermas to the conclusion that "The world fashioned by the mass media is a public sphere in appearance only" [2]. At the same time, as a result of the changing communications environment, the public sphere is discovered as a platform for advertising. A new class of participants in the public debate emerges: The practitioners of public relations, distinguished from the advertisers by their claim to the public sphere. Advertising limited itself by and large to a simple sales pitch; public relations goes further. It invades the process of public opinion by systematically creating or exploiting news events that attract attention. Engineering of consent is its central task, which leads to a staged "public opinion" and the false assumption among the public that "as critically reflecting private people they contribute responsibly to public opinion" [3]. Habermas notes the contradiction between the liberal public spheres constitutive catalogue of "basic rights of man" and their de facto restriction to a certain class of men. The character of the public sphere is increasingly restricted; the media serve as vehicles for generating and managing consensus and promoting capitalist culture rather than fulfill their original function as organs of public debate. Publicity loses its critical function in favour of a staged display; arguments are transmuted into symbols to which one cannot respond by arguing but only by identifying with them.
The mass media, Habermas argues, have mutated into monopoly capitalist organisations. Their role in the public debate has shifted from the dissemination of reliable information to the formation of public opinion. Habermas stresses the importance of a vital and functioningffentlichkeit, a sphere of critical publicity distinct from the state and the economy, consisting of a broad range of organisations that represent public opinion and interest groups, to counter these developments and as a conditio sine qua non for a pluralist democratic debate in an open society that is not entirely dominated by the mass media.
Rather, the public sphere transcends these physical appearances as an abstract forum for dialogue and ideologyfree public opinion, a lively debate on multiple levels within society. Interesting in this regard is that the German word for public relations is ffentlichkeitsarbeit,which could both be translated as "work within the public sphere" or "work on the public sphere." The debate that emerges as a reaction on Habermas work goes in different directions. Important focal points are the significance of the public sphere for democracy. Growth of information inequality threatens basic human rights; the power of state and corporation to engage in electronic surveillance in civil society threatens both the rights of groups to speak and organise and the privacy rights of individuals. New forms of citizenship and public life are simultaneously enabled by new technology and restricted by market power and surveillance. One might, for example, draw from Foucaults concept of the panoptic society to argue that the spread of information technology is likely to lead to a loss of autonomy in many realms of political, economic, cultural and social life (Friedland, 1996).
A shallow substitute?
Do the new media like the Internet, then, merely offer a shallow substitute for "authentic" discourse, or do they contribute a new quality to the public sphere? Can virtual communities contribute to the revival of the public debate, the ffentliche Auseinandersetzung or are they merely distracting simulations? Fernback and Thompsons critique (1995) of the democratic potential of virtual communities interrogates the claim that online communications can actually strengthen civil society: "It seems most likely that the virtual public sphere brought about by [computermediated communication] will serve a cathartic role, allowing the public to feel involved rather than to advance actual participation." They criticise the general lack of debate about issues of ownership and control of the technology and for whose benefit it is being developed: "Although [computermediated communication] offers some advantages over facetoface communication (...) we find the disadvantages outweigh the advantages. Indeed, each of the advantages could be construed as a disadvantage: Appearances do matter; conversation should not be based on solely efficiency; and some ideas are more useful than others." Fernback and Thompson conclude that citizenship via cyberspace "has not proven to be the panacea for the problems of democratic representation within American society." Rheingold (1998), although generally quite upbeat about the opportunities of the new medium, believes this conclusion to be premature. He stresses the importance of active participation: Electronic media do offer a unique channel for publishing and communicating, which is fundamental to democracy. Communication media are necessary but not sufficient for self governance and healthy societies: "When we are called to action through the virtual community, we need to keep in mind how much depends on whether we simply feel involved or whether we take the steps to actually participate in the lives of our neighbours, and the civic life of our communities." Earlier, Rheingold (1994) argued that the ICT industry is a business like any other, viewed primarily as an economic player: "Telecommunications gives certain people access to means of influencing certain other peoples thoughts and perceptions, and that access who has it and who doesnt have it is intimately connected with political power. The prospect of the technical capabilities of a nearubiquitous highbandwidth Net in the hands of a small number of
commercial interests has dire political implications. Whoever gains the political edge on this technology will be able to use the technology to consolidate power." Two powerful and opposed images of the future of communications technology exist. There is the utopian vision of the electronic agora made possible by new technology and implemented through decentralised networks: "This technology, if properly understood and defended by enough citizens, does have democratizing potential in the way that alphabets and printing presses had democratizing potential" (Rheingold, 1994). Rheingold stresses the importance to hear from the other side: "We owe it to ourselves and future generations to look closely at what the enthusiasts fail to tell us, and to listen attentively to what the skeptics fear."
Panoptic surveillance
The second argument focuses around the way traditional notions of privacy are challenged by the "transparency" of digital information and the potential of interactive networks for gathering information, for panoptic surveillance, for control and misinformation of citizens, a process which could possibly undermine or even eliminate discourse within the public sphere. Michel Foucaults describes the concept of Benthams panopticon, the inspection house, as a metaphor for social
surveillance. His examination of the constructions by which elites exercise and maintain power in order to control the masses greatly influenced the debate on the public sphere. The panopticon, Foucault argued, is not a valueneutral technology. It is a technology that allows a small number of people to control a large number of others that comes in many guises: "Just as the ability to read and write and freely communicate gives power to citizens that protects them from the powers of the state, the ability to surveil, to invade the citizens privacy, gives the state the power to confuse, coerce and control citizens. Uneducated populations cannot rule themselves, but tyrannies can control even educated populations, given sophisticated means of surveillance." [5] Robins and Webster (1988) made the connection between Bentham, Foucault, and the evolution of the telecommunications network. "We believe that Foucault is right in seeing Benthams Panopticon as a significant event in the history of the human mind. We want to suggest that the new communication and information technologies particularly in the form of an integrated electronic grid permit a massive extension and transformation of that same (relative, technological) mobilization to which Benthams panoptic principle aspired. What these technologies support, in fact, is the same dissemination of power and control, but freed from the architectural constraints of Benthams stone and brick prototype. On the basis of the information revolution, not just the prison or factory, but the social totality, comes to function as the hierarchical and disciplinary Panoptic machine."
Distorted communication?
Even distorted communication respects the ideal, by giving the appearance of being valid, sincere and morally appropriate, says Alinta Thornton (1996), who would also like to have on the record that although the Internet has the capacity to expand participative democracy in a revitalised public sphere, "the Internet is dominated by white, well off, English speaking, educated males, most of whom are USA citizens," the same group that dominates most of the First World society. Their dominance means that a mode of discourse is already established, which actively discourages other modes. Thornton fears a potential repression of subordinated groups by those with stronger agendasetting capabilities, effectively excluding them from the debate. "If their ability to form political will, debate issues and influence society is expanded by the Internet, this is no way resembles a truly participative discourse of democracy." Thornton presupposes the Internets "enormous" democratic potential for which cheerleaderRheingold swirls his pompoms on www.rheingold.com: Its structure, she argues, means that it will be difficult for conglomerate telecommunications or media organisations to gain the type of control currently exercised over traditional media, even if they take control of Internet service providers. "Compared to the traditional media, many more people have access to debate and opportunities for the formation of political will. They also have access to information that is hard to obtain from traditional news media." Yet she considers commodification of the Internet as inevitable, and that the Internet will become commodified; "the process has already begun." The original Internet custom of sharing information freely within the community is diminishing (Thornton, 1996). As for the participants in the public sphere on the Internet, Thornton diagnoses a tendency towards reframing identities, a shift from "citizens" to "consumers": Publicity becomes more
prevalent as a mode of discourse, "Public" slides into "publicity" as the notion of "character" is steadily replaced by "image." Yet the Internet, Thornton concludes, does provide opportunities for revitalisation of the public sphere. Limited to privileged groups, they still represent an increase in the activities of the public sphere, however modest: "If Internet use expands into middleincome groups, lowerincome groups and women, it may yet present a real opportunity for greater participation, democratic communication and a true revitalisation of the public sphere" (Thornton, 1996).
How do they affect journalism? It has often been stated that the traditional functions of journalism will erode even further as media technology advances. The most current developments suggest that critical journalism is becoming redundant. Large companies tend to dominate the information business, primarily because brand names like Time and the Chicago Tribune provide a link with journalistic integrity, argues Christopher Harper (1998). He believes that the Internet can reverse the tide of public disdain for the media by providing a user experience that is immediate, interactive, and intimate. Bardoel (1996) points out that because of the increasing individualization and segmentation in communication such notions as "community" and "public debate" should be taken less for granted: The traditional task of journalism will shift from collecting information to directing the social flow of information and public debate. Next to this "orientating journalism," the new media offer scope for "instrumental journalism." Habermas stresses the importance of a sphere of "critical publicity" [12].
The conventional notion of a single, unified public sphere is likely to disappear in favour of a more segmented, pluralist model: Something like a "complex mosaic of differently sized overlapping and interconnected public spheres" (Keane, 1995). What binds people in this contemporary public sphere is a "diversified and shifting complex of overlapping similarities and differences." The Internet itself forms the perfect example of this new structure [16]. Moreover, "the common ground of the unitary nation or mass society is an idea from the age of national broadcasting through a few channels. It is still rooted in the minds of the intellectual political and media elite though it was never firmly based in reality."
Technocapitalism
Kellner (1997) argues that the notion of the information society is the new dominant ideology of technocapitalism. In studying the array of discourses which characterise these new technologies, Kellner is "bemused" by the extent to which they either expose a technophilic discourse which presents new technologies as our salvation, or they embody a technophobic discourse that demonises technology as the major source of all our problems. Dominant currents in the philosophy of technology thus essentialise technology, decontextualise it, and abstract it from culture and human meaning, and thus fail to see how deeply embedded technology is in everyday life. Kellner attempts an answer how new technologies can either be used as instruments of domination or be used for democratisation, for creating a more egalitarian society, and for empowering individuals and groups who are currently without power. Kellner identifies the emerging concept of the information society and information superhighway as the key ideological discourse that legitimates the development of technocapitalism and the concept of the information society and the infotainment society is the primary project of the contemporary technocapitalist society: "It is hyped to the maximum by the U.S. media because these corporations are the major players in this project, because the same corporations that own big media are merging with computer and information industries, and thus the new technologies are both a source of profit and of social power and prestige (...) The media are cheerleaders and promoters of the new technologies and the information superhighway." (Kellner, 1998). Kellner uses the term "technocapitalism" to describe the synthesis of capital and technology to point out both the increasingly important role of technology and the continued primacy of capitalist structures. At the same time, media culture and new technologies are vitally transforming every aspect of social life. Kellner argues that new technologies are creating a new public sphere, a new realm of cyberdemocracy, and are thus challenging public intellectuals to gain technoliteracy and to make use of the new technologies for promoting progressive causes and social transformation: "Those interested in the politics and culture of the future should therefore be clear on the important role of the new public spheres and intervene accordingly" (Kellner, 1998). He envisions a "globalisation from below," from individuals and groups using the new technologies to promote progressive social change and to create a more egalitarian and democratic society: "For as the new technologies become ever more central to every domain of everyday life, developing a progressive technopolitics in the new public spheres will become more and more important."
Conclusion
Over the years, the concept of the public sphere has been applied and linked to issues in media theory as diverse as commodification and consumerism, media ownership and culture, participative democracy and surveillance to its violation by PR practitioners, mapping of virtual communities, globalisation and the future of journalism. We have seen that the emergence and convergence of the electronic mass media have radically changed the notion of the public sphere. Its concept transcends these physical appearances, it has survived postmodern critique and it is still very much alive in the network society today. Its strength lies in the presumption of reason, the human ability to define and solve problems. The public sphere is alive and well, although it will never be quite the same. Habermas coffeehouse discourse has evolved in the direction of mediated communication within electronic networks: Its future is with the digital media, which offer exciting possibilities as digital networks enhance and change social structures. In a sense, the public sphere has always been virtual: Its meaning lies in its abstraction. Habermas classical argument that the public sphere is intermittently threatened by latent power structures that attempt to inhibit and control the individual is undoubtedly correct. Yet at the same time, groups and individuals can indeed accomplish change by communicative action, and digital communications technology may empower them to do so.
Notes
1. Habermas, 1989, p. 169. 2. Habermas, 1989, p. 170. 3. Habermas, 1989, p. 194. 4. Dahlgren and Sparks, 1992, p. 9. 5. Foucault, 1979, p. 290. 6. Habermas, 1989, p. 247. 7. Webster, 1995, p. 103. 8. Webster, 1995, pp. 104105. 9. McQuail, 1983, p. 98.
10. Golding, 1990, p. 85. 11. McQuail, 1983, p. 105. 12. Habermas, 1989, p. 248. 13. van Dijk, 1999, p. 142. 14. van Dijk, 1999, p. 239. 15. van Dijk, 1999, p. 164. 16. van Dijk, 1999, p. 165.
References
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Editorial history
Paper received 16 July 2002; accepted 21 August 2005.
Copyright 2005, First Monday Copyright 2005, by Pieter Boeder Habermas heritage: The future of the public sphere in the network society by Pieter Boeder First Monday, Volume 10, Number 9 - 5 September 2005 http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/1280/1200