Cultural Sociology

http://cus.sagepub.com/ 'Nothing to write home about': Troubling Concepts of Home, Racialization and Self in Theories of Irish Male (E)migration
Mairtin Mac an Ghaill and Chris Haywood Cultural Sociology 2011 5: 385 originally published online 25 March 2011 DOI: 10.1177/1749975510378196 The online version of this article can be found at: http://cus.sagepub.com/content/5/3/385

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Article

Nothing to write home about: Troubling Concepts of Home, Racialization and Self in Theories of Irish Male (E)migration
Mairtin Mac an Ghaill
University of Birmingham, UK

Cultural Sociology 5(3) 385402 The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: sagepub. co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1749975510378196 cus.sagepub.com

Chris Haywood
Newcastle University, UK

Abstract
This article critically engages with the concepts of home, nationality and belonging by evaluating explanations of (e)migration of mid-20th century Irish working class men. We do this by suggesting that contemporary approaches to Irish (e)migration employ containing categories that frame the possibilities of knowing and understanding. We problematize such approachesby examining notions of home/homelessness and the ambivalent racialization of the diasporian Irish male subject within the dynamic intersection of categories of self identification. Within an Irish context, this article recognizes that representations of generations of emigrants have been subsumed under hegemonic images of post-Famine emigration with their overarching motif of exile. Within a British context this analysis is located within a broader epistemological frame of the cultural production of the conceptual invisibility of Irish transnational migrants. Finally, the article concludes by suggesting that theoretical and conceptual frames are themselves involved in the regulation/control of understandings of (e)migration.

Keywords
diaspora, emigration, home, identities, Irish, masculinity, radicalisation, transnationalism

Corresponding author: Mairtin Mac an Ghaill, Department of Sociology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK. Email: m.macanghaill@bham.ac.uk

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Introduction: On Not Knowing the Irish (Male) Diaspora within the Irish and British Academies
Terry:  I heard you talk once it was very good what you said, the way the Irish have been excluded over here (in England). But Im not sure if youve thought about the downside for us of being included. For us, for our generation, weve always been its like weve always been put in boxes. Mairtin: What do you mean? Terry:  Oh, the Irish government, then the English government, English people round where weve lived and other Irish people who were successful over here. Mairtin: What kind of boxes? Terry:  Thats not, thats not the important question. Always bad, negative boxes. But the important, the most important point isnt that none of these boxes been an exile, an immigrant, a drunken Paddy, whatever, say anything real about us, about how we live. Nobody knows us. We dont know ourselves, do we?

Contemporary research shares an incisive self-reflexivity that enables the disruption of established migration/diaspora research rationalities that serve to rigidly catalogue the lives of transnational migrant subjects.1 It is important to disturb such rationalities, and in effect challenge settled epistemological positions that permeate approaches to migration, diaspora and national belonging. This article calls for studies of transnational migration to participate in a re-engagement with theoretical tensions that currently characterize key analytical categories, such as home, self and belonging (Blunt and Dowling, 2006; Said, 1994). In many ways this article encourages those thinking through transmigration across a range of global contexts to engage in a conceptual mobility, involving the reconfiguration of analytical categories that facilitate possible ways of knowing and understanding. In order to meet this challenge, our focus is on the mid-20th century Irish, working-class male migrant; these older Irish men are part of a hidden sector of a still relatively unknown diaspora in Britain, as suggested above (Bielenberg, 2000).2 Using diverse inter-disciplinary literatures on Irish post-colonial migrancy, diasporic identity formation and cultural narratives of belonging across the social sciences, social history and the humanities, we argue that current studies of transnational migration might benefit from a critical reflection on the constitution of the analytical categories being employed. For example, in exploring the cultural location of a specific generation of older Irish male migrants, we suggest that through the development, refinement or rejection of existing theoretical premises specifically those anchored in the cultural representation of the Irish diaspora (in Britain) and the post-Famine emigrant experience (in Ireland) alternative understandings of the (Irish) migrant can be achieved. We suggest that exploring the interplay between identity categories, subjectivities and identifications provides an initial step towards challenging hegemonic conceptualizations of identity. It does this by recognizing that: a set of beliefs and issues and verbal formulas and tropes and binaries [that] become fixed as the only terms in which talk on a particular subject make sense to speakers (Gullette, 1997: 98). The complexity of the process means moving beyond established diverse cultural representations, in this case older Irish men, as repositories of a regressive cultural Irish nationalism (Irish academy), a non-racialized invisible white minority ethnic group (British academy) or simple

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victims of Irish state exclusion and British state racism (Irish political activists). According to Henriques et al. (1984: 106), although discourses delimit the sayable they do not imply closure, and we draw upon a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives to address questions of representation (Haylet, 2000). More specifically, Davis (2000: 19) discussing the British response throughout the 19th and 20th centuries in representing Irish migrants as a major social problem, argues that what is in place here is a cultural filter that mirrors the values of the host nation without fully reflecting the variety of Irish migrant experience. Employing a different academic register, Gibbons refers to Bhabhas work on colonial discourse, in which the latter notes that: colonial power produces the colonized as a fixed reality which is at once an other and yet entirely knowable and visible. Hence, in order to conceive of the colonial subject as an effect of power that is productive disciplinary and pleasurable one has to see the surveillance of colonial power as functioning in relation to the regime of the scopic drive (Bhabha, 1983: 199, 2034, cited in Gibbons, 1996: 149). For Lloyd (1993: 910), such post-colonial cultural studies texts have raised the central question of how the unrepresentable can be said to have subjectivity and, by logical extension, agency at all. Like Munt (2008: 15), our aim is to analyse the context of these intricate identities as they have formed historically within composite cultural narratives lodged in representation (see Harte, 2006). Our empirical work with older Irish male emigrants, illustrated below, identifies narratives that serve to unsettle a current hegemonic research intelligibility that operates within this field of inquiry (see Canavan, 1994). In response, this article aims to facilitate a conceptual reconfiguration in order to challenge how academic discourses produce ways of knowing (see Connolly, C., 2001; Connolly, 2004). The first section expands upon how academic discourses that frame the Irish emigrant employ containing categories. Containing categories insist on the epistemological security and stability of the object of inquiry and in this section it is argued that home, emigration and identity are locked within particular frames of knowing (Massey, 2005). In a similar way, the second section recognizes that containment often involves the production of invisibility. It suggests that the cultural representation of older Irish migrants in Britain is an effect of a specific historical legacy of a British ethno-racial regimes technology of looking (Hickman, 2005). More specifically, it involves exploring the racialization of interpellating Paddy as part of a wider frame of understanding representations of subaltern groups (Guha, 1982; Spivak, 1988). Therefore, it is important within studies of transmigration to highlight how ethnic invisibility may be deployed through the hegemonic representation of (de)racialized identities.

Methodology
The empirical material presented here is part of a broader intellectual project that is exploring life histories of Irish men and masculinities in the cities of Birmingham and London. In earlier work we have adopted a multi-methods approach, including existing statistical data and literature to trace the Irish population, structured interviews with community groups, key social institutions and advice agencies within targeted inner-city wards of the cities and semi-structured interviews with a sample of respondents, selected to represent a diverse portrayal of the Irish community across age, generation and gender.

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Initial contacts were often made through recommendations of local community workers and supplemented by snowballing (Williams and Mac an Ghaill, 2000). There continues to be an absence of large scale and systematic monitoring of the Irish community, hence the need for other forms of knowledge to be accessed. Qualitative research techniques are especially useful in identifying this populations relevant features. These enable a picture to emerge which may be obscured by inconsistent and inconclusive statistical data. Contemporary academic ethnicity frameworks and existing state monitoring classifications continue to be limited in their relevance to the Irish diaspora in England. These problems are compounded by low level self-registration, for example, as unemployed. The empirical material presented in this article builds on earlier work with a more ethnographic focus within the city of Birmingham. Semi-structured interviews were carried out during 20089, involving 24 men, all of whom were between 54 and 76 years of age. The men had left Ireland (from a range of counties and cities) for England, between 35 and 55 years previously. Our recordings of the older mens life histories, with an emphasis on the complex and diffuse processes of social inclusions and exclusions experienced by the multi-located Irish diaspora that vary across and within nations, resonates with Hartes (2009: xxvii) notion of critical methodology. He writes: The critical methodology employed in this anthology, is an inter-disciplinary one that sets out to read migrant autobiography as both social history and cultural product, the expressive dimensions of the texts being crucial to their interpretation of experience. Methodologically, the older mens social biographies are not treated as a form of cultural politics, such as a critical ethnography of exile, simply giving voice to stories of dislocation and loss. Rather we wish to indicate some of the productive tensions between conceptual labour and empirical work. This is of particular significance as much contemporary cultural theory is developed at an abstract level that is not embedded in old institutional sites (such as households and workplaces) or individual subjects lived realities. In selecting specific narratives from Irish mens histories, we hope to illustrate how materialist readings of social structures help to reproduce collective Irish transnational identities, alongside post-structuralist readings of the internal production of highly fractured Irish diasporian subjectivities across a specific time-space.3

Categories of Containment: Imagining Home / Transcendental Homelessness

One of the main challenges of studies of transnational migration is to explore the possibility of knowing emigrants outside of existing (pervasive) regimes of representation. It is of key importance to avoid eliding social and cultural identities with spatial and historical boundaries. Thus this section questions the theoretical frames that are being used around notions of home, transnational migration and identity (Brah et al., 1999; Glick Schiller et al., 1992). More specifically, within an Irish context, the mid-20th century Irish working class male emigrant needs to be located within a broader epistemological frame. We suggest that representations of this generation of migrants have been subsumed under hegemonic images of post-Famine emigration with their overarching motif of exile (Mac Einri, 2000; OHagan, 2010):4

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Mairtin: So, what are the main images of people leaving Ireland? Frank:  Well, different things. But exiles, the people the British forced out of our own country thats a big one, the main one for a long time. With the Famine, you know the population was wiped out. Everyone, every family, every county lost people.

For Deane (1994: 34), exile, the high cultural form of emigration, became one of the most favoured strategies for the representation of Ireland in the early 20th century. It was a form of dispossession that retained imaginatively the claim of possession. Nationalist images of 19th century emigration no longer make sense of the mid-20th century trajectories of emigrant movement, settlement, performativity and sensibility. For example, using a lens of the nation/state, nationalists assume that they can simply read off emigrant meanings of cultural belonging. However, as Brennan (1990: 45) points out with reference to the meaning of the nation, it is both historically determined and general. As a term, it refers both to the modern nation-state and to something more ancient and nebulous the natio a local community, domicile, family, condition of belonging. He adds that: The distinction is often obscured by nationalists who seek to place their own country in an immemorial past where its arbitrariness cannot be questioned (1990: 45). Some older Irish men that we interviewed continued to invest in these mythologies but they were lived out within fragmentary, partial and contradictory ways within complex post-colonial conditions. For example, these might include identification with this older conception of nation, alongside an ambivalence about Ireland, or more accurately, an active disidentification with the Irish State which continues to exclude them as legitimate citizens:5
Jack:  In England people would think were all the same. But among Irish people, therere real differences what they think of Ireland. A big difference is passed on by your family in Ireland and how they saw the way the state came about Some people never accepted the government that ruled a divided nation When people are singing songs about Ireland, theyre not singing about the government, the state, but about the nation that these politicians gave away. The nation includes us, the government doesnt They never properly recognized what we did for the state sending back money every week.

Indeed, as Arrowsmith (2004: 21) suggests with reference to the lives of this generation of Irish emigrants: This is an historical moment in which the security of traditional, nationalist mythologies of Irishness is under challenge. In deconstructing the cultural fiction of the emigrant, further empirical work may begin to conceptually decouple notions of the state and the nation that are often ideologically elided in nationalist and republican narratives (ODowd, 1991), thus illustrating the myth of an emigrant intensified affiliation with the nation/state that is revealed as an increasingly destabilized relation to the state alongside an ambiguous relation to the nation (Mac Laughlin, 2001). Revisionist images, attempting to invert nationalist claims, are inevitably locked into a limiting republican-revisionist oppositional dualism, which constantly re-inscribes this logic, attributing assumed notions of extreme republican sentiment onto the bodies and consciousness of older Irish male emigrants (Foster, 1995; see Maley, 1999). One crude version of this revisionist position projects these putative male revolutionaries as located in Irish pubs, deploying traditional cultural resources in forging regressive nostalgic

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identities, rather than situating them within more prosaic spaces such as home or workplace (OConnor, 1992). In so doing, colonially based racialized images of drunken, fighting Paddies are re-invoked. In contrast, we have found that in the older mens narratives such interstitial spaces as local pubs, Catholic Church clubs, Irish sporting venues, cultural centres and Irish associations are associated with specific memories and attendant structures of meaning. For example, for the men living in Birmingham, the 1974 pub bombings remain of central significance in defining these liminal spaces as culturally safe from the political legacy of an anti-Irish backlash that circulated for decades across the city (Mac an Ghaill, 1999). However, phenomenologically, the main recollections are of recreational male spaces as a natural part of a (working class) habitus of hard-working industrial men inhabiting dangerous masculinities across building sites and factories (Bourdieu, 1985):
Mairtin: Whats the main memories of those times? Jim:  In the early days Irish pubs and clubs, even if you didnt drink like myself, became places just to be yourself. The Birmingham bombing changed everything Then the pubs and clubs became targets but they were also a great relief from all the bad feeling in the city People forget the real thing about these places ... after working hard on the site or factory it was just great to relax away from the really rough work We saw a lot of young men get serious injuries some died long before their time.

More recently, post-colonial images, drawing upon post-structuralism, while fetishizing notions of the instability of meaning, cultural ambivalence and the mutability of embodied identities, dismiss the ascribed search for authenticity among older Irish men which the theorists claim is made manifest in the emigrants desire for home.6 For example, older emigrant men in Britain, on first meeting an Irish person, often ask: Where do you hail from? They appear to work with a strong sense of where you are really from is who you really are. This intertwining of an authentic self with original home-place is often ascribed to emigrants as evidence of their atavistic position in relation to their home-land.7 Furthermore, post-colonial deconstructively based methodologies, shifting beyond realism, position these atavistic male figures as not simply remembering but rather actively manufacturing a past (Bammer, 1992).8 In exploring the complexity of purpose with which these men mobilized a notion of home and complex cartography of cultural belonging, while being abroad, a more productive approach emerges, one which adopts a refusal of closure in making rational/ emotional sense of older Irish working-class male emigrants meanings (Blunt and Dowling, 2006). With reference to its symbolic and psychic connotations for a transnational migrant people, the etymology of the word home in Irish provides a starting point to interrogate the history of this complex concept that has undergone a number of reconfigurations, producing mutli-layered meanings that are held simultaneously. The word baile means both home and town. As Fintan OToole (1997: 136) explains:
In Irish the terms sa mbaile and sa bhaile, the equivalents of the English at home, are never used in the narrow sense of home as a dwelling. They imply, instead, that wider sense of a place in the world, a feeling of belonging that is buried deep within the words meaning.

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It is particularly true of Irish culture that the imagination itself is inextricable from the idea of home, usually made powerful by the act of leaving In the network of recollection and imagination remembering the past and inventing the future that makes a culture, theres no place like home. (1997: 1367)

In other words, hermeneutically, there is an intimate intertwining of the concept of home, embodied Irish subjects and the imaginary that is not simply carried by emigrants but is played out within the quotidian lives of citizens across the whole nation-state; the importance of place for modern Irish people as historically one of the most internationally mobile labour emigrant populations in Western societies (Delaney, 2005; Mac Laughlin, 2001). At the same time, ones real or imaginary location/dislocation within the national space is differentially experienced. This is most evocatively displayed between the normatively ascribed sedentariness of the settled population and the illegitimately ascribed movement/mobility of Travellers that continues to haunt a post-Celtic Tiger/Smart Irish economy, society and culture (Cleary, 2007; Donovan, 2008; Keohane and Kuhling, 2004; OConnell, 2002):
Mairtin: Do you think things have changed for Travellers? Tom:  Most travellers would say no, definitely no. Most think about all the bad things that happen to us in Ireland. But I dont see it that way. Mairtin: How do you see it? Tom:  Were always moving but we always carry home with us. They (non-Traveller Irish people) look down on us but maybe deep in them, they know were the real Irish. Mairtin: What do you mean? Tom:  Moving from place to place is what is Irish, not stuck in a town. Anywhere in the world you go, you find the Irish. Weve always done it and lots of other Irish people, now everyone is moving.

Furthermore, in our research older Irish men recall the cumulative effect of an archaeology of emotional loss and trauma they experienced as working- class male emigrants, in the following terms: as a national subject, being excluded from the Irish state, as a class subject being subjugated within the capitalist labour market, while simultaneously as a gendered subject being denied the high-status ascriptions of masculinity, including institutional power and authority.9 However, in contrast to dominant representations, emerging from Irish historiography, literary studies and cultural theory, of the older mens obsessive desire to invoke origin myths in relation to home and maintain primordial bonds, the older men suggest a more complex reality:
Joe:  In Ireland they always talk about us, who went away, as living in the past. But I dont think its true, maybe for some But for a lot of Irish men coming to England was mixed. There were bad things, the way we were treated but we were treated badly in Ireland and that continued. Coming here was great freedom from the family politics and all I think what most of us missed wasnt Ireland itself but the local place youre from, Cork, or just the neighbours, family and friends as you got older a place to call your own.

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Avtar Brah (1996: 180) provides a way forward in deploying the concept of diaspora to critique discourses of fixed origins, while taking account of homing desire which is not the same thing as desire for a homeland. What needs to be further investigated conceptually and empirically is how the older mens articulation and celebration of home within popular cultural forms was premised on their forging a self and subjective identity in terms of an ethic of (national) homelessness (Abbarno, 1999; Keohane, 1997).10 It may be suggested that these mens multiple dislocations in relation to local belonging have helped shape a Kantian sense of transcendental homelessness, a homelessness presupposed and necessary to their mobile lived experiences. Interestingly, rather than situating their experiences, marked by a globally based de-territorialization of the economy, forced mobility, dislocation etc., within a frame of regressive nostalgic nationalist remembering, these mens lived social relations might be read in terms of inhabiting a condition of liquid modernity (Bauman, 2000; Coulter, 2003; Mac an Ghaill, 1999). This reminds us of the blurring of temporal and spatial co-ordinates of trans national migrant life lived outside and within the island of Ireland which has a long cultural history (Bell, 1988). As Gibbons (1996: 6) reminds us: Irish society did not have to await the 20th century to undergo the shock of modernity: disintegration and fragmentation were already part of its history so that, in a crucial but not always in a welcome sense, Irish culture experienced modernity before its time.11 As illustrated above, nationalist, revisionist and post-colonialist positions have deployed categories of containment and attendant reductive understandings of the social positioning and subjectivity of older Irish men abroad. In our own work we have found it analytically productive to explore the historically based complex, ambivalent involvement of the Irish diaspora in both US and European colonialism and imperialism and their accompanying forms of racism being both natives and white. Their ambivalence comes from the fact of the complex social production of the Irish in this dichotomy where they are not either/or, they are both/and (cf. Walter, 2001). As OToole (1997: 67) maintains: They are natives and conquerors, aboriginals and civilizers, a savage tribe in one context, a superior race in another. Older male emigrants are often (mis)represented in dominant Irish accounts, as reductively inhabiting a one-dimensional sense of emigrant subjectivity. It is a subjectivity assumed to be based on an older conception of an Irish fixed identity, formed and operating within the context of a highly bounded culture; a self forged within the specific context of an emergent nation-building and state modernization project, underpinned by tropes of nationalism, Catholicism and rural values. In short, the older Irish men are seen as holding on to an imaginary social world that has disappeared. Empirical work with older Irish emigrants illustrates that such readings are generalizing to a whole social cohort what in reality is a specific trajectory developed by a particular sector of emigrants:
Paul:  Hard to know how many over here would believe all the old the traditional stuff. I suppose a few do. But were the ones who left the ones whove seen a lot over the years Thered be a lot more at home, especially down the country. Believing in the church, the land.

More significantly, dominant representations contradictorily ascribe a limiting cultural formation to these mens subjectivities and performativity, that is assumed to be

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structurally determined by a single over-arching factor, that of a regressive religious inflected nationalism. The men are positioned as operating within a simple national logic of opposition between Irishness and Britishness, which are implicitly assumed to be ahistorical, unitary, universal and unchanging categories. Overall, this section suggests that the conceptual architecture that approaches to migration use to frame transnationality might be expanded to explore the exclusionary dynamics that are required when undertaking the process of theoretical framing itself. It is argued that we need to avoid, as Valocchi (2005: 752) suggests, treating the categories and the normative relationship among them as the starting assumptions on which our research is based. In effect, Valocchi contends that normative ascriptions are embedded within social and cultural categories. As a consequence, dominant representations of Irish men through such categories operate within specific theoretical interpretative frameworks, most notably nationalist, revisionist and post-colonialist positions. In response, Foucault (1988: 265) suggests academics have to engage in a process of reproblematization; to question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb peoples mental habits, the way they do and think things, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions, and in doing so provide a materiality for political action.

Reconfiguring Knowledge: An Epistemology of (In)visibility

A second moment of reproblematization involves exploring the possibilities of subjects being constituted outside of dominant competing representations. One of the ways to do this is to work through an epistemology of invisibility. Informed by notions of epistemologies of silence and ignorance (Foucault, 1972; Sedgwick, 1991), it is suggested that what can be known is inflected by a historically situated notion of (in)visibility. To explore this further, a distinction is made between Irish male subjects, some of whom are named Paddy, and the racialized figure of the Irish migrant, designated within a postcolonial British discourse, as Paddy. However, the former, family-based naming is frequently elided with the latter, as an effect of racial discourse, to empirically mark an assumed existing sub-population within Britain:
Anthony:  Lots of us would know a Paddy in your family or a friend, you know. But when the British people say Paddy, its very different. It feels like a really bad word, to make you feel small Like theyre saying youre all stupid people it can make you feel bad in yourself, its threatening.

One way of denaturalizing these processes of naming, that slides from description to ascription, while examining older Irish male subjects responses is by deploying Althussers (1971) notion of interpellation (see Cairns and Richards, 1988). In examining the constitution of the subject, he argues that, all ideology hails or interpellates concrete individuals as concrete subjects (Althusser, 1971: 173). Historically, 19th century Irish immigrants, and most particularly a post-Famine generation, have come to be represented as one of the main recipients of British imperial and colonial exploitation with accompanying discourses of racial hierarchies of oppression that positioned them as a different (alien and inferior) race (Hickman, 1995). Curtis (1968) describes the pervasive, albeit

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contradictory, popular images of the Irish that circulated in Victorian England. Operating within an epistemological frame of modernity, a wide range of markers of difference juxtaposed the dirtiness, drunkenness, laziness and violence of the alien Irish with the purity, industriousness and civilization of the English (see Young, 2008).12 Meanwhile, interconnecting spatially specific social categories class, religion, and national belonging were called into play in the political representation of this alien (hyper-sexual) Catholic population as a threat to a Protestant British states values of rationality, progress, work ethic etc. (McClintock, 1995). For example, Samuel (1989: xixii) writing of the critical role of the Irish in the making of British national identity, suggests that: The Irish formed a distinct underclass in 19th century towns and cities, living in ethnic streets and clustered around their chapels, funeral parlours and pubs. They suffered a double opprobrium, as bearers of an alien religion and as a source of cheap labour, and their recalcitrance to authority invited the hostile attention of the Poor Law and the police. This was an important moment for the British, in the historical and geographical re-production of their collective self identity as a superior race, who actively disidentified with the Irish as an inferior and degenerate race (see Miles, 1982: 12150). Within a contemporary British context, cultural representations of the mid-20th century male Irish migrant need to be located within a broader epistemological frame of the emergence, across the state, academy, media and popular common sense, of the cultural production of the conceptual invisibility of the Irish diaspora. An added complexity to locating alternative subjectivities of Irish men is that mid-20th century male working class migrants have inherited reworked versions of these dominant discourses that construct a narrative intelligibility serving to consolidate the racialized figure of the modern Irish man (see Butler, 1993; Haywood and Mac an Ghaill, 2003):
George:  Some people would say with the IRA, the stereotypes got worse but people forget the English have deep stereotypes of the Irish from history when they ruled Ireland. I still dont think the English see us as civilized. Theyve these deep stereotypes even worse than theyve got for black people somehow were worse because were white black people.

During the 1970s, a US model of race-relations, in which the signifier of colour as the key defining characteristic of racism became the dominant view in Britain, led to a narrative of social closure and pre-determined outcomes. At present, race and ethnic relations in Britain continue to be exclusively contained within a reductive state model, that of the black-white dualism, and its accompanying oppositional racial logic. One effect of this racial logic is to disrupt an understanding of the interpellation of the Irish male transnational migrant. The mechanisms of this interpellation or hailing of colonial subjects has been graphically set out by Fanon (1970) in Black Skins, White Masks.13 From a contemporary British context, Fanons ideological ascription as dirty nigger that operates within a frame of ethnic intelligibility makes sense and allows a tracing of historical images as post-colonial legacies that reveal continuities with current racial ascriptions. In contrast, for mid-20th century Irish male migrants, the racially ambivalent status of the ascription of Paddy, marked by invisibility and instability (within the ideologically projected black-white dualism), alongside internal fracturing (accompanying the social mobility of the bourgeois Irish diaspora), often fails to resonate within current British

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regimes of ethno-racial and religious representations (Greenslade, 1992). In other words, the meaning of how the Irish as contemporary diasporian subjects are conceptually, visually and politically hailed and incorporated into a British racial system of representation is highly ambiguous. As Gibbons (1996: 149) suggests:
The apparent ease with which colonial discourse established its legitimacy derives from the paradox that it locates discrimination in a primal act of visual recognition notwithstanding the fact that this visual, in this Lacanian sense of the Imaginary, obviated the very basis of difference in the first place. For this reason, it is clear that a native population which happened to be white was an affront to the very idea of the white mans burden and threw into disarray some of the constitutive categories of colonial discourse. The otherness and alien character of Irish experience was all the more disconcerting precisely because it did not lend itself to visible racial divisions.

With reference to the interpellation of Irish transnational migrants within dominant academic discourses using the notion of visible racial divisions, the absence of colour-coded markings of difference may mean failure to capture the strategic historical centrality, economically, culturally and spatially, of the forced inclusion of the Irish into the British colonial project (Hickman and Walter, 1997; Mac an Ghaill, 1999). The British states shifting responses to the mid-20th century Irish transnational migrants and their ascribed subject position as Paddies have been complex, displaying ambivalence in the deployment of colonially based constitutive understandings and categories of racial exclusion. Most significantly, the older Irish men were the recipients of political and media discourses as technologies of racialization and symbolic violence that displayed cultural ambivalence in refusing the category ethnicity to the Irish and disavowing the political concept of anti-Irish racism. For example, a contradictory British state narrative of denial of cultural difference circulated theyre the same as us, as part of the British Isles family while at the same time pervasive institutional mechanisms of exclusion across public spaces operated against the Irish. Simultaneously, the most extreme media-based spectral images of Irish men as the male (terrorist) enemy within had wide circulation from the 1970s, over a 30-year period (Hickman and Walter, 1997).14 Connolly et al. (1995: 1) capture this ambivalent positioning of the Irish in Britain when they suggest that:
Ambivalence and binary thinking are always part of the colonizers relation to colonial Others and are locked into British ways of thinking about Ireland and the Irish. But the Irish have been both racialized and included, constructed as threatening and yet part of the British family because they are white.

As one of the older men commented:

Seamus: Brummies are funny people. They can look down on you and at the same time they think the Irish are fun. So, they dont see us as just bad And then, when the blacks came round this area, it was like youre more white than Irish, suddenly youre one of them but never fully

Most recently, Munt (2008: 145), exploring contemporary representations of the Irish, has argued that there is in the British imaginary

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a displacement, in which the social exclusion, deprivation, and the ethnicizing of an underclass is discursively Irish There is a discursive correspondence between the figuration of the Irish and the figuration of the underclass as a dichotomous threatening pet-like internal Other of British culture.

This argument resonates with specific trajectories of mid-20th century Irish working class male transnational migrants:15
Brian: Every Irish person in the past had stereotypes. Then some married into the English some moved into posh areas. I dont know how they were treated. But most Irish over here were ordinary, working men Somehow these men got mixed up in the English mind with poverty-stricken Paddy. Its like they look down on us because were poor all through history poor people are a threat to the English, the Irish are always a threat but it appears hidden to non-Irish people.

A main point is that an epistemology of (in)visibility makes significant the structural contradiction of the location of Irishness in racialized discourse; this means that the Irish are well placed as recipients and exponents of racism to represent an ideal type (understood as a heuristic device rather than a normative ascription) of contemporary Western/ European racialization. In an older dominant/subordinate, colonized/colonizer, black/ white racialized dualistic model, as pointed out above, Irishness can be read as an exemplary case that is not either/or but both/and (Walter, 2001). Developing broader frameworks of racial difference and sameness that are inclusive of diasporic groups in Britain, such as the Irish, may help us to shift beyond a limiting colour-coded blackwhite couplet, and in so doing to reconnect the issue of colour (whiteness), to wider questions of class, migrant labour, religion, nation and cultural belonging (Balibar and Wallerstein, 1991).16 At the same time, in refiguring the category of Irishness, the construction of an inclusiveness is opened up that allows for different geographical locations and ways of living out of Irishness, displaying the opportunity to define and perform new versions of Irishness, thus expanding notions of cultural belonging, marked by multiplicity, historicity and dynamism at home and abroad (Connolly, L., 2001; Gray, 1997; Nash, 2008).

Conclusion
Questioning of assumptions about home and nation, ethnic and racial (in)visibility and the imbrication of social and cultural identities is an ongoing conceptual and political project (Morley, 2000). The underlying dynamic is constantly to question the implicit exclusions that remain anchored in the pursuit of theoretical and empirical clarity in the field of transnational migration. This in itself is a political enterprise, and as Richardson (1997: 208) writes, sense making is always value constituting and is thus inextricably linked to the suppression of other ways of knowing. In the context of this article, we have reproblematized concepts that contain and ascribe meanings of Irish (e)migration through a reconfiguration of more generic analytical categories of home, nationhood and belonging. While identifying a number of differences between academic representations

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of the Irish diaspora, there are interesting convergences between opposed theoretical and political positions, from which are projected specific images of Irish (e)migrants, which circulate across the state, academy, media and popular culture as representative of imaginary men abroad. Furthermore, the political mobilization of transnational migrants (and in this case the Irish in Britain) in their attempts to attain cultural visibility may be read as rather atavistic. In the context of Ireland, a revisionist perspective appears to be in the ascendancy in its critique of cultural nationalism. In response to this, one might claim that a key element of revisionists historical amnesia is a disavowal of the experiences of the Irish community in Britain.17 However, another reading is possible, one that finds convergences between Irish transnational migrants in Britain and the diversity of the Irish in Ireland around a post-nationalist but oppositional stance. Furthermore, Bell (1993: 146) in his discussion of politics and culture in Ireland has resonance for wider studies of transmigration and the need to embrace a radical deconstruction of modernism with its compromised revisionism and blindness to imperialism and to providing a critique of nation and tradition in favour of a proclaimed critical regionalism.18 Notes
1. See the work of Joe Bradley, Sean Campbell, Mary Hickman, Sarah Morgan and Bronwen Walter. 2. One referee suggests that the article implies a consensus on issues that are not settled. For example, he/she challenges the notion of the Irish diaspora as relatively unknown. While agreeing that there is not a consensus on a range of issues, nevertheless there remains a relative invisibility. 3. An exploration of the internal production of highly fractured Irish diasporian subjectivities is timely, when once again, the young Irish prepare to leave Ireland (McVeigh, 2010: 20). 4. See Millers (1985: 7) influential USA-based account of the notion of exile that continues to inform a dominant Irish rationalist epistemological approach to older Irish emigrants in Britain. He writes: Although the undeniable difficulties the Irish encountered in North America might prompt and nurture the piteous content of the exile self-image, the concept itself reflected not the concrete realities of most emigrants experiences but a distinctive Irish Catholic worldview rooted deeply in Irish history and culture (and see Daly, 2004; Said, 2001). See also OHagan (2010: 21), who argues that: with the globally successful Dancing at Lughnasa, Friel wove an extraordinary narrative of memory and myth around the figure of the returning exiles, a constant trope in Irish writing. 5. This is reminiscent of Nashs (2008: 146) reference to not belonging to an ancient land. 6. See McClintocks (1995: 63) argument about the fetishism of form. 7. As Arrowsmith (1999: 131) argues: Despite the suggestion of an endemic emigrant sentimentality among the Irish, it is actually the critique of nostalgia and various forms of nationalism, not least in gender terms, that stands most prominent in 20th century migrant writing. 8. Currently, it may be suggested that the Irish in Ireland and abroad are emerging out of a recently manufactured socio-economic past that now appears as a collective narcissistic fiction/mirage (Kirby et al., 2002). 9. As we have suggested elsewhere, given the ascribed feminization of the Irish in colonial discourse, there may be a tendency among earlier scholars of diaspora to construct counterdiscourses that result in the writing out of emotional experiences of emigration among these men. Such counter-discourses remain partial in erasing critical psychological and psycho dynamic explanations of the possibilities and limits of overly rationalist accounts, thus

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overstating the social while downplaying the psychic, resulting in a unidimensional explanation. Here there is an assumption of an a priori superiority, that establishing the historical hidden facts of oppression provides a theoretically more adequate and efficacious explanation of Irish-British relations than the logic provided by common sense feelings about emigration. Institutional and interactional spaces are recreated as pre-Freudian landscapes in which there is an absence of individual intention, structure of feeling, emotional response, repression, displacement and irrationality (Fanon, 1970; Freud, 1933; Lacan, 1977). 10. Abbarnos (1999) edited collection provides a wide philosophical discussion, including Heideggers and Nietzsches writing on the emergence of the ethics of homelessness. What needs further investigation is the social and cultural function of mobilizing a notion of home and more specifically, the complex inter-relationship between imagining home and the existential experience of transcendental homelessness. A comparative literature of this inter-relationship may be particularly productive in helping to demythologize dominant Irish representations of the emigrant, namely nationalist, revisionist and post-colonialist positions (see Glick Schiller et al., 1992; Jacobson, 1995). 11. For a productive discussion of British 19th century imperial thinking on the temporal and social, see McClintocks (1995: 40) critical exploration of notions of anachronistic space and archaic time. 12. As Hickman (1995: 49) argues, at this time dichotomies of race and nationality were frequently conflated in popular journals and newspaper editorials. 13. See Liam Greenslades (1992) White Skin, White Masks with reference to the Irish experience. 14. Also of significance to a contemporary reading of the past is the current global distribution of Irishness, Irish subject formation and performativity within conditions of late modernity. In shifting from a labour history tradition to that of semiotics from race to ethnicity Irishness is now globally represented as a complex signifier in a highly seductive culture (Negri, 2006). Within British popular consumer culture the Irish are projected as a high status cultural icon, with Irish masculinity translated into a notion of cool. As Coulter (2003: 2) suggests: The burgeoning cultural appeal of the Irish Republic has been underlined by the changing fortunes of the national capital. It will be interesting to see how such images play out in different socio-economic conditions in which the Irish may be on the emigrant move again. 15. As Munt (2008: 147) argues: The underclass/Irish are of course desired as well as reviled. This interdependent mechanism of desire, disavowal and displacement is rooted within a dominant culture that is ashamed of its ongoing vilification: competitiveness, envy and contempt are all types of shame-related behaviour, and Britons exhibit this behaviour toward the poor and the Irish alike, indeed indistinguishably. 16. At the same time, moving beyond USA-based explanations of racism to the specificity of Irish racism and anti-racism in the Republic of Ireland provides the opportunity for the progressive re-invention of Irishness thus making it a more inclusive category within conditions of late modernity (Kiberd, 1996). 17. It is important to note a key aspect of this experience, that of collective cultural memory which has a political purpose, specifically with reference to the colonial past of British forgetting and Irish remembering and the more recent Irish revisionist forgetting. As Benjamin (1997: 48) notes: Nostalgia may appear to be a delusional residue, but that is precisely its critical value. 18. Connolly (2004: 140) productively suggests: From the perspective of social theory, an alternative Irish Studies framework, capable of incorporating and interrogating the complexity of contemporary Irish culture beyond post-colonial speculation (see also Werbner, 2000).

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