SAMPLE NOTES FOR SOCIOLOGY

EMILE DURKHEIM Perspective: his perspective is called Social Realism because he assigned reality to group & not to individuals. Keeping in view that every science is distinct (19 th century thin ing!" he got this idea #rom Emile B !tr !". Reality e$ists at multiple levels. %ach level o# reality is emergent in character. &hen parts 'oin in a certain relationship( they produce a new level o# reality & each level is studied by a di##erent science. S ci#l re#lit$ is s!i%&e'eris: )t cannot be reduced into its component parts. )t cannot be ade*uately understood in terms o# causes & conse*uences alone. Social Reality calls #or a new science( i.e. sociology. Social reality pertains to group li#e. +nce a group results( a new level o# reality results" i.e. social reality which is beyond and outside individuals have its own independent e$istence. ,nything with independent e$istence is observable. So this reality can be based on positive science. Social reality is uni#ied whole made o# interdependent & inter connected parts Or&#'ismic #'#l &$. S!()ect M#tter: ,spects o# this new level o# reality are S ci#l *#cts. F#cts+ because they have independent e$istence" S ci#l because they pertain to group. S ci#l *#cts -are those ways o# acting( thin ing and #eeling which are capable o# e$erting e$ternal constraints on individual members( which are di##used throughout a given society & which e$ist in their own li#e. i',epe',e't * i',ivi,!#l m#'i*est#ti 's/. 0ltimate social #act is c 'scie'ce c llective. +ther social #acts are subsets o# conscience collective.

C 'scie'ce c llective: 1otality o# belie#s and sentiments common to an average member o# society which #orms a ,etermi'#te s$stem #', -#s # li*e t t#lit$ * its .'. )t is also called as * s ci#l resem(l#'ces/ )t has its own distinctive properties( conditions o# e$istence

and mode o# development. )t has a li#e o# its own. 2elie#s and sentiments comprising conscience collective are both m r#l #', c &'itive. 1hey act as an agency to regulate behaviour as well as act as means o# nowing the world. )t is a ps$c-ic t$pe * s ciet$.

3ur heim a -i&- ,e&ree

argued

that

st#te

,erives

its #!t- rit$ *r m

c 'scie'ce

c llective and becomes its ,irective

r&#' #', s$m( l. )n a democratic polity( there e$ists

* c mm!'ic#ti ' (et.ee' st#te #', c 'scie'ce c llective ( which

renders the latter more deliberative( re#lective and critical. 1 cr#c0IAS/c m

4onscience collective v#ries i' e"te't #', * rce *r m s ciet$ t

s ciet$ . )t

is re#lective o# the degree o# cohesion( integration or solidarity o# a society. )t is ,istri(!te, t-r !&- !t t-e s ciet$. )t has speci#ic #eatures which ma e it a distinct reality. )t is i',epe',e't * p#rtic!l#r c ',iti 's in which individuals are placed. )t is spread out over #ll cc!p#ti 's or pro#essions etc. )t the whole o# the territory o# a society. )t is c mm ' t

li'0s s!ccessive &e'er#ti 's to one another. )t governs the e$istence o# individuals. 1he stronger the conscience collective o# the society( the greater is the indignation against crime or against any other violation o# the social imperative. Represe't#ti 's C llective: 3ur heim abandons conscience collective later on( as it was t #ll em(r#ci'& #', t st#tic" it #ailed to discriminate between cognitive( moral and * s!ici,e( when he wrote that li#e is essentially made up o# religious belie#s and sentiments. 3ur heim used the concept o# Representation 4ollective #or the #irst time in -is st!,$ Representations 4ollectives. Representations 4ollectives are the st#tes * C 'scie'ce C llective which are

di##erent in nature #rom the states o# the individual conscience. 1hey e$press the way in which the group conceives itsel# in its relationships with ob'ects which a##ects it. Representations 4ollective re#ers both to the m ,e * t-i'0i'& #', c 'ceivi'& .-#t is perceive, . Representations 4ollectives are collective in the sense that its origin determines its mode and #orm in its re#erence to ob'ect. 1hey are collective also in that Representations collectives are s ci#ll$ &e'er#te, and they re#er in some sense to society. 2y using the analogy o# the individuals mental states which are intimately related to their substratum brain cells( #rom whose activity they result. 3ur heim argued that representations collectives result #rom the substratum o# associated individuals. 1hey cannot be reduced to & wholly e$plained by #eatures o# individuals" they have sui.generis characteristics. Representations 4ollective is either a concept or thought held in a su##iciently similar #orm by many persons to #ll . e**ective c mm!'ic#ti 's. 1hese collective symbols have #orce because they have been ) i'tl$ cre#te, #', ,evel pe, e.g. #lag is a political representative and sacred te$ts are religious representations. 3ur heim wanted a separate branch o# sociology to be devoted to the study o# representations collectives to be called as S ci l &$ * K' .le,&e. 1his e$amines the social origin( re#erence( social #unctions and #orms o# cognitive thoughts. R!les * S ci#l Met- ,

5 cr#c0IAS/c m

3ur heim was e"plicitl$ c 'cer'e, .it-

!tli'i'& t-e '#t!re #', sc pe

s ci l &$. 3ur heim laid down the general conditions #or the establishment o# social science. . . . . . . Science dealt with a speci*ie, #re# or a sub'ect matter o# its own( not with total nowledge. Science is c 'cer'e, .it- t-i'&s( ob'ective realities. Science ,escri(es t$pes r cl#sses * s!()ect m#tter . 4lassi#ication helps in arriving at r l#.s. )# societies were not general rules & discovering regularities o# behaviour. 1he sub'ect matter o# science $iel,s &e'er#l pri'ciples sub'ect to regularities( no social science would be possible. 1here is c 'ti'!it$ (et.ee' t-e '#t!r#l 1 s ci#l . rl, ( the sociology is as distinctive & autonomous a sphere o# sub'ect matter( as either the biological or physical. 1o discover the uni#ormities( types & laws o# society( we need a met- ,. 1he methods o# science applicable in the #ield o# natural sciences are valid within the social #ield. T-e s ci#l met- ,2 1he social method rests #irmly on the e$perience o# biology( which had emerged by then as a science o# living beings. 1he rules o# social method are: +bservation( 4omparison & 4lassi#ication( and 6enerali7ation. R!les . . . . * O(serv#ti '

1reat social #acts as things" 8eave preconceived notions" observation o# social #acts should be restricted to observable & veri#iable aspects. 9oluntaristic aspects should not be perceived be#ore hand" observation should be in their collective mani#estation. +bservation should be as de#initive as possible. * Cl#ssi*ic#ti '

R!les

3ur heim built a classi#icatory typology o# social #acts. :or this each society should be studied in its entirety & then compared. 4lassi#ication distinguishing normal social #acts #rom abnormal social #acts. ,ny social #act which leads to the improvement o# society is normal & that deteriorates the society is pathological. R!les * E"pl#'#ti '

Social #acts can be e$plained c#!s#ll$ 1 *!'cti '#ll$. 1he causes which give rise to social #acts must be identi#ied separately #rom whatever social #unction it may #ul#ill. ,lthough( cause ; cr#c0IAS/c m

& #unction have a separate character( this does not prevent a reciprocal relation between the two & one can start either way. 1he determining cause o# a social #act should be sought among the social #acts preceding it and not among the states o# individual consciousness or non social #acts. 1he conse*uences or #unctions should be seen in terms o# our society as whole. S ci#l F#cts2 C-#r#cteristics2 E"teri rit$: %$ternal to and independent o# individual members o# the society. 1hey develop as a result o# collective living and their origins cannot be traced to organismic or psychic aspects o# individual consciousness. Ge'er#lit$: Social #acts are di##used throughout the collectivity and are commonly shared by most o# the members. C 'str#i't: Social #acts e$ercise a coercive power over individual members o# the society by which they shape and regulate their behavior. 1rue human #reedom lies in being properly regulated by the social norms. TYPES OF SOCIAL FACT2 LIE ALONG A CONTINUUM 1. Structural< morphological: it includes number and nature o# element parts o# which society is composed. 5. )nstitutionali7ed social #act: it is general in nature and widely spread. ;. =on.institutionali7ed: it is not yet crystalli7ed( have not obtained a total ob'ective and independent e$istence. they are also nown as social currents. >. =ormal social #acts ?. @athological social #acts )n the study o# suicide that he had demonstrated his methodology best and the perspective o# social realism was also applied. Study o# religion studied the #unctional conse*uences. Study o# suicide was the causal e$planation and used the positive science approach. 1his was the best study. )n study o# suicide( an attempt towards theory building was done. S!ici,e2 1here was a sudden increase in cases o# suicide in industrial society( 1here#ore he was interested in this study. 3All c#ses * ,e#t- res!lti'& ,irectl$ r i',irectl$+ *r m p sitive r 'e&#tive #ct *

victim -imsel* .-ic- -e 0' .s .ill pr ,!ce t-is e**ect is c#lle, s!ici,e4/ > cr#c0IAS/c m

Ae collected data o# 5BCCC cases spread over a period o# ;C years. 1hen( he went about classi#ying those data. Ae discovered that in every society( there is remar able consistency in the rate o# suicide. Ae was interested in collective mani#estation( that is why he computed social rates o# suicide. )n 1D>1( in :rance( there were recorded 5D1> deaths and in 1D>5( 5DBB deaths. )n 6ermany( records read 59C and ;1B deaths respectively. 1here#ore he said that every society has an aptitude #or the rate o# suicide which more or less remains unchanged. Ae said abandon all the preconceived notions. 1hese are the notions prevalent at that time:. 1! )n winter number o# suicides was more than in summer. 5! Some racial groups have higher tendency o# suicide than others. ;! Suicide is a result o# hardship o# li#e. >! ,lcoholism gives the cause. ?! )t is due to psychic morbidity that the people commit suicide. Ae said these must be tested in the light o# empirical data. Ae said( the rate o# suicide in winter and spring are the same. Racial theories are also discarded because their rates are di##erent in di##erent countries. @ercentage o# alcoholic who committed suicide is not higher than the representatives o# alcoholics in the general population. ,s #ar as psychological #actors are concerned( he conceded that psychic #actors too play a role. 1hey are predisposing #actors( but not the causal #actors. 1here is a tendency within the social structure driving them towards suicide. Ae said #orce is coming #rom society i.e. social in origin. ,s long as society remains same( the rate o# suicide remains same. 1his is called suicido.genic currents. )t is a social #orce which emanates #rom social structure impelling #rom the society. So there#ore( there is di##erence between social determinism and individual predisposition. 1he social #orce here is causing suicide whose rate is constant( so it is a social #act whose cause should also be a social #act. :ashion is a social #act in ma ing. )t is basically a social current but when some #ashion gets established( it will become a social #act. Social #act has ; identi#ying #eatures:. %$teriority( 6enerality( 4onstraining. )n all countries o# %urope @rotestants had an invariably higher rate o# suicide than catholics. )t varies #rom society to society #rom 1;E to ;CCE. 0nmarried men have more rate o# suicide than married men particularly in :rance. Filitary @ersonnel has more rate o# suicide than 4ivilians Fen have more rate o# suicide than women.

? cr#c0IAS/c m

)n times o# war<revolution e.g. in 1D?1( when 8ouis 2onaparte led the revolution( the suicide rate was less. &artime suicide rate is less than peace time suicide rate. Ae said is the above said cases" there is a lac o# integration & cohesion. 1here#ore rate o# suicide is more. )n Pr test#'t c-!rc-( hierarchy is not present but 4atholics have well de#ined hierarchy. )n 2ritain( there is protestant ideology but no catholic organisation( there#ore rate o# suicide is less in 2ritain. 2eing !'m#rrie,+ me#'s l 'eli'ess #', l#c0 * c -esi ' . 1hose issueless

couples also tend to have more rate o# suicide. %ducated people are more prone to suicide than uneducated. 2ecause education increases individualism and decreases group solidarity. Similarly( . me' #ct li0e &r !p rie'te," there#ore( less suicide rate among women. &omen tend to be more con#ormist. Study conducted in )ndia shows male rate o# suicide is 5CC times more than the women. 1here#ore where identi#ication with the group is more( rate o# suicide is less. TYPES OF SUICIDE E& istic s!ici,e: 1his is the situation where the individual conscience is in variance with the 4ollective 4onscience. )ndividual asserts himsel# or hersel# by committing suicide. Ae gains superiority over 4onscience 4ollective. R#te * s!ici,e is i'versel$ pr p rti '#l t ,e&ree * s li,#rit$/

Altr!istic s!ici,e2 )n various societies( where the group norms demand suicide( the rate tended to be high. )n :rench army( o##icerGs rate o# suicide is more than that o# soldiers. 1he reason was sense o# nationalism( patriotism( is more in o##icers than in the civilians. Aere in words o# 3ur heim( individual is totally in tutelage o# the group. 1heir li#e appears to be hindrance to societal goals( there#ore they commit suicide. 1here is no individual grati#ication( but #or the sa e o# group wel#are suicide is committed. Sati is an e$ample o# this. 1his is the suicide which is occurring because o# high solidarity( total identi#ication with the group. 1his is what he called as altruistic suicide. 6roup is given priority over the sel#. T$pes * Altr!istic S!ici,e

1. O(li&#t r$: Society imposes this e.g. 811%. Hou must die #or the group. 5. Opti '#l: &here the group admires suicide( no compulsion e.g. Sati( Aara iri. ;. Ac!te Altr!istic s!ici,e: individual renounces his li#e #or the actually #elt 'oy o# sacri#ice e.g. Religious suicide. aivalya in Iains. 1hey are the identi#ication o# higher B group solidarity where it demands.

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ANOMIC SUICIDE Ae also #ound in the data( that there was sudden slump in the economy e.g. crop #ailure etc. i# then the rate o# suicide increases( he calls it anomic suicide. )n 3ur heim words: 1rue #reedom lies in being regulated by the society. &hen this #ails( anomie results. &hen there is #ailure to put bra e on human aspirations( anomie results. )ts never ending( no limit( never satis#ying( no longer guided by traditional norms and new norms are not there( so normlessness results. ,nomic develops and normative order goes. =atural values and belie#s are also gone. %.g 3ivorce ie brea down o# social regulation. Suicide( while caught red handed while ta ing bribe is an anomic suicide. ,nomie is a situation where the normative society brea s down and anarchy is a conse*uence o# that. F#t#listic S!ici,e2 Ae #ound that married women have more rate o# suicide than married men in those parts o# %urope where divorce is not permitted. 1he cause is e$cessive regulation which leads to suicide. ,lso this was the case with Roman and 6ree called #atalistic suicide is due to over regulation. Ae #inds two s!ici, &e'ic c!rre'ts 1! )ntegration 5! Regulations. 2oth are social #acts. slaves. 1his ind o# suicide which is

CRITICAL E5ALUATION2 J cr#c0IAS/c m

G#(riel T#r,$ has given thought on imitation as the cause o# suicides. 3ur heim re'ected it. Ae was contemporary o# 3ur heim. Imit#ti ' is ' t # s ci#l *#ct . 3ur heimKs study o# suicide is regarded as landmar #irst time( the empirical research and theory building was done. 1. Relying on o##icial data as the basis o# its empirical data. 5. @henomenon being considered as an aggregate #orm rather than individual acts and motives e.g. crime rate( divorce rate. ;. 1rying to arrive at generalisations. 1hrough this( he showed that by applying the methodology( the p sitive scie'ce * s ciet$ c#' (e st!,ie, . Several studies en#orce his study o# suicide. e.g. )n a survey it is #ound that there was indeed signi#icant variation in suicide rates. Surveys showed that Aungary( 6ermany( %gypt have constant rate o# suicide but rate is di##erent in di##erent country. )n )ndia( Ker#l# had consistently high rate o# suicide. +ne trend in )ndia is(- 8arger the city( more is suicide/. )n Kerala( high rate o# education and sudden spurt o# money #rom =R)s are the causes. )n#act( southern states have more rate o# suicide than =orthern states. Fore cohesive the #amily( less will be the suicide. )n DCKs in ,merica( Bre**#!lt selected 51B counties #rom ?C states o# 0.S. Ae #ound that there is consistency in rate o# suicide in terms o# #amily #ormulae. H#l(.#c-s also carried out the study o# suicide with the same approach as 3ur heim had done. Ae arrived at Rate o# s!ici,e is ,irectl$ pr p rti '#l t t-e s ci#l str!ct!re/ Criticism 3ur heim was critici7ed both #or his positivism and e$treme social realism. 1. @ositivistic stance critici7ed by *uestioning the basis o# data he collected.,nti positivists and phenomenologists li e At0i's ' *uestioned the authenticity o# data that is it reliable. 4an we treat it as a #actual order. Ae would say that in %urope( 4oroner certi#ies the death as suicide. Ae said it is coroner who decides on the basis o# evidence #ound < circumstantial evidence which is not conclusive. )t is coroner who puts the label o# suicide. 1hereby( raising a doubt that phenomenon li e suicide can ever be studied li e a positive science. Ae said o##icial data is not convincing. ,e&ree * c mple"it$ * because

D cr#c0IAS/c m

6/7/B/ D !&l#s: Ae pointed out that there is built in basis in his study o# suicide. he said that in all religions in %urope( suicide is considered as sin. )# it is reported( then the stigma will be over the whole #amily. ,nd in poorly integrated society( the suicide will be higher. 2ecause there will be more reporting than in the previous case. 5. %$treme Social Realism: 6enerally( it is accepted. 2ut the social causes cannot be considered su##icient. 1here may be contributive #actors. 1here may be e$tra social #actors present which 3ur heim re'ected at large. %conomic Social :actor also play a role. D !&l#s pointed out that individual meanings should also be ta en into account so here the meanings individual gives should be ta en into account( so e$planation should not be given only in the social causes. )ndividual meaning must also be ta en into account. %$isting theories are based on untested commonsense 'udgment and ignore actual meaning #or those involved. He'r$ #', S- rt: 1hey pointed out that individual #actors have to be ta en into account with the e$ternal #actors. &hen there will be less e$ternal regulation and high internal regulations( that man will commit suicide. )t must be supplemented with internal regulation as well. )n 19DCKs( an ,merican Sociologist + M#ris adopted a slightly modi#ied methodology( what he called psychological autopsy( who #ailed in li#e( #ailed in suicide also. 1his is based on an e$tensive interview o# those people who are the survivors o# suicide attempt. )t was #ound that they had a suicide career. 1hey had tried" it was since long in their mind. Sometimes( it runs in #amily. S ci (i l &$: )t is a branch o# sociology which claims that serotonin de#iciency which causes the person to commit suicide and in #amilies running with suicide( may be de#iciency o# it is the cause. D#vi, P-illips *uestioned 3ur heimKs claims that it cannot be e$plained in terms o# suggestibility. )n early JCKs( he #ound that in those wee s in 0. S.( when celebrities committing suicide( those days rate o# suicide becomes more. So imitation does play a role. @articularly( it is strong among teenagers. Ae said #luctuation is by around BE.

DI5ISION OF LABOUR 1he study o# division o# labour was his *irst m#) r s ci l &ic#l . r0 published in 1D9; even be#ore he published his methodology. 1hose methodological aspects 9 cr#c0IAS/c m

are only implicit in his study. 1his study o# division o# labour was speculative wor . =o empirical research was carried out and his basic concern was to loo into the nature o# modern industrial society. Pe#ce #', c -esi 's+ st#(ilit$ #', s li,#rit$ i' i',!stri#l s ciet$ . Fodern industrial society was seen as conse*uences o# use o# modern techni*ues o# production process( which in turn had changed division o# labour in society. (Ae sees rise o# Fodern )ndustrial Society as a result o# progressive di##erentiation i.e. increase in division o# labour! 2y division o# labour he meant a social arrangement by which a comple$ tas is divided into simpler ones and allocated among di##erent members o# society. Fore the comple$ity o# s ills( more the need #or division o# labour. 3ur heim was not he #irst person to address division o# labour. 1his was done by 4omte and Spencer. Fore importantly( 4lassical economists A,#m Smit- 1 Ric#r, studied productivity. 3+8 resulted in )ndustrialisation. 4lassical economists had already e$plored conse*uences o# division o# labour and conse*uences resulted in economic progress and prosperity. Fore recently( neo classical economists through their Pri'ciple * c mp#r#tive #,v#'t#&e have e$tended the same logic used by classical economists to )nternational division o# labour. 1his is highlighted in conte$t o# globali7ation i.e. di##erent countries should go #or speciali7ed production. 1his must be completed with brea ing o# trade barriers and doing away with sel# su##iciency concept. :ree #low o# goods will lead to prosperity and consumers will also be bene#ited by best *uality goods. 4onse*uences o# )nternational 3ivision o# 8abour are also being e$plored in terms o# economics conse*uences. Pri'ciples * C mp#r#tive A,v#'t#&e: )ndia #ollowed import substitution strategy. Iapan #or #irst time

division o# labour conse*uences. 1hey saw them in terms o# increased e##iciency and

#ollowed e$port led strategy o# growth. 1hey #ollowed te$tile #irst approach. )nstead o# producing everything( Iapan started by alternative strategy. 1hey had no raw material( but good cotton( so they tried to better cotton growth and e$ported te$tiles. 1hen ventured into ship building( electronics etc. So pro#its used in other branches o#. 4omparative advantage principle says that country should produce those things which it is best suited #or e.g. H ll#,% C-eese( 6ermany. ,utomobiles. 4omparative ,dvantage principle is against sel# su##iciency. %conomists loo at conse*uences o# 3ivision o# 8abour in economic terms alone. D!r0-eim #ound this ind o# e$planation appropriate #or economists but inade*uate #rom social point o# view. Ae said it was too narrow approach because 3ivision o# labour is phenomenon which encompasses society as a whole. 1here is nothing li e economic 3ivision o# 8abour alone. T-ere c#'' t (e speci#li8e, Divisi ' !'less speci#l s0ills #', e,!c#ti ' #re #v#il#(le. 1C cr#c0IAS/c m * L#( !r i' ec ' mic sp-ere

Speci#l s0ills #', e,!c#ti ' c#'' t (e #c9!ire, ($ imit#ti'& *#mil$ mem(ers/ )t is the whole society that witnesses 3ivision o# 8abour so as to have economic 3ivision o# 8abour. )# 3ivision o# 8abour permeates whole society( it is a Social #act( but did not call it social #act. ,s he later on said( conse*uences o# social #act must be seen #or total society. So( conse*uences o# 3ivision o# 8abour must be seen as encompassing whole society. Aow to ma e industrial society as a livable place was his basic *uestion. Ae wanted to ac*uire scienti#ically valid nowledge in this concern. )dea o# solidarity was his concern. Ae made a critical evaluation o# economists. . . . Ae suggested alternate *uestions li e how is individual bonded to society and other individualsL 4entral issue #or 3ur heim was why individual while becoming more autonomous do( depends more on societyL Aow can they be at once more individual and yet more solidarityL 1hat is he was e$ploring ne$us between 3ivision o# 8abour and solidarity. +ther subsidiary *uestions: 1. &hat causes the change in 3ivision o# 8abourL 5. Aow is it( there is con#lict and disorgani7ation in industrial societyL (1here should be solidarity! ;. Aow can this be remediedL Ae did not try to see answers on basis o# empirical study. 0sing common sense assumptions and deductive logic( he sought answers. Ae saw logical possibilities. Ae said two inds o# polarities are there: . . Hi&- Divisi ' L . Divisi ' * L#( !r * L#( !r

B$ l . Divisi '

* L#( !r( he meant 3ivision o# 8abour is purely ascriptive (6ender and age

are always present as basis o# 3ivision o# 8abour! Ac-ieveme't (#se, Divisi ' * L#( !r is an e.g o# Aigh 3ivision o# 8abour.

Ae too them as two logical possibilities and not empirical situation. =o real society would ever resemble his model #ully. 1hey are actually typologies. Real societies #all in between them. So his model was a cl#ssi*ic#t r$ t$p l &$. L . Divisi ' * L#( !r: )t means people o# same gender and age per#orms similar tas s. )t

is possible only i# tas s and s ills are simple and they donKt call #or special e##ort. @roductivity is low( si7e o# the group is small. Such a group is characteri7ed by li eness o# parts. %ach one can replace the other. 11 cr#c0IAS/c m

Aow does solidarity result in such a societyL ,nswer: 2y only preserving the sense o# li eness. 1hey #eel united by saying that they are ali e. Such a society by trying to preserve the sense o# li eness among the parts maintains solidarity. 1he Social organisation is based on inship bonds. 1hey see each other as member o# same in group. Aold o# conscience collective is very strong. 4onscience 4ollective envelopes individual 4onscience. =o scope #or individual autonomy. Ae analyses conscience collective in terms o# #our parameters: 9olume( )ntensity( 3eterminateness( and 4ontent. 5 l!me: Feans it is spread. 4onscience collective spreads throughout the society. ,ll aspects o# social li#e are governed by conscience collective. )ndividual consciousness is enveloped by conscience collective" so much is its volume. I'te'sit$: :orce and seriousness which people attribute to conscience collective. Shared ways o# doing things are ta en very seriously e.g. marrying in own caste is more important in village than cities. Determi'#te'ess: Aow clearly( speci#ically is conscience collective de#inedL %.g. in traditional societies( will de#ined rules o# dressing up otherwise( the issue is scandali7ed( 2ut in city not scandali7ed. 3eterminateness is less in cities. C 'te't2 &hat is the ind o# ideas which constitute conscience collectiveL )n 8ow 3ivision o#

8abour societies( the primary concern is to prevent deviations so volume is very high and intensity is also very high. ,ny deviation is met with resistance. 8aw tends to be repressive. ,ll deviations are ta en as criminal deviations. 1he main concern o# society is to prevent recurrence and this is done by mobili7ing societal #orce. %.g. in Saudi ,rabia( on :riday a#ter =ama'( punishment is given li e cutting hands publicly. 3eterminateness is high. %ach detail is wor ed out properly and one has to #ollow norms in all its details. 4ontent is predominately religious so divine sanctions #ollow in case o# breach. Social Relations are obligatory and authority is absolute. +nly limit may be technology. Ae called such society : se&me't#l s ciet$ i.e. ($ )!"t#p siti ' * li0e se&me'ts and these segments are mechanically 'u$taposed and there#ore he calls this solidarity as mechanical solidarity i.e. solidarity based on li eness o# mechanically 'u$taposed parts. 1here is no interdependence between parts. H . , es Divisi ' * l#( !r c-#'&e;

,ccording to 3ur heim( i'cre#se i' m#teri#l v l!me #', m#teri#l ,e'sit$ .-ic- le#,s t ,$'#mic L#( !r. -i&-er ,$'#mic r m r#l ,e'sit$+ t-e pr (lems cre#te, ($ -i&-er * r m r#l ,e'sit$ c#' (e pe#ce*!ll$ res lve, t-r !&- i'cre#se i' Divisi ' 15 cr#c0IAS/c m

. .

Faterial 9olume M Si7e o# population Faterial 3ensity M @opulation 3ensity 1hese results in increasing intensity o# social interaction e.g. urban centres grow

rapidly resulting in people in lesser space leading to increasing contacts and increased #re*uency and intensity o# interaction. 1his is called as moral density. As si8e #', ,e'sit$ resources increases. 1he con#lict * p p!l#ti ' i'cre#ses+ competitiveness #or scarce can be resolved by diversi#ication and e$change.

Speciali7ation increases e##iciency and grati#ies everybodyKs need. &hen 3ivision o# 8abour become dependent on ac*uire special s ills( parts tend to become more and more unli e and there#ore norms allow high degree o# autonomy to individuals so that they can become unli e. 0nli e condition relate to each other through contractual and optional relations. ,uthority is absolute. 9olume o# conscience collective shrin s. Fore and more aspects are le#t to individual choice. )ntensity o# conscience collective is en#eebled i.e becomes #eeble and determinateness decreases. 1he conscience collective becomes generali7ed and abstract. 4ontent becomes secular. )n such a society( individual #reedom is treated as venerated principle. 4ontractual relationships are reconciliation o# individual interests. )ndividual #reedom and interest also need conscience collective. 4onscience collective becomes generali7ed but does not disappear. =orms become speci#ic and codi#ied( the values become generali7ed. 8aws become restitutive i.e. to restore things to earlier stage i.e. status *uo e.g. law o# contract. )t has special organi7ations and institutions. Reli&i ' c#'' t (e t-e (#sis * s ci#l c 'tr l (ec#!se v#l!es #re &e'er#li8e,. )t leads to democrati7ation o# authority. 1he norms are legitimi7ed by a general value which applies to a number o# norms. ()n simple society( values are less general and norms are more general! 1he authority is delimited in a manner that it preserves autonomy. It -#s 'e. v#l!e s$stem * s ci#l )!stice #', e9!#lit$ * pp rt!'it$ . %very individual has right to nurture as society is based on merit. %ach individualKs role becomes more speciali7ed( partial( and dependent on others. =ew basis o# solidarity develops i.e. interdependence. 1here is unity among unli e parts because o# their interdependence .Or&#'ic s li,#rit$. 1his ind o# situation is obtained in high 3ivision o# 8abour which should be normal. )n organic solidarity( solidarity is structured because no part can survive without the other. )n c 'temp r#r$ E!r pe( there is pathologically high 3ivision o# 8abor. 1hree #orms o# pathologically high division o# labour can be identi#ied as: 1. ,nomic type o# high 3ivision o# 8abour 5. :orced type o# high 3ivision o# 8abour 1;

cr#c0IAS/c m

;. Aigh 3ivision o# 8abour lac ing coordination. A' mic ,ivisi ' Ae * l#( !r develops the concept o# anomie. Ae says anomie literally means

' rmless'ess. 1hough in actual practice( there is not any vacuum o# norms. ,nomie mani#ests as (re#0, .' thin * re&!l#tive p#tter' * s ciet$ because in high 3ivision o# 8abour( conscience collective is generali7ed and en#eebled. 0nli e Far$( 3ur heim did not that sense o# anomie #elt by members is inevitable. 3ur heim believed that it is only a p#t- l &ic#l st#&e that normative state has bro en down. So( anomie is mani#ested in industrial stri#e or in the vi le'ce+ crime+ c rr!pti '+ l#( !r !'rest etc. Solution to anomie lies in restoring normative regulation. H!m#' (ei'&s .-e' le*t t t-emselves ( tend to behave in arbitrary #ashion. =othing biological or psychological puts limit on human desires. Society can put these restrictions on human desires and ma e collective li#e sustainable. %arlier means o# en#orcing conscience collective are not e##ective( so alternate mechanisms have to be created in a society based on high division o# labour. %.g. since in high division o# labour di##erent categories o# individuals are to be regulated by di##erent set o# norms. 1here#ore through: 1! Pr *essi '#l Ass ci#ti 's( moral regulation can be restored. %ach association should create ethical norms and regulate conduct o# members in that #ield. 5! Similarly industrial activity should not be a mere contractual relationship between employees and employers( but organi7ation should serve as corporate and ac*uire community li e character. ;! @resent industrial stri#e( because o# unlimited greed on both sides. 1rade unions are not the solution as they replace individual greed with collective greed. S l!ti ': B$ #rrivi'& #t m!t!#ll$ #ccepte, ' rms which will put limits on pro#it desires o# employers as well as wage desires o# wor ers. &hen such a consensus is wor ed out( industrial stri#e would decline. )n addition to #act that industrial organisation is concerned with production" it should also be concerned with wel#are o# labour and ac*uire character o# community. 1his ind o# re r&#'i8#ti ' i't pr *essi '#l Or&#'i8#ti 's #',

c rp r#ti 's would on one hand prevent e$cessive centralism o# power in hands o# State and there#ore preserve democratic character and prevent totalitarian state. +n other hand( popularistic mass democracies are also not healthy. )t will also #acilitate enactment o# realistic norms. 8egislative bodies should contain members o# these pro#essional associations. 1hey will ta e into account interest o# nation as a whole and special interest o# corporations. 1hus 1> cr#c0IAS/c m

anomie can be mitigated. 1his will restore normative regulations. Ae wants to reorgani7e power between civil society and State. Fob o# atomi7ed individuals can easily be manipulated. )t tends to degenerate into populism. 1his is not rational and desirable so mass democracies are also not healthy. Fay be these are based on wrong morale. 1here is a need #or ethical regulation o# moral li#e. Such a society cannot grow into harmonious industrial society. F rce, Divisi ' * L#( !r * L#( !r is t-ere (ec#!se * !')!st ' rms. Society * re.#r,s+ i#

F rce, Divisi '

based on high 3ivision o# 8abour should be meritocratic. So e*uality o# opportunities should be there. %conomic disparities are un'ust. )t is ' t #&#i'st !'e9!#l ,istri(!ti ' this is because o# merit( it is 'ust. Ferit should not be denied. ,#ter death( wealth should be devolved to State and redistributed. 8et meritorious reap #ruits o# labour. 3enial o# opportunities to the talented leads to con#lict. Steve Fe't ': Solution is guild socialism. 6uild li e organism should regulate the conduct o# artisans. 6uilds should be subordinate to State. L#c0 *C r,i'#ti ' )# speciali7ation o# tas is not accompanied by su##icient coordination( it will lead to a situation o# anomie where everything is wasted and individuals #eel poorly integrated into collective li#e. @roper coordination o# special tas s has to be achieved. 2ut he did not emphasis much on it. CRITICAL E5ALUATION OF DURKHEIM<S STUDY OF DI5ISION OF LABOUR +ne o# the ma'or achievements was #or the #irst time that someone e"pl re, t-e 'e"!s (et.ee' ,ivisi ' * l#( !r #', s li,#rit$ . Aow nature o# social bonds change with changes in division o# labour. Ae systematically highlighted the role o# population. Aow population a##ects social organi7ations. =ew branch o# sociology i.e. sociology o# occupations< pro#essions emerged. ,mong the later day researches inspired by study o# 3ivision o# 8abour( one #amous is that o# %lton Fayo and 4owor ers H#.t- r'e St!,$. )n this study( they pointed out that it is not only economic sel# interest that guides human behaviour but need o# individual #or belongingness to group is important. :redric 1aylor had viewed the role o# economic interests only. 2ehaviour o# individual in organi7ation must be understood in social conte$t. 1? cr#c0IAS/c m

%lton FayoKs &or : S ci#l pr (lems mechanical< organic solidarity! Pr (lems

* I',!stri#l Civili8#ti '( in this there

is classi#ication o# Society into Est#(lis-e, s cieties 5s A,#ptive s cieties. (Similar to

* M ,er' I',!stri#l S ciet$ stems out o# #act that adaptive

societies have #ailed to create an alternative basis o# social cohesion. 1he basis provided by established societies is incompatible with high division o# labour. )t is re#lected in increasing suicide( crime etc. 9arious other researches have also been inspired( particularly researches that tried to e$plore( 3ivision o# 8abour at wor with social cohesion. Her#l, 7ile's0$ spea s o# relationship between division o# labour and social integration and e$amines the variable degree to which wor situations and e$periences with labour #orce encourage participation in( and integration into secondary social groups. Ae #ound that those who had stable careers (e.g. 9 to ? 'obs! had a better #amily li#e and were more integrated in community li#e. 0nstable career results in poor integration with community and #amily li#e. So sociology o# occupation e$plores how e$perience at wor has bearing on overall social li#e o# individuals. 1his dimension was #irst highlighted by 3u hreim in study o# 3ivision o# 8abour. 1his is his lasting contribution. B t- Americ#' #', Britis- S ci l &$ -#s relie, L#( !r/ CRITICISMS 1. D#vi, L c0e. ,2 3ur heim has #ailed to ma e distinction between two level o# ' D!r0-eim<s st!,$ * Divisi ' *

integration i.e. s$stem i'te&r#ti ' #', s ci#l i'te&r#ti '. S$stem I'te&r#ti ': )ncreasing interdependence o# part o# a system. S ci#l I'te&r#ti ': &hen members come to share common belie#s and values. &ith high division o# labour( society becomes solidary and yet( says( lac solidarity. 1his apparent contradiction in terms o# ' rm#l #', p#t- l &ic#l can be e$plained. =ormal is not achievable as it is ideal state. ,s per 8oc ewood( high 3ivision o# 8abour increases system integration and decreases social integration. 3ur heimKs solutions try to enhance social integration. 2ecause o# increasing autonomy( social integration decreases and problems stem out o# lac integration. So anomie becomes a recurrent #eature. 1B cr#c0IAS/c m o# social

2.

Her(ert M#rc!s#e+ 7e(er+ M#r" C '*lict T-e rists ,ccording to 3ur heim the problems o# industrial society can be resolved only

by ensuring normative regulations. 1his was *uestioned by con#lict theorists. 4ertain problems are endemic to societies based on high division o# labour. )n his writings( 3ur heim uses a simpler mode to thin ing. Small scale healthy and large scale economic organi7ations are bad because in large Scale +rganisations( social integration is poor and relationships are more impersonal. )t is built in logic o# society with high division o# labour that should increase in scale. )n high division o# labour( the problem o# des illing( #ragmentation o# wor cannot be dispensed with. 2y restoring normative regulations( des illing cannot be avoided e.g. ,ssembly line production. 1hey cannot identi#y with manu#actured product. 3ur heim appears to glori#y high division o# labour. @roblems can be resolved by decreasing ine*ualities and more e##ective regulations o# conduct. 2ut des illing is not rooted in either o# two and is inherent to division o# labour. ;. M#r"ists2 3ur heimKs use o# concept o# 4onscience collective( does not recogni7e that * , mi'#'t cl#ss which is #orced

Fodern )ndustrial Societies have di##erent classes and di##erent classes cannot share same idea. So called -4onscience 4ollective/ represents c!lt!re o# lower classes by coercion or indoctrination. >. Ae seems to be ver%emp-#si8i'& ' r le * repressive l#. i' simple s cieties .

1his criticism has been put #orth on empirical basis. 3ur heimKs study was speculative study. )n many simple societies( restitutive law also e$ists. Ae can be de#ended on ground( that he was 'ust constructing a typology rather than describing empirical situation. %.g =uers o# Sudan()# someone commits murder( #ine! and 1robianders. Iust as repressive laws e$ist in advanced industrial societies( so do restitutive laws e$ists in simple societies in group o# murderer can pardon him in lieu o# certain

RELIGION @ublished in 1915.Ais study GT temism%t-e eleme't#r$ * rms as in suicide( he demonstrated causal e$planation Ae also wanted to ma e positivistic study o# religion .Ae argued that true nature and origin o# religious phenomenon can be understood by loo ing at religion in its simplest 1J cr#c0IAS/c m * reli&i !s

li*e</ 3ur heim demonstrated as to how a #unctional e$planation can be made in sociology 'ust

#orm. So(it is elementary #orm o# religion which is universally present. 2y investigating character o# simplest religion we can understand character o# great religion as well. )n case o# comple$ religion( true nature o# religion gets camou#laged because o# comple$ities added by priests and prophets. Religion without priests should be investigated to understand true nature o# religion. Ae evaluated e$isting e$planations o# theories o# religion as was his methodology that all pre conceived notions must be abandoned. Some o# the authors titled religion as belie# in supernatural #orces. 3ur heim said such a de#inition o# religion renders: 1! Religious phenomena incapable o# being studied scienti#ically as realm o# nature is realm o# mystery. 5! 1here is no way we can ma e distinction between natural and super.natural. Primitive m#' , es ' t m#0e s!c- ,ic- t m$ . )t is o# recent origin and has developed in %uropean thought. 1hese dichotomies i.e. li e r#ti '#l r irr#ti '#l( natural or supernatural are characteristics o# %uropean society. )n simple societies( whole universe including man and supernatural #orces are seen as part o# single moral order. %.g. @eople in tribal society believe in spirits. Spirit is also supposed to act in a way as human do. So de#ining religion in this way is wrong as it will render it incapable o# being studied by positive scienti#ic methods. Tylor, prior to 3ur heim had argued the #'imism is the earliest type o# religion. 1hat animism has developed out o# the e$istential conundrums o# primitive man. Ae de#ined animism as belie# in spiritual beings. 3ur heim says( this de#inition is incomplete because religion is never a matter o# belie# alone. )t invariably has certain practice called Rituals. Secondly( 1ylorKs e$planation o# animism ma es religion appear to be an illusion. 1ylor has tried to e$plain cause o# religion in human curiosity and that is how humans invented notion o# soul and then worshipped it. Religion is only ma e belie# as per 1ylor. :irst create 6od and then worship. ,ccording to 3ur heim( reli&i ' is # re#l * rce . )t is a universal phenomenon and no human society is devoid o# it. )t is such a power#ul #orce that people live and die #or it( people #ind meaning o# li#e in it. ,n illusory entity cannot be a universal phenomenon and survive #or so long and act as such a power#ul #orce. M#" M!eller in his boo ( C mp#r#tive M$t- l &$ studied 9edic religion. Ae said N#t!rism is the #irst religion. Ae tries to e$plain genesis o# religion in what he called se's! !s e"perie'ce. that in simple societies( #orces o# nature are so power#ul that they invo e #ear o# religion in human mind. Fe#r is ri&i' * reli&i ' #s per m#" M!eller . 1hey become more signi#icant as man is dependent on these #orces. So they are personi#ied and worshipped. e.g. in Rig 9eda( worship o# Sun( &ind. 3ur heim re'ected this argument also. Ae 1D cr#c0IAS/c m

says this argument locates the source o# religion in #ear( that out o# #ear( #orces o# nature are given human li e #orms and worshipped. 1his is hallucination. )# animism was to be the earliest religion( then( ne$t stage would have been ancestor worship( but this is #ound only in )ndia and 4hina. He #ls re)ects t-e p p!l#r vie. t-#t reli&i ' i'v lves . rs-ip r (elie*

i' G ,/ M#'$ reli&i 's , '<t (elieve i' G , e/&/ 6#i'ism+ B!,,-ism/ )t is not necessary that religion should have notion o# 6od so he did not #ind these views as scienti#ically ade*uate. ,ccording to 3ur heim( source o# religion has to be located in something real( permanent and transcending because religion is real( permanent and transcending i.e. superior. 2ecause religion involves attitude o# surrender( so religion deals with superior agency. 1hen( he developed his own theory o# religion. 2ecause o# the nature o# li#e e$perience( human li*e e"perie'ce is ,!#listic and because o# duality there develop thought categories which are also dual i.e. thought categories o# sacred and profane. FanKs thought is conse*uence o# social li#e e$perience. Ae #urther *uestions Em#'!el K#'t<s idea that human mind has certain intrinsic thought categories li e time( space( cause. 1hese thought categories were deemed to be intrinsic to human mind by Kant. 3ur heim re'ects it and says social li#e e$periences result in development o# these categories. Space is a se*uential arrangement o# ob'ects. &hen ob'ects are arranged in se*uence( they give a notion o# space. =otion o# space is #undamentally rooted in human perception o# ob'ects in a se*uential way. )t is with respect #rom some point o# re#erence. 1his is how man starts thin ing especially in terms o# space. ,ccording to 3ur heim( when people started living in groups and some place became their camp and #rom that they started viewing other ob'ects in relationship to it and that is how notion o# space developed. Time is # se9!e'ti#l #rr#'&eme't #rame o# re#erence. Hou are bound to thin * eve'ts. Some event is ta en as a

se*uentially. See rising o# sun as an event and

time between two risings is *uanti#ied as a day. %ven se*uential thin ing o# events is a result o# social li#e e$perience that primitive man( as he lived in camps( must have assembled in group #or #easting etc.( and they become signi#icant events. 1hey started relating other events to these and they become #rame o# re#erence and thus developed notion o# time. 1hese might have been lin ed to natural phenomenon li e rain. So this is not intrinsic but result o# social e$perience. Similarly( when people assemble in groups and had animated interaction( it created a sense o# well being and e##ervescence. 1hey started e*uating it with desirable #orces. 1hey started thin ing in terms o# sacred and pro#ane. 19 cr#c0IAS/c m

S#cre,2 &hat is set apart and #orbidden. 1hey were segregated and separated. )t was treated with awe and respect. Sacred ideas were those which were to be treated di##erentially and they were separate #rom pro#ane because it was believed that pro#ane de#ies sacred. ,ccess to sacred is strictly regulated and #orbidden.

CRIME AND ANOMIE 4rime is a ,evi#ti ' *r m le&#l ' rms. &hen groups were structured( their happiness in assemblies was re#erred to totem. So thought categories are product o# social li#e. Sacred demands special reverential treatment through certain rituals. +n the basis o# this classi#ication( he tried to develop his positivistic de#inition o# religion. @ro#ane de#ies the sacred. Religion is not only belie#s but also practices. @ractices are means o# approaching sacred. Religion is a uni#ied set o# belie#s and practices related to sacred things that are to say( things which are set apart and #orbidden. 0ni#ied means belie# and practices are interrelated. 2elie#s provide legitimi7ation o# practices while practices provide concreti7ation o# belie#s. +nly these things are sacred which are set apart and #orbidden. 1here is nothing intrinsic about an ob'ect which ma es it sacred. Sacredness is super imposed. Sacredness is non.utilitarian( non.empirical( cannot be empirically validated( so sacredness is o#ten de#ined in ambiguous way that sacred can be benevolent and malevolent at same time. Sacred rarely #ollows rationale. )# a human being behaves wrong( he is held responsible but 6od never considered responsible. Sacred is loo ed at in ambiguous ways. Society imputes superior powers to the sacred and there#ore is seen as strength giving( elicits respects( ma es ethical demands on the believers and reciprocates and #ul#illness o# those demand leads to reciprocation. 1he empirical data #or study were provided by some o# the ethnographic accounts that were provided in descriptive accounts o# way o# li#e late 19 th and early 5Cth century. Spe'cer #', Gill#' had published ethnographic account o# 4entral ,ustralian tribes particularly ,runtas. Be')#mi' H .itt: =ative tribes o# S.%. ,ustralia described social structure and religious practices. 3ur heim went on to claim that totemism is the earliest religion and the most elementary #orm because totemism is #ound in simplest o# societies. )t is not animism or naturism( but totemism. 1hen( he goes on to observe totemic worship. Ae says all members o# 5C cr#c0IAS/c m

totem group re#er to themselves by a tribal name or a common name( even though( they are not blood relatives. 1here#ore( totem worship binds them as i# they were #amily members. 1otem compels them to recogni7e duties and obligations towards each other li e reciprocal aid( particularly in common mourning( vengeance( obligation not to marry amongst themselves. 1otemic belie#s involve a system o# prohibition and taboos which eep the totem away #rom pro#ane things. 1otemic belie# also consists o# ideas which represent it as a causal #orce. 1otem was seen as possessed with real #orce. 1hey are even material #orces which mechanically engender physical conse*uences. 3ur heim says it provides underlying basis o# religion e$perience and its powers compel individual to render pious duties. )t creates moral obligation. )t remains continuous over time while individuals ob'ect is: to uni#y and bind totem group together. . it creates a set o# moral obligations towards sacred ob'ect and there#ore it acts as emblem o# the society. So( source o# religion should be real transcendental. Sacred is symboli7ation o# society and so sacred is not ma e belie#( but religion is worship o# society. 1he central thesis o# 3ur heimKs theory o# religion is that through history( men have never worshipped any other reality( whatever the #orm o# totem or 6od( than the collective social reality trans#igured by #aith. Reli&i '% De*i'iti '2 1hese belie#s and practices bind into a moral community called church( all regulatory those who adhere to them. 1hat is where( he provides #inal e$planation o# religion. 1. )t is e$planatory #orce #or all things. 5. )t is uni#ying #orce. ;. )t regulates their conduct. Religion is nothing but indirect way o# e$pressing individualKs dependence on his society through an emblem. 2elieves in religion is not either a victim o# illusion or hallucination. Rather( believer is nothing but law abiding member o# society because real 6od is society. So he says society created 6od in its own image and there#ore society based on high division o# labour cannot have traditional religion because common belie# cannot regulate diversity. So nationalism is new religion( may be humanism tomorrow. Sec!l#r i,e l &$ c#' #ls per* rm s#me r le #s reli&i ' i,e l &$ does as eep changing. 1here#ore the conse*uence o# totem as sacred

is to show manKs dependence on collectivity. 3ur heim believed that he had solved the religion Foral dilemma o# modern society. )# religion is nothing Fodern population need only e$press their religion #eelings directly towards sacred symboilsation o# society but indirect worship o# 51 cr#c0IAS/c m

society. 1he source and ob'ect o# religion. 3ur heim pointed out are collective li#e. , secular sociological de#inition o# religion would say that the individual who tells dependent on some e$tent moral powers is no a victim o# hallucination( but a responsive member o# society. 1he substantial #unction o# religion is the creation( rein#orcement and maintenance o# social solidarity.

Religion is not only social creation, but social division. The deities which men worship are only projections of the power of society. The disapproval of trade religion need not herald the decision of society. All that is required of modern man is to realize their direct dependence on society which earlier was recognized through medium of religion. On the most general plane, religion as a social institution gives meaning to mans e istential predicaments, !y trying the individual to that super"individual sphere of transcendent values which is ultimately rooted in his own society. Thus, he advocated a new humanistic religion for the modern society.
CRITICAL E5ALUATION 1. 1otal demysti#ication o# religion because religion is nothing but society divinised. 5. Secondly( it is in this study that he developed #inal e$planation o# social #act. ,nd there#ore it had a pro#ound e##ect on ideas and approaches that developed subse*uent particularly Radcli##e 2rown( Falinows i( @arsons( Ferton( K. 3avis. So 3ur heimKs study laid the #oundation o# #unctionalism. ;. )n :rench ,nthropology( there developed another approach o# structuralism by 4. 8evis Strauss because o# 3ur heimKs in#luence. 3ur heim there#ore correspond between thought Structuralism and social Structuralism. Ae went on to in#luence the rise o# Structuralist approach. Str!ct!r#lism: +ne o# the way o# understanding social Structure is to approach it through thought Structuralism( in relationship to ideas as they are crystalli7ed to society. 2y loo ing at structure o# these ideas( we can understand society. 1hese ideas are in terms o# binary ideas. 2ased on analysis o# thought Structuralism( we can believed social Structure and e$plain social behaviour. +ne o# the disciples o# 8evi Strauss( 8ouis 3umont applied Structuralist approach to understand caste system in boo H m %Hier#rc-i !s/ 4oncept o# purity and pollution. 1his can be used #or e$plaining Structure o# caste system. 1o analyses social phenomena in terms o# ideas. 2asis is ideas resemble reality. 1here is correspondence between thought and social Structure. 1his idea was carried on #urther by Levi Str#!ss. 55 cr#c0IAS/c m

>. 3ur heimKs view that sacred is symbolic representation o# society has been tested empirically by certain social anthopologists particularly( M#r$ D !&l#s. Ae #ound correspondence between nature o# distribution o# power and religion. D !&l#s also tested it empirically by ma ing certain contribution li e 3Gr !p4 c 'cept #', 3Gri,4 c 'cept/ She meant how clear is demarcation between insiders and outsiders in the society. Some societies are high group societies in which there is clear cut distinction. 8ow group societies in which there is no clear cut distinction. Gri,: i# a society has very distinct regulation o# conduct Hi&- Gri, Strict Regulation L . Gri, ,utonomy Societies which are high group and high 6rid have high ritualism. L . &r !p #', l . Gri, l .er rit!#lism Criticism 1. Ae claims that by loo ing at character o# religion in simplest pristine #orm( we can understand the comple$ #orm. 1his assumption brea s down as modern industrial societies are plural societies( while societies studied by D!r0-eim #re simple s cieties. Religion divides are also in plural societies. 1his aspect has been ignored. %.g. )ndiaKs partition. 5. 3ur heimKs study displays e$treme #orm o# social realism i.e. he is loo ing at religion purely #rom collectivityKs point o# view. )t has conse*uences #or the individual as per M#li' .s0i. 1he conse*uences are o# di##erent inds because individual needs are di##erent #rom collectivity needs. ,t the level o# individual( religion provides security( relieve an$iety. ,t societal level it gives solidarity. Ae has adopted deterministic view point and subordinated individual to collectivity. ;. 3ur heim said that in advanced industrial societies( religion will disappear. Het religion has not disappeared because it continues to satis#y individual needs. )t answers the unanswerable. :undamental limitation o# science is that it cannot e$plain -why/ but 'ust -how/ & -&hat/. Fore the change o# comple$ity o# society( more the wea ening o# social bond and society. Fore the uncertainty and an$iety( more the need #or religion. =ow( religion in privati7ed and this has led to pluralism but has not disappeared.

5; cr#c0IAS/c m

>. Ae made absolute distinction between sacred and pro#ane. E,m!', Le#c- pointed out that in reality no absolute dichotomy it is more o# a continuum and in between two e$ists m!',#'e neither sacred nor pro#ane. So it is #alse at both empirical and conceptual level. ?. Religion e$ists to provide solidarity. 4riti*ue says instead o# e$plaining what causes religion( he is e$plaining what religion causes. ,t best( his e$planation tells us that once having emerged( what eeps religion going. 2ut doesnKt tell us what led to creation o# religion in #irst place. So it is illegitimate teleology. Tele l &$ means e$plaining something #or purpose. =/ T#!t l &$ : in his boo ( at places he says society e$ists because o# religion and at other places( vice versa. So it is circular reasoning. J. 7 rste$ has critici7ed 3ur heimKs e$planation o# religion belie#s and rituals. 1he e$planation #or actual religious system are not accounted #or at all( but treated as i# say the choice o# the sacred ob'ect or o# the actual ritual prescription were arbitrary and unimportant. 1his is especially regrettable in case o# ritual since it has been argued that rituals in#act always contain important matter bases in agriculture techni*ue o# tribe or group which implies there. 1eleology is a way o# e$plaining anything in terms o# purpose. Leste.#r,<s concept o# Telesis is similar conse*uence can only be a cause i# it e$isted #or a purpose. %.g. coming to class with previous purpose o# learning sociologyKs conse*uences. +n the most general plane( religion as a social institution serves to give meaning to manKs e$istential predicaments by tying the individual to that supra individual sphere o# transcendent values which is ultimately rooted in his own society. 1hus( he advocated a new humanistic religion #or the modern society.

POLITICAL PROCESSES

7 r0i'&

* ,em cr#tic p litic#l s$stem i' # tr#,iti '#l s cieties 1otalitarian system in Russia is centrali7ed democracy and totalitarian system(

in )ran is )slamic democracy. 3emocracy has become value. P litic#l s$stem (#se, ' li(er#l i,e l &$

8iberal democracy is seen as mani#estation o# political moderni7ation. )n west( such ind o# system evolved gradually as conse*uences o# social and economic moderni7ation. )t was preceded or accompanied by social and economic moderni7ation e.g. universal adult 5> cr#c0IAS/c m

su##rage( which was established in 2ritain by 19>9. 1ill 195J( there was manhood su##rage. 2y that time advanced capitalist society had emerged. Such political system developed as evolutionary process. )n )ndia( we have traditional #orm o# society( social and economic moderni7ation had not ta en place( when democratic political system was adopted. %ven now( this democratic political system is not #ully through social and economic moderni7ation. Still we are socially and economically moderni7ing society and traditional structure are still persisting. 1raditional political system which developed in )ndia had been #eudal monarchical ties. 8iberal democratic system was adopted as result o# contact with west( through elite pre#erence. =ot natural evolutional growth( nor result o# peoplesK pre#erence. &estern educated elites who spearheaded the #reedom movement adopted liberal democratic political system. &hile political superstructure has become moderni7e. &hereas( microstructure remained traditional one( it has generated its own conse*uences. P#!l Br#ss &hile modern political system in )ndia tries to moderni7e traditional society. 1he traditional society at the same time tries to traditionali7e the political system. S#lie't *e#t!re *r m Brit#i'2 >/ E&#lit#ri#'ism2 Fani#ested in rules li e eg. %*uality be#ore law( e*ual protection o# law( e*uality o# opportunity. ?/ I',ivi,!#lism2 liberal ideology is conceived in society as constituted by autonomous individuals( individuals who en'oy certain inalienable rights eg. :undamental Rights. )ndividual is the end. State and society e$ist #or the sa e o# individual. +nly certain reasonable restrictions ma e individual rights and #reedoms compatible with human living. @/ Sec!l#rism2 +ne o# the #undamental #eatures o# liberal democracy (Aindutva<)slamic democracy. antithetical to secularism!. )n plural societies( political system can not be religious based democracy. Rise o# liberal democracy in west #ollowed seculari7ation o# social li#e. State should not govern according to any religious principle. )t should be seen on the basis o# rational humanistic principles( should not discriminate against any religion (Religious parties can e$ist in secular state but it is a private matter!. A/ Fe,er#lism2 the #eature o# #ederalism is very important in liberal democratic system. B/ Represe't#tive #', resp 'si(le & ver'me't2 %galitarianism and individualism can be made #unctional through representative and responsible government. =/ U'ivers#l #,!lt s!**r#&e/ 5? cr#c0IAS/c m * li(er#l ,em cr#tic s$stem t-#t .e #, pte, *r m .est+ p#rtic!l#rl$

:irst instinct o# politician is survival( so popular and not ration decision are ta en. @oor were gradually brought into su##rage. &hen they were educated( minimal e*uality had been achieved. 1his is #undamental contradiction that political process includes poor and economic process e$cludes. )n 2ritain( they were able to avoid this contradiction( as only when this contradiction disappeared( they allowed poor to vote. )n 6ermany. democracy #orm o# govt. stable a#ter world war.)). ,#ter world war.)( &eimer constitution #ailed by 19;Cs and =a7i party came into power. )n )taly( democracy is not stable so #ar. Pre%re9!isite * r sm t- *!'cti 'i'& * li(er#l ,em cr#c$2

>/ %stablishment o# certralised nation state( which can e##ectively en#orce the law and maintain order. )n 2ritain( se*uences o# events are li e strong state led to =ation State and #inally reached at 3emocracy. ,bsolutist monarchy o# 1Bth century was #irst stage which repressed all lawlessness. 4entralised means single authority. )n medieval times( multiple centres o# authority e$isted such as religious authority( political authority which was separated. Aenry 9))) brought religion under control o# ing. )# there are other centres o# authority( they #unction under delegated authority o# centre. 5. 8iberal democracy emerged with the brea down o# a social order based on institutionali7ed ascriptive ine*uality. )n %ngland( blac sK death in 1> th century resulted in mass deaths. So( hereditary relationship between ser#s and lords bro e. &age.labour relationship started developing. 1CC years war between nobles sac ed strength o# #eudal order. )t drained #inances. @rivate armies paid in cash. Aenry 9)) reali7ed monarchy should be #inancially strong( militarily strong. So( custom ta$ encouraged merchants. 1hey heavy handedly suppressed nobles and established rule o# law. )ne*uality was based on achievement( meritocracy principle were evolving. 6ermany and :rance too time to destroy #eudal order( so democracy did not grow. ;. 8iberation o# individual #rom control o# corporate groups based on primordial ties li e caste( lineage( ethnic ties etc. 6roups based on contract relationships. Aindu votes( Fuslim votes( upper caste and lower caste votes. show e$istence o# primordial ties. )mam o# Iama Fas7id as ed to issue statement be#ore elections. >. Secularisation o# social li#e so that religion becomes a private a##air and social li#e is governed by rational humanistic principle. 1his can be #acilitated by spread o# secular education which #osters rational outloo .

5B cr#c0IAS/c m

?. ,n e##ective wel#are state which ensures that basic needs o# all sections o# population are met because liberal democratic system operates on peoples consent. @eople will preserve e$isting order( i# their needs are met( otherwise *uestions legitimacy. B. , consensus regarding basic values: without consensus democracy cannot wor . &ithin consensus there can be disagreements. J. Subsystem autonomy: %very sub.system should be able to #unction autonomously. D. 3i##erentiation o# interests among diverse groups and articulation o# interests o# these diverse groups through #ormation o# interests groups. 9. Rise o# special avenues #or political participation i.e. political parties. 1hey provide channel #or articulation o# those interests and legitimate see ing o# power. T .-#t e"te't , t-ese pre%re9!isite e"ist2

)n case o# )ndia( both the nation state and democracy emerged simultaneously unli e west where nation state preceded democracy by more than 1CC years. )ndia still has numerous sub.nation identities on the basis o# religion( linguistic( regional etc. So )ndia is still a nation in the ma ing. 1here#ore( compulsions o# democracy i.e. need #or political mobili7ation leads to strengthening o# these identities separatist tendencies e$ist eg. Kashmir( @un'ab( =orth. %astern states. )t is generating centri#ugal tendencies. +nly virulent regionalism is antithetical not regionalism as such. 3emocracy is respect #or )ndia surviving as a nation. Regionalism dies out i# democracy sustains eg. )ssac Fuivah came to negotiation table (Russia( Hugoslavia bro e down because o# absence o# democracy!. O' ec ' mic *r 't2 democracy remains liability. =o land re#orms( agriculture remains neglected. 3emocracy depends upon popular support. Redistribution o# incomes is ma'or #ailure. @overty could not be vanished. State #ailure led to re#orms unable to ta e rational but unpopular decision. At p litic#l *r 't2 because o# #ailure o# development o# institution o# party system which gave rise to vote ban been developed. )n )ndia( #orged consensus has been developed among diverge segments to #orm nation. 2asis #or consensus has to be wor ed out. +ver a period o# time( the consensus has bro en down. =ew consensus has to be wor ed out. 2ut( consensus is being wor ed on petty methods li e regionalism( religion etc. @olitical #ragmentation engenders unprincipled opportunistic alliance. 5J cr#c0IAS/c m politics. )t has also resulted in criminali7ation because consensus has not

@rimordial ties are being used. %ven a#ter ?C years literacy rate is less than J?E. )n 19?C( 4hina was #ar behind )ndia but now has move ahead. @opulation control( anti poverty programs have #ailed. 1his ind o# liberal democratic system in west was conse*uences o# economic moderni7ation. )n )ndia it is vice versa. )n traditional society( it will not in line with rational elite. 2ut it cannot act in unpopular manner. 3ay to day matters o# decision ma ing is being decided by e$ecutives. 0n.e$ecutive o##ices are acting rationally e.g. Supreme 4ourt( Aigh 4ourt etc. Iudicial activism i.e. it is a distortion o# democracy. =o accountability. So system is becoming dys#unctional because o# lag between democratic system and traditional system.

P litic#l p#rties #', t-eir s ci#l (#se #', s ci#l str!ct!r#l -elps i' elites #', t-eir rie't#ti '2

ri&i'

* p litic#l

)t means that with social strata or with segment o# society( the political elite are recruited #rom and conse*uences how does it in#luence their orientation li e political attitude( goals and ideological orientation. %lite means those who e$cel in particular set o# activities or a particular set o# values. 1here can be di##erent types o# elites such as business( artistic( sports( political elites etc. P litic#l elite can be de#ined as group o# high stratum decision ma er in political structure( which e$ercise political power( in#luences ma'or policies and occupies position o# political command. )n this conte$t o# present day )ndia( political elite include those who are elected to central and state legislative bodies and are recruited to e$ecutive<ministerial positions. Secondly( those who occupy important positions in the political parties both at the =ational and the State level and also those individuals who do not hold any #ormal position either in government or in political parties but still e$ercise political in#luence eg. big )ndustrialists( businessmen( 'ournalists( intelligentsia etc. Tr#,iti '#l P litic#l P#rties2 1raditionally political elites in )ndia were #eudal monarchical in character and they were recruited #rom rather narrow social base i.e. Khatriayas and 2rahmins. Kings were #rom Kshatriyas and councilors( advisors and priests #rom 2rahmins although( closed category. P#''i0#r2 =o such things as true shatriyas. ,ny group which was able to capture political shatriyas were not

power success#ully at local level and sustain it long enough came to be rec oned as shatriyas. )n principle( the rule continued to be ascriptive that their descendants occupied 5D cr#c0IAS/c m

power as shatriyas eg. Farathas are #rom Kunbis (peasant! became mercenary soldiers then became #eudatories eg. Faurayas( =andas were Sudras( Satvahanas were 2rahmins( 6uptas were 9aishyas and Auns & Sa as (tribal people! were Ra'puts. :rom time to time di##erent sections o# society were recruited into ran o# shatriyas. 1hey were traditionally oriented and there#ore( mainly pre.occupied with preserving status *uo and lac ed o# progressive orientation. A*ter >?t- Ce't!r$ 4omposition o# elites changed in most parts o# )ndia. Kshatriyas and 2rahmins combination lost power to Fuslim leaders. ,shro## muslims became new elites( the traditional )ndian elite who were parochial in their outloo ( mindset con#ined to local parochial( clannish loyalties( lac ed o# pan.)ndia outloo . 0nli e them( the Fuslim elites tended to have @an.)ndia vision though this pan.)ndia vision did not lead to #ormation o# =ational identity because their pre.occupation was political e$pansion through military con*uest than brining social.economic trans#ormation which would #acilitate pan.)ndia identity. %conomic and social hierarchy continued to be stagnant and rigid and there#ore did not produce moderni7ing conse*uences. 1hough created innovation li e new system o# administration( standing army to create pan.)ndia empire. 2ut tied to ascriptive principles( authoritarianism etc. :ailed to bring economic changes that could have #acilitated economic moderni7ation because political centrali7ation is pre.re*uisite o# modern society( means o# transport and communication did not develop control was wea . 1hey did not institutionali7e rational system. %verything depended on personality o# emperor. So shortly a#ter the death o# ,ureng7eb( everything collapsed. ,#ter 1D?J with consolidation o# 2ritish rule in )ndia( the #eudalistic monarchical elite witnessed decline. )n second hal# o# 19 th century( new type o# elite emerged. 1hese elite were recruited #rom urban middle classes and with a pro#essional bac ground( western education and western outloo . 4aste bac ground remained continued as a dominant #actor. 0rban elites were #rom upper class. ,s a result o# their e$posure to western education( they were in#luenced by human( liberal ideas( socio.religious re#orm movements eg. 3ebendra =ath 1agore( 2rahmo Sama'( so they were committed to =ationalist ideas( egalitarianism and humanism( #reedom( industrialism and there#ore they became the agents o# moderni7ation in )ndian society and part o# moderni7ation. ,nti.colonial struggle was moderni7ing change( so #irst they created idea o# nation. 1his was #acilitated #rom their common cultural bac ground belonging to pan.)ndia 59 cr#c0IAS/c m

great tradition. =on.dvi'as had locali7ed and parochial identities. As-r **s had common @ersian culture( access to western education. 1he elite became agent o# modern economic and political growth and development. &ell be#ore independent( =ational @lanning 4ommittee created by 4ongress in 19;Cs. Social moderni7ation loo ed at their society with western eyes and were able to identi#y social evils. 1hese elites were #undamentally di##erent in terms o# strong commitment to trans#ormation. %vident #rom various sacri#ices revealed that they were against 2ritish rule. 1hus( they developed a charismatic personalities. 1hey came to be identi#ied with =ation community. 1hey represented nation consensus and aspirations. 1hey came to be called as moderni7ers. )n provincial parliament o# 19>J( people o# such pro#essional bac ground constituted D?E o# part. ,s late as 19B5( they constituted J;E and 'ust participation in #reedom movement not only #ostered consensus among them but also #ostered consensus on nation good and democratic ethos. 1hese elites were able moderni7e people by #orging a nation consensus and this consensus was represented in the various policies identi#ied a#ter independent #or nation buildings. 1hese elites lasted till 19BCs. 2y mid 19BCs( situation changed( new type o# elite started rising. 4haran Singh le#t 4ongress and became 4hie# Finister o# 0.@. and leader o# 2hartiya Kranti 3al. 4hange was result o# policies implemented by 4ongress itsel#. Rise o# new elite #rom middle classes that started in mid 19BCs and established its dominance by early 19DCs. 1hese elites arose as a result o# policies li e abolition o# 7amindari as shatriyas witnessed low mobility and upper classes li e 'ats had high mobility and prolonged democracy led to their politici7ation. 1hat is what R#)'i K t-#ri c#lle, #s Asce',#'t c#stes/ 1hey challenged entrenched upper castes. 1his was last phase o# dominance o# earlier elite when moderni7ing elite which led #reedom movement continued domination in )ndian political system because o# 6reen revolution( land re#orms and politici7ation o# people because o# #unctioning o# modern political system( new elite #rom middle class started emerging. =ew elite lac ed access to western education. 1hey had risen by appealing to local( parochial ethnic( regional (Shiv Sena! etc. Rather than trying to #orge alternative consensus at pan. )ndia level which would have #acilitate principled pursuit o# political goals( they appealed to pre.modern ties to gain e$pediency based pursuit o# political goals. M#c-evilli#' #ppr #csays ends are more important than the means. +ver a period o# time( such pursuit o# political goals will lead to loss o# legitimacy o# state itsel#. %ven traditional upper class elite who were earlier committed to democratic ethos have also e$pedience based pursuit. So unprincipled means #or modern goals( resulting in communalism( criminali7ation and riots. Re&i '#lism+ Pl!r#lism #', N#ti ' !'it$2

;C

cr#c0IAS/c m

Re&i '#lism2 , region is a geographically contiguous area characteri7ed by distinctive cultural identity( even a distinctive social order( shared economic interests & problems and o#ten also a shared history( common language( religion( castes( inship patterns( economic aspiration and problems. Region comes close to a nation. Regional identity is sub.nation identity. R (ert Ster'2 4astism is least harm#ul problem( )ndia has. 4aste can not constitute nation( region can be used #or separation. Regionalism is a mani#estation o# concern #or the region. &hen people e$press social concern #or their region because o# its distinct character( this process is called as regionalism. )t can have di##erent #orms or e$pressions li e moderate and virulent regionalism. M ,er#te2 group identi#ies with regionalism but its interests speci#ic to region are not antithetical to nation interests. 1hough there is identi#ication with region. @eople believe regional interests can be acts within the #ramewor o# nation identity. 5ir!le't2 regional interests seen as antithetical to nation interests eg. =S4= in =agaland( Aurriyat in Kashmir.

C#!ses * r t-e prev#le'ce

* Re&i '#lism2

@arties li e Shiv Sena( , alies( 13@ are regional in nature( strongly identi#y with regional identity. 3emand #or autonomy or separate statehood li e Ihar hand( 4hattisgarh( 1elangana( vidharbha( Aarit @radesh( Khalistan. 1hese are mani#estation o# regional aspiration. 9iolence in 2ihar and ,ssam is due to regionalism. )t has both moderate and virulent e$pressions in )ndia. F#ct rs 1. )ndia is a plural society and never developed homogenous nation identity( historically. @rocess o# nation building strengthened regional identities rather than wea ening. 8inguistic re.organisation o# status is acceptance o# so many regions. Regional identities are a #act. :ederal structure o# )ndian union must be preserved. )t is healthy( otherwise result in 2al anisation o# )ndia. )ndia is surviving because o# regionalism. Regional identities are historically established identities. Regions became stronger as nation building was attempted. 5. Secondly( e$cessive centrali7ation. 2latant use o# ,rticle ;?B. @rotest against tendencies towards distortion o# #ederalism. ;. ,#ter independence( economic development has been uneven. Some areas progressed more than other areas( inspite o# avowed balanced regional planning( =orth vs South( :3) go to south and west. 1hese conditions o# disparity will contribute to regionalism because regional ;1 cr#c0IAS/c m

disparities create conditions similar to colonial e*uation. So regionalism grows as a process against uneven growth eg. 1elangana is still bac ward( 4oastal ,.@. is prosperous. >. Regionalism is also a result o# rise o# new groups who have aspirations #or political power. Regionalism is populist stance they adopt to stop entrenched political parties. +ther grievances when they overlap with aspiration o# emergent classes #or politial power their appeals are accepted eg. 3ravid =adu was ploy to dislodge 4ongress #rom 1.=.( so it is clearly an attempt to gain political power( so it is populism. ?. Regionalism is another short cut method o# political mobili7ation. +ver a period o# time( consensus #orged during #reedom movement has bro en down( this resulted in #ragmentation. 4aste based parties can only be strata. 2ut politic lac ing ma ers. Aori7ontal mobili7ation gives support o# any

primordial group( should be vertical mobili7ation which is based on consensus among di##erent vision( so appeal to region as regionalism glosses over caste divisions eg. Khalistan: Si hs in @un'ab marginal ma'ority because , alis had support o# Iats alone. ,ppealing to regionalism( they wanted to bring all Si hs together. Regionalism is a case o# vertical mobility because o# #ragmentation( voting public ends up being #action. B. 4hanges that have ta en place in )ndia because o# which needs o# di##erent sections have

become divergent #rom #ormed consensus. Foderate regionalism is not antithetical to nation unity and must be respected. Regional aspirations should be accommodated to maintain )ndian entity. :ederal structure must be preserved. Dece'tr#li8#ti ' * P .er2 P#'c-#$ti R#) #', N#&#r P#li0#s2

3ecentrali7ation o# power has been considered as crucial #or bringing about social development. 1hough the constitutional assembly debated role o# local sel# government institutions( but did not consider it so vital #or #uture )ndia. 8ocal sel# government were only included in 3@S@s in ,rticle >C which leaves it to the states to ta e steps to organi7e village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to #unction as units o# sel# government. 3@S@s are non.'usticiable( lac in constitution itsel#. )t was a state sub'ect. 3i##erent states may thin o# commitment di##erently. +nly two

ties: *e,er#l #', st#te. Aigh degree o# centrali7ation o# power is in the hands o# bureaucracy at the local level. ,lthough leaders li e F.=. Roy and even 6andhi tal ed about 6ram Swara' and autonomy #or village communities i.e. not only administration decentrali7ation but also devolution o# powers. Fost o# leaders who were members o# constitutional assembly did not #eel need #or grass root democracy. ,#ter independence( we thought in terms o# rural ;5 cr#c0IAS/c m

development and there#ore community development programs launched in 19?5 during #irst #ive year plan. =umerous studies including those conducted by local government #ound largely a #ailure. )ts bene#its accrued to relatively better sections o# rural society. &hole program was envisaged to #unction on principle o# active community participation. 2ut no such participation too place( lac o# institutional structure led to this. 2ureaucracy was ill.suited #or mobili7ing community( suspicion and distrust o# community. Some members o# constitutional assembly including ,mbed ar were opposed to any attempt at devolution o# power because they suspected legitimi7ation o# land owning upper class and e$ploitation. 1hough bureaucracy would act in unbiased manner and deliver bene#it #or all. =umerous studies have shown this. 2ureaucracy tends to identi#y with vested interests. 1his is what happened to community development programs( wor ed #or entrenched upper classes. B#l.#'t R#i Me-t# C mmittee2 1his committee was appointed by government to review #unctioning o# community

development programs. )t strongly recommended that community participation can only ta e place i# there is an institutional #ramewor to #acilitate such participation by the people. 1here#ore( the need #or grass root democracy was emphasi7ed. 9arious other studies in other countries li e 2ra7il( Iordan( South ,#rica( 2otswana and States li e Kerala( &.2( F.@.( Karnata a etc. have clearly shown the various advantages o# decentrali7ation.

A,v#'t#&es2 1. :aster response to local needs. :irst hand peoplesK need. 5. 6reater transparency and accountability. )# decision ma ing is easily accessible to people( transparency and e##iciency increases. Fost o# primary schools in villages had improved attendance o# primary school teachers. ;. 2etter in#ormation #low: 3ecentralisation provides administration with early warning o# potential disasters. >. 3ecentralisation ma es planning more realistic and development pro'ects become more sustainable as local people get actively involved in design( e$ecution and monitoring the pro'ects. 1here is participation budgeting and accounting. ?. @eoplesK motivation increases as they are sta eholders. B. 8ocal sel# government act as nurseries o# political leadership( provide opportunities #or participation. =urseries o# training #uture political leaders. J. )t acts as sa#ety valve to terrorism( secessionism and other inds o# protest. ;; cr#c0IAS/c m nowledge o# real problems o# local people.

,dministrative delays( when decision ma ing is centrali7ed and correct identi#ication o#

3ecentrali7ation o# power is essential #or speedy and e##ective development o# national unity( law & order. 1his was reali7ed a#ter B#l.#'t R#i Me-t# C mmittee rep rt/ Rec mme',#ti 's 1. %stablishment o# a three tier @anchayati Ra' Sytem i.e. 6ram @anchayat at village level( @anchayat Samiti at 2loc level and Nila @arishad at 3istrict level. 5. 1hey should be lin ed through indirect elections. 9illage panchayats should have direct elections( whereas @anchayat Samiti and Nila @arishad should have indirect elections. ;. ,ll planning and developmental activities should be entrusted to these bodies. >. @anchayat Samiti should be an e$ecutive body while Nila @arishad should be advisory and supervisory body. ?. @ower and responsibility should be trans#erred to these bodies and ade*uate resources must be provided to enable them to discharge #unctions. B. 3istrict 4ollector should be chairman o# Nila @arishad. J. System must be evolved #or progressive devolution o# powers and responsible in #uture. 3evelopmental programs should be instituted and planned at local level. ,s a result o# this( on 5nd +ct.( 19?9( #irst @anchayat was inaugurated by =ehru in =agaur( Ra'asthan( #ollowed by another on at Shadnagar near Ayderabad. )t was le#t states to design the structure o# local sel# govt. and timing o# their elections. 2y mid( 19BCs almost all parts o# )ndia established @anchayti Ra' System. Fany o# them showed encouraging result eg. ,9,R3 in 19B5: people #elt that they had su##icient powers to mould their #utures. @rivileges earlier en'oyed by 2loc 3evelopment +##icers have come under their control. ,ttendance o# primary school teachers improved in these areas. @eople were #reely able to voice their grievances to pradhans and also had remedies implemented. Pl#''i'& C mmissi ' c ',!cte, #ll I',i# level st!,$2 >>A vill#&es #s s#mple2 Signi#icant change in nature o# rural bodies. Hounger and more educated leaders were emerging as village Sarpanch. )t also contribute to cooperation among groups which were earlier hostile to each other. Y &e',r# Si'&- c ',!cte, st!,ies i' si" vill#&es i' U/P/ ,lthough( 8ocal Sel# 6overnment continued to be in hands o# land owning dominant castes but they lost normative basis o# right to rule. =ow( they rule by winning elections( appease numerical dominance. Aowever( because it was a state sub'ect more than do7en committees were appease in di##erent states to implement recommendation o# 2alwant Rai Fehta ;> cr#c0IAS/c m

committee. 1hese changes were not appreciated by political elite at state level. 1hey would not li e their monopoly over political power to be shared. I' T/N/+ si$teen times elections were postponed and reasons which were sighted #or postponing elections were e*ually true #or state assembly election( but they were not postponed. &here elections were held( there was no power or resources. :irst general panchayats proved to be a case o# #ailure. %ven central government showed cynicism to panchayati ra' institutions. )n mid 19BCs( idea o# community development disappeared. )ntensive area development programs were launched instead o# 4ommunity 3evelopment @rograms. )n 19BJ( loss o# power o# congress in most states (3FK( 2K3( 4ommunist party in 2engal! because o# three successive rain #ailures. )ndira 6andhi resorted to this by populist politics -6aribi Aatao/. 2angladesh war won( lot o# anti poverty programs( rural development programs( centrally sponsored schemes( bureaucratic administration. )n 19JJ( Ianta party tried to many populist things. As- 0 Me-t# C mmittee was appointed. 1his committee gave its report in 19JD and its recommendations were: 1. 1wo tier system should be there where population is between 1?(CCC to 5C(CCC i.e. Nila @arishad at 3istrict level and Fandal @anchayat at group level. 5. Nila @arishad was to consist o# elected representatives with elected chairman. ;. @anchayat elections to be #ought on party level. >. @anchayats should be given the right to raise their own resources by ta$ation. ?. )n case o# supercession o# any panchayats elections must be held in si$ months. B. Iudicial decentrali7ation i.e. =ayay @anchayat should be established. J. 3evelopmental #unctions at village level should be in#erred to 7ila parishad. D. %very state should have ministry #or @anchayti Ra' )nsititution. 9. Scheduled 4astes and Scheduled 1ribes must have representation at both levels in proportion to their population. )n 19JJ( in 2engal 4@F government came to power. )t went on massive drive #or establishment base at grass root level. Shortly a#terwards( in early 19DCs( in Karnata a and ,.@. also non.4ongress governments came to power. &.2. #ollowed by ,.@. and Karnata a where ,sho Fehta 4ommittee recommendations were adopted. )n Karnata a( genuine attempts were made #or in#er o# resources to panch. ,gain debate sur#aced #or need o# @anchayti Ra' )nsitution. 2ecause became obvious that tip heavy structure with centrali7ation will collapse. 3evelopment delivery through bureaucracy controlled institutions became very insigni#icant. ;? cr#c0IAS/c m

)n later 19DCs( debate sur#aced again. )n 19D?( at ,)44 session in 2ombay( Ra'iv 6andhi pointed out how poor are being e$ploited by power bro ers. 2ureaucratic administration developmental programs can not succeed. @olitical compulsions o# elections in 19D9( he gave employment to 5C(CCC dalits in govt. services in two months though no services needed. 2y the @resident orders( declared #unds would be given to village Sarpanch directly and @anchayti Ra' institution would be revived. So in 19D9( it was reali7ed constitutional support is must. 1hird generation panchayat with J;rd and J>th amendment bills( =arsimhan Rao passed J; rd and J>th amendment. C@r, #', CAt- #me',me'ts2 ,rticles 5>; to 5>; (+!( contain the provisions regarding panchayti ra' system. )n 199B( according to 2huria 4ommittee( these provisions were amended to e$tend them to tribal dominate states. =ow( uni#orm system o# @anchayti Ra' institutions has been established. Pr visi 's2 1his constitutional amendment is not automatically binding. )t envisages that every state will pass con#ormity ,ct( whereby it will provide #ormation o# @anchayti Ra' system in that state. )t was ?CCC elected representative in democracy. =ow( elected representatives are upto ;C lacs. 3emocracy penetrated to grass root level. )t will go a long way in ensuring gender 'ustice. &omen will develop awareness o# community problems. 4ases where women have proved more competent than men: Sudha @atel( 6u'rat( 2lind but eminent Sarpanch ( :atima 2ee in Kurnool district( Ram Rati 2ai in Sidhi 3istrict o# F.@.( 2uri Aambrum o# &.2.: Aow panchayat local sel# is success#ully able to #ight against alcoholism. &hen her husband( got to wine shops closed. ,lthough( there have been numerous reports o# how men #ol tried to manipulation these women( but this is a beginning in traditional patriarchal society. 1his has led to mobili7ation o# women at local level #or water conservation( environmental degradation and local problems which are never reported in media. )n 6oa( panchayats have #ought F=4s li e 3u@ont.=ylon #actory( had to give up its plans. )t posed a serious threat to environment. Kerala Aigh 4ourt directed 4oca 4ola 4ompany to #ind alternative source o# water #or its bottling plant in @alachimade village. Limit#ti ' #', pr (lems2 now o# it( he thrashed her. ,ccommodated by #ew more women( went and destroy wine shop. &hen police came to arrest( all women 'oined her. ,s a result all

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>/

Reluctance on part o# political elites to encourage @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions. %$cept #or

Kerala( 2engal( 1ripura and 2ihar( all other con#orm acts deal in panchayat as administration organ. 5. @rocedural bye laws have not been passed to ma e them #unctional in spirit. 1here is nothing in legislation li e time #rame( resources to be given. 4entrali7ing tendency is still persisting. Iudicial and law & order decentrali7ation has not ta en place. ;. &2 elections showed electoral violence at panchayat level. >. =o commensurate social and economic e*uality. ,ny attempt at assertion o# their rights by middle class and lower classes is con#ronted with con#lict. Fere reservation has not solved this problem. 4riminal.politician ne$us becomes more pronounced at @anchayi Ra' level. 3ecentrali7ation o# corruption: M#8, r Kis#' S-#0ti S#'&#t- '+ R#)#st-#'2 has brought out rampant corruption on

2him panchayat samiti. )n @un'ab( Sarpanches have embe77led lot o# money. )n 2ihar( F@( Ra'asthan( 6u'rat see large scale violence against women. )n 6u'rat (@orbandar!( 8a hi 2en was beaten up by 2I@ wor ers. Social and economic e*uality is not being created. %ducation has not spread enough. +##icials remain largely uncooperative( when o##icials are given to wor under @anchayti Ra' )nstitution( they go #or stay orders in courts. Recent studies( which are survey o# @anchayats wor ing in 19 states conducted by =ational institute o# Rural development( Ayderabad in 5CC5. @anchayats largely remain toothless( inspite o# the #act that they are constitutional mandated bodies. Reasons: 1. ,bsence o# national consensus across party lines on what should be the status o# @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions. @olitical initiatives and &ill is lac ing. +nly in those poc ets( where there has been thrust #rom below( they can #unction. 5. @olitical elites at national and state level are unwilling to give up contribution over #inancial and developmental schemes. ;. 2ureaucratic control over @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions continues. >. :unctional and #inancial autonomy has not been granted to @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions. %$cept in Kerala and &2 @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions are seen as low level agencies o# government rather than units o# sel# government. So( @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions implement country and state level. 6ram Sabha has not been given clear identity( #unctions are not de#ined. State governments do not give technical sta## to ;J cr#c0IAS/c m

@anchayti Ra' )nstitutions. 1hus( higher level elites are sabotaging the @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions. P#'c-#$#ti R#) S$stem2 M/N/ R $ 3ecentralisation o# democracy will prevent centrali7ation o# power and the #unction o# the state will be reduced to coordination o# the activities o# the other autonomous social institutions. ,ccording to F.=. Roy peoplesK committees must be the basis units o# an origanised democracy. Ae is strongly against concentration o# power. Ae advocated partyless democracy. ,mbed ar considered rigidity and legalism were two serious wea nesses o# #ederalism. ,rticles 5>9( 5?C( 5?5( ;?5 and ;?B have been used by the union to enchance the powers o# the centres( thus acting against the #ederal principle. 1he serious #law o# the )ndian 4onstitution was that it did not give primacy to the local governments. the panchayats and municipalities. 1he #ederal structure has only two tiers: the 0nion and the States" and the local bodies did not have any role.neither developmental nor governmental. )t was le#t to the states to ta e steps to organi7e 9illage @anchayats and endow them powers and authority to #unction as units o# sel#.government. @arliament passed the 4onstitution (J;rd ,mendment! ,ct 1995. 2y the mid 19DCs( demand #or decentrali7ation o# powers became clear that with concentration o# power( )ndian polity could crumble. Feanwhile( the success o# the second.generation panchayats as political institutions in the States o# &est 2engal( Karnata a and ,@ as well as a general demand #or decentrali7ation o# power with the slogan Gpower to the peopleK also accelerated the pace #or the constitutional amendment. Electi 's #t t-e L c#l B ,ies 1he study o# the @anchayat %lection @rocess and %lection issues in Karnata a in 199? and 1= in 199B revealed some interesting #acts about the democratic process at the grassroots level that caste and religion which were playing a prominent role in elections have shown signs o# decline. )n 1=( in the 199B panchayat elections( growing democratic consciousness o# the people was clearly evident. =early D1E o# the respondents o# a survey said that the religious or caste leaders did not direct the people to e$ercise their voting right in one way or other. 1hese election studies show that the local body elections lessen the intensity o# casteism and parochialism. 1his is mainly because people in general give priority to the wel#are and development activities in the villages or bloc s level( transcending caste or party politics. 1he Fay 199; elections to the &2 panchayats also highlighted this positive aspect at the grassroots level. P litic#l P#rties i' P#'c-#$#t Electi 's

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@olitical parties are #ormed not with the ob'ect o# practicing democracy( but o# capturing power. 1hey are guided by the dictum that the end 'usti#ies the means and the means o#ten amount to the corruption and destruction o# democracy. Santhanam 4ommittee on @anchayati Ra' elections stated in 19B>( whether and to what e$tent political parties should participate in panchayat elections. Aowever( in the given conte$t o# )ndian politics and society( involvement o# political parties in local government elections has become necessary. )t is not without some positive aspects o# social change. Studies o# harassment and illtreatment o# women Sarpanches( members and o##ice bearers belonging to the Scheduled 4astes in panchayats o# F@ came to light only because there were political parties on the other side to ta e up the victimKs cause. :ield studies have also shown that even in a highly politici7ed states li e &2( a#ter the elections on party lines are over( all members cooperate #or the development o# the village. ,#ter all( i# we have a multi.party election process #or the State ,ssembly and @arliament( partyless elections at the base will be meaningless. 7 me' #', 7e#0er Secti 's i' L c#l G ver'#'ce2 1he new panchayats and municipalities provide opportunities #or wea er sections i.e. S4s( S1s( who #orm 5?E o# our population. 1he membership is decided by the proportion o# their population in an area. 1he #i#th and si$th sechedules in the 4onstitution give special status and privileges to tribal areas. )n reality( in tribal ma'ority areas( non.tribals have been controlling the a##airs( dominating the scene and destroying the tribal tradition. 1ribal land was appropriated by non.tribals. 1he high.level committee under the chairmanship o# 3. S. 2huria( in 199> suggested proposal to e$tend the J;ed 4onstitution ,mendment to the Scheduled ,reas( had recommended: 1. to constitute a village assembly in all tribal villages because the community should be the basic unit o# sel#.governance in tribal areas. 5. to reserve a ma'ority o# seats in all levels o# the elected bodies #or members o# the Scheduled 1ribes ;. +nly a tribal could be elected as a Sarpanch. , uni*ue #eature o# the new phase in panchayats and municipalities in )ndia is that it has ensured one.third representation #or women in the local bodies and one.third o# the o##ices o# chairpersons at all level in rural and urban bodies #or them. Pr (lems * t-e T-ir, Tier * G ver'#'ce2

>/ )n the State @anchayat and Funicipal ,cts a#ter 199;( one #inds that the States have accepted the letter o# the J;rd and J> th ,mendments rather than their spirit. )n many ;9 cr#c0IAS/c m

States ,cts( civil serv#'ts are given powers indirectly over the elected body. 1rans#er o# activities and #unctions to panchayats is ta ing place very slowly. +nly in places where strong demands #rom below.the 9illage ,ssembly( 9illage @anchayats and 3istrict @anchayats as well as enlightened citi7ensK orgnisation come up( attempts to devolve powers are ta ing place. ?/ ,nother problem is that although States have enacted C '* rmit$ Acts( many States have not #ormulated rules and bye.laws #or the day to day #unctioning. 1he necessary in#rastructural #acilities are lac ing #or panchayats in many states. @/ 1he reluctance o# St#te%level p litici#'s to recogni7e the importance o# the governance.their autonomy( their powers and their areas o# #unctioning.is creating a serious problem. )n +rissa( when the new government case to power in early 199? it decided to dissolve the duly elected panchayats and municipalities. 1he real reason #or this action was that the F8,s were impatient to wrest #ull control o# large sums o# money coming to the panchayats through the 4entral 6overnment schemes #or rural development. A/ 1he government o##icials and government employees pre#er to wor with a distant

control mechanism i.e. the State 4apital. 1hey do not want to be closely s!pervise, under @anchayati Ra'. 1here#ore( their non.cooperative attitude towards elected panchayat members is a ma'or issues. B/ 1he low level o# p litic#l c 'sci !s'ess in many parts o# the country is another #actor which will pull the new ,@anchayati Ra' bac wards. 1he States o# 2ihar( F@( Ra'asthan( 0@ and +rissa( with a population o# about ;JC million (1991 census!( have a low @anchayati Ra' per#ormance rating. 1he main reason is the low level o# political awareness( prevalence o# #eudal authority and #eudal values. =/ )n many places( the panchayats themselves are wor ing as system( etc. will wor against wea er sections in the villages. C/ Seri !s c '*licts have ta en place during elections and a#terwards in their #unctioning in the villages. 1he recently held panchayat elections in +rissa ahd widespread violence resulting in loss o# li#e. D/ 1he central government itsel# creates situations which are not conducive #or the growth o# panchayats. ,ny programmes( any scheme( any organi7ation created parallel to the #unctioning o# the panchayats( will undermine the local government system. 1he >C cr#c0IAS/c m ppressive i'str!me'ts/

,bsence o# land re#orms( low level o# literacy( especially among women( patriarchal

serious o##ensive against the emerging local governance is the disbursal o# Rs. DCC crores out o# the 4onsolidated :und o# )ndia at the rate o# Rs. 1 crore per F@( popularly nown as F@sK 4onstituency 3evelopment Scheme. =ow( it is 5 crores. Distri(!ti ' * P .er i' 5ill#&e C mm!'it$ * I',i# #', - . it is c-#'&i'&2

C mm!'it$ P .er Str!ct!re2 1raditionally( village community in )ndia had hierarchy o# caste. ,lthough as many o# orientalists believed that village had internal matter.village council or panchayat decided all matters. 1he rural power structure or distribution o# power in villages was never egalitarian or democratic power( it was e$ercised on ascriptive basis i.e. birth( age etc. 7.iel,e, p .er2

@ower was held by in#luential #amily belonging to( according to Srinivas( land owning dominant caste. %very caste has its ritual and secular hierarchy. 1hese two overlap each others but not totally. R#mp!r# i' M$s re2 Fadhav 2rahmins are ritually considered as highest caste i.e. in terms o# Aindu notion o# purity and pollution but e$cept #or ceremonial occasion when people touched their #eet in day to day they had little say and hardly mattered. )n secular a##airs( village communities li e O00#li&#s+ a dominate landowners( dominated village council( though ritually they ran ed in middle o# hierarchy wielded power in village. 3ominant caste numerically preponderant vis a vis other 'atis( but *uite o#ten it is 'ati in village which owns ma$imum land and also dominates village councils and e$ercises political power. @ower is e$ercised by dominant caste( in#luential #amilies belonging to dominant castes wield power in the village. 1hey came close to elite model o# distribution o# power i.e. minority wields power. 1his shows that power is concentrated in very small group o# elites( it is not broad based. 1hey happen to be elite because o# their control over land and village council. %lders #rom these were in village council. %g. 1ha urs in )ndia wield power though less in numerical strength but are big land owners.

M/N/ Sri'iv#s #', Y &e',r# Si'&-2

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Studied si$ villages in 0@. ,lthough power continues to be wielded by traditional dominant caste( by this time @anchayti Ra' )nstitutions and electoral politics introduced. So( rights to the member o# village council based on ma'ority support and no longer ascriptive and hereditary basis. 3ominant caste held power by gradually accommodating interest o# other people( 'ati and caste. =ow they had to win election. So( #actional alliances developed and o#ten individual clashes because more than one member #rom single #amily tried to gain seat in village council. 1ill early JCs( power continued to reside in dominant castes( though power developed #actions within dominant caste and mobilisation tended to be vertical i.e. other caste mobili7ed behind lower section o# dominant caste. T#s0 * rce ($ Pl#''i'& C mmissi ' #t All I',i# level2 at pattern o# distribution o# power in early JCs. )t has

)n 1>C villages all over )ndia to loo

been #ound that in almost 9?E o# the cases( the village 4ouncil @resident was #rom dominant caste i.e. 3ominant caste model persisted. @ower in #ew hands resembled elite mode. 3ominant caste model came to be *uestioned by late JCs. Pr */ R#)'i K t-#ri2 presented an alternate model( because o# changes in )ndia a#ter independence has brought a lot o# change in distribution o# power( land re#orms( con#erring ownership rights on superior tenant which had hereditary rights or had documentary evidence o# tenancy etc.( abolishing 7amindari system. 2y late 19BCs( 6reen Revolution introduced use o# hybrid variety seeds( seed.#ertili7er techni*ues. =ew ind o# seed converted nutrient into #ruit. +utput could be increased by increase in #ertili7er. 2rought prosperity to #armers who had access to irrigation( as irrigational #acilities e$tended( agriculture converted into capitalist. Fiddle si7ed #armers organi7ed themselves are pressure group demanding increase in procurement price etc. so increase in politici7ation. 1hese were numerically superior to land owning caste. =ow became independent and economically well by 6reen Revolution( land re#orms. Rise o# 4haran Singh in mid 19BCs( 4hie# Finister o# 0@ shows rise o# middle si7e #armer. @eople mobili7ed #or political power. @ower in village community became broad based and competition #or power. 1. 3ominant caste vs. middle castes( Ra'ni Kothari called them as E'tre'c-e, c#ste vs/ Asce',#'t c#ste respectively. %g. Iats provided low status initially. Hadavas( Kurmis( Koris in 0@. 1heir rise to political power at local level and also state level led to violent con#lict. ?/ F#cti '#lism .it-i' (#c0.#r, c#stes2 3i##erent sections o# so called bac ward castes had #actions among them because o# personal ambitions.

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;. @hase o# 19DCs: by DCs( the ascendant castes were largely success#ul in gaining power at local level. So power now shared between entrenched caste and ascendant caste. Fobilisation o# dalits was initially in Faharashtra but now spread to all )ndia level. Aori7ontal mobili7ation o# 3alit castes #used together because Aari'an identity was re'ected. 3alit means oppressed earlier( alliance with dominant castes. T/K/ O me'2 Ae has presented alternative model o# distribution o# power. power pool. 2y 9Cs( model o# power cannot be e$plained in terms o# entrenched caste and ascendant caste because dalits have emerged where they have gained economically. ,t local level ac*uired power. 3istribution o# power is comple$ now. =ow( it is not con#ined to one caste. )n every village community( there is a power pool. =o single #action alone e$plains power pool land ownership( politici7ation i.e. alliance with any political party gives organi7ation and cloud at political level( numerical strength( education (people ac*uire empowerment either position which command authority or lucrative 'obs!. @ower has become in village community broad based. =o single caste can claim power now. )t is power pool. )n south also( power o# dominant caste has declined. 3alit mobili7ation has ta en place there also. )n ,@( dominant castes in 1elangana region was ReddyKs( who mostly wielded power as land owner which was challenged by middle class. P#!l Br#ss2 1he politics o# )ndia since independence: among the elite and middle status castes( a process o# caste succession had begun be#ore independence and was intensi#ied a#ter it with the adoption o# adult #ranchise by which in election a#ter election( new leaders #rom previously unrepresented or under represented castes began to emerge and the castes began themselves to be mobili7ed. 1he intermediate castes ac*uired increasing voting power through adult su##rage and increased economic power through Naminidari abolition. Dip#'0#r G!pt#2 )nterrogating caste: locus o# power has shi#ted #rom ritually higher castes to numerically large. St#teless s ciet$2 1hese societies have no #ormal agency o# social control. 1hese have idea o# territorial rights which are maintained through notions o# age and social sanctions and social control. @ower and authority are di##used in di##erent groups in a society. Fe#t!res " " * st#teless s ciet$2

=o rigid boundary +ral traditions >; cr#c0IAS/c m

" " " " T$pes

=o 2ureaucracy Single person holds several powers li e religious( economical( political etc. =o #i$ed ideology Simple economy * st#teless s ciet$2 is largest social unit( cooperating groups o# #amilies( =o

1. H!'ti'& #', G#t-eri'&2

gradations or strati#ications( no speci#ic political organi7ation( authority<power is en'oyed by senior members o# these #amilies. 5. 5ill#&e C mm!'ities2 this type o# society has inship and economic ties( #ormally appointed councils to maintain administration( emergence o# political order. ;. A&e set S$stem2 in this authority is vested in elders one. +rgani7ation is based on principle o# seniority eg. 4heyenne o# ,merica and =uer o# ,#rica. >. P litic#l *!'cti 's2 unilineal descent system prevails. 1here is no speci#ic political o##ice. %lders may e$ercise limited authority. %g. =uer( 3in a o# South Sudan. P litic#l pri'ciples " cause. " " ,uthority delegated to a subordinate Fystical symbols integrated and uni#y stateless societies :or e$ample( 1onga an ,#rican tribe( is a nomadic tribe. )ts headman has little power. )t belongs to Fatrilineal in group called as Fu owa. @rinciple o# e$ogamy in Fu owa prevails. Io ing relationship also e$ists. 1his society #unctions without political power and authority because o# warning issued during 'o ing relationships. St#teless Tri(es i' I',i#2 @olitical institutions in )ndian tribes are based on clan & lineage( village unit and group o# villages eg. 8ineage system o# Santals( +raon( 2hils has : " " " @rinciple o# segmental opposition. &hen hostility is over( return bac and organi7ational position ta es place. 1erritorial separateness prevents con#lict between lineages * st#teless s ciet$2

Society becomes united when di##erent groups unite. 4ome together #or some particular

6!,ici#l M#c-i'er$2 " " " 1o deal with social o##ences 9illage council is a assembly o# elders )n#ormal control( in evening meetings through public disapproval and criticism. >> cr#c0IAS/c m

"

:or criminals( #ine and punishment are announced

St#te i' tr#,iti '#l s cieties2 States in traditional societies lie between two poles o# stateless and Fodern states. 1hese lac developed #orm o# political institutions. 3istinct and permanent political structures clearly dominated by religion and to a lesser e$tent by inship. N#t!re #', Sc pe * p litic#l #!t- rit$2

" " "

>/ 4hie# authority as 1itular head. 4hie# is a symbolic head( representing entire group though segmentary social structure persists. Ae is considered almost divine eg. Shillu o# 0pper =ile (%van @ritchard! her ing reigned but did not govern. ?/ Secular authority endowed with sacredness. Secular authority o# sacredness eg. )ndian Ra'ans ruled their @/ =ecessity o# ac*uiring a A/ R#'&e their lineages. Fyths o# divine origin legitimi7e political authority o# ing. ing. Secular authority is rituali7ed to raise its status above ordinary people. 1erritory and demography in relation to range o# political authority. * p litic#l #!t- rit$2 ,rea in which residents ac nowledge power o# the ing. 6eographical limits o# his administration and 'udicial measures. B/ %conomy and centrali7ation o# polity: Fore the level o# surplus( greater the development o# centrali7ed polity. Sc pe * p litic#l #!t- rit$2 ing is with ingdoms on behal# o# presiding deities o#

%$tent to which a ruler e$ercises his authority over his people( de#ines the scope o# his political power. Scope rather than range o# power ma es polity more centrali7ed eg. :eudatory states o# +rissa. 1erritory o# ing surrounded by segmentary clan lineage based units. 1hey participate in main rituals and ceremonies o# central ingdom. =o other political authority e$ist i.e. minimal scope eg. Sillu s o# upper =ile. =/ ,mong loyal sub'ects Relatives are considered as rivals. 8oyalty is rewarded by #orm o# shared authority. ing in

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