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Media, Politics and Censorship in Singapore Genevieve G.

Cooper Curtin University

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

Introduction Media ownership and the authoritarian environment directly define the way that the media functions in Singapore. Singaporeans need the right to free expression so that a culture of self-censorship can be utilized (Gomez, 2005, p. 5). However PAP (Peoples Action Party) government are only making themselves busy trying to refine their control on new media rather than free it (Rodan, 2003, p. 504). Along with censorship laws, knowing the contextual history behind Singapores government is essential to understanding the reasoning and ideologies the PAP leadership follow. The Straits Times online branch Singapolitics has excellent examples as referenced that demonstrate this papers argument (Rodan, 2003, p. 503). New media has begun to play a large role in politics in Singapore (George, 2011, p. 149). It has unlocked new channels of communication for Singapores civilians and its political parties and allowed for society to participate in its own democracy and civically engage in its nations politics (Kahn & Kellner, 2004; Tatarchecskiy, 2011). Recently, the current Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong created an Instagram social media account in order to reach more Singaporeans, especially younger ones (Ong, 2013). He admitted that it is general knowledge that social media is an integral part of our lives. This is one example of a member of a political party using media politically to gain recognition and support for their party. On a separate topic concerning freedom of speech in Singapore, Internet protests among prominent members of the online community are angry at the new MDA regulations being imposed on websites, restricting freedom of speech. The new parameters ban content related to hate speech and license-holders must now remove offensive content within 24 hours of being asked to do so. Additionally, government officials are monitoring Facebook posts. One 38-year-old Australian and Singapore

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

permanent resident made racist comments on her page, causing her to lose her job and to receive a stern warming from police(Lim, 2013). During the 2011 elections, social media opened a window for dissatisfied citizens in Singapore to sidestep the carefully organized feedback mechanisms put in place by the Peoples Action Party (PAP) and announce their opinions in cyberspace. Consequently, there was a first-time 6% drop in popularity in the governing party in the General Elections in that year. (Liew et al., 2013, p. 7).

Singapores Birth Before examining further the relationship between Singapores press and its nations politics, it is important to outline the contextual information regarding the states political parties and policies and its brief history. Claimed by the British in 1824, Singapore became a part of Malaysia in 1963 after the political joining of Sabah, Sarawak, Malaya and Singapore. Shortly following the amalgamation, Malaysia expelled the small island in 1965 and as Wee states (1993, p. 716) consequently allowed it to become a fully independent and sovereign Republic. Singapore became a state with its own cultural codes and practices (Mauzy and Milne, 2002; Kong, 1994, p.4). Since its independence, the Singaporean government has achieved an extremely high level of nation growth and economic freedom (2013 Index of Economic Freedom, 2013) through the combination of exceptional infrastructure, financial competitiveness, strategic regional location and an affluent domestic market, (Rodan 2003, p. 504). Singapore is a thriving media hub for the Asian region,(p. 503). Ang (2007, p.1) states that the media industry in Singapore today continues to compete with the moving tide of globalization in its aim for statewide

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

liberalization. Although the constant theme of control is dominant, windows are being opened for more entrants and competition in the media.

Peoples Action Party (PAP) Instead of a one-party operation, Singapore has a dominant party system. There are other parties, usually 4 to 6 of which compete in each election but approximately 20 are registered (Mauzy & Milne, 2002, p. 38). For four decades the Peoples Action Party (PAP) took office as the dominating party and led Singapore into becoming an individual nation with its own constitution. PAP was the single party governance from 1965 up until 2001- when opposition parties brought themselves forth. Commencing the 2011 elections, it became apparent that new media was going to play a very large and qualitative role in the democratic voting (George, 2011, p. 149). According to Koh and Ling (2004, p.168) the PAP has three main principles that they follow. First, political stability is directly connected to economic development and the progress of the nations economics is the ultimate purpose of the political process. Second, they seek to maximize the countrys potential to benefit conditions of the global market (p.168). Following this, third, the state is superior to society and is not required to obey domestic sectional interests. The state has more important efforts required of them, such as coordinating the peoples energies towards economic development. Compelled by the need to survive after its expulsion from Malaysia, Singapore had no choice but to adopt an extremely hard working and concentrated culture and people. The first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew exemplified this culture when he claimed, Singaporeans have only their energy, ability, and the desire to survive. To succeed, Singaporeans have had to find a working combination of programs and policies, which can use this human drive, (Lee, 1979, p.39).

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

This born culture produced an authoritarian regime that demonstrated their success in building an extremely productive nation. They proved for decades that suppressing free media was no inhibition to the attraction of international media companies to the city-state (Rodan, 2004. p.503). However, modern times demand modern policies and the people of Singapore are demanding to be allowed to have their say (Lim, 2013). According to the government, through its strict rules and regulations Singapore has become a place where citizenship and identity are a highly valued commodity (Lee, 2010, p.14) and a place that is also deemed a great economical and political power worldwide. This may be so, but the fast-moving nation has begun to slow as globalization steps in and expands over the world.

Power of the Media According to Kuo and Chen (1983) and Bokhorst-Hend (2002), The Peoples Action Party leaders view the media as an object of power capable of manipulating the masses. They also hold the viewpoint that people are persuadable and are mostly incapable of opposing the medias influence. If in the wrong hands, the media could cause great harm to the social harmony and political stability of society. If these statements are correct, the media must be controlled. This is their reasoning for strict censorship and regulations on the press in Singapore. Whether or not these are facts, The Straits Times published an article about the new licensing framework that the Media Development Authority imposed in June, 2013. It shows that the Singapore Government believes that in order to have public order and national harmony, the Internet in Singapore must be strictly regulated (Lim, 2013 June 6; Hong June 5). This article backs what Bokhorst-Hend (2002) states about the governments belief of the media being extremely powerful.

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

Conclusion Although in past times, limitations on the media have worked in favour of the Singaporean people and its government, the tides have turned as the decades have lapsed; globalization is already mingling amongst the people of Singapore, and yet freedom of speech is held onto so tightly. The Singapore government clearly outlines their ideas and beliefs on certain aspects of the media, such as the power it can hold, and also the policies that they follow that are the only things upholding social harmony and economic growth. The PAP government is yet to amend its censorship laws on the media, but evidence from recent articles in The Straits Times Singapolitics online branch describe angry Netizens rallying for free expression. They are pending a response from the government about the increased limitations on freedom of speech in cyberspace in Singapore.

The Straits Times The Straits Times begun publication in 1845 and has outlived all of its competitors and it is the highest circulating English printed newspaper in Singapore. It had 1.346 million readers in 2011 above 15 years old. This newspaper attracts an affluent and well-educated readership, which are loyal to the paper and 84% of which read 5-6 issues per week. The paper is published by Singapore Press Holdings, owned by the government of Singapore.

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

References
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MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

Kai Khiun Liew , Natalie Pang & Brenda Chan (2013): New media and new politics with old cemeteries and disused railways: advocacy goes digital in Singapore, Asian Journal of Communication, DOI:10.1080/01292986.2013.790911 Lee, T. (2002, December 1). New regulatory politics and communication technologies in Singapore, Asia Pacific Media Educator, 12, 4-25. Retrieved from http://ro.uow.edu.au/apme/ Lee, T. (2002). Popular cultural policy: National Day and national songs in Singapore. Australian journal of communication, 29, 83-102. Retrieved from http://edocs.library.curtin.edu.au/eres_display.cgi?url=dc60261472.pdf&copyr ight=1 Lee, T. (2010). The Media, Cultural Control and Government in Singapore. New York: Routledge Liew, K. K., Pang, N., Chan, B. (2013, May 24). New media and new politics with old cemeteries and disused railways: advocacy goes digital in Singapore. Asian Journal of Communication, 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2013.790911 Lim, J. (2013 May 25). Amy Cheong gets stern warning from police. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.singapolitics.sg Lim, L. (2013 June 6). Is there an upside to MDa rules?. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.singapolitics.sg Low, L. (2000). Economics of Information Technology and the Media. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Retrieved from http://site.ebrary.com.dbgw.lis.curtin.edu.au/lib/curtinuniv/docDetail.action?d ocID=5000416

MEDIA, POLITICS AND CENSORSHIP IN SINGAPORE

Mauzy, D.K., & Milne, R.S., (2002). Singapore Politics Under the People's Action Party. New York, NY: Routledge. Ong, A. (2013, May 27). PM Lee launches Instagram account. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.singapolitics.sg Rodan, G. (2003). Embracing electronic media but suppressing civil society: authoritarian consolidation in Singapore. The Pacific Review, 16, 503-524. Retrieved from http://edocs.library.curtin.edu.au/eres_display.cgi?url=dc60261475.pdf&copyr ight=1 Tan, Kevin & Tiwari, S. (Sivakant) & National University of Singapore. Centre for International Law (2011). Singapore and international law : the early years : essays in memory of S. Tiwari. Centre for International Law, National University of Singapore, Singapore.

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