How Inca Decimal Administration Worked

The American Society for Ethnohistory
How Inca Decimal Administration Worked Author(s): Catherine J. Julien Source: Ethnohistory, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Summer, 1988), pp. 257-279 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/481802 . Accessed: 28/09/2013 01:07
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How Inca Decimal Administration Worked

Catherine J. Julien, Institute of Andean Studies
Abstract. Understanding Inca decimaladministration has been elusive because recordedonly partialdescriptions of Inca practiceand Spanish administrators failed to graspthe logic and principles which guidedit. Decimaladministration can be reconstructed in broadoutlinefrom two nativeaccounting records,preservedon knotteddevicesknown as quipos.Once an overviewof the systemis whichinformed Incapractice becomeperceptible. gained,the logic andprinciples This in turn enablesan assessment of the impactof Incaauthority on the political organizationof the Andeanarea.The Incasdid not simplyreorientexisting to meet theirown ends, but reorganized it to be the strucpoliticalorganization turalequivalentof local authority elsewhere and, in the process,authoreda new territorial in the Andes. configuration The Incas conquered and held a large territory during the century before the Spanish arrival in the Andes. That they organized the diverse Andean population into decimal units for administrative purposes was not doubted by sixteenth-century Spanish writers, all of whom were aware of the magnitude of the task of running an empire in the Andes. Yet these writers, our nearest witnesses to Inca administration, say almost nothing about the operation of decimal administration. Four centuries later, and more than a century after the beginnings of ethnohistorical inquiry, we still have no workable idea about how the Incas organized their empire
(Pease I982: I74; Murra 1984: 78-82).
When Inca administration is described, our standard historical accounts give a list of decimal units from io to o1,000, often with inter505; Santillan 1879 [1563]: 17-I8; Rowe I958: 499). The list is always presented as a nested hierarchy,leaving latter-day students of Inca adminEthnohistory35:3 (Summer1988). Copyright? by the AmericanSociety for
Ethnohistory. ccc ooI4-I8o0/88/$I.5o. mediate divisions (Table i) (Falc6n 1867 [1567]: 463-64; Polo de Ondegardo I917 [I571]: 5I; Cobo 1964 [I653], [92]: II4; Bandera I968 [1557]:
Catherine J. Julien
Table i. Decimalunits from io to Io,ooo Unit name Huno Piscaguaranga Guaranga Piscapachaca Pachaca Piscachunga Chunga Numberof tributaries 10,000 5,000 1,000 500 100 50 10
istration to wonder how such an idealized and seemingly utopian system could have had any practical value in the administration of the large and politically heterogeneous population shaped by the Incas into a single body politic (Salomon I986: 7). One richly detailed yet brief account of Inca administration provides some detail about how decimal units were adjusted and about the practice of census taking (Castro and Ortega Morej6n 1974 [I558]: 98). Perhaps its authors could have described the system in more detail, but unfortunately for us, they did not do so. Inca administration was fundamentally foreign to the Spaniards who came to the Andes with Pizarro and during the formative decades which followed. These men observed and recorded native practice, but they appear not to have grasped the logic and principles which governed it and hence did not provide a convincing picture of decimal administration in their accounts. Native practice was framed within a foreign system of thought, yet how are we to reconstruct either the body of practice or the belief system at its foundations if our best informants have not phrased some approximation of the totality for us? Inca decimal structuring of the Andean population persisted in some areas of the Andes as late as the eighteenth century, in spite of the fact that the decimal units were far below the numerical strength implied by their names.1 Some years ago, I reconstructed the decimal ordering of the Lupaca province in the Lake Titicaca region (Figure i). An administrative survey, or visita, for this province had been published and was appreciated by many Andean ethnohistorians for the information it contains about local people (Murra 1968). The same document contains a body of information about Inca administration as well, and even though the Spanish administrator who conducted the visita appeared not to be aware of the decimal structure of the Lupaca province, the testimony he gathered included a native Andean knot record, or quipo, which when analyzed reveals that the Lupacas were indeed organized along decimal lines (Julien
I98z: I29-33).
value in the ongoing administration of a province; they may have served
But these decimal units need not have had any practical
Qolla Province Cuzco
of Urc \
Cab.f
wvince o
Qolla Province La Paz
\V, of Urcosuyc
lla Prov La Paz
Lupaca Province
of Urcos
Pacajes Province
of Ur(
s Provin
0 __________ 100 100_______ km
iInca in the Lake Titicaca mFigure provinces region
Figure I. Inca provinces in the Lake Titicaca region
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Catherine J. Julien
as a census vocabulary only (Murra 1984: 8i). An appreciation of the decimal structuring of the Andean population simply does not tell us how the system operated. What is really at issue is not just the particular form taken by Inca administration, but whether the Incas imposed a bureaucratic order of their own design, thus reshaping the political organization of the Andes, or simply reoriented existing political organization to meet their own demands. The latter hypothesis has guided much recent ethnohistorical scholarship in the Andes, largely, I believe, because it has been accepted by default. After considerable familiaritywith the body of source material having some bearing on the matter, no working model of Inca decimal administration has emerged (Pease I986: 9-Io; Murra 1984: 72, 78-82;
Morris 1985: 477-79).
This issue still requires deliberated resolution. How we resolve it has some important consequences, both for ethnohistorians and for anthropologists and archaeologists who would project ethnohistorical findings onto Andean peoples of both later and earlier time periods (Murra 1984: 68; Morris 1985: 483). If we assume that Inca rule was just a veneer over the autonomous polities of earlier times, then when this veneer is removed, a form of political organization resembling what preceded it should emerge once more. Operating under this assumption, the documentary record for the decades after the European arrival could be used to model the political economy of Andean peoples when they were free of central rule. The model of the vertical archipelago proposed by John Murra, and indeed much of our ethnohistorical effort, has been built on the idea that the Incas preserved the status quo (Murra 1984: 65-67;
Morris I985: 483; Pease 1978: 64).
On the other hand, if we find that the Incas did reorganize local political authority, we could not model Andean political economy on the decades following the Pizarro invasion. Rather, we would need to decipher the Inca order first and then question, for each specific locale, the degree to which the Incas altered the refractorypolities they encountered on the road to empire. But can we reconstruct Inca administration, hampered as we are by the rigidly hierarchical and seemingly utopian view of it found in the standard historical accounts (Pease 1985: I42)? The bulk of the written materials created in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries consists of administrative documents, although a few chronicles were also written about the political events witnessed by the Spaniards in those years. Administrative documents were generated in response to official questionnaires; they detailed tribute obligations or encomienda awards; they recorded disputes of all kinds; they argued for or against a particular administrative practice; but all had a specific purpose within the context of Spanish colonial administration.
IncaDecimalAdministration
z6i
At times, when these documents probed particular aspects of native practice, some well-informed administrators provided us with great insights into the operation of a foreign order. Juan Polo de Ondegardo, one of the best-informed administrators during the first decades of Spanish rule, wrote repeatedly that no one under the Incas was forced to contribute anything from their own personal estate, that subjects contributed
only their labor (Polo de Ondegardo 1917 [1571]: 6o, 66-67, 88; 1940 [1561]: I36-37, I65). Polo was redressing a particular disjuncture between
the Spanish colonial and the Inca systems of exactions. No administrator provided a similarly insightful description of decimal administration,
although one able administrator, Fernando de Santillan (1879 [1563]: 47),
did recommend that the decimal order be revived. Native record-keeping practice generated a much better potential source of information about the operation of decimal administration. Both the assessment and distribution of an obligation owed to the Inca state can be broadly reconstructed from native records kept by particular individuals who had either served in Inca decimal office or were descended from those who had. Such individuals were often referred to in Spanish documentation as curacas, a term associated with a rank in the
decimal hierarchy (Julien I982: 124-25). They had access to accounting
records kept on quipos and held by quipocamayos (accountants), who were trained to make and interpret them (Cieza de Le6n 1967 [I553]: 36; Diez de San Miguel I964: 74). Although general knowledge about how to record information was transmitted among these professionals, the system required that a quipo be read by a person who knew what that particular
quipo recorded (Ascher and Ascher 1981: I3-21,
monic devices. To prevent changing interpretations of the records, duplicate quipos were kept in the hands of a second party.2Quipos were sometimes brought forward to be read into Spanish administrative records, and so a number of accounting records that reflect native administrative practice have been preserved. Quipos from the Lupaca province provide information about the distribution of an obligation under the Incas. One quipo was a record of the last Inca census and was brought forward by native officials in response to a question about the number of people in the province under the Incas. Several days after the question was asked, native leaders produced this quipo and it was read into the text of the visita. Accompanying it was another quipo that accounted the tribute obligation the Lupacas were under in 1567, some three decades after the interruption of Inca rule by Pizarro and his small invasionary force. No apparent reason was given in the text of the visita for the inclusion of this document with the Inca census quipo (Diez de San Miguel 1964: 64-70). A close examination of the two quipos reveals a significant correspondence between them. In my earlier study of decimal administration I
78). They were mne-
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Catherine J. Julien
Table 2. Quipo of the last Inca census of the Lupaca province Category Chucuito/Hanansaya Chucuito/Hurinsaya Acora/Hanansaya Acora/Hurinsaya Ilave Juli/Hanansaya-Chanbilla Juli/Hurinsaya Pomata!Hanansaya Pomata/Hurinsaya Yunguyo Zepita/Hanansaya Zepita/Hurinsaya Sama Totals Aymara 1,233 1,384 1,221 1,207 1,470 1,438 1,804 1,663 1,341 1,039 1,112 866 15,778 Uru 500 347 440 378 1,070 158 256 110 183 381 186 120 4,129 Other Total 1,733 1,731 1,661 1,585 2,540 1,749 2,060 1,793 1,524 1,420 1,298 986 200 20,280
153 20
200 373
had observed that the seven towns of the Lupaca province had been differentially divided into accounting units in the quipo (Table z) (Julien 1982: 127-35). In most cases, the accounting unit was one of the moiety divisions of the town; for example, Hanansaya of Chucuito formed one accounting unit, and Hurinsaya the other. In two cases, Ilave and Yunguyo, the moiety divisions had been lumped together. The lumping or splitting appears to be related to the number of households classified as Aymara in the Inca census. Where the moiety division included nearly one thousand households (a guaranga in decimal terms) classified as Aymara, they were accounted together in the quipo (Julien I982: I3I; 1987: 62). At the time, I did not examine the relationship between the census quipo and the quipo recorded with it that documents the 1567 tribute obligation of the Lupaca province. When I did, it was immediately apparent that the 1567 tribute obligation was distributed among the same accounting units as defined in the last Inca census. Another correspondence was also discovered, though it was less easy to detect. The percentage of tribute owed by each accounting unit in 1567 was the same as the percentage of households classified as Aymara relative to the total number of Aymara households in the Inca census. For example, in 1567, Hurinsaya of Acora was required to send 38 miners to the mines at Potosi to extract silver to pay the silver tribute owed by the Lupaca province (Table 3). This number was 7.6 percent of the total obligation of 500 miners. Hurinsaya of Acora was also required to provide 76 of the i,ooo tribute textiles assessed by the current Spanish administration in the province, for a 7.6 percent share of the obligation.
Inca Decimal Administration
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Table 3. The 1567 tributeobligationand its relationto the last Inca census of the Lupacaprovince
Category Chucuito/Hanansaya Chucuito/Hurinsaya Acora/Hanansaya Acora/Hurinsaya Ilave Juli/Hanansaya-Chanbilla Juli/Hurinsaya Pomata/Hanansaya Pomata/Hurinsaya Yunguyo Zepita/Hanansaya Zepita/Hurinsaya Totals aFrom Tablez. Miners (1567) 41 41 39 38 46 48 57 53 42 33 35 27 500 % 8.2 8.2 7.8 7.6 9.2 9.6 11.4 10.6 8.4 6.6 7.0 5.4 100.0 Clothing (1567) 83 83 77 76 93 92 114 106 85 66 71 54 1,000 % 8.3 8.3 7.7 7.6 9.3 9.2 11.4 10.6 8.5 6.6 7.1 5.4 100.0 Aymaraa 1,233 1,384 1,221 1,207 1,470 1,438 1,804 1,663 1,341 1,039 1,112 866 15,778 % 7.81 8.77 7.74 7.65 9.32 9.11 11.43 10.54 8.50 6.59 7.05 5.49 100.00
The number of households classified as Aymara in the last Inca census was I,z07, or 7.65 percent of the total of 15,778 Aymara households in the province. When the percentage shares of the 1567 tribute owed by the other accounting units are calculated, they closely approximate the percentage of Aymara households relative to the total number of Aymara households accounted in the last Inca census. The distribution of the I567 tribute burden was based on the last Inca census, long out of date. Some exceptions can be noted. Based on the principle outlined above, Ilave should have provided 47 miners and not 46. Hanansaya of Juli owed 46 miners and not 45. If each had sent the number closest to its percentage share, as calculated from the Inca census, a total of 502 and not 500 miners would have been the result. A similar situation prevails in the assignment of tribute clothing. Juli of Hanansaya should have contributed 9I and not 92 pieces of clothing. Their tribute amount may have been increased slightly as a remedy for the imbalance evident in the assignment of miners. Again, if Hanansaya of Juli had contributed the number of textiles resulting from strict adherence to their percentage share, calculated from the last Inca census, a total of 999 garments would have been the result. The rounding just noted was necessary because the obligation was fixed at an amount that did not concord with the structure of the Lupaca population.3 Continuing use of the Inca census to distribute an obligation in the Lupaca province is a specific instance of a practice that was widespread
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in the Andean area until at least the early I570s. General statements were made by Francisco de Toledo and Fernando de Santillan that native leaders were still using the Inca method of distributing an obligation even though it was grossly unfair because of changes in the population count.4 In fact, one of the reasons Toledo gave for his reorganization of the tribute structure was to correct this abuse (Romero 1924: 203). After realizing that I had in effect documented how an obligation was distributed under the Incas, I began to ask what was left of the process to document. Another important part of the equation was assessment. What was distributed? The Inca system of exactions was unlike the Spanish system in that all that was assessed from local people was their labor. Although property might be expropriated when a group was annexed to the empire, the ongoing obligation to the state theoretically required no commitment of household resources except labor (Murra I985b: I5). Products might be elaborated with this labor donation, but the resources that were converted into product were held by the state (Polo de Ondegardo 1917 [I571]: 6o-6i; 1940 [I56I]: 133, I35-36, 165; Cobo 1964 [I653], [92]: 120; Falc6n 1867 [1567]: 461, 471-72; Guaman Poma de
Ayala 1936 [I6I5]: 338). Inca administration was therefore basically a labor recruitment system (Julien 1982: izo). In my earlier study of decimal administration, I examined a document from Huanuco in the north-central Andean highlands. A 1549 visita had preserved a quipo which recorded the last standing labor obligation of the Chupachos, a group of 4,108 households, under the Incas (Table 4).5 Some kind of assessment procedure produced this assignment. You will note in the table that the percentages of people assigned to a particular type of labor service have been calculated from the ideal total of 4,000 households or 4 guarangas (Table 4). Only when the ideal total is used do such even percentages result. For purposes of assessment, then, an ideal decimal total was important. Let us now examine the assessment procedure. We know from a I56z visita of the Chupachos of Huanuco that the population was structured into 4 guarangas and 40 pachacas (units of Ioo) (Ortiz de Zufiga I967). To compose the service units in the labor assignment-for example, to compose a group of 40 hunters to go on royal deer hunts-the 40 pachacas were each assessed one household or one percent of the total. By applying a percentage figure for each type of labor service to the 40 pachacas, a total of 4,000 households could be readily assigned. Several bits of evidence can be used to argue that distributing an assignment across all units of population was a common practice. The use of multiples of 40 in the Chupacho assessment suggests this practice. Martin Carcay, who headed the pachaca of Uchec, gave direct testimony that such was the case under the Incas (Ortiz de Znifiga 1967: 239-40).
Inca Decimal Administration Table 4. Chupacho labor assignment Total 120 60 400 400 150 150 10 200 200 20 120 60 400 40 240 40 40 60/50/40 60 40 40 40 40 68 80 40 500 500 4,108
265
Assignment Gold miners Silver miners Masons in Cuzco Cultivators in Cuzco Retainers (yanaconas) of Huayna Capac Guards for the body of Thupa Inca Guards (yanaconas) for the weapons of Thupa Inca Garrison in Chachapoyas Garrison in Quito Guards for the body of Huayna Capac Feather workers Honey gatherers Weavers of tapestry (cumpi) cloth Dye makers Herders of Inca herds Guards for corn fields Cultivators of aji fields Salt miners (variable) Cultivators of coca Hunters for royal deer hunts Sole makers Woodworkers Potters Guards for the tambo of Huanuco Carriers between local tambos Guards for the women of the Inka Soldiers and carriers Cultivators of Inca lands Totals
Percentage of 4,000 3 1.5 10 10 3.75 3.75 0.25 5 5 0.5 3 1.5 10 1 6 1 1 1.5/1.25/1 1.5 1 1 1 1 1.7 2 1 12.5 12.5 112.7
Of course, the distribution of the 1567 tribute obligation in the Lupaca province followed these lines. Although 40 appears to have been the common denominator of many units, a number of assignments were not divisible by 40. These assignments include silver workers; all of the retainers specifically designated as retainers (yanaconas), guards associated with particular mummies, honey gatherers, salt miners, coca cultivators, and guards for the Huanuco tambo. The total number of households assigned to these types of service was 628, taking the middle value for the salt miner assignment. Removing the 68 households assigned to guard service at the Huanuco tambo, the
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remainder, 560 households, is evenly divisible by 40. These tasks must have been distributed among the accounting units in a different manner, such as taking silver miners from certain pachacas, coca cultivators from others, and using the salt miner assignment to take up the slack. While the assignment of households may have been predicated on the ideal decimal total of 4,000, a total of 4,108 households was actually assigned. What of the 108 households above the ideal decimal total? The process of assessment could be repeated to form another unit or two of 40 households, but an amount that is not divisible by a decimal unit will always be the remainder. Looking at the assignment, one type of labor service stands out, and that is the assessment of guards for the Huanuco tambo, for a total of 68 households. This is exactly the remainder after assessing a group of 40 households from the remaining io8; guard service for the Huanuco tambo appears to have been the assignment that accommodated the remainder. The process of assessment and distribution involved a few simple steps. First, a population count was needed. Then an assessment was carried out, resulting in a standing labor assignment covering all subject households. The standing labor assignment was no more than the numbers of households assigned to a particular type of labor service. Given this list, the obligation could be distributed equitably among the various units of population specified in the census. Even this rudimentary knowledge of the operation of decimal administration allows us to define the parametersof a number of important questions. We can now ask, At what point was Cuzco involved in decision making? What kind of information retrieval would have been necessary to support the system? What does the system tell us about some of the population policies and settlement patterns we know characterized the Inca state? And finally, Can we detect the logic or underlying principles which guided Inca administrative practice? The central administration was involved at two points: (i) when the population was structured into accounting units or when adjustment in these units was required and (z) when assessment was carried out. The first point required the physical presence of an Inca official in the provinces, and here we do have information from our traditional sources: The order that was maintained in counting the Indians is that he who was sent by the Inka, who they called runaquipo, on entering the valley assembled all of the lords and Indians in it by their guarangas and pachacas and chungas [units of io] and had all of the quipos brought there in the order of the last visita,.. . and if the population was increasing so that another lord of a guaranga, a pachaca or a chunga could be made, he made a report and made all of his quipos for the Inka account all of this, so that as the population kept mul-
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tiplying, lords were made. (Castro and Ortega Morej6n 1974 [I558]: 99; author's translation)6 This same official was mentioned by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1936 [I615]: 343, 358, 360-61), who drew pictures of three different Inca officials with quipos in their hands and mentioned yet others. The runaquipo, however, was specifically charged with the population count: The Inka ordered [him] to count, enumerate, and adjust the Indians of this realm-with the wool of the deer, taruga-he matched the Indians with the wool-and he matched [them] with a grain called quinua-he counted the quinua and the Indians-his ability was very great, and he was better than with paper and ink. (Ibid.: 361; author's translation) 7 This Inca official may have been charged with more than keeping an accurate population count; he was said to have punished anyone who hid from the census (Castro and Ortega Morej6n 1974 [1558]: 98).8 The other point when the centralized administration was involved was when a standing labor service assignment was drafted. This step could be effected anywhere, locally or in Cuzco, and required only a knowledge of the current census. To the degree that the labor service assignment concorded with the decimal structure of the population, distribution followed a standardized procedure with little room for real decision making. Many of the Chupacho assignments were divisible by 40, thereby simplifying distribution across 40 pachacas. Some sort of decision making was necessitated by assignments that were not divisible by 40, but whether their distribution was specified by Cuzco or left in the lands of the curacas cannot be discerned from the organization of the Chupacho labor assignment. Households assigned to perform some types of labor service were resettled to be nearer productive resources or storage centers, so that assessing all of the decimal population units evenly to compose these labor service units would have resulted in a distinctive settlement pattern. The Chupacho visita of 1549 recorded a number of communities composed of households "from all over the province," all of which were identified by some type of labor service designation. For example, the community of Payna was composed of ceramic producers "from all over the province," and the community of Gangor was composed of honey and feather gatherers "from all over the province" (Helmer 1957: 31, 33). Statements made about the composition of other Andean communities make sense when this practice is taken into account. People resettled in this fashion were still accounted as part of the productive force of their province of origin whether they were settled within or outside its boundaries.9 Some households were no longer accounted with the productive force
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of their province of origin,10 and here, too, the Chupacho assessment suggests a possible mechanism for such alienation. What happened to the households in excess of the ideal decimal total may seem to be a minor matter, but this excess may well have formed a pool destined for some other type of assignment or to fill a vacancy. The structure of decimal administration itself suggests that some mechanism operated to keep the total number of households at or near a specific decimal total. The assessment procedure relied on an ideal decimal total, but the distribution apparatushad to take the actual number of households into account. The distribution apparatus could also be worked around a preexisting population structure. A comparison of the decimal structure of the Chupacho unit with that of the Lupaca reveals that, while the decimal structure of the former was a straightforwardhierarchy of decimal units, the structure of the latter was worked around seven population nuclei already in existence. Probably to create guaranga officers, the Incas subdivided some of these units, but their application of the decimal order preserved a feature of a preexisting political order in the territory that became the Lupaca province (Julien I982: I33-34). Each accounting unit in the quipo census included not only a guaranga, but a number of miscellaneous pachacas grouped with it. The distribution, quite naturally, did not follow decimal lines but relied on the actual number of households in the accounting unit. Despite the differences between the decimal structure of the Chupacho unit and that of the Lupacas, the native records preserved in these two widely separated Inca provinces allow us to reconstruct an idealized version of Inca decimal administration. Such a reconstruction is possible because the system was fairly standardized, in design if not always in execution. The same types of labor service were required all over the empire. Two lists were recorded in the accounts of Francisco Falc6n and Martin de Moria, one a list of labor services to be provided by coastal provinces and the other a list to be provided by highland provinces (Falc6n 1867
[1567]: 466-68; Morua 1946 [c. i605]: 332-34). These lists do not agree
in a number of details, but the existence of such lists and the similarity in what local people told Spanish administrators about what they provided to the Inca state suggest that the Incas were interested in creating a similar productive mechanism in each province.1l These services may have been assessed using a standard set of percentages. In the Chupacho assessment, quite a few labor service units were composed of i percent of the ideal decimal total of 4,000 households, for a total of 40 households. We have some information suggesting that the standard size of Inca provinces was usually a huno or a multiple of that amount (Santillan I879 [I563]: I7; Pizarro 1844: 364-65). To cite
269
a specific example, the Lupaca province had a population of just over zo,ooo subject households. The province was organized administratively in halves, each half including very close to io,ooo subject households. Applying the percentages found in the Chupacho assessment to one of the hunos of the Lupaca province, we would assign I,ooo households to tapestry production and Ioo households to ceramic production. While we do know that the Incas assigned households to both tapestry and ceramic production, and that these people were settled in communities near each other and fairly near the town of Chucuito, we do not know the relative numbers of people so assigned (Julien 1983: 75; Diez de San Miguel 1964:
I4, 27; Murra 1978: 417). For the Qolla province of Umasuyo (Map i) on
the other side of Lake Titicaca, we do have information about the relative proportion between these types of labor service. Near Huancane, a community of I,ooo tapestry-producing households lived in close proximity to a community of Ioo ceramic-producinghouseholds. Both communities had been resettled there under the Incas (Murra I978: 418). I would suggest that we are seeing the results of applying a standardset of percentages to a huno unit. The following reconstruction of an ideal Inca province is therefore indicated: An ideal province would have been a huno or perhaps a multiple of that amount, subdivided into huno subunits. Its labor service units would have tended to be pachacas or their multiples, up to a guaranga in size. Finally, these units would have been a reflection of the labor service units in other provinces. What was the conceivable advantage to such standardization? First of all, standardization was a prevalent theme of Inca material culture; where the Incas had an opportunity to impose a design of their own choosing, we might expect a highly standardized form (Rowe 1979: 239;
Montell I9z9: I94-95). A practical reason for the standardization in the
size of labor service units suggests itself, however. Since the amount of product was not fixed under the Incas, standardization in the size of producing units might yield a scale by which output could be judged. The output of ioo ceramic producers over a given period might readily be judged against the output of a similar unit in a neighboring province, since other variables would tend to be equal. Competition between accounting units is not unexpected; in fact, we have evidence that it was incorporated into the design of Inca administration. The concept of pairing provinces was said to have been instituted to put provinces in competition with each other (Santillan I879 [I563]: 43). We have a specific case of how such competition may have been institutionalized. When Spanish administrators wished to enquire about the activities of labor service units resettled near Huancane in the Qolla province of Umasuyo, they called in the former overseers of these units.
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Catherine J. Julien
Both of the men they interviewed resided in the neighboring Qolla province of Urcosuyo.12Such built-in mechanisms of control would have facilitated Inca administration in the provinces and kept the bureaucracy to a minimum, particularly the number of officials from Cuzco itself. Another motive for the standardization of labor service requirements was fairness. The concept of fairness, often noted by sixteenth-century writers, can now be understood in context (Santillan 1879 [I563]: 46, 50). When the assessment adhered to the ideal decimal total of households, fairness between provinces was the result. When the distribution adhered to the actual household total, fairness within a province was the result. If the system had an ideal form, it was very certainly true that it operated under less than ideal circumstances. Population may tend to remain nearly the same, or it may increase or decrease at varying rates, but it does change, and on a daily basis when units of Io,ooo households are involved. Increases or decreases brought about by changes in the birthrate could have been accommodated by the system over a period of time, because those individuals were not part of the class subject to the standing labor assignment until they had formed their own households.13The system appears to have been designed to function optimally under conditions of zero or incremental population growth. But how was a major population contraction handled over the long or short run? The Incas were involved in continuous military campaigns staffed with provincial armies, and some sharp reverses in population certainly occurred, affecting the class subject to the labor assignment. An example was given by Francisco Vilcacutipa of the Lupaca province, who had been an adult at the time of the campaigns of Huayna Capac, the eleventh Inka, in Ecuador. He stated that the Lupacas lost five thousand soldiers in Ecuador during those campaigns (Diez de San Miguel 1964: Io5-6). The Incas were known to be intolerant of such failures, and the design of decimal administration suggests that they expected only success. Reality, however, must have dictated a fairly thorough restructuring of the population after any steep decline. Inca decimal administration was vulnerable to sudden population loss, and we can now suggest that this vulnerability contributed to its collapse. The system was meant to be self-regulatory, and assessment and adjustment were carried out from above and outside, by officials from the central administration who appeared on occasion. There was no standing bureaucracy in the provinces involved with the operation of decimal administration except the local decimal officers charged with the distribution of an obligation. The fact that the Lupacas were still operating with the last Inca census in the i56os suggests that the mechanism which adjusted the system was highly centralized, and so was vulnerable to abrupt changes in the central administration. Both the Inca Civil War and the
z7I
Pizarro invasion could have brought about a crisis in the system. Moreover, the Inca Civil War, the Pizarro invasion, and introduced European diseases would have wrought another kind of havoc on the Inca system of exactions at precisely the same moment: sudden and serious population loss in the sector affected by assessment. We can now explain why the role of the central administration would have been almost imperceptible to the Europeanswho generated the documentary record. Under normal circumstances, a representativeof the central administration appeared only on occasion, when a census count was taken. If this practice had been interrupted, what did our Spanish informants have to observe? They observed the distribution apparatuswhich, staffed by provincial elites, remained in place through this period. Quite naturally, the bargain that was made between the European invaders and native Andean peoples was worked out through these individuals. Quite naturally as well, the Incas had made a similar bargain in the years before the Spanish arrival. The Incas respected local claims to elite status in accordance with their own beliefs about nobility and rank and appear to have promoted inheritance of position in keeping with their own dynastic practice (Julien I982: 15). But even if the Incas worked everywhere with local individuals who had claim to some type of political domain at the time of the Inca conquest, the bargains struck between the Incas and these local lords may have greatly altered the shape of Andean political economy. The requirements of decimal administration alone would have created a new territorial configuration. The emphasis on huno organization resulted in dividing large polities, while other political entities, not as large as a huno, were merged. A case of the former can be found in the Lake Titicaca region, where the Incas appear to have divided a larger Qolla
polity into provinces (Julien I983: zi6-zo).
may have been carved out of this larger polity, either by a local challenger to Qolla authority on the eve of the Inca conquest or by the Incas as part of a political bargain made with this challenger.14 In any event, the antiquity of claims made by Lupaca lords in the i56os is suspect. Even if the rights they enjoyed in the I56os reflect an earlier prerogative of Lake Titicaca region elites, those rights were authorized under a political framework that we have yet to document ethnohistorically or archaeologically. Elsewhere in the Andes, the creation of provinces resulted in larger political units than those operating on the eve of the Inca conquest. Chachapoyas, in northeastern Peru, provides a case in point. For Chachapoyas we have detailed information about the holders of high decimal office under the Incas, and we can examine Inca penetration of the local authority structure in some detail.
The Lupaca province itself
272
Catherine J. Julien
Prior to the Inca conquest, no single lord had governed all of the Chachapoyas (Espinoza Soriano I969a: 3z1). The Incas conquered and organized southern Chachapoyas territory some years before they were able to campaign in northern Chachapoyas (Cabello Valboa I95I [I586]: 399-400), but even in the portion they had organized as a province, no single lord had been paramount. During the relatively brief period of Inca rule, five different men were given the highest position in the decimal hierarchy: huno officer of one of two huno units with ascribed authority over the other. Of the five men who were elevated to high position by the Inca dynasty, only two had validated claims to local prominence at the time they took office. Two, and perhaps all three, of those remaining had ascended to prominence through service to the Inca state. One had been a hereditary retainer (yanacona), and the other, the man who occupied the position when Pizarro arrived in Cajamarca, had been head of the group assigned to cultivate maize to fulfill their labor-service obligation (Espinoza Soriano I969a: 294,
305-6).
This man, named Guaman, was placed in office by Atahualpa, a son of Huayna Capac whose bid for succession resulted in the Inca Civil War, because the Chachapoyas elite had sided with his brother Huascar (ibid.: 3I8). The Chachapoyas lost seven thousand troops in a battle near Cajamarca, where they had joined Guascar's forces in fighting Atahualpa's army (Sarmiento de Gamboa I906 [I572]: II5). Atahualpa had very clear reasons for displacing the holders of provincial office in Chachapoyas and may have effected a severe retribution on the province. He visited Chachapoyas, traveling the length of the province with Guaman, and may have reorganized the huno structure at this time. Pizarro also favored Guaman, and Guaman was instrumental in guiding the award of encomiendas in the Chachapoyas region. Encomiendas were assigned on the basis of quipos that Guaman assembled, quipos that were probably the equivalent of the Inca census quipo found in the Lupaca province (Espinoza Soriano I969a: 299). The partitioning of the Inca province of Chachapoyas into Spanish encomiendas was almost certainly based on its decimal structure. The degree of Inca involvement in shaping local political authority in Chachapoyas might be extreme, but the events chronicled above suggest that, even after the organization of a province, substantial change in its decimal structure might still be effected. Distance from Cuzco or length of time the area had been incorporated into the empire may not be as important in determining the degree of formal change in the structure of local political authority as the relationship which developed between Cuzco and a particular local population. A study of these relationships is logically prior to the reconstruction
273
of the pre-Inca past by ethnohistorical means. Given the difficulties of reconstructing Inca administration, despite the nearness of Spanish administrators to eyewitnesses and what would seem to be a compelling need to understand a fundamentally foreign order, extending our ethnohistorical analysis to even earlier rounds of political organization will be an arduous task. Our administrative sources only reflect the political organization of the period in which they were written. We will require more powerful ethnohistorical tools if our goal is to write an Andean history and not simply look for broad cultural continuities (Murra I985a: Io; Pease
1978: 65).
The Incas did impose an administrative structure of their own design on the Andean area. Governed by a logic and principles that we can only begin to detect, Inca decimal administration relied on local political authority and, at the same time, transformed it into the structural equivalent of provincial authority elsewhere. Far from the rigid and seemingly utopian hierarchy described in the traditional historical sources, decimal administration was the flexible instrument of Inca control. Native recordkeeping practice, as documented at the hands of local elites far from Cuzco, is our best witness to Andean centralism before its usurpation by Spanish forces. Notes I owe a debt of gratitudeto John Rowe for encouraging me to write this paper. The problemof decimaladministration had occupiedmy thinkingfor some time, and I was unableto be certainwherethe evidenceleft off and my thinkingbegan until he told me I had enoughevidenceto make a case. The time had come to of decimaladministration in broad outline form. My attempta reconstruction thanksalso go to Patricia Lyonfor editorialassistance. All Quechuaspellingshave been hispanicized. The term Inka refersto the Incaemperor; the spellingInca refersto the group. i As late as the eighteenth the assessment of Huarochiri was basedon century, the guarangaorganization imposedby the Incas,thoughno single guaranga
contained more than 300 tributaries(ANP I751: 45-I34,
(Zambrano I970 [1732]: i).
records were also organizedby guarangaas late as the eighteenthcentury 2 An examplemay be found in the Lupacaprovince.There,duplicatequipos recordingthe last Inca censusof the province,to be discussedin this study, were kept. The provincewas dividedadministratively in halves (hanansaya and hurinsaya). The officialin chargeof eachhalf had a copy of the complete are the round number 3 With two exceptions,all other amountsdistributed closestto the amount whichresultsfrommultiplying thetotal 1,567obligation of Aymara households relative to thetotalnumber of Aymara by the percentage householdsin the last Incacensus. owed 45 miners and the Chinchaysuyu Juli/Hanansaya mitimas, acInca census (Diez de San Miguel I964: 64, 74).
98v-oo00). Ica parish
274
Catherine J. Julien counted with that unit in the last Inca census, owed 3, for a total of 48 (Diez de San Miguel I964: 69). No such separation was noted in the distribution of the tribute clothing obligation. When the percentage share of the obligation to send miners is calculated using 45 and not 48, the result is 9.o, a figure closer to the 9.11 percentage of households classified as Aymara relative to the total number of Aymara households in the Inca census (Table 3). The handling of Chucuito provides the other exception. For the 1567 distribution, both Chucuito/Hanansaya and Chucuito/Hurinsaya appear to have been lumped together. The average number of Aymara households is I308.5, yielding a percentage of 8.29 of the total number of Aymarahouseholds in the last Inca census. This percentage was apparently used to distribute the 1567 tribute obligation (Table 3). The Pacific coastal valley of Sama does not figure in the distribution of mine labor service or the textile obligation, though a specific amount of silver was required from that group in 1567 (ibid.). Also, in the Lupaca province, tributarieswere classified as either Aymara or Uru in the Inca census. Evidently the Lupacas ignored the Uru in the 1567 distribution, but whether the matter was simply never in their hands or they were pursuing a new course cannot be judged with the evidence at hand. Polo noted that the Uru group had been completely subjugated to the Aymara curacas, a situation which may have come about after the end of Inca rule
4 Several Spanish administrators who had reason to know commented that the Inca method of distribution was still in use. Fernando de Santillan specifically noted that the method of distribution involved decimal units (Santillan 1879 50; 19I7 [1571]: 134-37). Francisco de Toledo tried, by ordinance, to end the use of the Inca census in effecting distributions (Lorente I867: z15). 5 John Rowe brought to my attention that this visita was carried out in the Spanish province of Le6n de Huanuco, a province which did not include Inca Huanuco, the present archaeological site of Huanuco Pampa. The visitas of 1549 and i56z dealt exclusively with two groups: the Chupachos and another, smaller group called the Yachas. These people were lumped together in an Inca administrative unit, as evidenced by verbal testimony in the visita and the quipo under discussion here. For these reasons, I am referring to the quipo as the Chupacho quipo and to the group of Chupachos and Yachas recorded in it as the Chupacho unit. I am assuming here that the labor assignment was recorded on a quipo, as the text does not state specifically that a quipo was being read into the record. It almost certainly was, and John Murra also accepts this document as the reading of a quipo (Murra i98z: 240-44). There is no way to determine how long the Chupacho labor assignment had been in effect. References in the quipo to Thupa Inca and Huayna Capac, the tenth and eleventh Inkas, indicate that the assessment was either made after the death of Huayna Capac or was an older assignment that had been modified at that time. The latter possibility is suggested by the entry for guards for the body of Huayna Capac, which is clearly out of order and may have been tacked onto an existing record. 6 The text is as follows: La orden que se tenia en el contar de los indios es esta que el que era enbiado de el inga que llamavan runa quipo era que en entrando en un
[1563]: 46-47; Romero 19z4: 203; Polo de Ondegardo 1940 [156i]: I44, 147-
(Julien 1987: 6z).
275
valle hazia juntar todos los sefiores e yndios del por sus guarangas y pachacas y chungas y mandava traer alli los quipos por su orden de la visita pasada haziendoles traer y asintar anquestuviesen a la muerte y dibidianlos en doze edades ... y sy via que la jente yva en abmento de que se pudiese hazer otro senor de guaranga o de pachaca o chunga dava aviso y hazia todos sus quipos para el inga de todo esto de manera que como yva multiplicando la jente yvan haziendo senores. Santillan (1879 [1563]: 23) describes this same official, referring to him with the term runaypachac. 7 The text is as follows: el ynga mando contar y numirarajustarcon los yn[di]os deste rreyno con la lana del cierbo. taruga enparexaua con una comida llamado quinua contaua la quinua y los yn[di]os fue muy grande su avilidad mejor fuera [que] en papel y tinta. 8 The runaquipo should not be confused with the provincial governor or tocrico, a member of the Inca nobility who resided in the provinces and was charged with the care of Inca property held locally, with keeping the local elites in line, and perhaps with other tasks (Castro and Ortega Morej6n I974 [I558]: The runaquipo was only one of several officials who were sent by the central administration to carry out some task in the provinces (Castro and Ortega
96, ioz; Cieza de Le6n I967 [1553]: 65-67; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1936 [I615]: 307, 346; Santillan I879 [1563]: 17-19; Cobo 1964 [I653], [92]: II4).
74-77. This pattern of dispersion may also account for the mixing of decimal units noted by Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1985: 402) for Cajamarca. o0 Cobo (1964 [1653], [92]: I09) notes that people resettled in newly conquered provinces were no longer subject to their provinces of origin. A specific case may be found in Cajamarca.There, a guaranga of people from other highland provinces was subject to local authority and, presumably,labored on behalf of Cajamarca, while smaller units of people from the coast, including a pachaca of potters from Collique, were still subject to their coastal provinces (Espinoza
Soriano 1970: I4-15).
Morej6n I974 [I558]: 97-oo00; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1936 [I615]: 340-63). 9 Helmer 1957: 27-38; Diez de San Miguel 1964: 89; Murra 1978: 4I8-20; Espinoza Soriano 1967: 33-39; Cieza de Le6n 1924 [I550]: 232; Julien 1983:
11 Julien I98z: I35-4I. Statements like those of the Charcas and others that they provided only one type of labor service suggest that the imposition of the standard list of labor services may have been suspended in particular cases (Espinoza Soriano i969b: 24). 12 A man from Lampa had been overseer of the textile unit, and a man from Juliaca divided clay among the ceramic producers (Murra 1978: 420-21). 13 Of the age grades the Incas used for classifying the population, only households headed by a male-female adult pair were subject to assessment (Castro and
Ortega Morej6n I974 [I558]: 94; Santillan 1879 [I563]: 20-21; Rowe 1958: 507). 14 Cieza de Leon 1924 [i55o]: 290; 1967 [I553]: 6-7, I38-4I; Julien 1983: 384I. Cieza gathered his information from local sources in the Qolla and Lupaca
provinces. Curiously, an Inca account of their own conquests makes no mention of the challenger, named Qari, suggesting that the Incas believed or came
176
Catherine J. Julien to believe that Qari was purely incidental to their defeat of the Qolla, and not as important as many other local lords they singled out for mention in their
account (Sarmiento de Gamboa I906 [157z]: 76; Julien 1985: zi6-zo).
References Archivo Nacional del Peri (ANP) Autos de la revisita, numeraci6n y padr6n de los indios tributarios I751 de los cinco repartimientos de la provincia de Huarochiri. Derecho Indigena, legajo z1, expediente 278-98. Lima, ANP. Ascher, Marcia, and Robert Ascher Code of the Quipu: A Study in Media, Mathematics, and Culture. Ann 1981 Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Bandera, Damian de la 1968 [1557] Relaci6n del origen e gobierno que los Ingas tuvieron. In Biblioteca Peruana. Ser. i, Vol. 3, pp. 493-5o0. Lima: Editores Tecnicos Asociados. Cabello Valboa, Miguel 1951 [I586] Miscelanea antarctica, una historia del Peru antiguo. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Letras, Instituto de Etnologia. Castro, Crist6bal de, and Diego Ortega Morej6n 1974 [1558] La relaci6n de Chincha. Historia y Cultura 8: 9I-I04. Lima: Museo Nacional de Historia. Cieza de Le6n, Pedro de 1924 [I55o] La cronica general del Peri. Historiadores clasicos del Peru, Vol. 7. Lima: Colecci6n Urteaga. 1967 [I553] El senorio de los Incas (z.a parte de la cr6nica del Peru). Fuentes e Investigaciones para la Historia del Peru, Serie: Textos Basicos, No. i. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Cobo, Bernabe 1964 [I653] Historia del nuevo mundo. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la formaci6n del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias (continuaci6n). Vols.
91-92. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas.
Diez de San Miguel, Garci Visita hecha a la provincia de Chucuito por Garci Diez de San Miguel 1964 en el ano 1567. Documentos Regionales para la Etnologia y Etnohistoria Andinas, Vol. i. Lima: Casa de la Cultura. Espinoza Soriano, Waldemar El primer informe etnologico sobre Cajamarca. Afo de I540. Revista I967
Peruana de Cultura II-12 (January-June): 5-4I.
1969a I969b 1970
Los sefiorios etnicos de Chachapoyas y la alianza hispano-chacha.

Visitas, informaciones y memoriales ineditos de 1572-1574. Revista Hist6rica (Lima) 30: 224-33z. El memorial de charcas: "Cr6nica" inedita de I58z. Cantuta (Huancayo: Universidad Nacional de Educaci6n) 4: 117-52.
Los mitmas yungas de Collique en Cajamarca,siglos XV, XVI, y XVII. Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima) 36: 9-57. Falc6n, Francisco 1867 [1567] Representaci6n hecha por el Licenciado Falc6n en Concilio Pro-
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vincial, sobre los danos y molestias que se hacen a los indios. In Colecci6n de Documentos In6ditos, relativos al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Organizaci6n de las Antiguas Posesiones Espanoles de America y Oceania sacados de los Archivos del Reino, y muy especialmente del de Indias. Luis Torres de Mendoza, ed. Vol. 7, pp. 451-95. Madrid: Imprenta de Frias y Compafia. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe 1936 [I615] Nueva cor6nica y buen gobierno (Codex peruvien ilustre). Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut d'Ethnologie 23. Paris: Universite de Paris. Helmer, Marie "La visitaci6n de los yndios chupachos" inka et encomendero 1549. 1957 Travaux de l'Institut Francais d'Etudes Andines 5: 3-50. Julien, Catherine Jean Inca Decimal Administration in the Lake Titicaca Region. In The Inca 1982 and Aztec States, 1400-1800: Anthropology and History. George A. Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. Pp. 19-5I. New York: Academic Press. 1983 Hatunqolla: A View of Inca Rule from the Lake Titicaca Region. Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 15. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Guano and Resource Control in Sixteenth-Century Arequipa. In AnI985 dean Ecology and Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity.Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 185-231. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. The Uru TributeCategory: Ethnic Boundariesand Empire in the Andes. 1987 Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 181: 53-91. Lorente, Sebastian Relaciones de los vireyes y audiencias que han gobernado el Peru. Vol. 1867 I, Memorial y ordenanzas de D. Francisco de Toledo. Lima: Imprenta del Estado por J. E. del Campo. Montell, Gosta Dress and Ornaments in Ancient Peru: Archaeological and Historical I929 Studies. G6teborg: Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag. Morris, Craig From Principles of Ecological Complementarity to the Organization 1985 and Administration of Tawantinsuyu. In Andean Ecology and Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity. Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 477-90. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Morua, Martin de 1946 [c. I605] Historia del origen y geneologia real de los reyes incas del Peru. Biblioteca "Missionalia Hispanica," Vol. z. Madrid: Instituto Santo Toribio de Mogrovejo. Murra, John Victor An Aymara Kingdom in 1567. Ethnohistory 15: 115-51. 1968 Los olleros del Inka: Hacia una historia y arqueologia del Qollasuyu. I978 In Historia, Problema y Promesa: Homenaje a Jorge Basadre. Pp. 415-23. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat6lica del Peru. The Mit'a Obligations of Ethnic Groups to the Inka State. In The Inca 1982 and Aztec States, 1400-1800: Anthropology and History. George A.
z78
Catherine J. Julien
Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. Pp. 237-62. New York: Academic Press. Andean Societies before 1532. In The Cambridge History of Latin 1984 America. Vol. i, Colonial Latin America. Leslie Bethell, ed. Pp. 59-90. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. "El Archipielago Vertical" Revisited. In Andean Ecology and Civiliza1985a tion: An InterdisciplinaryPerspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity. Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 3-13. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. i985b The Limits and Limitations of the "VerticalArchipelago" in the Andes. In Andean Ecology and Civilization: An InterdisciplinaryPerspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity. Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. i5-zo. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Ortiz de Zlifiiga, Inigo Visita de la provincia de Le6n de Huanuco en 156z. Tomo I, Visita I967 de los cuatro waranqa de los Chupacho. Documentos para la Historia y Etnologia de Hudnuco y la Selva Central, Vol. i. John V. Murra, ed. Hudnuco: Universidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan, Facultad de Letras y Educaci6n. Pease Garcia Yrigoyen, Franklin Del Tawantin suyu a la historia del Perf. Lima: Instituto de Estudios 1978 Peruanos. The Formation of Tawantinsuyu: Mechanisms of Colonization and 1982 Relationship with Ethnic Groups. In The Inca and Aztec States, I400-1800: Anthropology and History. George A. Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. Pp. 173-98. New York: Academic Press. Cases and Variations of Verticality in the Southern Andes. In AnI985 dean Ecology and Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity.Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 141-60. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. La noci6n de propiedad entre los Incas: Una aproximaci6n. In Etno1986 grafia e Historia del Mundo Andino: Continuidad y Cambio. Shozo Masuda, ed. Pp. 3-33. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Pizarro, Pedro Relaci6n de los primeros descubrimientosde Francisco Pizarro y Diego 1844 de Almagro, sacada del c6dice nfimero CXX de la Biblioteca Imperial de Viena. In Colecci6n de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espafia. Martin Ferndndez Navarrete, Miguel Salvd, and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, eds. Vol. 5, pp. 13-388. Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de Calero. Polo de Ondegardo, Juan 1917 [1571] Del linage de los Ingas y como conquistaron. In Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru. Horacio H. Urteaga, ed. Vol. 3, pp. 45-188. Lima: Imprenta y Libreria Sanmarti y Ca. 1940 [I56i] Informe del Licenciado Juan Polo de Ondegardo al Licenciado Briviesca de Munatones sobre la perpetuidad de las encomiendas en el Peru. Revista Hist6rica (Lima) 13: z15-96.
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Romero, Carlos A. Libro de la visita general del Virrey Toledo, I570-1575. Revista I924 Hist6rica (Lima) 7: 115-z26. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Maria 1985 Patronyms with the Consonant F in the Guarangas of Cajamarca. In Andean Ecology and Civilization: An InterdisciplinaryPerspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity.Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 401-2I. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Rowe, John Howland The Age-Grades of the Inca Census. In Miscellanea Paul Rivet, Oc1958 togenario Dicata. Pp. 499-522zz.Serie antropol6gica 5. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Aut6noma. Standardization in Inca Tapestry Tunics. In The Junius B. Bird PreI979 Columbian Textile Conference, May i9th and zoth, I973. Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth P. Benson, and Anne-Louise Schaffer, eds. Pp. 23964. Washington: The Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks. Salomon, Frank Loewen Native Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas: The Political Economy of I986 North Andean Chiefdoms. CambridgeStudies in Social Anthropology, Vol. 59. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Santillan, Fernando de 1879 [1563] Relaci6n del origen, descendencia, politica y gobierno de los Incas. In Tres relaciones de antigiiedades peruanas. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, ed. Pp. I-133. Madrid: Ministerio de Fomento. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro Geschichte des Inkareiches von Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. I906 [I572] Richard Pietschmann, ed. Abhandlungender Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Philogische-Historische Klasse, N.s., Vol. 6, No. 4. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung. Zambrano, Juan 1970 [1732] Relaci6n de la filiaci6n de sangre y nobleza de Don Bartholo Garcia y Espilco. John H. Rowe, ed. Berkeley: Institute of Andean Studies. Submitted 13 June 1986 Accepted 25 November 1986 Final revisions received 6 January 1988

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How Inca Decimal Administration Worked

value in the ongoing administration of a province; they may have served

Qolla Province Cuzco

Qolla Province La Paz

lla Prov La Paz

0 ____ 100 100_ km

iInca in the Lake Titicaca mFigure provinces region

Figure I. Inca provinces in the Lake Titicaca region

78). They were mne-

Inca Decimal Administration

The Lupaca province itself

98v-oo00). Ica parish

(Julien 1987: 6z).

Inca Decimal Administration

1969a I969b 1970

Los sefiorios etnicos de Chachapoyas y la alianza hispano-chacha.

Inca Decimal Administration

Inca Decimal Administration

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