History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.

Against Nature: Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

Zeb Tortorici*
Department of History, Stanford University

Abstract

Since the early 1980s, historians have increasingly turned their attention toward the topics of sodomy and homosexuality in colonial Latin America. Contemporaries referred to such crimes prosecuted by criminal courts or the Holy Ofce of the Inquisition, depending on locale and jurisdiction as either the pecado nefando (the nefarious sin), the pecado contra natura (sin against a (sodomy). This, however, has not dissuaded historians from applying the nature), or sodom terms lesbian, gay, homosexual, and queer to historical subjects. This paper highlights some of the major trends and debates that have shaped the historiography of sodomy in colonial Latin America, focusing on disagreements over which partner (active or passive) was punished more harshly, whether sodomy was seen as a form of heresy, and how to best identify and characterize historical subjects in the past. The essay concludes by offering some suggestions for the future development of the eld, and advocates for historians to focus on the category of the unnatural (contra natura) rather than limit themselves to same-sex sexuality. A focus on the unnatural essentially allows historians to speak of autoeroticism, erotic religious visions, same-sex solicitation, sodomy, and bestiality in conjunction with one another, thus offering a more nuanced view of the intersections of gender, sexuality, desire, and colonialism between the late 16th and early 19th centuries.

In 1621, a Spanish priest and commissary of the Holy Ofce of the Inquisition in the taro, Father Manuel de Santo Toma s, came forth to central Mexican town of Quere denounce a 20-year-old mestiza, Agustina Ruiz.1 He told inquisitors that a few weeks earlier Ruiz had begun to confess with him in a Carmelite convent, asking for mercy and forgiveness, and declaring that since the age of eleven she had sinned with herself n) masturbation. Most unsettling nearly daily by committing the act of pollution (polucio to the priest, however, was not that act, but rather Ruizs accompanying obscene and sacrilegious fantasies. Ruiz confessed that she had spoken dishonest words with Saint s of Tolentino, Saint Diego, Jesus Christ, and the Virgin Mary. Ruiz confessed Nicola that
They came to her with their dishonest parts physically excited. Each of them explained how they wanted to see her both loved and desired, and for this reason they came down from heaven to earth. As they hugged and kissed her, their passions became inamed [] and [as to] the Virgin, who came to her in her bed to hug and kiss her, they would sit with their dishonest parts rubbing against each other2

Given that the primary aim of the Holy Ofce of the Mexican Inquisition, founded in 1571, was to extirpate heresy, it is no surprise that inquisitors would take a strong interest in Ruiz, who they eventually sentenced to spend 3 years in a Mexico City convent. A later Inquisition case, from 1700, serves as another case study, providing us with clues about the medicalization of sexuality in colonial Mexico. While the codes for
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

162 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

classifying hysteria among female and male subjects already existed in Europe and in its colonies, that year in Mexico City Francisco Xavier de la Vega, a Spaniard in his mid30s, denounced himself to the Inquisition for having committed sodomy with a priest, for wanting to commit the same sin of sodomy with the images of Christ in a church, and for being consumed by perverse thoughts.3 The priest who interrogated Vega concluded that he suffered from
what medical practitioners have called satyriasis in men, and uterine furor [furor uterino; nymphomania] in women, originating from the excessive and acrimonious heat in the genital humors which provoke such extremes in libidinous impulsivity that men, like brute beasts, lose their sense of shame.4

Inquisitors, interpreting the signs of Vegas unorthodox desires through humoral models of excessive desire rather than religious ones, interned him in the Hospital de Jesus so that there he could be examined and treated. The case, unfortunately, is incomplete and we have no records of Francisco Xavier de la Vega after his internment. The respective Inquisition cases of Agustina Ruiz and of Francisco Xavier de la Vega highlight the intersections of sexuality, colonialism, and religiosity in 17th- and early 18th-century New Spain. These cases, dealing with the seeming marginalia of colonial Mexican history, are two of many that have been largely overlooked by historians of Latin America, for reasons I explore below. Only since the early 1980s has historical research on Latin American sexuality become accepted as a serious and important project, as historians, increasingly interested in gender-related issues, have broached such topics as everyday life, marriage, sexuality, and honor. So it is hardly surprising that the pecados contra natura the sins against nature of masturbation, sodomy, and bestiality in colonial Latin America have received comparatively little scholarly attention. While the Inquisition cases mentioned above and others like them offer valuable glimpses into colonial life, accessing the le of each case is only the rst step in understanding its social meaning. For that, we have to thank scholars who have, since the mid1980s, successfully created the historiographical dialog necessary to examine the meanings of sexual acts in colonial Latin American history. In her landmark 1989 collection, Sexu n Lavrin tells us ality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, Asuncio
marriage was neither the only outcome of courtship nor the only channel for the expression of sexuality in colonial Latin America. Premarital sexual relations, consensuality, homosexuality, bigamy and polygamy, out-of-wedlock births, and clandestine affairs between religious and lay persons have been a common daily occurrence since the sixteenth century.

Each topic of which has subsequently inspired fascinating studies focusing largely on the popular rejection of behavioral models espoused by the Church.5 Sodomy and the Pecado Nefando in Colonial Latin America In terms of the history of homosexuality, research on sodomy prosecutions in early modern Europe preceded analogous work on colonial Latin America. Due to the vast number of alleged sodomites who were convicted by the Aragonese Inquisition in the Spanish cities of Barcelona, Valencia, and Zaragoza, historians have had at their disposal a correspondingly greater data base, out of which they have produced a number of important works on the regulation of sodomy and sexuality in the early modern Spanish world. n y represio n sexual en Valencia is the earliest In particular, Rafael Carrascos Inquisicio extended examination of sodomy trials in early modern Valencia, and has served as the
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 163

basis for future scholars.6 William E. Monter demonstrated that in the Spanish province n, over 150 men were sentenced to death by the Inquisition for sodomy, heteroof Arago sexual sodomy, and bestiality between 1570 and 1630, after which inquisitors relaxed the severity of punishments.7 According to Mary Elizabeth Perry, in Seville, where the courts operated under different jurisdictional rules, at least 71 men were burned to death for sodomy and bestiality between 1567 and 1616.8 Secular courts in Madrid were responsible for the deaths of over one hundred sodomites from the 1580s to the 1650s. In Palermo, Sicily, which was then under Spanish dominion, between 1567 and 1640 at least 83 men were publicly executed for homosexuality.9 Important subsequent works n n have also focused on by Israel Burshatin, Cristian Berco, and Francisco Nu ez Rolda sodomy trials and prosecutions by ecclesiastical and secular courts throughout early modern Spain.10 The historiography of homosexuality in colonial Latin America has also evolved considerably over the past three decades. Scholarly interest essentially began with Serge Gruzinskis 1986 Las cenizas del deseo, the only work to come out of Mexicos Semi ria de las Mentalidades that focused exclusively on sex between men.11 nario de Histo pez Austin briey discussed While earlier scholars like Francisco Guerra and Alfredo Lo tolerance for (or repression of) homosexuality among pre-Hispanic native groups, it was Gruzinskis essay that, due to its archival focus and its theoretical contributions, became an inspiration to a generation of historians.12 Based on incomplete documents found in Sevilles Archivo General de Indias (a few letters from 1658, a list of fourteen men executed for committing sodomy, and a summary of the judicial investigation), Gruzinski reconstructed details of the lives of some of the 123 men mestizos, indigenous, Spanish, blacks, and mulattos from Puebla and Mexico City who were accused of engaging in the pecado nefando, the nefarious sin of sodomy. Gruzinski demonstrated that sexual activities between men were not isolated cases; rather, the documents reveal the existence of a subculture with its own secret geography, its own network of information and informants, [and] its own language and codes.13 Gruzinski reached three important conclusions that served as starting points for other scholars: (1) that urban networks of men who sought out other men for sexual relationships did exist in the colonial period; (2) that these men did not live in fear, despite sporadic yet harsh repression and punishment by authorities; and (3) that there was sometimes tacit toleration of such behavior, so long as it was private and discreet an assertion that has been echoed by recent historians studying gender and sexuality in the colonial period.14 Subsequently, historians and anthropologists have done an extraordinary amount of research to uncover the social practices of sodomy and other non-reproductive acts in early modern Spain, Portugal, and their respective colonies in Asia, Africa, and the Americas.15 In particular, Brazilian scholarship, led by Luiz Mott, has paved the way for historians researching similar topics. Luiz Motts 1988 O sexo proibido reconstructs the history of Luiz Delgado, a gay Portuguese tobacco merchant in his early 20s who was repeatedly interrogated by the Inquisition and eventually sentenced to exile for having committed sexual acts with a 12-year old boy, among many others.16 Mott then went on to pen other important works including Escravida o, homossexualidade e demonologia and an edited collection of colonial sodomy trial source excerpts, Homossexuais da Bahia.17 Ronaldo pico dos pecados uses some 160 sodomy cases from the Lisbons Torre do Vainfass Tro Tombo to conclude that colonial Brazil had little in common with places like Rome, Lisbon, Paris, and Mexico City, where formidable subcultures of men seeking sex with other men existed.18 Most recently, James Sweet has, through the gure of the jinbandaa, reframed questions of same-sex sexuality among African slaves in Brazil in
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

164 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

terms of gender imbalances, kinship practices, African spirituality, and intimate relationships.19 Adding to this body of literature is the recent collection Pelo Vaso Traseiro, which brings together essays on male sodomy in colonial Brazil and early modern Portugal.20 Ligia Bellinis A coisa obscura made an invaluable contribution as the only work that focuses entirely on female sodomy in colonial Latin America. Bellini traced fragments of the lives of 29 women in early Brazil who were prosecuted for sodomia foeminarum (sexual relations between women including anal or vaginal insertion of objects). Vainfas subsecio, to the same quently dedicated an essay, Homoerotismo Feminino e o Santo Of topic.21 Due to the lack of comparable sources, reections on female same-sex intimacy and sexuality have received minimal attention in the Spanish Americas. Jacqueline Holler examines the 1598 Inquisition trial of a Mexico City beata, Marina de San Miguel, who was convicted of prophesying and alumbradismo (claiming to have been personally and spiritually illuminated by the Holy Spirit), and who also confessed to erotic visions, masturbation, and sexual relations with priests and another holy woman.22 Nora Jaffary disguez de Castro y Aramburu, who used cusses the late colonial Mexican case of Ana Rodr her menstrual blood to fake stigmata, did with another woman what a man can do in this manner with a woman and giving her kisses during the night, and put the Eucharist in her own private parts.23 Lee Penyak, in his 1993 dissertation, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico, 1750-1850, discusses one late colonial case of a cross-dressed female who was rumored to be inclined toward women, as well as another case in which one woman denounced another for attempting to engage in sexual relations.24 Stephanie Kirk also devotes a chapter of her book to the 1792 case of an 18-year old professed nun, Sor a Josefa Ildefonsa, who admitted to having an illicit friendship (mala amistad) with a Mar young female servant in the convent. The scant details of the case, however, force Kirk to speculatively read between the lines.25 Although its focus is exclusively Spain, Sherry Velascos Lesbians in Early Modern Spain is an extremely important multidisciplinary contribution to the eld.26 Since the mid-1990s, we have seen important studies on the links between sodomy and the colonization of native peoples. Richard Trexlers Sex and Conquest demonstrates that the berdache an individual in native societies who adopted the dress and social status of the opposite sex was often denigrated in Andean and central Mexican indige n Gutie rrez and Richard Trexler have shown that many of nous societies.27 Both Ramo the berdache in native societies were often forced to transvest themselves.28 The conclusion, however, that the berdache was a product of a pre-Hispanic gender ideology that sexually degraded defeated males and enhanced the masculine power of the conqueror has sparked much debate. Michael Horswell, relying heavily on queer theory, analyzes third-gender subjectivities and takes issue with Trexlers stance, arguing that in regards to Andean versions of berdache, historical subjectivity had culturally distinct meanings that transcended European notions of effeminacy as dependency and degeneracy, especially in ritual contexts.29 Tracy Brown analyzes the gure of the berdache in colonial New Mexico, but does so more speculatively.30 Whatever one is to make of local constructions of the berdache, the methodological difculties of accessing Pre-Hispanic native understandings of sexuality and same-sex eroticism are glaringly evident. Some historians, however, like Pete Sigal, have turned toward a sophisticated philological analysis of native-language texts, the Florentine Codex, and other mundane documents to get at such answers.31 Such a maneuver, when placed alongside a critical analysis of the writings of Spanish chroniclers and conquistadors, allows Sigal to show how Mayan idealized and symbolic conceptions of sodomy changed as Catholic discourse on sin inuenced and altered Maya sexual desires and behaviors.
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 165

In contrast to literary and philological approaches to get at native understandings of same-sex sexuality, most works on sodomy in colonial Latin America are based on the n, for example, transcripts of criminal cases and Inquisition trials. Jorge Bracamonte Alla has traced the secularization of sodomy, its transformation from sin to crime, across the baroque and enlightenment periods in Mexico.32 Raymundo Flores Melo examines 41 Mexican Inquisition cases of the sin-crime of sodomy, which include consummated acts of sodomy, ideas about the pecado nefando, and dishonest caresses between men.33 Federico Garza Carvajal, in Butteries Will Burn, has used law codes, theological discourse, and criminal cases to explore the discourses of masculinity that played into the burning of sodomites in Spain and Mexico.34 Pete Sigals edited Infamous Desire brings together a number of essays to provoke dialog and locate sodomy in relation to desire, power, and colonialism.35 Ward Stavigs contribution on the pecado nefando in colonial Peru and David Higgss essay on Carmelite priests in Brazil and Portugal are particularly strong for their reliance on archival documents.36 Finally, the contributors to Sexual Encounters Sexual Collisions: Alternative Sexualities in Colonial Mesoamerica, a special issue of Ethnohistory, examined historical and ritualized instances of sodomy, solicitation in the confessional, hermaphroditism, and cross-dressing among indigenous peoples.37 As Sigal rightly asserts, one cannot understand the cultural, political, and social history of early Latin America without studying the ways in which sexual acts were created, manipulated, and altered.38 Regarding sodomy prosecutions in Spanish South America, Geoffrey Spurling has explored how, in the Audiencia of Charcas, the secular courts willingness to prosecute sodomy was greatly inuenced by questions of race, class, and honor.39 Using two lezs publicly affectionate trials from 1595, Spurling demonstrates how despite Dr Gonza behavior with various male lovers, he used his wealth and social connections to escape the garrote and stake that awaited one of his less inuential lovers. Having mined Colombian and Peruvian archives for sources, Carolina Giraldo Botero has produced a fascinating study on (male and female) homoeroticism in New Granada between 1559 and 1822, focusing in part on long-term sexual and emotional relationships.40 A recent article e Soulodre-La France sheds light on conceptions of hermaphroditism in New by Rene Granada.41 Historian Fernanda Molina, in Los Sodomitas Virreinales, offers a fascinating social history of sodomy in the Viceroyalty of Peru.42 Lastly, for excerpts of colonial sodomy trials, both Geoffrey Spurling and Richard A. Gordon have respectively made English-language translations and transcriptions available of sodomy cases from the Audiencia of Charcas and colonial Brazil.43 Luiz Mott has similarly transcribed a large number of sodomy trail excerpts from Bahia, Brazil between the 16th and 19th centuries.44 Major Debates in the Field Given the rapidly growing works on sodomy and same-sex eroticism in colonial Latin America, it is difcult to summarize the overall state of the eld. It is possible, however, to locate a number of debates shaping the evolution of the eld. Notable among those are: (1) whether the active or passive partner in sodomy was punished more harshly; (2) to what extent sodomy was viewed as a form of heresy; (3) how to identify sodomites, and whether to categorize (or theorize) them as homosexuals, gays, lesbians, queers, putos, fachonos, etc.; and (4) whether or not such groups made up subcultures.45 These debates, each of which I expand upon below, are far from comprehensive, but they outline the current state of this rapidly evolving eld.

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

166 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

For the historical context of the Iberian world, historians debate whether the top or the bottom (sometimes phrased as the active or the passive partner) in sodomy cases was punished more harshly. Martin Nesvig rightly asserts that the active passive dichotomy in understanding sexual acts between males obscures the reality of the cases because the active partner has not always escaped condemnation.46 Mary Elizabeth Perrys research on early modern Spain, however, upholds this dichotomy. While Perry rightly asserts that heterosexual sodomy was never seen by authorities as being as serious a crime as same-sex sodomy, she claims that
this implies that the real crime of sodomy was not in ejaculating nonprocreatively, nor in the use of the anus, but in requiring a male to play the passive female role and in violating the physical integrity of the male recipient body.47

More recently Cristian Berco, using a database of some 500 sodomy cases from the Spanish tribunals of Valencia, Zaragoza, and Barcelona between the 1540s and the mid-18th century, demonstrates that 70.39% of men under 20 played the passive role whereas only 12.02% of men over 20 years of age were penetrated by other men in their sexual encounters.48 Berco concludes that the question of who was the inserter dominator man and who acted as the receptor submissive female gained vital relevance when conjoined with social, ethnic, and political status.49 Rafael Carrascos study of sodomy in Valencia between 1565 and 1785 shows too that in early modern Spain, the active participants in anal sex were punished more harshly than passive participants. In contrast, Nesvig asserts that the Inquisition did not distinguish between homosexuals or heterosexuals in this matter. All who committed this act [sodomy] were guilty before the Holy Ofce.50 Penyaks research on sodomy cases and my own recent research tell a similar story. Penyak shows that willing participants convicted of sodomy [excluding rape victims] could expect to receive the same penalty whatever sexual posin, Mexico, for tion they used.51 In a phenomenal 1604 sodomy case from Michoaca pecha men for the crime example, Spanish criminal authorities tried six indigenous Pure of sodomy, publicly executing four of them regardless of sexual position.52 In Mexico, so long as rape was not the charge, criminal authorities failed to distinguish between top bottom, active passive, or putatively male female roles in sodomy cases, and they rarely considered the sexual positions of the accused when determining their punishments. Same-sex sexual coercion and rape were, however, very real possibilities in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. While some historians including Spurling, Penyak, and Berco have discussed sexual violence among men, others have framed sodomy largely as the love which dared not speak its name, setting to one side seemingly discordant references to sexual violence among males.53 As my research shows, at least for the context of New Spain, many of the spaces in which sodomy became a possibility were dened by asymmetrical power relationships: the school, the ship, the prison, the hacienda, the slaves quarters, and the confessional.54 Coercion along with whippings, beatings, and other forms of physical violence loomed on the horizon of many sodomitical relationships, especially between older men and boys or adolescents, who could not fully defend themselves against the advances of their aggressors. As Penyak notes, as in heterosexual rape cases, [male] victims were usually powerless in comparison to their attackers.55 A sample of Mexican cases from the 18th and early 19th centuries shows a correlation between nonconsensual penetration and age difference between accused and victim, which may mean that the adult perpetrators of sodomy-rape (priests included) viewed their young and adolescent male victims as relatively easy targets, physically weaker, and less likely to
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 167

tell or be believed.56 Adolescent males in colonial Mexico who were able to prove (often through medical examinations) that they had been violently coerced into committing sodomy were not charged with any crime. Acknowledging sexual coercion therefore signicantly alters the terms of the top bottom debate. Another important conversation centers on the extent to which sodomy was regulated by ecclesiastical authorities and the Inquisition in colonial Latin America. In New Spain, the Holy Ofce did not have jurisdiction over the pecado nefando or the other sins against nature. This limited jurisdiction stands in contrast to much of the early modern Iberian world, including the Spanish cities and municipalities of Valencia, Barcelona, Zaragoza, and Palma de Mallorca, as well as Portugal and its overseas colonies of Brazil and Goa, where both sodomy and bestiality fell under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Between 1540 and 1700, the tribunals of the Inquisition in Spain respectively prosecuted 380 cases of sodomy in Valencia, 791 in Zaragoza, and 433 in Barcelona.57 Between 1587 and 1794, the Portuguese Inquisition tried some 400 individuals for sodomy, about 30 of which were executed for their crimes.58 Jurisdictional differences play a signicant role here. In Spain in 1505, Ferdinand the Catholic placed sodomy under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, but then placed it under that of secular authorities a few years later, in 1509.59 As a consequence, in Castile, Granada, and Seville, sodomy was prosecuted by secular rather than ecclesiastical authorities. Signicantly, because the Indies had been incorporated into the Crown of Castile in the 16th century, those territories were ruled by the Castilian legal system and its administrative and judicial bureaucracies. Despite recent assertions by one historian that over the course of the colonial period, both secular and ecclesiastical authorities held jurisdiction over sodomy cases in the tribunals of New Spain, in reality, the law was clear: the Mexican Inquisition was allowed to prosecute cases of sodomy only when some overt heresy (like solicitation in the confessional) or heretical propositions (like asserting that sodomy is not a sin) were involved.60 The tribunal of the Inquisition in Mexico was even warned in 1580 that Rome, despite the Aragonese precedent, would never allow sodomy to be tried in Mexican ecclesiastical courts.61 My own research shows that the Mexican Inquisition acknowledged that it did not have jurisdiction over unnatural sexual acts per se, but that such acts that were sometimes coupled with heretical statements. This partially refutes ns claims that the colonial period was characterized by a prolonged Bracamonte Alla jurisdictional dispute between the church and the state to control juridically deviant practices like sodomy, bestiality, prostitution, and incest.62 The fact that sodomy was not technically heretical in New Spain, however, did little to prevent laypersons and even ecclesiastical authorities from, at times, incorrectly reading the crime as a religious one that merited denunciation to and prosecution by the Holy Ofce. Sometimes improper imprisonment by ecclesiastical authorities led to heated debates about the nature of the crime and the Inquisitions jurisdiction over it. A 1691 rida, Mexico against Juan Ram rez (mulato) and Andres Chan (indigenous) case from Me for sodomy, for example, gave rise to an extended debate among ecclesiastical ofcials regarding whether or not sodomy fell under the jurisdiction of the church.63 Some clergymen asserted that sodomy was in fact mixti fori a crime that could be punished by either a secular or an ecclesiastical court, depending on which commenced action rst. s de Salazar, however, rightly concluded that sodomy did not The inquisitor don Nicola fall under the Inquisitions jurisdiction in New Spain, and the prisoners were to be handed over to secular authorities for punishment.64 In theory and in practice, priests and inquisitors in New Spain were to ignore complaints of sodomy in as much as they did not involve heresy or blasphemy.
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

168 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

As mentioned above, the Brazilian context differed considerably from that of New Spain due to the Portuguese Inquisitions jurisdiction over sodomy and bestiality. The potentially heretical nature of sodomy in the Lusophone world has engendered lively debate, principally among Brazilian scholars in dialog with one other (and with the historiography of sodomy in medieval and early modern Europe). Ronaldo Vainfas advances the argument that sodomy in colonial Brazil came to be associated with heresy. Luiz Mott reads this conclusion as inherently awed and unjustiably based on Rafael Carrascos earlier misreading of the crime of sodomy as a formal heresy in Spain.65 Mott asserts that while a number of scholars of the Middle Ages (including William Monter, Mark Bennasar) have postulated an association between Jordan, John Boswell, and Bartolome sodomy and heresy, Rafael Carrasco (and, by extension, Ronaldo Vainfas) are incorrect in asserting that Spanish and Portuguese inquisitors saw and treated sodomy as a form of heresy.66 Mott concludes that there exists neither historical nor theological evidence that sodomy was ever considered a form of heresy, but rather,
sodomites were seen as serious delinquents [by the Portuguese Inquisition] not merely for provoking divine wrath, but, because of their androgyny, lust, and immorality, for threatening the very structure of the family, masculine hegemony, and the institution of Christian marriage.67

Vainfass response also included in A Inquisic a o em xeque highlights the semantic differences between formal heresy and material heresy, conceding that from a strict theological point of view, sodomy was not a form of heresy.68 Vainfas criticizes Mott for being too concerned with categorical denitions, and stands by his assertion that sodomy in Brazil was popularly (though incorrectly) associated with heresy by priests, inquisitors, and laypersons alike. Sodomites, in essence, were treated as if they were heretics.69 Vainfas also contends that Mott misreads sodomy solely as a moral crime rather than a religious one, and that the Inquisition of early modern Portugal and its colonies was essentially a factory that literally created and produced heretics Jews, witches, and sodomites out of a need for self-justication. As Vainfas concludes, Without heresies, real or ctitious and, above all, without heretics the Holy Ofce would lose its only reason for existence.70 While sodomy in itself was not evidence of sacrilege, there always existed the possibility that those who displayed the signs of sodomy would also, under questioning, reveal signs of sacrilege. In the end, it appears that the popular associations between sodomy and heresy were localized and, though theologically erroneous, common among laypersons and priests alike. One nal set of debates shaping the eld relates to how historians identify and categorize the historical subjects about whom they write. A dizzying array of terms sodomite, faggot, homosexual, gay, lesbian, queer, puto, fachono, afeminado, berdache, hermaphrodite, and third-gender, to name a few are thrown around by historians, anthropologists, and literary scholars alike. Luiz Mott, for example, asserts what for him is an unproblematic gay identity in the early modern Lusophone world, occasionally guez framing these men as both countercultural and revolutionary.71 Pablo Rodr n, Colombia, in which Margarita Valenzuela was banframes a 1745 case from Popaya ished from Cali because of her public acts of sodomy with Gregoria Franco, as one a lesbian love.72 Many researchers employ terms like homosexuality and homoeroticism, whereas others nd it more apt to speak solely in terms of sodomy (or other ofcial categories) for the period in question. Pete Sigal, referencing popular contemporary terminology, perhaps most aptly writes that throughout colonial Spanish America putos formed communities with other putos, and that other men knew where to go to nd putos for sex.73
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 169

Queer is another contentious category that, with all its anachronistic air, I would argue, has limited applicability to Latin America in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. Yet, in recent years historians, literary scholars, and anthropologists have engaged archives with the aim of queering early modern and colonial pasts. The editors of Queer Iberia, for example, champion their collection as a celebration of queerness, and assert that the Iberian Peninsula, located on the margins of Europes consciousness, was always queer.74 Others have been less favorable to the encroachments of queer theory into the discipline of history. Federico Garza Carvajal, for one, refuses to ghettoize the historicity of early modern Spanish sodomy prosecutions as yet another nauseating dosage of gay, tre en vogue signier inimical to historqueer identied, transgender, or whatever todays e ical inquiry.75 In spite of such well-founded skepticism, the term queer is applicable to the processes through which historians seek to de-privilege and de-center heteronormative ways of reading and writing history. Regardless of ones afnity or revulsion to the terminology, many historians have effectively created queer analytical, textual, and historiographical archives of practices and desires that have historically been repressed and (irregularly) punished throughout the early modern Iberian world. Such endeavors push the epistemological limits of social history, the history of sexuality, and the boundaries of queerness itself. Future Directions for the Field Since this growing eld is still relatively small, conversations among scholars speak across geographic, temporal, jurisdictional, linguistic, and disciplinary boundaries, highlighting that no facile conclusions can be reached for the whole of the Iberian world. In this sense, sodomy can best be seen as a local crime that varies radically in meaning as we move across time, location, jurisdiction, ethnicity, and the social positions of the accused. While important studies on the sins against nature in colonial Latin America have been published, more will be accomplished as historians systematically turn toward regional and provincial historical archives in search of new documentation that can be analyzed in conjunction with cases from national archives. This raises one nal question: Is there anything essentially missing from this growing body of historiographical literature on sodomy in colonial Latin America? One answer to this question takes us back to the two privileged archival moments with which I opened this essay. There, we briey encountered two individuals Agustina de Ruiz and Francisco Xavier de la Vega whose thoughts and autoerotic fantasies contravened orthodox religiosity, and for that reason they became targets of the Holy Ofce. In those individuals erotic fantasies of Jesus, the saints, and the Virgin Mary, we nd the kernels of that which often escapes histories of sodomy, the pecado nefando, and same-sex sexuality in colonial Latin America: the multiplicity of desires and corporeal acts that fell within the theological category of the unnatural (contra natura) but outside the strict connes of perfect sodomy (that is, anal penetration with ejaculation). The term contra natura is useful precisely because it was employed by theologians, inquisitors, and criminal authorities as a marker of difference that attained meaning through non-procreative acts such as autoeroticism, same-sex sexuality, and bestiality. The category becomes even more useful when we juxtapose ofcial terms with popular ones. How are we to theorize cases like that of Pedro Na, a 14-year-old indigenous boy n Peninsula, who, on 12 January 1563, was caught engaging in from Mexicos Yucata carnal access with a turkey (and was punished by being publicly castrated, with the dead turkey hanging around his neck)?76 And what about cases of bodily desecration like
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

170 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

the 1767 criminal case in which Juan Chrisodomo admitted that because he was going to offend God, he had by his own hand, cut off his testicles with a knife hed bor valo who lived in the same house at rowed that morning from a man named Pedro Are the sugar mill [where he worked]?77 How might we think through the 1789 case of n Sa nchez de la Vaquera, an unmarried Spaniard in his early 30s who denounced Ramo himself to the Inquisition for having access with sacred images, repeatedly sneaking into churches, convents, and sacristies to masturbate on sacred objects, alms boxes, and images of the Virgin, baby Jesus, and the saints?78 Such cases verge on the unnatural in various respects, but do not t comfortably into histories of sodomy or homosexuality. In studying the Spanish regulation of sexual practices deemed to be unnatural, we are confronted by terms that are the work of a long institutionalized chain of reasoning going back to the early Church Fathers like Saint Augustine and medieval theologians like Thomas Aquinas. As early as the fth century, for example, Saint Augustine had deemed unnatural and sinful those sexual acts that did not take place in a vessel t for procreation.79 Regarding sodomy, bestiality, masturbation, and unnatural sexual positions between men and women all vices against nature included in the category of luxuria (lust) Aquinas in his 13th-century Summa Theologica wrote:
Just as the order of right reason is from man, so the order of nature is from God himself. And so in sins against nature, in which the very order of nature is violated, an injury is done to God himself, the orderer of nature.80

Just as voluntary pollution contravened the churchs view that seminal emission must be carried into the female vagina (intra vas naturale) for the purpose of procreation, so too n Lavrin notes, all sexual activity were sodomy and bestiality unnatural.81 As Asuncio approved by the church had one avowed and legitimate purpose: the perpetuation of the human species.82 For the most part, however, the extant literature on sexuality in colonial Latin America does not yet reect the variety of human desires in the past. The extant historiography of solicitation, for example, has been largely skewed toward the sexual interactions between priests and female penitents, despite archival evidence of solicitations of male adolescents and young men. Juan Antonio Alejandre, for example, entirely disregards the question of male-male solicitation, asserting that the ultimate objective of the soliciting priest was the possession of a woman, the carnal access with her.83 Out of the 223 Spanish Inquisition cases dealing with solicitation, dating from 1530 to 1819, used by Stephen Haliczer in his study, only four victims were male.84 The most comprehensive study on solicitation n, which draws on 108 Mexi lez Marmolejos Sexo y confesio in colonial Mexico is Gonza can Inquisition cases dealing with solicitation; yet, in the rst chapter the author states that he solely deals with the solicitation of women.85 For the context of Mexico, only a few historians have far focused, briey, on the solicitation of males in the confessional.86 My own research uncovered some forty Inquisition cases of clerical misconduct with boys and adolescent males in New Spain (the most egregious of which involved a Mexico City priest who, in the early 18th century, confessed to hundreds of sexual acts with some 120 men), and thus paints a better picture of solicitation in the colonial period.87 In terms of human-animal sexual interactions as well, there are very few works that focus on the largely rural crime of bestiality in colonial Latin America, despite its not uncommon frequency. Leonardo Alberto Vega Umbasias Pecado y delito en la colonia is rico Nacthe only book-length work (based on 21 criminal cases from the Archivo Histo ) that focuses exclusively on the crime of bestiality in coloional de Colombia in Bogota lada Bazant has published an important essay nial Latin America.88 Mexican historian M
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 171

looking at fourteen criminal cases of bestiality in Mexico between 1800 and 1856.89 Thus far, only Lee Penyak, in his dissertation chapter Sodomy, Bestiality, and Deviant Female Sexuality, and I have sought to examine the unnatural crimes of sodomy and bestiality in colonial Latin America in conjunction with one another. My own research, owing much conceptually to Penyaks pioneering work on Mexico, seeks partly to correct this imbalance. My dissertation, Contra Natura: Sin, Crime, and Unnatural Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, 1530-1821, which I am currently revising into a book manuscript, uses a geographically varied corpus of over 300 Inquisition trials and criminal cases (from over two dozen archives in Mexico, Guatemala, Spain, and the United States) to show how the term contra natura against nature was deployed in the prosecution of crimes including masturbation, erotic religious visions, same-sex solicitation in the confessional, sodomy, and bestiality. Close readings of these cases allow us to place unnatural acts and their meanings over time within larger historical contexts to examine local levels of repression and tolerance, notions of heresy and criminality, popular religiosity, and the crossing of the human animal boundary.90 This work is not only an attempt to ll a historiographical gap, but rather to engage colonial societys own categories, concepts, and presuppositions in order to theorize the ways that individuals experienced and reconciled conicting facets of desire at personal and institutional levels. The archival record makes clear that social control throughout colonial Latin America was sporadic and irregular. The death sentence for sodomy and bestiality was applied inconsistently, and punishment depended on the particulars of the case, the motivations of the court, and the social positions of those charged, testifying, or accusing. Many social actors evidently chose to ignore instances and allegations of sodomy, or merely gossiped about them to friends and neighbors rather than report them to judicial authorities, so long as such acts were kept largely private. My research and writing on the body and the links between unnatural sexuality and religion ultimately advance our knowledge of what it was like to live in colonial Mexico; and, in particular, how gender and morality were performed in the colonial setting. Using a data base of court cases, this examination of sexuality and morality serves as a window to the interplay and tensions between gender, desire, and colonialism, and ultimately helps us better understand the contradictions and complexities of everyday life. While the unnatural is not an unproblematic category of historical analysis, it allows us analyze a wider range of corporeal acts and desires in the colonial past, still with the aim of challenging heteronormative narratives of history. Without the work of previous historians, however, such a project would be impossible. It is due to the space created and debates engendered by historians of gender and sexuality in colonial Latin America that we can now look beyond the simple categories of sodomy and homosexuality, shifting our attentions toward that which authorities deemed against nature in order to provide a more nuanced picture of the colonial past. Short Biography Zeb Tortorici, ACLS New Faculty Fellow in the Department of History at Stanford University, earned his PhD from the University of California, Los Angeles. As a Mellon ACLS fellow in 2010, he completed his dissertation, Contra Natura: Sin, Crime, and Unnatural Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, 1530-1821, which he is currently revising into a book manuscript. He has published articles in Ethnohistory, the Journal of the History of Sexuality, and the edited volumes Death and Dying in Colonial Spanish America (University of Arizona Press) and Queer Youth Cultures (SUNY Press). He co-edited Centering Animals: Writing Animals into Latin American History (Duke University Press, forthcoming)
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

172 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

with Martha Few, and in 2011 completed an appointment as a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Tulane University. Notes
* Correspondence: Department of History, Stanford University, 450 Serra Mall, Bldg. 200, Stanford, CA 943052024, USA. Email: ztortori@stanford.edu.
1 Bancroft Library [BANC] MSS 96 95 5: 4. See Zeb Tortorici Masturbation, Salvation, and Desire: Connecting Sexuality and Religiosity in Colonial Mexico, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 16 3 (2007b): 35572 for a more extensive treatment of Agustina Ruiz. 2 BANC MSS 96 95 5: 4, fol. 12. 3 n [AGN], Mexico, Inquisicio n 1189, exp. 16, fols. 11526. Archivo General de la Nacio 4 n 1189, exp. 16, f. 121. AGN, Inquisicio 5 n Lavrin, Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 2. Asuncio 6 n y represio n sexual en Valencia: Historia de los sodomitas (1565-1785) (Barcelona: Laertes Rafael Carrasco, Inquisicio S.A. de Ediciones, 1985). 7 William E. Monter, Sodomy: The Fateful Accident, in Wayne R. Dynes and Stephen Donaldson (eds.), History of Homosexuality in Europe and America (New York: Routledge, 1992). 8 Mary Elizabeth Perry, The Nefarious Sin in Early Modern Seville, in Kent Gerard and Gert Hekma (eds.), The Pursuit of Sodomy: Male Homosexuality in Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe (New York: Harrington Park Press, 1989). 9 Monter, Sodomy: The Fateful Accident, 296. 10 Israel Burshatin, Interrogating Hermaphroditism in Sixteenth-Century Spain, in Sylvia Molloy and Robert McKee Irwin (eds.), Hispanisms and Homosexualities (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998); Israel Burshatin, Written on the Body: Slave or Hermaphrodite in Sixteenth-Century Spain, in Josiah Blackmore and Gregory S. Hutcheson (eds.), Queer Iberia: Sexualities, Cultures, and Crossings from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999); Cristian Berco, Sexual Hierarchies, Public Status: Men, Sodomy, and Society in Spains Golden Age (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007); Cristian Berco, Producing Patriarchy: Male Sodomy and n Gender in Early Modern Spain, Journal of the History of Sexuality 17:3 (2008): 351-76; and Francisco Nu ez n, El Pecado Nefando del Obispo de Salamina: Un Hombre sin Concierto en la Corte de Felipe II (Seville: UniversiRolda dad de Sevilla, 2002). 11 Serge Gruzinski, Las cenizas del deseo: Homosexuales novohispanos a mediados del siglo XVII, in Sergio Ortega n o de porque no se cumpl a la ley de Dios en la sociedad novohispana (Mexico City: Edi(ed.), De la santidad a la perversio torial Grijalbo, 1986). For an English translation, see Serge Gruzinski, The Ashes of Desire: Homosexuality in Mid-Seventeenth-Century New Spain, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). 12 Francisco Guerra, The Pre-Columbian Mind: A Study into the Aberrant Nature of Sexual Drives, Drugs Affecting Behavior, and the Attitude Towards Life and Death, With a Survey of Psychotherapy, in Pre-Colombian America (New pez Austin, The Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the Ancient York: Seminar Press, 1971). See also Alfredo Lo Nahuas, Vol. 1. trans. Thelma Ortiz de Montellano and Bernard Ortiz de Montellano (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988), 305. For other impportant works, see Walter Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American Indian Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986) as well as Guilhem Olivier, Conquistadores y misioneros frente al pecado nefando, Historias, 28 (1992): 4763. 13 Gruzinski, Las cenizas del deseo, 278. 14 lez, CatheSee especially Geoffrey Spurling, Honor, Sexuality, and the Colonial Church: The Sins of Dr. Gonza dral Canon, in Lyman L. Johnson, and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera (eds.), The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998). 15 For a scholar working on such issues in the Spanish colonial Philippines, see Carolyn Brewer, Baylan, Asog, Transvestism, and Sodomy: Gender, Sexuality and the Sacred in Early Colonial Philippines, Intersections: Gender, History, and Culture in the Asian Context, 2 (1999). [Online]. Retrieved on 15 November 2011 from: http://inter sections.anu.edu.au/issue2/carolyn2.html. Brewer also briey discusses sodomy in Holy Confrontation: Religion, Gender, and Sexuality in the Philippines, 1521-1685 (Manila: Institute of Womens Studies, St. Scholasticas College, 2001) and in Shamanism, Catholicism and Gender Relations in Colonial Philippines 1521-1685 (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing, 2004). 16 Luiz Mott, O sexo proibido: Virgens, gays, e escravos nas garras da Inquisic a o (Sa o Paulo: Papirus Editora, 1988). 17 Luiz Mott, Escravida Icone Editora, 1988). o, homossexualidade e demonologia (Rio de Janeiro: 18 pico dos pecados: Moral, sexualidade e Inquisic Ronaldo Vainfas, Tro a o no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1997). For another historian working on a similar topic, see Veronica de Jesus Gomes, Justic a e miseri rdia na mesa do Santo Of cio de Lisboa: as penas dos padres sodomitas, Outros Tempos, 7 10 (2010): 7792; and co

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 173

Nas Malhas da Inquisic a o de Lisboa: um perl dos sodomitas da Igreja e de seus amantes, AEDOS, 8 3 (2011): 11137. 19 James H. Sweet, Male Homosexuality and Spiritism in the African Diaspora: The Legacies of a Link, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 7 2 (1996): 184202; James H. Sweet, Re-Creating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 507; and Sweet, James H., Mutual Misunderstandings: Gesture, Gender, and Healing in the African Portuguese World, Past and Present, Supplement 4 (2009): 12843. 20 Harold Johnson and Francis A. Dutra (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007). 21 ria das Mulheres no cio, in Mary del Priore (ed.), Histo Ronaldo Vainfas, Homoerotismo Feminino e o Santo Of Brasil (Sa o Paulo: Editora Contexto, 2004). 22 Jacqueline Holler, More Sins than the Queen of England: Marina de San Miguel before the Mexican Inquisition, in Mary E. Giles (ed.), Women in the Inquisition: Spain and the New World (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1999). 23 Nora E. Jaffary, False Mystics: Deviant Orthodoxy in Colonial Mexico (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 2. 24 Lee Penyak, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico, 1750-1850 Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1993. 25 Stephanie Kirk, Convent Life in Colonial Mexico: A Tale of Two Communities (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007). See especially her third chapter, The Community of Lovers: Mala Amistad in Convent. 26 Sherry Velasco, Lesbians in Early Modern Spain (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011). 27 Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995). 28 n A. Gutie rrez, Must We Deracinate Indians to Find Gay Roots? Out Look, 1 (1989): 617. Ramo 29 Michael Horswell, Decolonizing the Sodomite: Queer Tropes of Sexuality in Colonial Andean Culture (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005), 23. 30 Tracy Brown, Abominable Sin in Colonial New Mexico: Spanish and Pueblo Perceptions of Same-Sex Sexuality, in Thomas A. Foster (ed.), Long Before Stonewall: Histories of Same-Sex Sexuality in Early America (New York: New York University Press, 2007). 31 Pete Sigal, From Moon Goddesses to Virgins: The Colonization of Yucatecan Maya Sexual Desire (Austin: University of Texas Press. 2000); Pete Sigal, The Cuiloni, The Patlache, and the Abominable Sin: Homosexualities in Early Colonial Nahua Society, Hispanic American Historical Review, 85 4 (2005): 55594. 32 n, Los nefandos placeres de la carne. La iglesia y el estado frente a la sodom a en la Jorge Bracamonte Alla Nueva Espan a, 1721-1820, Debate Feminista, 18 (1998): 393415. For other works on colonial Mexico, see Roberto Miranda Guerrero, Homosexualidad, derechos naturales y cultura popular: 1790-1820, La Ventana, 15 (2002): 263312; and Guillermo De los Reyes, Curas, Dones y Sodomitas: Sexual Moral Discourses and Illicit Sexualities among Priests in Colonial Mexico, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 67 1 (2010), 5376. 33 a ante la Inquisicio n de Me xico en los siglos XVII y XVIII, in NoeRaymundo Flores Melo, Casos de sodom n Novohispana, Vol. II (Mexico City: Quezada, Martha Eugenia Rodr guez, and Marcela Sua rez (eds.), Inquisicio m noma de Me xico, 2000). Universidad Nacional Auto 34 Federico Garza Carvajal, Butteries Will Burn: Prosecuting Sodomites in Early Modern Spain and Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003). 35 Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). 36 Ward Stavig, Political Abominations and Private Reservation, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). 37 Ethnohistory 45 1 (2007), edited by Pete Sigal and John F. Chuchiak IV. The essays in this volume include Pete ns Faggots and Sodomites, Lesbians and Hermaphrodites, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): Sigal, Queer Nahuatl: Sahagu 9-34; Zeb Tortorici, Heran Todos Putos: Sodomitical Subcultures and Disordered Desire in Early Colonial Mexico, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 3667; John F. Chuchiak IV, The Sins of the Fathers: Franciscan Friars, Parish Priests, and the Sexual Conquest of the Yucatec Maya, 1545-1808, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 69127; Laura A. Lewis, From Sodomy to Superstition: The Active Pathic and Bodily Transgressions in New Spain, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 12957; Martha Few, That Monster of Nature: Gender, Sexuality, and the Medicalization of a Hermaphrodite in Late Colonial Guatemala, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 15976. Commentaries are provided by Kimberly Gauderman, It Happened on the Way to the Temascal and Other Stories: Desiring the Illicit in Colonial Spanish America, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 17786; Caterina Pizzigoni, Alternative Sex and Gender in Early Latin America, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 18794. 38 Pete Sigal, (Homo)Sexual Desire and Masculine Power in Colonial Latin America, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 3. 39 Spurling, Honor, Sexuality, and the Colonial Church. 40 n. Homoeroticidad en la Nueva Granada (1559-1822) (Bogota: Centro de Carolina Giraldo Botero, Deseo y represio Estudios Socioculturales e Internacionales CESO, 2002).

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

174 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

e Soulodre-La France, What is in a body? Hermaphrodites and Late Colonial Order in Nueva Granada, Rene n (ed.), La Habana Elegante: Revista semestral de literatura y cultura cubana, cariben in Francisco Mora a, latinoamericana, y tica 48 (2010). [Online]. Retrieved on 15 November 2011 from: http://www.habanaelegante.com/Fall_Winde este ter_2010/Dossier_Soulodre.html. 42 dicos y Especie, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, Fernanda Molina, Los Sodomitas Virreinales: entre Sujetos Jur 67 1 (2010): 2352. 43 n de Morales Stands Accused of Geoffrey Spurling, Under Investigation for the Abominable Sin: Damia n Tierra de Congo (Charcas, 1611), in Richard Boyer and Geoffrey Spurling (eds.), Attempting to Seduce Anto Colonial Lives: Documents on Latin American History, 1550-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); Richard A. Gordon, Confessing Sodomy, Accusing a Master: The Lisbon Trial of Pernambucos Luiz da Costa, 1743, in Kathryn Joy McKnight and Leo J. Garofalo (eds.), Afro-Latin Voices: Narratives from the Early Modern Ibero-Atlantic World, 1550-1812 (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2009). 44 rio biogra co (Salvador: Grupo Gay da Bahia, 1999). Luiz Mott, Homossexuais da Bahia, diciona 45 The term puto (in Spain and its colonies) and fachono (in Portugal and in Brazil) were popular terms used to designate men who had sex with other men. See Tortorici, Heran Todos Putos; Luiz Mott, Crypto-Sodomites in Colonial Brazil, in Harold Johnson and Francis A. Dutra, (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007), 172. 46 Martin Nesvig, The Complicated Terrain of Latin America Homosexuality, Hispanic American Historical Review 81 34 (2001): 689729. 47 Mary Elizabeth Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 125. 48 Berco, Sexual Hierarchies, Public Status, 25. 49 Ibid., 35. 50 Nesvig, The Complicated Terrain, 706. 51 Penyak, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico, 279. 52 Tortorici, Heran Todos Putos. 53 Mott, Crypto-Sodomites, 192. 54 Zeb Tortorici, Contra Natura: Sin, Crime, and Unnatural Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, 1530-1821 Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 2010. 55 Penyak, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico, 272. 56 Tortorici, Contra Natura, 15460. 57 Garza Carvajal, Butteries Will Burn, 71. 58 Mary E. Wiesner-Hanks, Christianity and Sexuality in the Early Modern World: Regulating Desire, Reforming Practice (New York: Routledge, 2000), 126. 59 n y represio n sexual en Valencia, 11. Carrasco, Inquisicio 60 Garza Carvajal, Butteries Will Burn, 71. 61 Monter, Sodomy: The Fateful Accident, 287. 62 n, Los nefandos placeres de la carne, 393. Bracamonte Alla 63 n 498, exp. 16, fols. 16085. AGN, Inquisicio 64 n 498, exp. 16, f. 175. AGN, Inquisicio 65 heresia: disside ncia moral e contracultura, in Ronaldo Vainfas, Bruno Feitler, and Luiz Mott, Sodomia na o e rsias, estudos de caso (Rio de Janeiro: UniversidLana Lage da Gama Lima (eds.), A Inquisic a o em xeque: temas, controve ade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006). 66 Here Mott refers primarily to Monter, Sodomy: The Fateful Accident; Mark D. Jordan, The Invention of Sodomy in Christian Theology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997); John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian era to the Fourteenth Century (Chicago: Bennassar, El modelo sexual: la Inquisicio n de Arago n y la University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Bartolome n espan tico y control social n de los pecados abominables., in Bartolome Bennasar (ed.), Inquisicio represio ola: Poder pol (Barcelona: Grijalbo, 1981). 67 heresia, 262. Mott, Sodomia na o e 68 brica de hereges: os sodomitas foram excec Ronaldo Vainfas, Inquisic a a o como fa o? in Ronaldo Vainfas, Bruno rsias, estudos de caso (Rio de Janeiro: Feitler, and Lana Lage da Gama Lima (eds.), A Inquisic a o em xeque: temas, controve Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006). 69 brica de hereges, 271. Vainfas, Inquisic a o como fa 70 Ibid., 273. 71 ncia e Cultura, 40 s: a subcultura gay em Portugal nos tempos da Inquisic Luiz Mott, Pagode portugue a o, Cie (1980). 72 guez, Historia de un amor lesbiano en la Colonia, in Magdala Vela squez Toro (ed.), Las mujeres en Pablo Rodr : Grupo Editorial Norma, 1995). la historia de Colombia, Vol. III (Bogota 73 Sigal, (Homo)Sexual Desire and Masculine Power, 8.
41

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 175

Gregory Hutcheson and Josiah Blackmore, Introduction, in Queer Iberia, 1. See also Sigal, Queer Nahuatl; Horswell, Decolonizing the Sodomite; and David Higgs (ed.), Queer Sites: Gay Urban Histories Since 1600 (London: Routledge, 1999). 75 Garza Carvajal, Butteries Will Burn, 6. 76 Archivo General de Indias [AGI], Justicia, leg. 248 (microlm reel #191); Processo contra Po Na sobre el pecado nefando. 77 rico del Poder Judicial del Estado de Quere taro [AHPJQ], Caja 2, exp. 21, 4 junio 1767. Archivo Histo 78 n Vol. 1353, exp. 12. AGN, Inquisicio 79 Judith C. Brown, Immodest Acts: The Life of a Lesbian Nun in Renaissance Italy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 15. 80 Jordan, The Invention of Sodomy in Christian Theology, 146. 81 n Lavrin, Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, in Asuncio n Lavrin (ed.), Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Asuncio Latin America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 51. 82 Lavrin, Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, 51. 83 n de Sevilla ante el delito de la solicitacio n en confesio n Juan Antonio Alejandre, El veneno de Dios: La Inquisicio (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1994), 8. 84 Stephen Haliczer, Sexuality in the Confessional: A Sacrament Profaned (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 107. 85 n: La Iglesia y la penitencia en los siglos XVIII y XIX en la Nueva Gonza lez Marmolejo, Sexo y confesio Jorge Rene xico City: Editores Plaza y Valde s, 2002), 61. Espana (Me 86 See Penyak, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico; Chuchiak IV, The Sins of the Fathers. For the Lusophone world, see Luiz Mott, Padres sodomitas no Bispado da Bahia and My Pretty Boy: Love Letters from a Sodomite Friar, Lisbon (1690), in Harold Johnson and Francis A. Dutra, (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007); David Higgs, A Tale of Two Carmelites: Inquisitorial Narratives from Portugal and Brazil, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America culo XVII. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Lage da Gama Lima, Sodomia e pedolia no se 87 Zeb Tortorici, Contra Natura, Chapter Three, Solicitante Contra Naturam: Clerical Sexuality and Same-Sex Solicitation. 88 n sexual (1740Leonardo Alberto Vega Umbasia, Pecado y delito en la colonia: la bestialidad como una contravencio : Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica, 1994). 1808) (Bogota 89 n, 66 (2002): 122. lada Bazant, Bestialismo. El delito nefando, 1800-1856, Documentos de Investigacio M 90 For other unnatural corporeal acts, see Zeb Tortorici, Reading the (Dead) Body: Histories of Suicide in New Spain.
74

Bibliography
y La Plata colonial: Antonio-nacido-Mar a Yta ante la Abercrombie, Thomas A., Una vida disfrazada en el Potos sticos y Bibliogra cos, (2009): 345. Audiencia de Charcas, Anuario de Estudios Bolivianos, Archiv n de Sevilla ante el delito de la solicitacio n en confesio n (Madrid: Antonio Alejandre, Juan, El veneno de Dios: La Inquisicio Siglo XXI, 1994). n, 66 (2002): 122. lada, Bestialismo. El delito nefando, 1800-1856, Documentos de Investigacio Bazant, M Bellini, Ligia, A coisa obscura: mulher, sodomia, e inquisic a o no Brasil colonial (Sa o Paulo: Brasiliense, 1987). , El modelo sexual: la Inquisicio n de Arago n y la represio n de los pecados abominables, in Bennassar, Bartolome n espan tico y control social (Barcelona: Grijalbo, 1981), 295320. Bennasar (ed.), Inquisicio Bartolome ola: Poder pol Berco, Cristian, Producing Patriarchy: Male Sodomy and Gender in Early Modern Spain, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 17:3 (2008): 35176. Berco, Cristian, Sexual Hierarchies, Public Status: Men, Sodomy, and Society in Spains Golden Age (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007). Boswell, John, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian era to the Fourteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980). n, Jorge, Los nefandos placeres de la carne. La iglesia y el estado frente a la sodom a en la Nueva Bracamonte Alla Espan a, 1721-1820, Debate Feminista, 18 (1998): 393415. Brewer, Carolyn, Baylan, Asog, Transvestism, and Sodomy: Gender, Sexuality and the Sacred in Early Colonial Philippines, Intersections: Gender, History, and Culture in the Asian Context, 2 (1999). [Online]. Retrieved on 15 November 2011 from: http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue2/carolyn2.html. Brewer, Carolyn, Holy Confrontation: Religion, Gender, and Sexuality in the Philippines, 1521-1685 (Manila: Institute of Womens Studies, St. Scholasticas College, 2001). Brewer, Carolyn, Shamanism, Catholicism and Gender Relations in Colonial Philippines 1521-1685 (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing, 2004). Brown, Judith C., Immodest Acts: The Life of a Lesbian Nun in Renaissance Italy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

176 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

Brown, Tracy, Abominable Sin in Colonial New Mexico: Spanish and Pueblo Perceptions of Same-Sex Sexuality, in Thomas A. Foster (ed.), Long Before Stonewall: Histories of Same-Sex Sexuality in Early America (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 5179. Burshatin, Israel, Interrogating Hermaphroditism in Sixteenth-Century Spain, in Sylvia Molloy and Robert McKee Irwin (eds.), Hispanisms and Homosexualities (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), 318. Burshatin, Israel, Written on the Body: Slave or Hermaphrodite in Sixteenth-Century Spain, in Josiah Blackmore and Gregory S. Hutcheson (eds.), Queer Iberia: Sexualities, Cultures, and Crossings from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 42056. n y represio n sexual en Valencia: Historia de los sodomitas (1565-1785) (Barcelona: Laertes Carrasco, Rafael, Inquisicio S.A. de Ediciones, 1985). Chuchiak IV, John F., The Sins of the Fathers: Franciscan Friars, Parish Priests, and the Sexual Conquest of the Yucatec Maya, 1545-1808, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 69127. De los Reyes, Guillermo, Curas, Dones y Sodomitas: Sexual Moral Discourses and Illicit Sexualities among Priests in Colonial Mexico, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 67 1 (2010), 5376. Few, Martha, That Monster of Nature: Gender, Sexuality, and the Medicalization of a Hermaphrodite in Late Colonial Guatemala, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 15976. a ante la Inquisicio n de Me xico en los siglos XVII y XVIII, in Noem Flores Melo, Raymundo, Casos de sodom n Novohispana, Vol. II (Mexico City: guez and Marcela Sua rez (eds.), Inquisicio Quezada, Martha Eugenia Rodr noma de Me xico, 2000), 4562. Universidad Nacional Auto Garza Carvajal, Federico, Butteries Will Burn: Prosecuting Sodomites in Early Modern Spain and Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003). a and Me xico,1561-1699 (Amsterdam: Amsterdamse Garza Carvajal, Federico, Vir: Perceptions of Manliness in Andaluc Historische Reeks, 2000). Gauderman, Kimberly, It Happened on the Way to the Temascal and Other Stories: Desiring the Illicit in Colonial Spanish America, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 17786. n. Homoeroticidad en la Nueva Granada (1559-1822) (Bogota: Centro de Giraldo Botero, Carolina, Deseo y represio Estudios Socioculturales e Internacionales CESO, 2002). rdia na mesa do Santo Of cio de Lisboa: as penas dos padres sodomGomes, Veronica de Jesus, Justic a e miserico itas, Outros Tempos, 710 (2010): 7792. Gomes, Veronica de Jesus, Nas Malhas da Inquisic a o de Lisboa: um perl dos sodomitas da Igreja e de seus amantes, AEDOS, 8 3 (2011): 11137. n: La Iglesia y la penitencia en los siglos XVIII y XIX en la Nueva lez Marmolejo, Jorge Rene , Sexo y confesio Gonza xico City: Editores Plaza y Valde s, 2002). Espan a (Me Gordon, Richard A., Confessing Sodomy, Accusing a Master: The Lisbon Trial of Pernambucos Luiz da Costa, 1743, in Kathryn Joy McKnight and Leo J. Garofalo (eds.), Afro-Latin Voices: Narratives from the Early Modern Ibero-Atlantic World, 1550-1812 (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2009), 26984. Gruzinski, Serge, The Ashes of Desire: Homosexuality in Mid-Seventeenth-Century New Spain, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 197214. Gruzinski, Serge, Las cenizas del deseo: Homosexuales novohispanos a mediados del siglo XVII, in Sergio Ortega n o de porque no se cumpl a la ley de Dios en la sociedad novohispana (Mexico City: (ed.), De la santidad a la perversio Editorial Grijalbo, 1986), 169215. Guerra, Francisco, The Pre-Columbian Mind: A Study into the Aberrant Nature of Sexual Drives, Drugs Affecting Behavior, and the Attitude Towards Life and Death, With a Survey of Psychotherapy, in Pre-Colombian America (New York: Seminar Press, 1971). rrez, Ramo n A., A History of Latina o Sexualities, in Marysol Asencio (ed.), Latina o Sexualities: Probing Gutie Powers, Passions, Practices, and Policits (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press, 2010), 1337. rrez, Ramo n A., Must We Deracinate Indians to Find Gay Roots? Out Look, 1 (1989): 617. Gutie Haliczer, Stephen, Sexuality in the Confessional: A Sacrament Profaned (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). Higgs, David (ed.), Queer Sites: Gay Urban Histories Since 1600 (London: Routledge, 1999). Higgs, David, Tales of Two Carmelites: Inquisitorial Narratives from Portugal and Brazil, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 152 67. Holler, Jacqueline, More Sins than the Queen of England: Marina de San Miguel before the Mexican Inquisition, in Mary E. Giles (ed.), Women in the Inquisition: Spain and the New World (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1999), 20928. Horswell, Michael, Decolonizing the Sodomite: Queer Tropes of Sexuality in Colonial Andean Culture (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005). Jaffary, Nora E., False Mystics: Deviant Orthodoxy in Colonial Mexico (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004). Johnson, Harold and Dutra, Francis A. (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007).

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America 177

Jordan, Mark D., The Invention of Sodomy in Christian Theology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). Kirk, Stephanie, Convent Life in Colonial Mexico: A Tale of Two Communities (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007). n (ed.), Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Lavrin, Asuncio 1989a). n, Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, in Asuncio n Lavrin (ed.), Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin Lavrin, Asuncio America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989b), 4792. Lewis, Laura A., From Sodomy to Superstition: The Active Pathic and Bodily Transgressions in New Spain, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 12957. pez Austin, Alfredo, The Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the Ancient Nahuas, Vol. 1, trans. Thelma Ortiz de Lo Montellano and Bernard Ortiz de Montellano (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988). Miranda Guerrero, Roberto, Homosexualidad, derechos naturales y cultura popular: 1790-1820, La Ventana, 15 (2002): 263312. dicos y Especie, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, Molina, Fernanda, Los Sodomitas Virreinales: entre Sujetos Jur 67 1 (2010): 2352. Monter, William E., Sodomy: The Fateful Accident, in Wayne R. Dynes and Stephen Donaldson (eds.), History of Homosexuality in Europe and America (New York: Routledge, 1992), 192216. Mott, Luiz, Crypto-Sodomites in Colonial Brazil, in Harold Johnson and Francis A. Dutra, (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007a), 16896. Mott, Luiz, Escravida Icone Editora, 1988b). o, homossexualidade e demonologia (Rio de Janeiro: rio biogra co (se culos XVI-XIX) (Salvador: Grupo Gay da Bahia, 1999). Mott, Luiz, Homossexuais da Bahia, diciona Mott, Luiz, My Pretty Boy: Love Letters from a Sodomite Friar, Lisbon (1690), in Harold Johnson and Francis A. Dutra, (eds.), Pelo Vaso Traseiro: Sodomy and Sodomites in Luso-Brazilian History (Tucson: Fenestra Books, 2007b), 23161. Mott, Luiz, O sexo proibido: Virgens, gays e escravos nas garras da Inquisic a o (Sa o Paulo: Papirus Editora, 1988a). Mott, Luiz, Padres sodomitas no Bispado da Bahia, Presented at the Fifth Congresso de Historia da Bahia, Instituto co e Histo rico da Bahia, Salvador, 5 11 2001. Geogra ncia e Cultura, 40 s: a subcultura gay em Portugal nos tempos da Inquisic Mott, Luiz, Pagode portugue a o, Cie (1988c), 12039. heresia: disside ncia moral e contracultura, in Ronaldo Vainfas, Bruno Feitler and Lana Mott, Luiz, Sodomia na o e rsias, estudos de caso (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Lage da Gama Lima (eds.), A Inquisic a o em xeque: temas, controve do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006), 25366. n n, Guillermo, Actos prohibidos: Documenting Sexuality in Colonial Mexico from Documents in the Na ez-Falco ctor Federico Torres (ed.), Latin American Identities: Race, Latin American Library, Tulane University, in V Ethnicity, Gender, and Sexuality (Austin: SALALM Secretariat, 2005), 7988. Nesvig, Martin, The Complicated Terrain of Latin America Homosexuality, Hispanic American Historical Review, 81 34 (2001): 689729. n n, Francisco, El Pecado Nefando del Obispo de Salamina: Un Hombre sin Concierto en la Corte de Felipe II Nu ez Rolda (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2002). Olivier, Guilhem, Conquistadores y misioneros frente al pecado nefando, Historias, 28 (1992): 4763. n entre los nahuas y otros pueblos del poscla sico, in Pablo EscaOlivier, Guilhem, Homosexualidad y prostitucio xico, Vol. 1: Mesoame rica y los a mbitos ind genas de la Nueva lante Gonzalbo (ed.), Historia de la vida cotidiana en Me xico, 2004), 30138. Espan a (Mexico City: El Colegio de Me Penyak, Lee, Criminal Sexuality in Central Mexico, 1750-1850. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1993. Perry, Mary Elizabeth, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). Perry, Mary Elizabeth, The Nefarious Sin in Early Modern Seville, in Kent Gerard and Gert Hekma (eds.), The Pursuit of Sodomy: Male Homosexuality in Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe (New York: Harrington Park Press, 1989), 6790. Pizzigoni, Caterina, Alternative Sex and Gender in Early Latin America, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 18794. guez, Pablo, Historia de un amor lesbiano en la Colonia, in Magdala Vela squez Toro (ed.), Las mujeres en la Rodr : Grupo Editorial Norma, 1995), 715. historia de Colombia, Vol. III (Bogota Sigal, Pete, The Cuiloni, The Patlache, and the Abominable Sin: Homosexualities in Early Colonial Nahua Society, Hispanic American Historical Review, 85 4 (2005): 55594. Sigal, Pete, The Flower and the Scorpion: Sexuality and Ritual in Early Nahua Culture (Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2011). Sigal, Pete, From Moon Goddesses to Virgins: The Colonization of Yucatecan Maya Sexual Desire (Austin: University of Texas Press. 2000). Sigal, Pete, (Homo)Sexual Desire and Masculine Power in Colonial Latin America, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003b), 124.

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x

178 Sodomy and Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America

Sigal, Pete (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003a). Sigal, Pete, Queer Nahuatl: Sahaguns Faggots and Sodomites, Lesbians and Hermaphrodites, Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007): 934. e, What is in a body? Hermaphrodites and Late Colonial Order in Nueva Granada, in Soulodre-La France, Rene n (ed.), La Habana Elegante: Revista semestral de literatura y cultura cubana, cariben Francisco Mora a, latinoamericana, y tica 48 (2010) [Online]. Retrieved on 15 November 2011 from: http://www.habanaelegante.com/Fall_ de este Winter_2010/Dossier_Soulodre.html. lez, Cathedral Canon, in Spurling, Geoffrey, Honor, Sexuality, and the Colonial Church: The Sins of Dr. Gonza Lyman L. Johnson and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera (eds.), The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 4567. n de Morales Stands Accused of AttemptSpurling, Geoffrey, Under Investigation for the Abominable Sin: Damia n Tierra de Congo (Charcas, 1611), in Richard Boyer and Geoffrey Spurling (eds.), Colonial ing to Seduce Anto Lives: Documents on Latin American History, 1550-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 11229. Stavig, Ward, Political Abominations and Private Reservation, in Pete Sigal (ed.), Infamous Desire: Male Homosexuality in Colonial Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 13451. Sweet, James H., Male Homosexuality and Spiritism in the African Diaspora: The Legacies of a Link, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 7 2 (1996): 184202. Sweet, James H., Mutual Misunderstandings: Gesture, Gender, and Healing in the African Portuguese World, Past and Present, Supplement 4 (2009): 12843. Sweet, James H., Re-Creating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 506. Taylor, Clark L., Legends, Syncretism, and Continuing Echoes of Homosexuality from Pre-Columbian and Colonial Mexico, in Stephan O. Murray (ed.), Latin American Male Homosexualities (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 8099. Tortorici, Zeb, Contra Natura: Sin, Crime and Unnatural Sexuality in Colonial Mexico, 1530-1821, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 2010. Tortorici, Zeb, Heran Todos Putos: Sodomitical Subcultures and Disordered Desire in Early Colonial Mexico,Ethnohistory, 54 1 (2007a): 3667. Tortorici, Zeb, Masturbation, Salvation, and Desire: Connecting Sexuality and Religiosity in Colonial Mexico, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 16 3 (2007b): 35572. Tortorici, Zeb, Reading the (Dead) Body: Histories of Suicide in New Spain, in Death and Dying in Colonial Spanish America, eds. Miruna Achim and Martina Will de Chaparro (University of Arizona Press, 2011), 5377. Trexler, Richard C., Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995). ria das Mulheres no cio, in Mary del Priore (ed.), Histo Vainfas, Ronaldo, Homoerotismo Feminino e o Santo Of Brasil (Sa o Paulo: Editora Contexto, 2004), 11540. brica de hereges: os sodomitas foram excec a Vainfas, Ronaldo, Inquisic a o? in Ronaldo Vainfas, Bruno o como fa rsias, estudos de caso (Rio de Feitler and Lana Lage da Gama Lima (eds.), A Inquisic a o em xeque: temas, controve Janeiro: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006), 26780. pico dos pecados: Moral, sexualidade e Inquisic Vainfas, Ronaldo, Tro a o no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1997). rsias, Vainfas, Ronaldo, Feitler, Bruno, and da Gama Lima, Lana Lage (eds.), A Inquisic a o em xeque: temas, controve estudos de caso (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006). n sexual (1740-1808) Vega Umbasia, Leonardo Alberto, Pecado y delito en la colonia: la bestialidad como una contravencio : Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica, 1994). (Bogota Velasco, Sherry, Lesbians in Early Modern Spain (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011). Wiesner-Hanks, Mary E., Christianity and Sexuality in the Early Modern World: Regulating Desire, Reforming Practice (New York: Routledge, 2000). Williams, Walter, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American Indian Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986).

2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 10/2 (2012): 161178, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00823.x