Journal of Aging Studies 18 (2004) 171 185

Religion and life meaning: Differentiating between religious beliefs and religious community in constructing life meaning
Susan K. Fletcher *
Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina-Wilmington, Wilmington, NC 28403-5978, USA

Abstract Religion is one of the major resources used to generate meaning in life. An individuals religion involves not only a set of beliefs, but also an involvement in a community of like-minded others. The purpose of this study is to differentiate between religious beliefs and religious community in constructing life meaning at the end stage of life. Twelve women, who resided at various assisted-living facilities, participated in qualitative interviews about the current and past meaning of religion in their lives. They were distributed among fundamental Christian, Catholic, liberal Protestant, and Jewish faiths. Differences between and within the groups were the result of the content, as well as certainty, of belief. These differences influenced the sufficiency of a belief system to construct life meaning. When belief alone was insufficient, life meaning was supplemented with social and secular interactions. D 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Life meaning; Religious beliefs; Religious community

1. Introduction According to Marshall (1986, p. 125), humans must create the meanings that allow us to make sense of, and to make our way in, the world. Religious beliefs offer an explanation for the fundamental meaning of life (Stark, 1999) and have always been a viable source of meaning in individuals lives through positive beliefs, rituals, symbols, traditions, and support (Hadaway, 1978; Hadden, 1995). The need to generate meaning may become more significant in old age, as societal roles and opportunities lessen, and death draws nearer. Rentsch (1997, p. 270) describes aging as a communicative, selfreflective process of forming a unique totality, a forming that is essentially highlighted by a change of view towards a meaningful and enduring life. Religion may be especially important in finding such meaning.
* Tel.: +1-910-962-7424. E-mail address: fletchers@uncw.edu (S.K. Fletcher). 0890-4065/$ - see front matter D 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jaging.2004.01.005

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An important function of religious groups is providing support and social integration (Durkheim, 1951). A significant aspect of religion is the sense of community, often implicit within religious settings. Church affiliation not only promotes the development of a friendship network among those with similar ideologies but also influences the quality of those relationships (Ellison & George, 1994). Beyond affiliation, religious beliefs themselves may generate life meaning. George (1990) suggests the possibility of a belief structure that includes assumptions about the self in relationship to God. The sacred self may provide a way to transcend secular life, to add a sense of perspective that can buffer the onslaught of discordant messages that one constantly receives in the secular world (George, 2000, p. 26). Religious identity may be one of many interlocking and publicly salient identities (Dillon, 1999, p. 296). Previous research has demonstrated that religiosity affects older persons sense of meaning and purpose (Baker & Nussbaum, 1997; Burke, 1999; Meddin, 1998; Miller, 1999; Tellis-Nayak, 1982) as well as their health and psychological well-being (Ellison & Levin, 1998; Idler, 1987; Koenig, George, Blazer, Pritchett, & Meador, 1993; Levin and Chatters, 1998). An increase in religiosity has been positively correlated with age (Courtenay, Poon, Martin, Clayton, & Johnson, 1992). Little is known, however, about differentiating between religious beliefs and religious community in the ability to construct life meaning. What specific beliefs are more conducive to sustaining personal meaning are also not known. Understanding the role of religious community and religious beliefs in the elderlys ability to construct meaning is important because the quest for meaning may become more problematic with age. How does religion influence life meaning in old age, when there may be limited avenues to generate such meaning? Do religious actors construct meaning through positive social interaction and reinforcement within their religious community or is meaning generated from the beliefs themselves? When examining beliefs, is it the content of belief, certainty of belief, or commitment to belief that is most significant? This study explores these questions with older women who resided in assisted-living residential facilities. In open-ended interviews, they recounted how they negotiated life meaning and what role religiosity played in the construction of life meaning at this stage of their life.

2. Research design and informants Following approval from the University Institutional Review Board, 12 women who lived in three residential assisted-living facilities were invited to participate in a study involving their religious beliefs. They were selected by either an activities coordinator or a volunteer coordinator who were asked to solicit women who displayed a religious faith either verbally or through involvement with a church or denomination. None of the facilities was owned or operated by a religious organization, where there might have been strong social influence for holding beliefs in line with the institution. The names of those interested were given to the author, who made personal contact via phone or in person, for those without a phone. For those contacted by phone, an interview was scheduled. Those contacted in person were interviewed immediately after the initial contact. All but two of the women agreed to audiotape the interview. The interview guide consisted of open-ended questions in which the women were asked about their religious upbringing, midlife and current involvement in either organized or personal religious activities, and specific religious beliefs and thoughts about death and the meaning of life. The questions were designed to elicit the womens views on seven themes involving religious beliefs and religious

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community. Each interview lasted approximately 90 min. The 10 audiotapes were transcribed verbatim. Extensive notes were taken during the two other interviews and were elaborated immediately afterwards. All names were changed to ensure the participants anonymity. Analysis focused on how different religious beliefs impact the ability to construct life meaning. Through a process of induction (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Lofland & Lofland, 1995; Weiss, 1994), differences were found within the seven themes elaborated below. Focusing on these differences, the informants were sorted into three typesbelievers, belongers, and doubters. The informants were white, middle-class women, who ranged in age from 70 to 94. Five women were in their 70s, 5 were in their 80s, and 2 were in their 90s. They resided within a large midwestern city. All of the women were ambulatory and cognitively alert. None of the women was currently married. Eight were widowed, 3 divorced, and 1 had never married. Seven were parents and 5 were grandparents. One woman had stepchildren and step grandchildren. Four did not have children. The 12 women included 3 Catholics, 2 Presbyterians, 2 Jews (one Reformed and one Orthodox), 1 Methodist, 1 Pentecostal, 1 member of the Salvation Army, 1 member of a nondenominational Protestant church, and 1 selfidentified Protestant who had no specific affiliation. The belongers included the 3 Catholics, the 2 Presbyterians, the Reformed Jew, and the self-identified Protestant. The believers included the member of a Pentecostal church, the Salvation Army member, and the nondenominational Protestant church. The doubters included the Orthodox Jew and the Methodist.

3. Variation in religious beliefs and religious community The interviews focused on seven themes relating to religious community and religious beliefs in relation to constructing life meaning. These themes included (1) ownership of life and function of God, (2) benefits of faith, (3) Gods role in everyday events, (4) fidelity of beliefs, (5) social and spiritual aspects of church involvement, (6) life meaning, and (7) expectations for afterlife. A review of the themes will be followed by the subsequent typology of the informants into primary types based on differences within and between these themes. 3.1. Ownership of life and the function of God Seven of the women viewed God as a powerful benefactor, whom they tried to obey out of respect, while retaining ownership and control over their own lives. When asked what religion did for her in her everyday life Betty responded: I think Im in charge of my own life, but I try to follow what God has taught us. . .I dont expect [God] to do much for me. I think you are responsible for yourself. Leah believed that there is a loving God who is in control of our lives but, He gives us a certain amount of leeway. God owns our life but he turns it over to us. Martha said: You can do what you want but you cant live without God. For these women, God was a benefactor who did not control their lives but functioned as a kindly helper. Two of the women saw God as primarily as a crutch, on whom, for the most part, they chose not to lean. Ann and Elaine were not sure of the existence of God. Ann had been very involved with the Methodist church because she volunteered for a Methodist service agency, but as for religion itself, It doesnt do much for me. . .I just dont believe that theres a God that can control every single thing I do. It just doesnt make sense to me. For Elaine, God was a question mark. . .Its a concept thats a little

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difficult for me to accept. . ..Sometimes God appears as a benign individual, sometimes as a forceful individual, and these are all things that are in my mind. . .Once in awhile I wonder about the existence of God. It doesnt play a strong role in my life. Both of these women were seekers of knowledge, who looked to sources, in addition to religious, for answers to life meaning. Ann said, I am really searching. . .I guess that well never be able to solve the religious problem. . ..Ive looked for the light and I cant find it. Elaine explained, Im self-educated, reading about all the religions I could read about. I read the New Testament, the Old Testament, I read about Confucius, Buddha, so I had them all balanced, educated in that area. For three of the women, God was not only an omnipotent bestower of peace and blessings, but was also the owner and director of their lives. Gloria, Rachel, and Fran saw God as intimately involved in every aspect of their daily life. God was seen as an integral part of who they were, and they surrendered the control of their lives to Him. They had an interactive relationship with a supreme being who offered hope, refuge, peace, and eternal life. Rachel, when asked if she belonged to a church or a denomination, replied, I belong to Jesus Christ, but I go to church. For her, Jesus was the chief interest of my life. Words like born-again, surrender, Gods will, and personal Savior peppered the womens language throughout the interview. It was not simply a matter of semantics, but of who was in charge of their life. Rather than offering God only faith in His existence, they offered Him ownership of their lives. Fran said; I wouldnt do anything without asking God to direct me and help me. When asked what happened to her will, she said, Surrendered to Him. It always has been. These women said that surrendering themselves to God was a choice they had made. As a result, as Gloria put it, Hes in control. If Hes not in control then Im a liar. 3.2. Benefits of faith The women who saw God as a benefactor described how He bestows blessings such as guidance, protection, health, peace, and hope. According to Sarah, God sustains me, loves me and protects me. Claire regularly turned to God to help her: Every time I lose something I pray about it and I find it for sure. And if I think anything is going to go wrong, youre nervous, you pray and everything starts to be fine. Hannah credited God for the gift of love, not only His love, but also the love of her husband and for her ability to love others. She prayed for God to make things all right in her daily life. Samantha prayed without expecting anything but the ability to cope: When Im in terrible pain I talk to God. The pain doesnt go away but it helps. God keeps teaching Martha about dealing with difficult times. I just want to weep that God would love me that much that at 87 he is still teaching me. Life is so hard. Although neither Ann nor Elaine adhered to any specific teachings, they saw the usefulness of a belief system and, although they hesitated to use the word blessings, believed that faith could be of benefit in daily living. Ann believed that the Bible provided guidance for Christians and felt obligated to take her son to church when he was young: I kinda thought it might be a good idea for my son. . ..Every.Everybody that has children should I suppose go to church. It gives them kind of a guideline. . .[and] it was something we could do together really, just the two of us. As for religious faith itself, she found little benefit. She attended church to hear the music. She likened religiosity to seeing a psychiatrist: The same way that people who go to psychiatrists forever dont seem to ever stop. I think its more a crutch than anything. They havent reached what theyre looking for either. Ann looked at it this way, A friend of mine I remember told me one time that man created God to keep him honest, and thats a pretty good answer. Elaine believed that faith in God makes life easier. She was glad her parents had had a

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strong faith and was also happy that her children had a faith that she did not have: Its easier if you believe than if you dont believe because youre not in conflict and youre accepting the situation as it is and youre comfortable with it. The women describing themselves as born-again felt that the relational aspect of their faith was more significant than the bestowing of blessings. Gloria spoke in terms of being in or out of fellowship with God. She had never lost her faith but, at times, was not in tune with the Lord because she had not spent enough quiet time with Him: If youre busy doing other things and youre not in tune with what the Lord wants you to do that day, I call it being out of fellowship, wandering around in the wilderness. Prayer for all these women was more than asking for blessings. It was a means of communicating with a God they believed to be, as Fran put it, part of our lives or, as Gloria said, If you have a friend, you communicate with him. Gloria was a firm believer in prayer to an intervening God: We dont pray, well God, if You feel like it, or if Youre in the mood. We pray believing its going to happen. These were the only women who reported conversion experiences. Both Fran and Gloria came to know the Lord as children. When she was 7, Fran surrendered herself to Jesus at a Sunday service: I said I wanted to belong to Jesus and I asked him to forgive me and help me in all my life and I surrendered myself right there. and at that point that was it. The Lord has always guided me. Gloria came to know the Lord at the Baptist church at the age of 14. . .I didnt want to go to hell. Thats the reason. I was scared. I wish I had been brought to the Lord by love, but it was fear. Rachel has lived life both with God and apart from Him. I was doing my own thing, and living my life the way I chose to live. I was working for the Lord instead of with the Lord. It wasnt until she was in her 60s that Rachel was saved and came under the rulership of Jesus Christ. 3.3. Fidelity of beliefs Although the majority of women expressed deep faith, all but three adapted their beliefs to fit their needs to cope with what they saw as apparent contradictions of church teachings. Even while acknowledging a divine authority, they allowed themselves to bend the rules when they thought it was necessary. When it came to sin, Leah had her own classification system and found ways to justify what the Bible said about her sin of swearing: Language is bad, dont get me wrong, but my excuse is, Im not as bad as I used to be, Im getting better. Although Claire trusted God to know what was best for her life, she disagreed with her churchs teachings when it comes to believing that God may condemn some people to hell if they dont believe in Jesus: I think all these people of different religions, its Jesus they believe in but they dont realize it but they will when the time comes. . .Now, thats only my idea. That the women adapted their beliefs to fit their needs was evident in how they chose a husband. All stressed the importance of their individual faith and/or church, yet, none of them felt the need to marry someone with similar beliefs. Claire said that she never considered religion when choosing a mate: I think all religions, every one, is as good as another, so it wouldnt have mattered if he wasnt a Presbyterian. Although Betty did marry someone of the same faith, she explained, We were told we had to marry a Catholic. A few people didnt, but I mean I didnt pick him out because he was Catholic. Neither Ann nor Elaine was faithful to any spiritual authority. They trusted their own judgments. Although neither woman had a definitive faith, both prayed at various times. Ann said; I pray from time to time, to a god or whatever. . .Im not sure that its gonna help cause Im not that religious that I believe

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who in the heck am I really praying to. Elaine prayed about her death, The only prayer I have is that I dont have another stroke. That I just slip away. Unlike the women for whom God acted as a benefactor, the women who considered God to own their lives displayed fidelity of faith in all aspects of their lives. They trusted God to provide and guide them and felt they had to surrender their desires to conform to divine authority. Rather than adapt their beliefs to fit their personal needs, these women held beliefs that were in line with what they considered to be the divine source of authority, the Bible. Gloria attended a nondenominational Protestant church, which she believed was strictly based in the Bible: Our church we have elders that are grounded in the Bible, grounded in the Word, and they monitor each other. If one makes a slip, after the service is over, they let him know. At other churches she explained, They have women in the pulpit. . .the man preaches a social gospel, and the one Sunday I went there he did not even look at his Bible which was right on the lectern. And that offends me. Heaven, hell, and Satan all existed for these women who accepted that in accordance with their belief system, loved ones might suffer eternal condemnation. Fran talked about concern for family members: Im very concerned about them and I keep writing to them and saying you must do something about your life. Rachel was concerned about her nephews salvation: I pray for Chuck that his soul will be saved before he goes to hell, before he leaves this world, because I believe that he is on his way to hell because of the things that hes done. Hes never come to repentance. For these women, marriage to a believer was imperative. Fran prayed for Gods direction to tell her if she should marry her husband: If he hadnt been a Christian, I wouldnt have married him. 3.4. Gods role in everyday events For the majority of women, accepting Gods will was something one simply did to make sense of the world. Betty trusted that when God did not answer her prayers the way she wanted Him to, it is for her own good: Maybe its not good for us or its not the right time in our life. Some of the women expressed feelings of anger towards God during difficult times but said they eventually came to a point of trusting in Gods will. Claire explained, When my husband died, so quick and so sudden you know, I was [angry] but now I know it was best for him and for me too. When Claires sister died, she felt the same way: I wanted her to get well but she died and it was all right. Bad things, she said, are meant to be. Hannah needed her leg amputated, and although it was difficult, I thank Him. . .There was a reason for this. Elaine could not understand why bad things happened but did not try to explain it from a spiritual perspective: Is there any accounting for it? When her sister-in-law died during childbirth, she did not think it was Gods will: I would say the doctor left before he should have. Similarly, when she was thankful for good things happening in life, I would say its the fates. Doubters took the view that difficulties were a personal responsibility. Ann put it this way: You know if I make dumb mistakes, theyre my dumb mistakes. . ..If theres a tragedy in my life I dont believe God punished me for something that I did. Its part of life, you know. We live and we die and we have in between. The women considering themselves to be born-again reported that they believed God had been in control during difficult life situations and that they had maintained trust in Gods will. According to Rachel, God always answered prayers, but sometimes, one had to be patient: The Bible talks an awful lot about waiting on the Lord. And it takes a lot of patience to wait upon the Lord because His timing is not our timing. . .[or] that might not be Gods will for you. They believed in the sinfulness of humans

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and the destructive role that sin played in peoples lives. Difficult times, in addition to simply being Gods will, were also seen as the result of sin. The answer, for these women, was to repent and surrender to God. Rachel prayed for her nephew who was an alcoholic. She didnt blame God for his illness, but held her nephew accountable. It was his responsibility to repent for his sins, which would allow God to heal him from his alcoholism. Fran also believed that humans sinful nature had consequences: Im not always free from the results of sin, either someone elses or a sin that I might have committed sometime myself. The results pop up. Fran explained, If you dont go the Christian way then youre going to run into these human problems that you ordinarily wouldnt bring upon yourself, and make life difficult for yourself. 3.5. Social versus spiritual aspects of religiosity Except for the three born-again women, close personal relationships did not necessarily revolve around their religious beliefs and, in fact, spiritual issues had little effect on social bonds within or outside of their church community. Martha helped lead the rosary, and Hannah was attending a Bible study to see what they have to say. They were the only women of faith, other than the three bornagain, who were involved in any spiritual activity other than church attendance. The social aspect of church had been significant to most of these women. Betty had been involved in womens guild, picnics, bake sales, anything to make money. Claire had been involved in choir and plays. Leah had participated in the social needs of her church as well. But the women did not use religion in evaluating friendships. When asked if religion affected her friendships, Martha replied, I think that is kinda dumb myself. Cause everybody has their own opinion on things. When speaking of church leaders, who were especially inspiring, these women rarely mentioned spiritual qualities but focused on interpersonal style and availability. Leahs favorite minister is a very learned man. It was his knowledge. This guy has been all over the world and it was like the way he could express himself you felt like you were right there. The social aspect of church was also important for Ann even though she could not accept the religious teachings: There are good people within the church, so I suppose the social part is important. She described returning to her old church: Its like a family reunion. She appreciated ministers who were involved in social issues. She liked a sermon that relates to the neighborhood, or the city Im in, or the country I live in. But when they start in on the Old Testament and stick to that, or even the New Testament, then they lose me. Elaine attended temple more frequently with her second husband, who was an usher. She enjoyed being part of the whole group, participating. It gave her a sense of security. It was a feeling of comfort at being in the temple, and with all the other people. As may be expected, friendships for the born-again women revolved around a sustaining faith. Although the other women had close friends of all faiths, for these three women, their closest friendships were with those who shared their beliefs in God and the Bible. The distinction between those who know the Lord and those who are in the world was made in some way by all three women. Rachel said, There are plenty of good people in the world who do good things but they dont have a personal relationship with Jesus. Rachel said, I lost all my friends when I followed Jesus because people in the world dont want to hear about it. Following Gods will took precedence over family relationships for these women. Gloria said that she was estranged from her son because of her beliefs: Complete abstention of himself from the family cause he knows when he gets around me Im going to be concerned about his soul but he doesnt want to

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hear it. Rachel did not visit her dying sister because she believed God wanted her to focus on life and not on death: She wouldve liked to have seen me but my focus is on Jesus Christ and whatever He tells me to do or indicates that I do that is what I do. Church leaders were respected for their spirituality rather than their friendliness. In response to a question about why she admired certain church leaders Fran said, They were so sincere in doing the Lords will that you knew they were really really Christian and you wanted to be like them. Rachel has little regard for many ministers: They tickle the ears. They preach what the people want to hear instead of preaching sin and how to get to heaven and all that through Jesus Christ. 3.6. Life meaning Helping others in daily activities or through community involvement is a significant factor in life purpose for the majority of women. Serving others was not so much a desire to serve God, but rather, was a means to achieve Gods approval. When asked what she thought her purpose in life was, Leah responded, I think its meant that I was put here to put as much brightness into everyones life that I could. When asked if she is a good Catholic, Martha replied, just be good to people I think. I think thats the main thing. Sarah believed her purpose was to live a peaceful life, to be quiet and wellbehaved. For Betty, the main purpose of life was just to have friends and be good to people and to help people. Hannah said, He probably has [a purpose for me], but I dont know what it is. I never gave it a thought. Similarly, Samantha said: I wonder if Im here for a particular reason. I wonder, but I dont know. Life purpose for the Fran, Rachel, and Gloria was intimately related to being used by God. Serving others, or works, were motivated by their already deep relationship with God, rather than by the hope of improving it. Fran explained: Ive been very happy all my life and Ive known God has led me and Hes used me and thats the value of life. Rachel found her sole purpose in life through her relationship with God: God is in charge of my life and whatever He puts down for me I accept. For Gloria, the purpose of her life was to please God. She believed He wanted her to share His love with others: He wants me to go and tell those that dont know about Him or arent close to Him and Im hoping that I can have my light shine. Her sense of purpose came from trying to be a virtuous woman, Proverbs 31. . .He makes me a whole person. I try to be the best I can be, the best He wants me to be. For Elaine and Ann, religious beliefs were not a source to construct meaning. Instead, they believed that leaving a legacy was imperative to life purpose. Elaine said, I think I was put in this life to try to be helpful to all my family and just to be a do gooder. She believed your life is the total, and her purpose was to leave a family legacy. When asked about what she would be leaving behind, she explained, A wonderful family to carry on, so Ill be living. Who was it? One author said, Our bodies are vehicles for our ancestors. Mark Twain I think it is that said that. She believed that she would have eternal life through her children: Its a Jewish custom to name children for deceased ancestors so my name will [go on]. This brought her satisfaction: My ego seems to be pleased with it. Ann did not know whether her life had a specific purpose, but she knew that she wanted to be remembered for her life: You know I do have a fear. I would like to leave this world with something behind that shows I was here. You know like Id like to write a book if I had the ability to do that or Id like to leave something, some kind of a mark that people knew that I was here. I just dont know how Im gonna do that but its been a priority. . .Influence is forgotten.

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3.7. Expectations for the afterlife Although most women believed in an afterlife and, particularly, in the concept of heaven, many were not confident about what happens after death but hoped they would go to heaven. The women saw God as a loving God who offers eternal life to those who are worthy. Leah explained, Hell look through everything, and Hell know if we really made the effort. . .He will be a forgiving person. Betty was confident that her loved ones were in heaven: Well, I cant judge how they lived their life but they seemed to have died in the blessings of the church. Put it that way. Martha believed everyone will be at peace there. Its hard to imagine how everybody could be so peaceful and all, but thats how its supposed to be. Although she said she was ready because you always have to be ready to die, she admitted to being afraid of the unknown. Claire believed that her faith in Jesus would help her get into heaven and was not afraid, although you never know when the time comes how youll act. When Betty was asked what she thought about death she responded, I think about death and I say lets hold on a little bit more. I got a few things to do here. Leah says shes not afraid but I hope I have time to bargain. I want to avoid it. I plan on living to at least 100. Ive decided that I can do that. For Ann and Elaine, thoughts about death involved fear. Elaine said, Sometimes Im a little frightened maybe, you know, wondering about things. . .and sometimes I think Im just ready anytime. . .my sister and I talk about it. She says she doesnt want to be the last one and I say I dont want to be the last one, so her daughter says, Why dont you go together? Neither of the doubters were ready to die. Ann, who was afraid of not being remembered, said: I really have a hard time. I mean I know there are a lot of people who say, Well Im ready to go. Well Im not. I mean I dont know why I should be ready to go. Im really not ready to go. Fran, Gloria, and Rachel were ready to meet their God and were comfortable talking about death. Fran says, If I die tomorrow thats fine. I know without a question in my mind that Im going to be with God. Gloria, when asked what she thought about death, replied, Im ready. . .I know where Im going. I know how Im going to get there. . .I can die tomorrow and Im ready. When asked if she was prepared to die, Rachel said I certainly am. Im not going to die. Im going to live. Im going up with Jesus. She was not afraid because I know where Im going.

4. Role of religious beliefs and religious community in constructing life meaning Analyzing the seven themes generated from the interviews, it was evident that there was substantial variability between the womens narratives with respect to the role of religiosity in constructing life meaning. These differences are depicted in Table 1. The belongers and doubters maintained authority over their life, adapted and supplemented beliefs to fit their personal world view, and saw the primary benefits of involvement with a religious community to be social. The believers, however, relinquished control of their life over to the Divine, maintained consistent beliefs viewed as ultimate truth, and viewed the spiritual aspects of their religious community as more vital than the social aspects. Religious beliefs were a vital component in constructing life meaning for the believers and belongers, yet, the specific role of those beliefs differed between the groups. Religious beliefs alone were sufficient to construct life meaning for the believers, whereas the belongers needed to supplement their beliefs with secular and social interactions. Service to others within the community was a means of constructing life

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Table 1 Belongers, doubters and believers Belongers n = 7 Ownership of life and function of God Benefits of faith Retain ownership of life and viewed God as benefactor. Blessings, guidance, eternal life, protection, hope. Adapt beliefs to fit personal world view and personal needs Life events are meant to be, God is responsible, and His will may be questioned, but is ultimately accepted. Primary involvement with religious community is social. Spiritual aspects shaped by social needs. Church leaders respected for social qualities. Doubters n = 2 Retained ownership of life and viewed God as a crutch. Less conflict, guidance. Believers n = 3 Relinquished ownership of life over to God. Relationship with the Divine, eternal life, transformation, guidance, protection, blessings, hope. Beliefs consistent with what they view as the ultimate authority: the Bible Life events are often the consequence of sin. Regardless, all events serve Gods purpose and must be accepted with complete trust. Spiritual beliefs integrated into and motivation for all aspects of life. Involvement with church primarily spiritual with social relationships a consequence of spiritual life. Serve God in whatever capacity He chooses. Complete assurance of salvation. Ready for when God wants to take them to heaven.

Fidelity of beliefs

Gods role in everyday events

Social versus spiritual aspects of church involvement

Life meaning

Expectations for afterlife

Serve others as a means of achieving approval from God or others. Hope for eternal life. Would like to prolong life to do more good works.

Adapt beliefs to fit personal world view and personal needs. Life events are primarily due to human choice although there is such a thing as fate. There is no such thing as divine purpose. Primary involvement with religious community is social. Church has responsibility to meet the needs of the community. Church leaders respected for social involvement. Leave a legacy.

Unsure of afterlife. Not prepared for death.

meaning for the belongers. Service to God alone sufficed for the believers. The doubters did not utilize religious beliefs or religious community in negotiating meaning. Meaning was generated through the desire to leave a personal legacy, regardless of religiosity. What accounts for these differences? What makes it possible for the believers to generate meaning for their life solely within the context of their religious beliefs, while the other women required social interactions either through service or through legacy, to supplement their quest for meaning?

5. Theoretical considerations According to Stark (1999), individuals utilize subjective rationality in making choices about their system of belief. Religious beliefs offer varying costs and rewards, and religious actors formulate explanations about the value of the terms of exchange based on a number of propositions including certainty of belief and the dependability and responsiveness of god or gods. Berger (1969, pp. 5354) also addresses the issue of confidence in belief systems in The sacred canopy where he writes, It is

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possible to differentiate theodicies in terms of their degree of rationality, that is, the degree to which they entail a theory that coherently and consistently explains the phenomena in question in terms of an overall view of the universe. An actors confidence in religious beliefs may be due, in part, to the organizational and social context in which plausible religious explanations are offered. According to Dillon (1999, p. 292), religious traditions change in response to sociocultural conditions: the churchs organizational structure, doctrines, and practices are not the product of a divinely prescribed blueprint but evolve and vary in response to different societal circumstances. Dogma is not pregiven but is extrapolated and developed over time. Even mainline religions engage in a constant process of reevaluating the definitions of what constitutes acceptable behavior and claims of absolute truths. As a result, the shared meanings offered may not elicit enough certainty to rely on for life meaning. Furthermore, beliefs that originate within a religious community are filtered through personal interpretations that are not under control of the community (Hornsby-Smith, 1992). Consistent with these findings, the belongers and the doubters in the study adapted their own pluralistic system of belief, relying on church teachings, personal testimonies, scientific knowledge, authorities apart from religious organization, intuition, and logic (see Table 2). Personal theodicy was a vague, fluid belief system renegotiated at their discretion, which is consistent with an extrinsic religions orientation (Allport and Ross, 1967). Put another way, because their religious community could offer no guarantees, the women were constantly choosing their ways of being religious (Ammerman, 1997, p. 203). A consistent remark of belongers was that no belief system was completely right. All questioned the ability of a loving God to condemn people to hell. None claimed assurance of heaven but clung to the hope offered by their belief that heaven was possible. This is evidence of relativism resulting from the lack of absolute truth.
Table 2 Beliefs, community, and life meaning Belongers Religious beliefs, certainty of beliefs (Berger, 1969) Sacred self (George, 2000) Relationship to Divine Other (Berger, 1969) No certainty of belief system Sacred Self No personal relationship with Divine Other Doubters No certainty of belief system No Sacred Self No personal relationship with Divine Other Believers Certain of belief system providing absolute truth. Sacred Self Personal relationship with Divine other Give authority of life over to Divine other Religious beliefs more significant than social interactions Religious beliefs alone a rational choice to construct life meaning. Need to serve God

Religious community

Life meaning (Stark, 1999)

Social interactions often more significant than individual beliefs Religious beliefs alone not a rational choice to construct life meaning. Life meaning supplemented with social interactions and/or secular beliefs. Need to serve others.

Social interactions more significant than individual beliefs Religious beliefs alone not a rational choice to construct life meaning. Life meaning supplemented with social interactions and/or secular beliefs Need to leave personal legacy

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Because their belief systems could not provide absolute truth with sufficient certainty, the belongers supplement them with other sources of meaning. This is consistent with the theory of Berger (1967, p. 47), in which he writes, The less firm the plausibility structure becomes, the more acute will be the need for world-maintaining legitimations. For the belongers in the study, meaning was found in pleasing God, and such approval was generated through relationships with others. Serving others and/or being good Christians became meaningful in the hope of cementing the approval of God. Social relationships were, in effect, a way to manipulate God to achieve the reward of meaning offered through eternal life. For the belongers, social relationships were deemed as significant, if not more significant than their relationship with God. When their religiosity could not guarantee eternal life with certainty, and when their beliefs could not sustain life meaning independently, the women negotiated life meaning through service to others and social relationships. Good works, friendships, and family relationships could at least offer the certainty of being accepted, while increasing their hope for eternal life with God. The internal dialogue of the belongers might be characterized, I am good to others, which makes me a good (Methodist, Catholic, Jew, etc.), therefore my life has meaning because I must be pleasing God. For the doubters, ultimate truth could not be found within a religious collectivity. These women had to generate meaning through their own actions within society, apart from the Divine. The doubters placed authority in knowledge and continually sought to supplement answers via secular experts. Since there was no hope of eternal salvation, the women worked at creating their own eternal life by leaving a legacy to be remembered. For them, social relationships were not sufficient or, as Ann put it, influence is forgotten. The doubters found meaning in leaving something concrete behind, such as a book or a namesake. The doubters may say to themselves, Life is all there is. I must leave something behind to bring meaning to the time I am alive. As with the belongers, social interactions were significant sources of meaning for the doubters due to the uncertainty of truth offered by their beliefs. The believers, on the other hand, placed their trust in the authority of the Bible, believing it to be inerrant and literal. For these women, scriptures offer an unchanging, external, ultimate Truth. Since it remained constant and was therefore reliable, it was a rational choice to derive life meaning from it (Stark, 1999). For the believers, life meaning was intrinsically involved with their relationship to the divine as depicted in the Bible. Interaction with the Divine took precedence over concrete social relationships, which generated no such ultimate truth or meaning. Their rationale for life meaning may be interpreted, My relationship with the Ultimate God gives meaning and purpose to my life and He motivates me to interact with others in ways that He chooses. Their beliefs offered the believers a dependable, consistent, and responsive God, who not only offered eternal life but also a personal relationship to assist them in their everyday lives. According to Stark (1999), a responsive God strengthens confidence. A personal relationship with a divine other suggests an alternative or additional theoretical explanation for the differing role of religion among the participants. It may be the divine relationship itself, rather than the consistency of belief or strength of commitment, which was the motivating force behind life meaning. According to Mead (1934, p. 158), an individual develops a view of him/herself through interactions with others that, the development of the self is a reflexive process. The self reaches full development by organizing these individual attitudes of others into the organized social or group attitudes, and by thus becoming an individual reflection of the general systematic pattern of social or group behavior in which it and the others are all involved.

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Symbolic interaction involves the definition and interpretation of actions between participants. In the case of religious communities, participants may not only include fellow members, but also God, Jesus, the Holy Spirit, or other divine personifications. George (2000, p. 24) writes, in terms of the content of the sacred self, the possibilities are infinite, although one would expect religious-based self-perceptions to exhibit predictable denomination-based patterns to some degree. And, of course, not everyone is likely to have a sacred self-even among individuals who actively participate in religious institutions not everyones belief structures will include assumptions about the self in relation to God or a higher power. Interactions with these divine figures may be as influential in terms of the formation of the self as interactions with concrete members of the community, depending upon the extent of the relationship (Black, 1999; Fowler, 1981; Koenig, 1994; Pollner, 1989; Yemane & Polzer, 1994; Thoits, 1983; Wilstrom, 1987). The belongers and doubters maintained ownership over their lives, and although the belongers developed a sacred self, their beliefs were not thoroughly integrated into their lives. The self was developed and maintained through social relationships, and the womens identity remained separate from a divine other. Neither their relationship with the Divine nor their internalized belief systems were reliable enough nor deemed worthy enough to deny themselves and find meaning solely in God. Ambivalence remained, and meaning had to be reinforced through other relationships or, in the case of the doubters, through a legacy. The believers integrated their beliefs into every aspect of their lives and constructed life meaning within the context of their personal relationship with the divine other, which was perceived as being more trustworthy than persons. Interaction with the Divine other took precedence over other relationships. It is the believers that Berger (1967, p. 38) describes when he writes, tenuous self-identifications are given a foundation seemingly secure from the shifting reactions of other men [sic]. God then becomes the most reliable and ultimately significant other. By striving to surrender their will and desires to the will of the Divine other, the believers sacred self became a self that was submitted to God. This denial of self allowed each believer to transcend her individuality and lose herself in the meaning-giving nomos of his society (Berger, 1967, p. 55). Berger sees this self-denying surrender as a form of religious masochism. Masochism, by its radical self-denial, provides the means by which an individuals suffering, and even death, can be radically transcended to the point where the individual not only finds these experiences bearable but even welcomes them. Humans can accept neither aloneness nor meaninglessness (Berger, 1969, p. 56). The believers exhibited the masochistic submission, which enabled them to generate life meaning through their all-inclusive relationship to a God who could not be questioned or challenged. The women dared not waiver in their beliefs because there was so much at stake. If God imputed meaning into their lives by virtue of a Divine relationship, to doubt that relationship would have resulted in living with uncertainty of meaning as well as uncertainty of ultimate truth and rightness.

6. Conclusion The narratives of these women suggest an interrelationship between belief systems and social interactions with others, as well as with the Divine, in constructing life meaning at the end of life. Religiosity does appear to influence life meaning at old age, but its impact varies substantially in terms of specific belief systems, which, in turn, influences the need to supplement beliefs with religious

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community and secular activities. The believers, who believed in a strong religious truth, found meaning through relationship with the Divine other and trust in the Bible rather than social relationships. Positive social interaction and reinforcement within the religious community was necessary for the belongers and the doubters, whose belief systems were more fluid and open to personal interpretation and relativism. It appears that the content, as well as certainty, of belief influenced the degree of commitment the women were willing to make to their belief system. A relationship with a Divine other who is trusted and reliable increased the significance of religious beliefs in negotiating and maintaining life meaning during old age. This study focused on a small group of women, all of whom were white, middle-class, and living in assisted-living residences. It is not clear whether the types identified here would apply even to other women in similar circumstances, let alone elderly men and women in different circumstances. Nevertheless, the findings are an important step in sorting out how religion and life meaning are related in old age. It raises questions that can be addressed in future research. For example, do various groups require differing levels of certainty to trust in a belief system? Are divine relationships more likely to be typical of complete surrender within various groups and/or religious communities? What are the behavioral concomitants of life meaning?

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