The Pontic-Danubian Realm

in the Period of the Great Migration

ARHEOLOKI INSTITUT
BEOGRAD
POSEBNA IZDANJA, KNJIGA 51
COLLGE DE FRANCE CNRS
CENTRE DE RECHERCHE D HI STOI RE
ET CI VI LI SATI ON DE BYZANCE
MONOGRAPHIES 36
The Pontic-Danubian Realm
in the Period of the Great Migration
edited by
Vujadin I & Michel K
Paris Beograd
2012
Suivi de la publication
Emmanuelle Caiir
Composition et infographie
Artyom Tii-Maixos\ax-Vaioax\ax
Association des amis du Centre dhistoire et civilisation de Byzance (ACHCByz)

2010
52 rue du Cardinal-Lemoine 75005 Paris
ISBN 978-2-916716-31-2 978-86-80093-78-9
ISSN 0751-0594
ACHCByz Arheoloki Institut Beograd
Published with a support of the
Ministry of Education and Science of Republic of Serbia
(Project n 177021)
ii :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Vujadin Ivanievi, Michel Kazanski. Prface .................................................... 7
I. Te Balkans and the Middle Danube
Ivan Bucaisxi. Occupation of the south Pannonian soil during Antiquity
and the Migration period: ajkaka revisited ...................................... 11
Perica iiuai. Te Danubian limes between Lederata and Aquae during the
Migration period ................................................................................ 35
Vujadin Ivaxisivi. Barbarian settlements in the interior of Illyricum:
Te case of Cariin Grad .................................................................... 57
Tina Miiavic. Late Antique settlements in Slovenia after the year 600 ........... 71
Federico Moxrixaio. Byzantium and the Slavs in the reign of Justinian:
Comparing the two recensions of Procopiuss Buildings ...................... 89
Jaroslav Ti;iai. Cultural or ethnic changes? Continuity and discontinuity
on the Middle Danube ca A.D. 500 ................................................... 115
Zuzana Losxorova. An early- 5
th
-century skeleton grave with
gold neck-ring from Charvty (Moravia) ............................................ 189
Eszter Hoivaru. Cloisonn jewellery from the Langobardic Pannonia:
Technological evidence of workshop practice ..................................... 207
Dieter Quasr. Martial writers Intellectual warriors: Remarks on a group
of Late Antique male graves ............................................................... 243
II. Te Occident
Joan Pixai Gii. Ponto-Danubian traditions of dress in early Visigothic
Hispania: Chronology, dissemination, contexts and evolution . ........... 265
Eduard Dionii;ai. A propos des contacts entre lempire dOrient
et les Germains de lElbe au vi
e
sicle ................................................. 297
Dieter Quasr. Te Alamanni and Byzantium from the 5
th
to the 7
th
century ...... 317
III. Te Northern Pontus
Aleksandr Eixoiix. Durga-Oba a cemetery of the Great Migration period
in the Cimmerian Bosporus ............................................................... 339
Damien Giao. Te Empires inuence on the barbarian elites from the Pontic
region to the Rhine (5
th
-7
th
centuries): A case study of lamellar
weapons and segmental helmet .......................................................... 349
Alekse Fouiassiiv. Byzance et la Crime du Sud-Ouest au vi
e
sicle :
relations culturelles et particularits du costume fminin .................... 363
Michel Kazaxsxi. Radaigaise et la n de la civilisation de ernjahov .............. 381
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
DURING LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE MIGRATION PERIOD:
AJKAKA REVISITED
Ivax Bucaisxi
I. Ax ixriooucriox ro rui a;xasxa iaxoscaii
axo iisiaicu uisroi\
ajkaka is the southeast corner of the Baka region in the present-day northern Ser bi an
province of Vojvodina (Fig. 1). Two collective volumes from the 1970s were ded i cated to
this area: the rst depicted its natural setting (a;xasxa 1971) and the second con tained
two important articles by D. Dimitrijevi (1975a; 1975b) devoted to its archaeological and
historical heritage. My contribution is based on these studies, on others that followed,
and on the recently developed methodology which sets the geomorphological principle
Vujadin Ivaxisivi and Michel Kazaxsxi eds, The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period of the Great
Migration (Centre de recherche dHistoire et Civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 36 / Arheoloki
institut, Posebna izdanja, Knjiga 51), Paris-Beograd 2012.
Fig. 1: Geomorphological Map of ajkaka in grey (after Geomorphological Map 2005)
12
IVAN BUGARSKI
1. The most recent map (Geomorphological Map 2005) distinguishes two geomorphological units:
the bottom of the fluvio-marshy environment of the Pannonian Basin and the loess-covered higher river
terrace; they were previously described as a single unit, the South Baka loess terrace (Buxuiov 1971;
uii, uiii 1994).
as decisive for the choice of settlement locations in early mediaeval southern Pannonia
(Bucaisxi 2008). Tis paper aims at systemizing our scarce knowledge of nds and
settlements in ajkaka from the Late Antiquity and the Migration Period.
ajkaka covers the area of 877.4 km. It is bordered by the Tisza on the east and by
the Danube on the south; two rivulets, Jegrika and Mala (Crna) Bara (Small [Black]
Swamp), ow through this lowland territory. Titel hill, its highest point, is 120 m above
sea level; the loess terrace
1
is 83 m above sea level, and the lowest zones, the alluvial
inundation plains of the Tisza and the Danube, are only 71 m above the sea. Active ows
and abandoned riverbeds, river branches, swamps, lakes and marshes are still very nu mer-
ous despite massive modern hydro-regulatory works. Te surface of ajkaka was rather
uniformly ooded in times of high waters, but during periods of drought, lakes, swamps
and marshes emerged next to meadows and pastures (a;xasxa 1971: 5). Subterranean
waters were used for water supply, but for the most part it was shallow water of poor quality,
bacteriologically unsafe (Kuxix, Maiixovi 1971: 22-23). Riverside settlements used
river water for drinking, which occasioned outbreaks of epidemics (Mai;axov 1971: 87).
Te riverbanks used to be covered with rich vegetation, and there are still woods in
inundation zones of the Tisza and, especially, the Danube. Lowland forests developed
next to the waters and on blus: there were oak forests and bushes, plenty of high and low
swamp vegetation. Constant ooding made the vegetation grow rapidly, and the dense
willow forests resembled tropical jungles (Bani, Paianusxi 1971: 114-115, 119, 136).
Plentiful food attracted wild animals and birds, while the waters were rich with sh
(a;xasxa 1971: 5).
Tere are considerable dierences in the quality of the soil, the main resource in the area,
and competition over the most fertile soil led to clashes between villages in the past. What
appears at rst glance to be a homogeneous pedological cover has been divided into 23 types,
subtypes and varieties of soil grouped into two classes: automorphic and hydromorphic
(Fig. 2). Geomorphological units at various altitudes above sea level are of dierent origins
and geological compositions, and, consequently, have dierent pedological covers.
Chernozem with its varieties covers 56.21% of ajkaka territory: Titel hill, the loess
terraces and partly the alluvial plains of the Danube and the Tisza; diluvium can be found
at the edges of loess terraces. Besides the alluvial soils, the alluvial plains carry marshy dark
soils, smonitzas, mineral swampy soil and slatina soils. River ooding is bad for these soils
on the lowest terrain, and slatina is of a particularly low agricultural value.
Te loess terrace is irrigated by rainfall rather than oods, and the subterranean waters
are low; so chernozem is not threatened by excessive humidity. Only the swampy chernozem
in deep, narrow depressions shows marks of moistness, while other chernozems, notably
the non-carbonate chernozem containing the so-called super-powerful humus horizon,
are of high agricultural value (Mii;xovi 1971: 32-38, 41-42, 51).
13
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
Fig. 2: Soil Map of ajkaka (after Soil Map 1971)
0 3 km
14
IVAN BUGARSKI
2. I wish to thank Marko V. Miloevi, M.A. from the Institute of Geography, Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts, for his advice. For a useful discussion of the strictly archaeological parts of the article,
I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Sofija Petkovi and Dr. Stefan Pop-Lazi. The responsibility for
posssible shortcomings is solely mine.
Tis short description of ajkaka, rich in top-quality soil, framed by forests and in-
ter sected by waters, makes it dicult to imagine Sarmatian, Hunnic or Avar nomadism
there: such an environment favored the settled way of life. Te traditional view of the
tribes settled in Pannonia as nomads has been challenged, however, both by older works
(e.g. Dimitrijevi 1975a: 34 for the Sarmatians; Lindner 1981: 3, 69,1416, 19 for the
Huns) and the more recent literature (e.g. Koi\ 2002: 613-614; Bucaisxi 2008 for the
Avars). Settlements could not have been erected in the zones of constant or frequent
flooding, but only on their borders (e.g. Hiixiicu-Taxasxa 2008), on the borders of
other geomorphological units and, to a lesser extent, within them. The same places
suitable for settling were often used in different epochs (Bucaisxi 2008: 450-451; 2009:
10-11, 27, 142, 154), up until modern times (uii, uiii 1994). Even after massive
hydro-regulatory works, some 26 % of ajkaka is still under more or less permanent
swamps. The estimation that about 46 % of ajkaka (areas lower than 79.5 m above sea
level) would be flooded if waters broke through the modern embankments testifies to
the extent of the flooding threat in the past (Mai;axov 1971: 78, 82).
Te relief was the key condition for settling. People chose for settlement the
terrain that was sustainable by geomorphological criteria and received the top-quality
chernozem, which they soon learned to use, as a kind of bonus.
2
13 out of 14 modern
settlements in ajkaka show material traces from Antiquity, attributable most often to
the Sarmatians and much more rarely to the Migration Period.
II. Saixariax sirriixixr ix a;xasxa
The Sarmatians, Ptolemys Jazyges Metanastae, a population of Iranian origin, in-
va ded the Great Pannonian Plain in the 1
st
century AD and spread all the way south,
including ajkaka, as far as the Roman frontier (Mcs\ 1977: 439-466). In the early
2
nd
century, the Romans extended their sway to the north (Oiriax 2007: 53- 55),
but a century and a half of their rule there did not result in the urbanization of the area
or in the Romanization of the Sarmatians. Te peak of the Empires cultural impact,
as reected primarily in the import of Roman goods, falls in the second half of the
2
nd
century and in the early 3
rd
(Biuxxii 1990: 203). It coincided with the defeat
inicted by emperor Marcus Aurelius on the Jazyges in 175 and with their forced retreat
from the Danube and the small river islands in Southern Baka. Te gravity of this move
for the Jazyges stems from the fact that the geographical position and the nature of
their homeland tied them to the high river banks, safe from the oods and favourable to
agriculture and pasture, and to the river courses along which they could sh and trade.
Ten, emperor Maximinus Trax campained against the Sarmatians and, most likely,
defeated them in 236 (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 39-40; 51).
15
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
3. Comments on the geographical conditions of sites, which also produced finds from the Migration
Period, are not repeated later in the text.
Te abandonment of the province of Dacia in 271 under pressure from the Goths
produced great ethnic changes over wide areas, including ajkaka. Te Sarmatians found
themselves surrounded by the Empire and Germanic tribes (Soiioxi 1969: 121-122); at the
same time, new heterogeneous Sarmatian populations arrived, whose material culture can
be traced in Banat (cf. Ivaxisivi, Bucaisxi 2008: 39) and Baka. Typically, in this period,
the Sarmatian settlements grew both in number and in size (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 54).
Te reinforcement of the Danube limes increased the political strength of the Sarmatians.
Te rst line of limes facing the mutual enemy, the Goths, was erected in the Barbaricum
after 322, and another one was added after Constantius IIs victory over the Sarmatians
in 358 (Vaoa\ 2001: 249-276).
Tis short overview of historical events shows three phases of Sarmatian presence
in the region. Te rst phase, poorly corroborated by archaeological nds in Baka
(Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 36), preceded the Roman occupation of Dacia, the second belongs
to the period of that occupation (107-271), and the third one lasted from 271 onwards,
perhaps even to the middle of the 5
th
century, a matter to be discussed below.
Te list of Sarmatian sites in ajkaka compiled by D. Dimitrijevi (1975a) included
Kovilj, Titel, urug, ajka, Ka, abalj, Nadalj, Gardinovci, Lok and Moorin. An over-
view published 15 years later by V. Dautova-Ruevljan (1990) listed the same localities.
A decade later, N. Stanojev (1999-2000) published the excavations in Gospoinci. Te rst
phase of Sarmatian presence could only be conrmed in urug, the only place in ajkaka
holding evidence of all three phases (Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003; Tiiiuxovi 2006). ajka
produced nds from the second occupation phase, and the nds from the second and
third phases come from Titel, Kovilj and Gospoinci. Te third phase only has been
conrmed in Moorin, Lok, Ka, Gardinovci and abalj. Te nds from Nadalj were
only mentioned, so they could not be dated precisely.
Sarmatian nds from ajkaka are here to be explained in more detail, with
reference to the geographical positions of the sites.
3
Tree settlements, Titel, Moorin
and Vilovo, skirt an oval loess Titel hill, surfacing 94 km. Te modern settlements are
primarily positioned on the seam of the alluvial plain and the loess plateau (uii,
uiii 1994: 151; Geomorphological Map 2005). Today, Titel is in the contact zone
of three chernozems, while Moorin is in that of eroded chernozem and various types
of ooded soil (Soil Map 1971). On the 1764 map of ajkaka, forests are noticeable
in the vicinity of Vilovo and Moorin, the last remains of which disappeared decades
ago (Mai;axov 1971: 78). In places not t for agriculture, Titel hill is cov ered with
vegetation of steppe meadows and pastures (Bani, Paianusxi 1971: 137).
According to B. Bukurov (1971: 72), the Tisza in Roman times curved around the
south western side of Titel hill and then turned to the southeast, using the old Danube
riverbed to meet this river further to the east, near Slankamen (Acumincum). Titel
represented an advanced post of the Roman Empire from the end of the 1
st
century A.D.,
16
IVAN BUGARSKI
and while the archaeological proofs for an earthen (?) fortication are missing, there is
some epigraphical evidence (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 43-45; 1996: 25). Renewed after the
Marcomannic wars, the fortication existed in the 3
rd
century as well, as indicated by three
monuments dedicated to Roman emperors (Dusaxi 1965: 92-94, n. 49; 1967: 202-205,
n. 37; 1968: 95-96). Te fortication, most likely the strategic point contra Acinco mentioned
by Hydatius (Jovaxovi 2005: 85), was a part of the limes system and probably a harbour
of the classis Flavia Pannonica, still active in the late 3
rd
century and into the rst half
of the 4
th
(Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 45-47, 58; 1996: 23-31). However, the only archaeological
conrmation of the presence of the classis Flavia Pannonica in the area, dated to the
4
th
century, comes from Progar in Srem (Daurova-Rusivi;ax, Vu;ovi 2006: 26).
Te Sarmatians dwelled in the vicinity of the fort. A grave of a rather wealthy woman,
probably from the rst half of the 2
nd
century, was discovered in Titel. Finds of later
Sarmatian pottery are dated widely, from 270 to 450. North of the town, on Titel hill,
shreds of Sarmatian pottery and pieces of plaster indicate that a Sarmatian settlement
existed near the fortication, extra muros (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 42, n. 26; 46, 58).
At least four 4
th
-century Sarmatian settlements were found in Moorin, where a ceme-
tery of nine graves has been excavated as well (at the Kraljev surduk site). Some mis un-
der standings arose from the initial ethnic interpretation of the Sarmatian settlement at
the Bostanite site (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 56-58; cf. Visiiixovi 1953; Taxcs 2000a: 409),
where a 4
th
-century cemetery was also discovered (oiivi 1990: 122; cf. Bucaisxi 2008:
n. 22). So far, there are no settlement traces from Vilovo, at the foot of Titel hill; only a
fragmented tombstone was found in this place (oiivi 2007: 88).
Lok is positioned next to Titel hill, on the seam of the lower river terrace and
alluvial plain (Geomorphological Map 2005), and on meadow chernozem in contact
with ooded soil (Soil Map 1971). Of all villages in ajkaka, Lok would be most
threatened by high waters (Mai;axov 1971: 78). Numerous surface nds of the late
Sarmatian grey pottery at the Gradaki surduk site indicate the existence of a settlement
(Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 56).
Te loess-covered higher terrace along the left bank of the Danube borders mostly
on the alluvial plain. Ka, Budisava, Kovilj and Gardinovci are positioned on that seam.
Erected on a higher geomorphological unit, Kovilj and Gardinovci deeply penetrate the
lower terrain (uii, uiii 1994: 152; Geomorphological Map 2005). In the sand
dunes that stretch between Kovilj and Gardinovci, the alluvial plain of the Danube
meets the alluvial plain of the Tisza curving around Titel hill (Buxuiov 1971: 71, 72).
Forests grow opposite these villages (Bani, Paianusxi 1971: 119-120). Ka, Kovilj and
Gardinovci are positioned on chernozem on sand, bordering on other chernozems and
soils of lesser quality (Soil Map 1971).
Te Museum of Vojvodina has some Roman bronze coins from Ka (Daurova-
Rusivi;ax 1974-1978: 63), which also produced Sarmatian nds mostly dated to the
4
th
century. Cemeteries and settlements have been detected in a few localities, including
the Vinogradi and ot II sites, along the Ka Kovilj road (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 54-55,
n. 67). In Donji Kovilj, there is a 2
nd
-century cemetery (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 41), and a
3
rd
- 4
th
centuries necropolis stretches along the Kovilj canal (Sraxo;iv 1999-2000: 33, n. 19).
17
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
Some 4
th
century Roman coins have been found (Daurova-Rusivi;ax 1974-1978) and Late
Sarmatian settlements observed at three sites in Gardinovci. D. Dimitrijevi (1975a: 55-56)
noted that one of them was positioned at the old conuence of the Danube and the Tisza.
Nadalj is situated on a fertile chernozem (Soil Map 1971) between two loess valleys;
it is bordered by the Jegrika and the Krivaja (Geomorphological Map 2005). Surface
pottery nds indicate a Sarmatian settlement, with no further data (Dixirii;ivi 1975a:
55). Tere are no records of Sarmatian settlements from Budisava and urevo, although
these places are protected from high waters (Mai;axov 1971: 78) and are in contact with
chernozems (Soil Map 1971).
urug is positioned on the southern part of the Tisza river branch, formed in the north,
near Beej, and encircling a large holm (Tiiiuxovi 2006). It is situated on the border of
the bottom of the uvio-marshy environment in the Pannonian Basin and the Tisza alluvial
plain, on the higher unit (uii, uiii 1994: 152; Geomorphological Map 2005), and
also on the contact of typical chernozem, the non-carbonate chernozem and two types of
alluvium (Soil Map 1971). On the other side, between urug and Nadalj there is a stretch of
pasture called livade (meadows) (Vu;ivi 1939: 9). Together with Nadalj, Gospoinci and
Budisava, urug is one of the settlements that would be best protected in case the waters broke
through the modern embankments (Mai;axov 1971: 78). On the elevated terrain of the old
Tisza riverbank, there are damaged Sarmatian cemeteries at Gornji boronj (Siavxi 1952;
Maxo;iovi 1969-1970: 301) and Ciglana (Brick factory) (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 43) sites.
Te site of Stari Vinogradi (Old vineyards), excavated by S. Trirfunovi (2006), is
the most important and best explored in ajkaka. Tis multi-layered site of some 50
hectares is partly overbuilt by the modern village of urug (municipality of abalj).
Before the hydro-regulatory works, there was a striking dierence in elevation, perhaps
the biggest in the area, between the settlement located on a high bank and a big fen below.
Te toponym Stari Vinogradi, denoting the best agricultural soil, identies the site as
very suitable for settling (Mai;axov 1971: 92). It produced at least 530 archaeological
entities, dated from the Bronze Age to the 17
th
century (Fig. 3).
Fig. 3: urug, the situation plan (after Tiiiuxovi 2006 )
10 m
18
IVAN BUGARSKI
Findings on the site attest to intense contacts between Sarmatians and Romans from
the late 2
nd
early 3
rd
century (Jovaxovi 2004: 214). Some 60 houses, mostly dugouts,
belong to the 3
rd
century and can be attributed to the Jazyges. Small nds are represented
by Roman pottery made on the fast wheel, bulae etc (Tiiiuxovi 2006).
Later on, the settlement increased, an expansion believed to be due to the inux of a new
population. Among 190 objects, some 25 houses have been explored, mostly semi-dugouts,
and three constructions with tunnel-shaped furnaces. In the middle of the 4
th
century,
a ditch cut through the settlement (Fig. 3 : 1 ; 4). Grey burnished fast wheel pottery prevails
in that horizon, while the constructions in which slow wheel pottery has been found are
attributed to a somewhat earlier date (Fig. 5). Te authors of the excavations believe that
dierences in arhitecture and pottery may point to changes in the ethnic composition of
the population, yet they attribute all objects of the material culture to the Sarmatians-
Limigants (Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003: 263, 271, 273, 275, 278; Tiiiuxovi 2006). Further
to the west, next to the so-called Big Roman ditch, there are traces of two minor settlements
from the 3
rd
and the 4
th
centuries (Sraxo;iv 1999-2000: 36, n. 23, g. 5/4-6).
Fig. 4: urug, a semi-dugout, the tunnel-shaped furnaces and a ditch (after Tiiiuxovi 2006 )
abalj is on the seam of the higher and lower river terraces, on a higher geo mor pho-
logical unit penetrating into the lower terrain, and also on the seam of dierent types
of chernozem. urevo is within the marshes, on the same drain channel as abalj in
the north and ajka in the south. urevo, like ajka, moots the lower river terrace
(uii, uiii 1994: 152; Buxuiov 1971: 70). Geomorphological Map (2005) places it
on chernozem overlying sand, next to ooded soils (Soil Map 1971). Before the melioration
works, the drain channels were lled with water (Kosai, Mixxovi 2005: 16). Te
alkaline swamps near abalj, urevo and ajka contain healing salts (Buxuiov 1971: 69).
D. Dimitrijevi (1975a: 55) describes the Nove zemlje site on the Jegrika, in abalj, as
a multi-layered site, the latest settlement being Sarmatian and dated after 271. However,
19
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
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20
IVAN BUGARSKI
the preliminary report on the excavations at Nove zemlje (Viiori;ivi 1965), incorrectly
cited by D. Dimitrijevi, contains no record of the Sarmatian occupation phase of the
site. Other sites in the vicinity of the village, on protrusions that mostly follow the
course of the Jegrika, show remains of Sarmatian settlements (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 55).
Two damaged graves and shreds of Sarmatian pottery were found in ajka, at the
site of Jelin breg, while along the Moorin - ajka road, east of the village, some ruined
skeleton graves and remains of another settlement have been noted, dated prior to the
abandoning of Dacia in 271 (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 42-43).
Gospoinci, northwest of urevo and abalj, is located on a high river terrace over-
looking a big meander (Geomorphological Map 2005), for the most part on swampy
chernozem (Soil Map 1971), and in one of the few places protected from ooding. Tere,
on the south bank of the Mala bara, at the intersection of this rivulet with the Big Roman
ditch, N. Stanojev explored a large settlement dated from the 3
rd
to the 5
th
century (Fig. 6).
Te upper limit of this span is not certain, since only two houses were excavated: one
Fig. 6: Sarmatian pottery from Gospoinci (after Sraxo;iv 1999-2000)
1
2
3
4
6
7
5
0 5
21
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
dated roughly to the 3
rd
century and the other to the rst third of the 4
th
, in relation to the
opinion that the ditch was cut then (S 1999-2000: 37-39, gs. 5/7; 12-15). Another
settlement, also dated from the 3
rd
to the 5
th
century, was discovered nearby, next to the
conuence of the Jegrika and Mala bara, at the southwestern end of the Small Roman ditch
(Fig. 7). Roman coins from the 2
nd
to the 4
th
century come from a place a little further to
the southeast, next to the leg of the Small ditch (S 1999- 2000: 33, n. 16, g. 5/1, 2).
Fig. 7: Sarmatian pottery from the settlement near Gospoinci (after S 1999-2000)
1
3
5
7
8
6
4
2
0 5
Te story behind the Roman ditches in Baka and Pannonia in general still remains
to be told: neither their date nor purpose could be determined. Te Small Roman ditch
is, in fact, the longest in Baka, stretching from Apatin on the Danube to urug. From
there, the other leg of the Small ditch, slightly moved to the west, continues to the
north. Te Big ditch is much shorter, but deeper and more impressive. It connects the
Danube and Tisza diagonally. In two places it intersects the Small ditch, which was
obviously created earlier. Te third, so-called Outer ditch, goes from the Small ditch
22
IVAN BUGARSKI
towards the south. One of its sections follows the course of the Danube east of Novi
Sad, to Kovilj and Gardinovci, and then turns to the northeast, via Vilovo to the Tisza
(Nac\ 1966-1968; Sixiiis 1986).
Sections of all three Roman ditches in Baka cross ajkaka (Fig. 8). Te ditches are
commonly viewed as part of the limes system, entrusted to the Sarmatians subjected to
Rome (e.g. Guoia 2003:
*
41, Abb. 10; oiivi 2007: 83-84), probably in the capacity
of foederati (Dixirii;ivi 1975a: 58). In contrast, N. Stanojev (1999-2000) believes that
the ditches were dug for hydro-regulation, irrigation and trac, since his excavations
show the late antique settlements next to the ditches, some of them built outside the
defended area, to be purely agricultural. But even if we admit his arguments, the ditches
represent a barrier which could de facto protect the Roman provinces. Tey are certainly
the most important sign of Roman engagement north of the Danube and should be a
matter of large-scale research projects, given their state of preservation: badly damaged
by 200 years of intense agricultural development, they are often barely noticeable
(Sixiiis 1986: 144, 146). Te ditches in Baka are part of the 1.500 km long Pannonian
system, depending on the system of ditches in Baranja in the west (Kovaivi 1960: 41);
an overview of Roman ditches in the neighbouring Banat region in the east was oered
recently (Ivaxisivi, Bucaisxi 2008: 39-40).
Fig. 7: Roman ditches in Baka (after Sixiiis 1986 )
Danube
T
i
s
z
a
23
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
III. Giixaxic sirriixixr ix a;xasxa
Te ongoing wars with Rome and the appearance of other tribes, notably Germanic
and Hunnic, destabilized centuries-long Sarmatian domination. Te Sarmatians were
defeated by Teodosius in 374 (Amm. Marc. XXIX.6), and as of 377, Huns, Goths and
Alans penetrated the imperial provinces. Te Goths and the Alans started to settle along
the Danube limes (Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 69). However, the densely settled Sarmatians
could not simply disappear from the region. D. Dimitrijevi (1975b: 76-82) was most
likely right to claim that the Sarmatians, despite their partial migration to the Empire,
continued to be the majority in their area, while integrating the ethnic conglomerate led
by the Huns. Te author believed that the anonymous barbarians mentioned by Priscus
in 448 (Prisci frg. 8) were Sarmatians (cf. Ivaxisivi, Bucaisxi 2008: 44). A dierent line
of thinking, supported by historians (Baiisi 1952) and archaeologists (Tiiiuxovi 1999-
2000), identies these barbarians as Slavs. Te Slavs were not mentioned, however,
among the participants in the battle of 454 on the Nedao rivulet, in which a coalition of
tribes terminated the Hunnic state in Europe (Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 80, n. 34). Tey are
rst mentioned in the region in a much later historical source.
Te Gepids, who led the coalition, expanded their territory to the Tisza river in the west.
Srem and the area between the Drava and the Tisza were controlled by the Ostrogoths, who
settled in Pannonia in 456 (Kiss 1996: 88-89, Abb. 1). It is not entirely clear who ruled the
territory between the Danube and the Tisza, but the Middle Tisza region and Northern
Baka, or at least the 30 km wide stretch along the left bank of the Danube, from Csepel to
Novi Sad (Kiss 2003: 185-186), seem to have been controlled by the Skirs from 454 to 470
(Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 81-82). Southern Baka and ajkaka could have remained under the
Sarmatians, who seem only to have lost Singidunum to the Ostrogoths in 472, when their
king was killed by Teodoric. Te Sarmatians then joined the Gepids in the 488 battle against
the Ostrogoths. In the course of time, they were gradually assimilated and disappeared from
the written sources. Peace ended only with the arrival of the Lombards in 546, who clashed
with the Gepids and defeated them denitively in 567 (Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 82-83).
Tus, there were two phases of Germanic presence in the region rst under Hunnic
domination and then under the Gepids, with 454 as a turning point. Germanic ndings
are scarce in ajkaka in both periods.
Te survey of 1975 does not list a single nd from the rst period (Dixirii;ivi 1975b:
72). Only the recent excavations at the Stari Vinogradi site in urug revealed a few relevant
graves, several others being ruined (Fig. 3 : 2). Tree south-north oriented warriors graves were
dated to the 4
th
, possibly, to the early 5
th
century (Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003: 278-279, g. 13;
Tiiiuxovi 2006). Te upper limit was based on the dating of a bula (Tiiiuxovi 2006:
Photo 145), which nds the closest analogy in the late Sarmatian cemetery SuboticaVerui,
in a grave with a broken spear (Sixiiis 1998: 112, 118-119, T. XX/2). Te bulae from
urug and Subotica seem to represent a later, barbarized variant of the Roman armbrust
bulae from the second half of the 3
rd
and the 4
th
centuries (Pisxa 1972: 125-126, Tf. 43).
Fairly similar ndings from the Hunnic domination period come from Levice cemetery in
24
IVAN BUGARSKI
Slovakia (Piira 1999: 175, Abb. 5/2), and TpMalajdok Sarmatian cemetery in Hungary
(Isrvxovirs, Kuicsi 1999: 82, 88, g. 4/2). An iron buckle and a poorly preserved spear-
head from urug graves may only be broadly dated (Fig. 9).
Fig. 9: urug, finds from the graves from the end of the fourth and first half of the fifth centuries
(after Tiiiuxovi and Pasi 2003; Tiiiuxovi 2006 )
Fig. 10: The Singidunum grave,
420/430-450, and the sword sheet fitting
(after Ivaxisivi, Kazaxsxi 2009)
0 5
2
3
1
Te graves orientation could possibly be an
argu ment for their Sarmatian attribution, but this
orientation was also common in Germanic cem-
e teries of the time, such as the recently explored
warriors grave from Singidunum (Ivaxisivi,
Kazax sxi 2009). Among numerous characteristic
Germanic nds, by which this grave was precisely
dated to the end of D2 phase, 420/430-450, a
frag mented silver sword sheet tting (Fig. 10)
resembles, mostly for its decoration, the nd
from one of the urug graves (Tiiiuxovi 2006:
Photo 148). Broken weapons were found in the
Singidunum grave, too, and explained as an Iranian
funeral custom (Isrvxovirs, Kuicsi 1999: 69).
Tis grave comes from a small warriors cemetery
dated to the late 4
th
and the rst half of the
5
th
century, such as we know at this time from the
Tisza region, Eastern Pannonia and north of the
Middle Danube (Ivaxisivi, Kazaxsxi 2009: 119,
gs. 4, 6/23). Te SuboticaVerui cemetery was
connected to contemporary cemeteries in South-
ern Hungary (Sixiiis 1998: 122). More precisely,
J. Tejral (2007: 63) attributes it to the horizon of
Sarmatian sites from the Late Antiquity, which had
lasted until the early 5
th
century and survived in a
dierent cultural context afterwards.
25
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
Te analogous nds, however limited, suggest dating the small warriors cemetery
from urug to the late 4
th
cenutry and the rst half of the 5
th
, that is to the Hunnic period.
Whether attributed to Germans or, more likely, to Sarmatians, these graves certainly
belong to the horizon in which both populations coexisted in the region. Both militarized
societies, at least from the early 5
th
century, used similar objects of material culture. Tis
cultural interference can also be observed on the right bank of the Danube, illustrated
not only by Sarmatian rule over Singidunum up to 472 (cf. above), but also by cemeteries
from this town, which display both Germanic ndings and funeral rites connected to
the Sarmatians. Such Sarmatian traditions were equally present at Csongrd cemeteries
(Ti;iai 2007: 63). Te mixture of dierent ethnic elements in some of those graves, like
at urug, could indicate local or regional alliances between Sarmatians and Germans,
but it would be much safer to consider both artefacts and funeral rites as indicators of
the period rather than as ethnic markers.
In regards to the Gepidic traces from ajkaka, none of them were noted in the reference
book of D. Csallny (1961). Te rst nd mentioned is a single pottery shred from Lok
(Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 84, n. 51). Even this minor nd could perhaps point to a Gepidic
presence on Titel hill, the more so as it was in an important strategic position.
Five years later, D. Mrkobrad (1980) mentions no other Germanic nds from
ajkaka. From Ka, then, comes an unillustrated nd of a hand-made pot dated from
the second half of the 5
th
century to the rst half of the 6
th
and attributed to the South
Slavs in another publication (Jaxxovi 1990: 15, 94). Tat book does not mention any
evidence from ajkaka for the time of Gepidic domination or the Migration Period in
general, but the Ka nd may tentatively suggest a settlement from this period.
Tese two nds of pottery were not recorded in a more recent survey of Gepidic sites by
A. Kiss (2003: 186-188, Abb. 1), in which Subotica appeared as the southernmost spot. Tis
article of the late A. Kiss could not possibly mention the nds from urug. Seven west-east
orientated graves two males, a woman and four children (Fig. 3 : 3 ; 11) belong to the
period after the settlement from Antiquity in urug had ceased to exist. Te graves of the
adults, one of whom may have been a warrior, contained traces of wooden constructions.
Te graves probably belonged to a population that settled there for a short period of time
in the late 5
th
century or in the rst half of the 6
th
. Settlement remains from the same
horizon include ve houses and three pits (Fig. 3 : 4 ; 12). Te closeness of the graves to the
houses probably indicates that they were not entirely synchronous. Based on the nds, the
settlement was roughly dated to the 6
th
century and correctly attributed to the Gepids, just
as was the cemetery (Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003: 279-282, gs. 14-16; Tiiiuxovi 2006).
IV. Avai sirriixixr ix a;xasxa
From 568, Byzantium had a new, strong enemy instead of the quarrelsome Germanic
peoples the Avars (see Kovaivi 1977; Poui 1988; Daix 2003). In the following
decades, the Empire was forced to pay huge tributes and launch campaigns against them
in order to defend the Danube limes and its hinterland. Te last Byzantine expedition
26
IVAN BUGARSKI
to the Barbaricum, in 600/601, is par-
ticularly important to us. According to
Teophylact Simocatta (Hist, VIII, 3),
the Avars were defeated on the Tisza
and 3,000 of them were captured, to-
geth er with 4,000 and 2,200 other bar-
barians and 8,000 Slavs. Te Gepids
were certainly among the barbarians
captured (Baiisi, Maixovi 1955:
n. 80), since later the historian tells that
the Byzantine army, having defeated
the Avars, burned three Gepid villages
and slaughtered 30,000 Gepids.
Tese accounts illustrate the ethnic
structure of the Avar Khaganate in the
southernmost part of the Pannonian
plain. Certain authors drew evidence
from ik cemetery in Baka to assert
the Sarmatian presence at that time
(Dixi rii;ivi 1975b: 84; Kovaivi
1977: 31), but Sarmatian graves from
ik were dated to the 2
nd
century in the
recent monograph devoted to that site
(Bucaisxi 2009). Despite an attempt to
support their later presence by means of
some results from the eld of biophysical
anthropology (Frui 2000), we main-
tain the year 480 as the upper limit for
Sarmatian presence in Pannonia, as set
by Hungarian archaeology (Ivaxisivi,
Bucaisxi 2008: 47).
Te written sources clearly indicate
that ajkaka was settled during the
two and a half centuries of Avar domi-
nation, but archaeological proofs are
very scarce. Tus, in the late 19
th
centu-
ry, a grave was found on the Stara
obala Tise (Old Tisza riverbank) site in
Moorin, on the slopes of Titel hill.
Fig. 11: urug, finds from the sixth century Gepid graves
(after Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003; Tiiiuxovi 2006 )
1
2
3
0 5
27
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
F
i
g
.

1
2
:

u
r
u
g
,

G
e
p
i
d

s
e
t
t
l
e
m
e
n
t

a
n
d

t
h
e

s
i
x
t
h

c
e
n
t
u
r
y

p
o
t
t
e
r
y

f
r
o
m

g
r
a
v
e
s

(
a
f
t
e
r

T

,

P

2
0
0
3
;

T

2
0
0
6

)
1
2
4
56
3
8
9
7
1
0
1
2
1
1
0
5
28
IVAN BUGARSKI
While no inventory is available, a pair of gold earrings was mentioned, possibly from
the 7
th
century, or of an even later date according to a recent comment (ADAM 2002:
247-248). It has been suggested that four other graves were found on the same occasion
(Dixirii;ivi, Kovaivi, Vixsxi 1962: 49; Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 87, n. 61).
From a male grave found in Titel before World War II (Dixirii;ivi, Kovaivi,
Vixsxi 1962: 62, gs. 1, 2, T. XXIV/3; Dixirii;ivi 1975b: 92), a cast bronze strap-end
and a buckle with a tting of bronze sheet have been preserved, together with a wheel
made pot (Fig. 13). Following J. Zbojnk (1991) and . Garam (1995), the grave may be
dated to 720-750. Another published strap-end from Titel, found together with some
Avaroslavic objects (Maxo;iovi 1969-1970: 305-306, g. 22), is of the same date.
S. Nagy (1971: 190, n. 29) noted that in 1968 some Avar graves were discovered in
urevo, on Nikoli (Surkin) sala site, but D. Dimitrijevi (1975b) does not mention
these graves, nor is there any other mention of them in the more recent literature.
A warriors grave from Kovilj contained parts of a horse harness (but no skeleton), as well
as a sabre, perforated arrowheads, belt or harness mounts, snue-bits and stirrups. Only
the weapons were illustrated by D. Dimitrijevi (1975b: 92-93, n. 79), whose dating of the
grave to the 8
th
century and its Avar attribution were accepted by many (Mixoniao 1980:
98, n. 656; Taxcs 2000b: 469; Bucaisxi 2008: 447). Some reservations were voiced,
however, in the reference catalogue of Avar sites (ADAM 2002: 210); it has also been noted
that bent sabres may be found in early Hungarian graves (Dixirii;ivi 1975b: n. 79).
Finaly, I refrain from comment on two late Avar graves listed by D. Dimitrijevi (1975b:
92- 93) in enejRivica, which is outside the ajkaka region (cf. Dixirii;ivi, Kovaivi,
Vixsxi 1962: 53-54; Taxcs 2000b: 469; ADAM 2002: 265; Bucaisxi 2008: 446).
Fig. 13: Finds from the Titel grave, 720-750 (after Dixirii;ivi, Kovaivi, Vixsxi 1962)
0 5
29
OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTH PANNONIAN SOIL
V. Coxciusiox
Te Sarmatians left considerably more traces in ajkaka than the Germans and the
Avars, no doubt due to the fact that they had more time and possibilities to create a denser
network of settlements. Te same was noticed for the Migration Period heritage of the
neighbouring western Banat region, where settlements were also formed according to
the geomorphological determinants (Ivaxisivi, Bucaisxi 2008: 56-59). Te Sarmatian
period was also a time of a rapid population growth. Another similar climax was reached
in the Late Avar period (Sixiiis 1986: 144), but there have been so far few proofs of it
in ajkaka.
No new systematic explorations in ajkaka came to complete the survey of D. Dimi-
trijevi. N. Stanojevs and S. Trifunovis results should be pointed out, however, in
particular on the site of Stari vinogradi in urug, which revealed what seems to be a Late
Sarmatian and Gepidic settlement. Future excavations will probably produce evidence of
Avar presence at the site, too, the more so since traces of more recent settlements have been
recorded (Tiiiuxovi, Pasi 2003: 282-287, gs. 17-19) in this excellent geographical
position, provided with the best chernozem. Near urug end the legs of both main
Roman ditches in Baka terminate, which also testies its important position.
Titel hill is a particularly important geographical unit since there was a Roman
stronghold there for a long period, guarding the provinces south of the Danube, as well
as the northern province of Dacia during its existence (107-271).
Te conuence of the Tisza and the Danube is commonly considered as the western
border of the province of Dacia (cf. Guoia 2003:
*
41; Oiriax 2007: g. 1.1). Te reference
article on the province (Guoia 1998:
*
14) cautions, however, that the southwestern
borderline was not suciently clear. M. Mirkovi (2002: 762) suggests that the swampy
and not inhabited zone in the east, between the Tisza and the Lederata-Berzobis road,
was outside the provincial and imperial frontier, but not necessarily beyond Roman
control. Yet, the area in question was not uninhabited. Tis is made clear by the recently
published map of Sarmatian settlements and cemeteries in western Banat (Ivaxisivi,
Bucaisxi 2008: g. 1), or by the map published by S. Baraki (1975) in his catalogue of
the Sarmatian jewellery from the Banat region. Roman nds come from some 25 sites in
southern Banat, dated to the period of the occupation of Dacia (Baiaxi 1991: 28).
Further on, the above-mentioned monuments from Titel and Vilovo clearly point
to Roman presence on the hill. Terefore, M. Mirkovis conclusion (1981: 89) that
from the closing decades of the 2
nd
century the area between the Tisza and the Danube
was used by Sarmatians and other populations as a corridor for incursions in lower
Pannonia, northeastern Dalmatia and Upper Moesia, may be applied with certainty
only to the rest of Baka, including the western part of ajkaka. Contra Acumincum,
however, as well as Onagrinum in the west, present-day Bege, did not represent a core
out of which Roman towns developed (Biuxxii 1990: 203). Te Titel fort could also
have served for protection of the communication routes leading from Acumincum to
30
IVAN BUGARSKI
Dacia (Miixovi 2002: 759, g. 2), and it is likely that the authors who set the border
of the province on the Tisza were right.
During the Migration Period, this area was certainly outside the formal reach of the
Empire. A single Gepidic pottery shred and sporadic Avar nds known so far do not
testify to any signicant settling of Titel hill in that period, but one may expect new nds,
since 10
th
-11
th
centuries cemeteries have been observed in Titel (Taxcs 2000b: 470) and
Moorin (Sraxo;iv 1989: 6, 59-60; Taxcs 2000b: 470), as well as medieval settlements
in Moorin (Sraxo;iv 1996: 101-107). Titel was the only known town in ajkaka in the
14
th
century (iii 1988: 110-111), which conrms the importance of its position.
Te only place in ajkaka with no ndings from Antiquity and the Migration
Period is Budisava, which is strange since this village is situated in one of the most ood-
protected places in ajkaka and on fertile chernozem. Such features must have been of
decisive importance in choosing a settlement location, so one may expect with certainty
that future excavations in Budisava will be fruitful. Te same is true of urevo.
To conclude, the proposed reconstruction of the ajkaka landscape in Antiquity and
the Migration Period argues against the idea of nomadism being the way of life in this
region. It may be stated that the basis of the economy was primarily agriculture, hunting
and shing. Food surpluses were traded; we know of a concession of emperor Marcus
Aurelius to the Jazyges, which let them visit Roman marketplaces (Dixirii;ivi 1975a:
40). At that time and in the Migration Period, the inhabitants of ajkaka certainly earned
their living by booty and also by tributes. Regardless of whether their victims were the other
barbarians or the Empire, that kind of war economy is not exclusively nomadic either.
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