American Hegemony and Business Education in The Arab World

Journal of Management Education
http://jme.sagepub.com American Hegemony and Business Education in the Arab World

Mark Neal and Jim L. Finlay Journal of Management Education 2008; 32; 38 originally published online Sep 19, 2007; DOI: 10.1177/1052562906297075 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jme.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/32/1/38
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AMERICAN HEGEMONY AND BUSINESS EDUCATION IN THE ARAB WORLD
Mark Neal Sultan Qaboos University, Oman Jim L. Finlay Lebanese American University, Lebanon
To what extent is American business education hegemonic in the Arab world? To answer this, the authors examine whether Lebanese people exposed to American-style business education share the values implicit in their textbooks and teaching resources. Finding evidence for such values among Lebanese business students and working people alike, they argue that American business education is not only externally dominant; it is also internally hegemonic in its influences on local Arab values. The authors examine the problems American hegemony causes in Arab classrooms and discuss how problem-based learning provides an alternative and more relevant learning experience for Arab students. Keywords: hegemony; problem-based learning; Arab; Lebanese; leadership
Contemporary discussions of globalization often center on the ongoing influence of the United States of America on the economic, political, and social systems of developing countries (Augelli & Murphy, 1988; Chomsky, 1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005). Much of this discussion is framed in terms of hegemony: domination through sustaining values and ideologies sympathetic to, or isomorphic with, those of the dominating body or hegemon (Gramsci, 1971, 1975). Americas influence on the developing world has been cast in this wayas domination through the propagation of economic and political values (such as accountability, transparency, choice) and
Authors Note: We would like to thank Kathy Lund Dean and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful and helpful comments, and for their encouragement throughout the development of this article. We would also like to thank Evangelos Afendras of Sultan Qaboos University, Oman, for leading the way in problem-based learning.
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION, Vol. 32 No. 1, February 2008 38-83 DOI: 10.1177/1052562906297075 2008 Organizational Behavior Teaching Society
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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY
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ideologies (such as free trade, consumerism, democracy) that encourage dependency on U.S. systems and institutions (Goodstein, 1981; OBrien, 2003; Panitch & Gindin, 2004). Mir (2003) has argued that American business education is hegemonic in such terms. Although American textbooks, journals, and institutions now dominate business education throughout the world, Mir (2003) and Grey (2004, 2002) have observed that business education is rarely value neutral but is infused with procapitalist, probusiness values (see also Engwall, 2004; Kieser, 2004; Schlie & Warner, 2000; Tiratsoo, 2004). As the rise of Business Ethics as a core subject attests, however, the kind of capitalism implicitly espoused by American-style business schools is not capitalism in the raw: the unbridled, amoral exploitation of free markets to maximize profits. The kind of capitalism encouraged is gentler than thatmore ethical. Business education throughout the world is thus suffused in what can best be termed progressive Western business valuesthose values feted by business ethics as a discipline: transparency, accountability, consultation, tolerance, and equity. The notion that value-infused American business education is increasingly dominant throughout the world raises the question of its influence on indigenous business values. Most regions of the world are not at all like the West, with its values (if not always its realities) of transparency and accountability. Many parts of the world are characterized by nontransparency and nonaccountability evidenced by endemic corruption and runaway criminality (Transparency International, 2005). Many people labor under conditions of despotism, that is, the absence of consultation or accountability, and most parts of the world are characterized not by gender equity but by high levels of discrimination and violence against women (Pillinger, 2005). With the ongoing domination of value-infused American business education throughout the world, it is thus important to ascertain not only its scope but its effects on those involved in it. There is little doubt that American business education is externally hegemonic, in that it renders overseas educational systems accountable to its standards, resources, and practices. But is it also internally so, in that its influence extends to altering peoples values as well? In other words, does the spread of American business education involve the spread of progressive business values to unprogressive parts of the world? To address this question, this article looks at American business education in the Arab World,1 a region often defined as being at odds with many progressive Western values (Huntingdon, 1993; Laffin, 1975). We focus on the case of Lebanon, where rampant corruption means that transparency and accountability are often in short supply (Transparency International, 2005), and widespread gender discrimination means a lack of equity for many women (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2004; Khalaf, 1993a, 1993b). By examining the views of those exposed to American business
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JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008
education in Lebanon, it is possible to see to what extent such peoples values are supportive of the progressive ideals infused in their education. Doing so, we are able to determine whether Americanized business education is not merely externally hegemonic but whether it is also internally so.
Does American Business Education Involve Changing Values?

Our job as business educators is to change attitudes . . . particularly those towards leadership. Thus spoke an American-educated Arab female faculty member with long-standing experience of teaching management in the Arab world. These words succinctly reflect the views of many educators working in the Middle Easta group well known to the authors, who have worked in American-style business schools in the region for 6 years and 8 years, respectively, in Lebanon, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In dealing with colleagues on a daily basis, the authors noticed that faculty of all backgrounds often talked of the importance of education in social change, particularly with reference to (a) the role and perceptions of women and (b) the broad issue of corrupt leadership. There was a conviction among most educators that they could, and were, changing attitudes and values in these two areas, leading to greater concern for accountability, gender equity, transparencyeven democracy. Such views are understandable. In Middle Eastern countries such as Lebanon, students are taught business using American ideas, case studies, and texts. Although these are often comparative and international in nature, the ethos and ideologies running through their presentation and analysis are overwhelmingly and uniformly progressive. Although students are increasingly asked to take relativist and critical positions on modern business issues, educational discourses tend to be absolutist on issues such as equality of opportunity for the sexes, accountability, transparency, and the overall merits of consultative/democratic forms of leadership (see Kjonstad & Wilmott, 1995). It is understandable, then, that many educators feel that three or four years of exposure to such ideas will have an effect, perhaps resulting in attitudinal changes that challenge local mores. The prognosis implicit in such views is that enlightened students will then enter the workplace and change things for the better by creating a more gender-equal, transparent, and equitable workplace. Although the problem is thus defined as Arab traditional values, the solution is seen at least partlyto lie in American business education.
The ProblemTraditional Arab Values

What, then, is the nature of this problem? Scholars such as Muna (1980), Ali (1990, 1995, 1996, 1998), Ali and Azim (1996), and Weir (2001) have
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done much to dispel the stereotypical view of Arab business managers as being mere autocrats. Arab countries do have high power distance levels (Hofstede, 1980; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005; Ronen, 1986), but to interpret this as a cultural predisposition for linear top-down power relations is misleading. Arab business cultures are highly complex, having their roots in trade, tribe, family, desert conditions, and religion. The resultant sustained nexus of power and authority relations has been characterized by Ali (1995) as sheikocracy:
The characteristics of sheikocracy include hierarchical authority, rules and regulations contingent on the personality and power of the individuals who make them, an open-door policy, subordination of efficiency to human relations and personal connections, indecisiveness, informality among lowerlevel managers, and a generally patriarchal approach. Nepotism is often evident in the selection of upper-level managers, but qualifications are emphasized in the selection of middle- and lower-level personnel. Chain of command . . . and division of labor are also characteristics of the sheikocracy. They are not as strictly observed as in the West. (p. 7)
Sheikocratic power distances can thus be high. However, power and authority relations between ruler and ruled, leader and follower, are systemic and multifactorial rather than dyadic and linear. For instance, a Bedu (Bedouin) tradition common to the Arab world is that any tribe member, no matter how humble, is able to secure an audience with the sheik. At such interviews, the supplicant seeks favor, money, marriage, or action, and it is understood that the sheik will do everything in his power to oblige. This supports Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) observation that Arab culture is highly collectivist, scoring 38 on their individualism dimension, as opposed to 91 for the United States (see Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Conversely, the sheik is expected to consult with fellow tribe members on important decisions. The relationship between ruler and ruled then is one of mutually consultative paternalism. The sheik is afforded power and authority by the tribe but is obliged to consult and to allow petitioning within an overall obligation to secure or enhance the well-being of subordinates. As the great Arab polymath Ibn Khaldun observed, although an Arab leader is afforded absolute power and authority, it is in everybodys interest that he uses this for the benefit of all: Excessive harshness harms the State and in most cases leads to its decay (Ibn Khaldun, 1967, pp. 188189; see also Ahmed, 2002; Chapra, 2003, p. 23). We can thus distinguish between power and authority in the Arab world. The power of an Arab leader depends very much on situational variables: personal wealth, family, contacts, willingness to use force, and the availability of people willing to act in his name. Authority, however, rests primarily not on situational resources but on the historical and cultural
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definition of the status and role of the Arab leader. I have power because I can force my will on you. I have authority because I am the Sheik. In traditional Bedu societies, the ruler was the locus and source of secular power and authority. The concentration of these in one man sustained a complex web of secondary power and authority networks. In particular, the absence of the secular and systematic regulation of power and authority relations in traditional Bedu societies encouraged the evolution of wasta (Abdalla, Maghrabi, & Raggad, 1995; Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Weir, 2001), power or authority secured and sustained by personal relationships with powerful others. What would be characterized as patronage or nepotism in Western societies was secured primarily through family relations brothers, cousins, and so onand, secondarily, through personal friendships with members of other families who in turn had relationships with those close to the power source. Members of the extended family of the sheik thus had high levels of power and authority, whereas the power of those below was determined by whether this network of family and friends extended to them. This historical-cultural prototype (Dunning, Perie, & Story, 1991; Gerster & Day, 1994; Khadr, 1990; Lord & Maher, 1991) of Arab leadership and authority is a key to understanding contemporary Arab business values. The Arab understanding of work is very much an open-systems analysis, where external collective factors such as family, tribe, friendships, and wasta can take precedence over procedures, practices, and action within the organization (Ali & Wahabi, 1995). It is not surprising, then, that Ali (1989) found that to get things done, Arab executives used traditional management styles that were highly influenced by history and culture. State and economic activities in Arab countries are highly bureaucratized (United Nations Development Program [UNDP], 2003). This fits in with Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) characterization of Arab societies as having high uncertainty avoidance, scoring 68 versus 46 in the United States (see Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Within bureaucratic organizations there exists a technocratic division of labor, and procedural rules and regulations mediate functional activities (Weber, 1947). Arab organizations are, however, anything but bureaucratic in the classic Weberian sense, for power and authority rarely correspond directly to functional and hierarchical divisions of labor. External factors ensure that a second web of power, influence, and authority overlaps with, and often overrides, bureaucratic structure and procedure: People are parachuted into jobs because of familial connections; promotions favor the dominant tribe, whereas those without wasta may be repeatedly passed over (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001, p. 511; Abdalla et al., 1995). Such are the negative aspects of sheikocracy. Some writers have written more positively about the system. Weir (2001) in particular has characterized the Arab system as a fourth management
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paradigm, a coherent and locally effective alternative to the other dominant paradigms (American, European, and Japanese) (Ohmae, 1990). According to Weir (2001), Arab management is personalized, loyal, and networked, with rapid dissemination of information and influence throughout the nexus; the sheikocratic imperative to consult subordinates encourages consultative decision making, and the custom of open access to the sheik sustains opendoor policies at all managerial levels. As Weir (2001) pointed out:
There may be a radical and fundamental change occurring in management structures throughout the world as a whole. These changes are mirrored in equally fundamental philosophies of management development. But the styles and approaches of management in the Arab world may be nearer to the epicenter of this new way of doing things than we have hitherto realized. (p. 17)
Arab leadership and management thus possess both positive and negative characteristics. Weirs (2001) characterization of Arab management as consultative, open-system, networked, and personalized is largely accurate. So is the characterization of it as being corrupt, inefficient, nepotistic, and unfair (if you happen not to have wasta) (Abdalla et al., 1995). As with the other three management paradigms (Weir, 2001), Arab management thus has pros and cons at both the situational and macro levels. There is no doubt, however, that Weir is right to characterize Arab management as a coherent socioeconomic open system rooted in tribe, family, and religion. Indeed, its systemic nature and deep historical-cultural roots suggest that although it may be flexible in practice, it is unlikely to change without fundamental transformations of the wider societal institutions that sustain it. This casts doubt on the belief that we in business education are indeed able to change traditional attitudes. If Arab peoples views on gender and corruption are sustained at the broader cultural and institutional level, then enhancing approval of gender equity, accountability, and transparency may be more difficult than previously thought.
Webers Ideas About Authority and Their Implications for the Arab World
One of the key areas of difference between Western and Arab business cultures, then, concerns the traditional role and authority of the Arab leader. We thus chose this key issue as an analytic prism through which to view business values in Lebanon. To do this, the authors operationalized Webers ideal types of authority: rational-legal, charismatic, and traditional (Weber, 1947), categories with proven theoretical depth and analytic scope. A common problem with some modern classifications of leadership authority is that they can leave unexamined patterns of authority that do not correspond with current
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Western conceptions of modernity or postmodernity (see Bass, 1997). Weber developed categories that go far beyond Western modernity and modern management practices (Hunt, 1999). Indeed, that is the strength of his concept of traditional authority, a category that turns out to be extremely powerful in the analysis of developing regions such as the Arab world (see Ali, 1989). Traditional authority, according to Weber, refers to premodern power relationships that are rooted in culture and custom, and are embedded in social institutions such as family, tribe, and religion. Such systems are not simple top-down power vectors but are complex nepotistic systems of patronage, usually within overall conditions of paternalism and patriarchy. The leader enjoys authority through the customary veneration of his role and through subordinates expectations of symbolic, spiritual, or material benefits. Such systems can be highly dynamic, as subordinates jostle for power and influence through ingratiation or networking with those close to the leader, usually through familial networks. Rational-legal authority, as envisioned by Weber, is firmly rooted in notions of Western modernity; indeed, it is defining of it (Kelly, 2004). Weber observed that this form of authority was reflexively related to what he called zweckrational action: the impersonal, rational pursuit of goals that are themselves rationally determined. Like Webers other categories, rational-legal authority and its related form of zweckrational action are ideal typesextreme theoretical constructs to which reality is unlikely to correspond fully or exclusively. Following Weber, we used the category rational-legal to refer to authority systems based on technocratic divisions of labor, the rules that mediate between and systematize the various organizational functions, and rulegoverned zweckrational actions and policies that are applied impartially, without reference to nontechnocratic factors such as gender, family, influence, race, wealth, or age. Charismatic authority, as envisioned by Weber, is often misrepresented because of a conceptual blurring of the relationship between transformational or charismatic leadership and charismatic authority (Bass, 1997; Bass & Avolio, 1993). Weber was writing primarily about domination and authority, not leadership styles, so analyses of Webers charismatic leadership are bound to result in confusion (see the debate between Bass [1999], Beyer [1999], Shamir [1999], and House [1999]). Although Weber acknowledged a relationship between charismatic leadership and authority, he saw it as contingent on particular leadership styles, characteristics and action, wider socioeconomic institutions (state, legal systems, family, systems of production), and followers needs and authority values. For the purposes of this study, we decided not to expand the charismatic category to stress actual or embedded interaction with others, for to do so would have gone beyond Webers meaning. Charismatic authority does not necessarily involve actual, embedded interaction with subordinates: One can be reclusive, distant,
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interactively incompetent, and nonparticipative and still have high levels of charismatic authority (consider the hermit saint). We thus decided to restrict our use of this ideal type to Webers original conception of it: to refer to the possession of appealing, compelling, or attractive personal qualities that sustain authority over subordinates, or rather, followers. Interactive authority was employed by the authors because of the restrictions they placed on charisma. Weber was writing before the rise of human relations (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939; Mayo, 1945) and its evolution into the participative/transformational ideologies of today. The subsequent rise of delayering, teamwork, and flexible management structures (Ebadan & Winstanley, 1997) has encouraged a recognized shift in authority patterns away from rational-legal (du Gay, 2000; Boggs, 1997), but towards what? Implicit in charismatic/transformational leadership studies is the notion that authority is based on a combination of charisma and interactive skills (Charbonneau, 2004). As we have seen, however, interactive skills are in no way a prerequisite for charismatic authority. As those same transformational/charismatic studies of leadership attest, authority in many sectors now rests primarily on embedded social interaction, rather than charismaon such things as participation and consultation (Bass, 1997; Bass & Avolio, 1993; Charbonneau, 2004). Having decided to leave the ideal type of charismatic authority true to Webers original vision of it, we thus decided to introduce a fourth category, interactive authority, to capture residual non-Weberian ideas about authority, centered primarily on embedded, contingent, social interactive practices such as participation and consultation. In this way, the study operationalized and expanded Webers original analytic framework, resulting in the four categories of authority.
Progressive Values Embedded in American Business Education

An overriding point of interest in this investigation was the extent to which Arab students, embedded in Arab culture, were sympathetic to the progressive values advanced in their American business courses. To determine the extent to which such values were accepted by Lebanese people, the authors first had to identify and define the values typically advanced in American-style business courses. For the purpose of this investigation, the authors identified five progressive ideals commonly espoused in American management texts and teaching resources: equity, tolerance, accountability, consultation, and transparency. Equity is a cornerstone of modern progressive business practices, enshrining fairness, impartiality, and equality of opportunity. Notions of equity have driven many political and policy debates about gender, race, disability, and
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religiosity, and the ideal thus underpins much Western law. As previously discussed, the progressive imperative of gender equity appears to be at odds with prevailing cultural norms in Lebanon, where many women still find themselves accountable to traditional patriarchal cultural expectations (see Jamali, Sidani, & Safieddine, 2005; Joseph, 1996). Tolerance is another commonly advanced ideal in American business textbooks and teaching materials. This ideal fueled the inclusiveness movements that swept through the United States and Europe from the 1960s onward, resulting in the advancement of groups traditionally experiencing discrimination and the acceptance of previously unlawful or stigmatized activities (see Davies, 1975). This secular ideal is at least partially consistent with those Islamic teachings and practices that sustain the toleration of other religions and customs as a core Muslim virtue (see Asali, 1994; Kurtz, 2005). Given that most Lebanese are indeed Muslims, this ideal would thus seem to be at least partially consistent with their cultural beliefs. As such, the possibility exists that values concerning tolerance are held by undergraduate students and employees alike. Accountability is the ideal that decision makers actions should be answerable to rules, regulations, or guidelines that apply impartially to all. In a leadership context, this not only means answerability to such laws, regulations, and guidelines but also to ones subordinates, providing an imperative that decisions are made for the benefit of those in ones charge. Such principles are codified in Western law, as well as in management training and educational resources, and they have become ideals within the business community. Self-interest, criminality, and corruption, however, remain problems throughout the world (Transparency International, 2005). In Lebanon, this is particularly so, and the practice of wasta remains endemic in the workplace. To that extent, accountability appears to be inconsistent with undergraduate student expectations and business realities. Consultation is the ideal that leaders inform people of decisions that affect them; that they listen to their opinions, concerns, and advice; and that they proceed to make decisions in light of what they have learnt. In modern management texts and training resources, this ideal is highly feted, and it infuses many discussions about what constitutes ethical decision making and employee relations. Given that the prototypical rule of the Arab sheik is based at least partially on consultation and the consensus of the ruled (Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Neal, Finlay, & Tansey, 2005), there is reason to believe that this ideal is to some extent consistent with prevailing attitudes and expectations regarding decision-making processes in Lebanese businesses (Ali, 1993; Welsh & Raven, 2004). Transparency is the ideal that information, decisions, and processes that affect people are freely and accurately communicated and open to scrutiny. As such, it is closely related to the ideals of accountability and consultation,
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and antipathetic to unilateralism, obscurantism, deceit, and backstage corruption.2 Embodying this issue are organizations such as Transparency International (TA), which rates countries on the basis of the impartial and public exercise of the law, and the free availability of accurate and timely information. In a recent study by the World Bank, Lebanon was ranked 13th among 19 nations in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)3 region in terms of its efforts to control corruption (Bank Audi sal, 2005). For the purposes of this study, our assessment of transparency is limited to the ways that leaders communicate with their subordinates. Given that Arab management styles generally dictate that the word of the leader is law, there has not been a tradition of sharing information with subordinates except on a need-to-know basis. As a result, it seems that prevailing Arab values are inconsistent with Western expectations regarding transparent relationships with employees.
Development of the Hypotheses

After several years of exposure to such progressive ideas about work and organizations, it might be reasonable to expect the presence of some of these ideas in students own values and attitudes. Years of teaching in Lebanon, Oman, and UAE, however, led the authors to question whether this was indeed so, encountering views and opinions in essays, seminars, and lectures that raised persistent doubts as to whether exposure to Organizational Behavior, Business Ethics, or International Management changed students values and attitudes at all. Certainly, students mastered the concepts and models concerning leadership and gender issues, and they reproduced and discussed these in essays and classroom discussions. However, once in a while, a comment here or there followed by agreement by the rest of the class indicated that although students had learnt the ideas, they might not actually believe in them. Whereas American business education dominated the classroom in terms of what students needed to know about ideas, systems, and models for the purposes of attaining grades, we were alerted to a risk at least that American hegemony could be partial not extending to the hearts and minds of the students. Here then was a confused picture: Theories of hegemony (Augelli & Murphy, 1988; Chomsky, 1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005) and the everyday discourse of educators on the ground pointed to a convergence of student values with progressive business valuesthe attainment of hegemonic influence at both external and internal levels. Our own observations, however, suggested only partial hegemony: the prospect that although students were learning textbook systems and ideas, they might be resistant to the values underpinning them.
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ADDRESSING DIFFERENCES BASED ON GENDER AND EMPLOYMENT STATUS
Lebanese society has been characterized as a patriarchal system wherein gender roles are defined differently and women experience high levels of discrimination (ILO, 2004; Sharabi, 1988). As a subset and test of the broader question of hegemonic influence, this patriarchy raised the question of the impact of American business education on gender-related attitudes and values. If the broad commonality of educational backgrounds strongly overrode gender-specific cultural differences, then one might expect few significant differences between the sexes. We were of a mind, however, that because genderrelated values were so deeply embedded in Lebanese society (Sharabi, 1988), we would see some evidence of sustained gender differences. That said, because of the gender discrimination sustained in Lebanese traditional values, it was expected that those experiencing the discrimination (i.e., women) would be more receptive to the antitraditional progressive values of American business education. As a result, the authors drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 1: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender, with men being more likely to support statements associated with traditional authority.
As we have observed from working in the Middle East, the realities of the Arab workplace are very different from the value-infused theories and case studies described in American textbooks (see Cameron, Ireland, Lussier, New, & Robbins, 2003; Sidani & Gardner, 2000). It would not, then, be surprising if undergraduate business students were to adopt such progressive business values less critically, and more naively, than those working full-time in organizations characterized by discrimination and corruption. This led the researchers to develop the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 2: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employment status, with undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactive authority.
Next, we considered the possibility that gender and workplace realities played a joint role in shaping attitudes toward leadership authority. There was a possibility that Lebanons traditional status as a bridge between East and West (Gates, 1998), coupled with the exposure of some employees to Western business values and their hegemonic underpinnings, meant that Western values had begun to find their way into the traditional Arab workplace. Meanwhile, the strong emphasis that university educators placed on engaged and consultative management suggested that undergraduate students would be more likely than their working counterparts to embrace interactive
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authority, with women again being more receptive to such progressive ideas. This led the authors to draw another hypothesis concerning leadership authority:
Hypothesis 3: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to the interactive effect between gender and employment status, with female undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with interactive authority.
TESTING WHETHER HEGEMONIC VALUES STICK
Lebanese cultural values define the roles of men and women differently, and they thus appear to be at odds with the ideal of gender equity that pervades American business texts (ILO, 2004; Khalaf, 1993a, 1993b). The authors thus expected that gender discrimination would not automatically be erased by exposure to Western progressive business values. As a result, the authors drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 4: Western expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Writers such as Asali (1994) have portrayed Islam as a religion of tolerance. Although Western perceptions of Islam are currently caught up in the antipathy between Arabs and Israeli Jews, this is actually a very recent and atypical conflict, dating back to the formation of the state of Israel in Palestine in 1948. Prior to this, both religions lived side by side for more than 1,000 years with relatively little conflict. In fact, when Jews suffered persecution in Spain in 1492, Sultan Beyazit II, the ruler of the Ottoman Empire, invited them to take refuge in Turkey (see Altabe, 1992). Although the Western understanding of Muslims is currently influenced by what has come to be known as radical Islam, the fact remains that Muslims have traditionally viewed themselves as being tolerant and compassionate (Kurtz, 2005). Given that the vast majority of Lebanese are Muslims, the authors thus drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 5: Western expectations of tolerance will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
As Makhoul and Harrison (2004) have observed, influences such as personal wealth, family associations, and contacts have meant that the traditional practice of wasta persists in Lebanon. In fact, it is openly accepted that knowing the right person can be more important than credentials when searching for a job. Although this is not exclusively an Arab phenomenon (nepotism exists in the United States too), its prevalence in the
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West pales into insignificance when compared to its all-embracing influence throughout Lebanon (Makhoul & Harrison, 2004). Having the right connections and feting more powerful others are crucial for personal success, meaning that people are not accountable to impartial standards of practice or procedure. The prevalence and strength of these factors thus led us to draw the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 6: Western expectations of accountability will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
As Ali (1995) observed, the prototypical Sheik is traditionally expected to seek the counsel of his fellow tribal members on important decisions. The result is a form of consultative paternalism in which the leader is afforded power and authority by the tribe but is obliged to consult with, and ensure the well-being of, his subordinates. Weir (2001) thus suggested that such a system may be consistent with current progressive interactive patterns of leadership authority. This led us to draw the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 7: Western expectations of consultation will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Lebanon is renowned for deeply entrenched public corruption; a lack of clearly defined, equally enforced laws; and high levels of bribery (Transparency International, 2005). Much political and business activity is thus carried out secretly, indicating a widespread lack of transparency in terms of the way leaders communicate with their subordinates. Although Arab management styles may be consistent with limited degrees of sheikocractic consultation, this does not mean that leaders decisions are open to scrutiny or challenge, nor does it mean that subordinates are necessarily entitled to information other than that which affects them directly. On the basis of this knowledge, we thus drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 8: Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Research Method
DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSTRUMENT
The statements in Appendix A were designed to comply with the forms of authority first discussed by Max Weber (1947) as well as the inquiries regarding implicit leadership theories (ILTs) conducted by Eden and Leviatan (1975) and den Hartog, House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla, and Dorfman (1999). The pretest instrument was developed in the UAE and subjected to
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review by a multidisciplinary panel of professors with experience in attitudinal research. It was then administered to two convenience samples of 20 student respondents from separate universities in Europe and a Gulf Arab state. The resulting analysis revealed similar standard deviations for all statements with the significant differences in mean location being associated with nationality.
DATA COLLECTION
Given that this study was exploratory in nature and that the authors did not intend to generalize their findings to the entire Lebanese population, convenience samples of undergraduate students and full-time employees were used. For analysis purposes, demographic information was collected from the respondents, including gender, age, nationality, and employment status. In addition, data were also obtained on the type of business or organization in which they were employed and whether they had prior direct supervisory experience over subordinates. A complete listing of the demographic characteristics of the respondents is provided in Table 1. The undergraduate student portion of the database was drawn from the two largest universities in Beirut (both self-proclaimed American universities) and was composed of individuals who were expected to enter the workplace within the next 2 years. The sample of full-time employees was drawn from persons of both subordinate and managerial ranks who were employed in a variety of organizations in Beirut. The respondents were self-selecting in that they completed the instrument on a voluntary basis. The undergraduate students were either in their sixth or seventh semester of study and were enrolled in advanced marketing courses. Based on the requirements of their curricula, this meant that they had already taken a variety of business courses that included, but were not limited to, Introduction to Business, Introduction to Management, and Introduction to Marketing. Full-time employees were either enrolled in MBA courses or were colleagues of these students. The MBA students constituted 55% of the employee database, and although they were not necessarily former undergraduate business majors, all were required to show evidence of completion of such basic courses in management, marketing, and economics. We do not have data on the extent of business training of the non-MBA employees, but the fact that they were employed in business careers is suggestive of some level of business training. Furthermore, because virtually all Lebanese universities follow an American model of education, it can be assumed that they had been exposed to many of the same Western business values as the MBA respondents. Classroom distribution was accomplished by leaving the instruments on a desk for the students to obtain as they
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TABLE 1
Overall Demographic Characteristics of Respondent Groups

Demographic Characteristic Age (all participants, N = 297) 19-20 21-22 23-24 25-26 27-30 31-35 36-44 45-over Nationality (all participants, N = 297) Lebanese Non-Lebanese Gender (all participants, N = 297) Male Female Employment status (all participants, N = 297) Students (nonemployed) Full-time employees (including MBAs) Employment area (employees, n = 151) Banking and finance Import/export Outside sales Travel/tourism Retailing Public sector/other Managerial experience (employees, n = 151) Yes No %
16.7 23.4 17.7 12.6 9.2 8.5 7.8 4.1 92.3 7.7 40.7 59.3 49.2 50.8 14.8 26.2 15.9 23.6 10.4 9.1 31.3 68.7
wished. In all cases, it was stressed that participation was voluntary, anonymous, and not subject to any form of reward mechanism. Because the respondents were all volunteers, a response rate could not be computed. A total of 297 usable questionnaires were received, and, in terms of the independent variables of interest, they were divided as follows: undergraduate students, 146; full-time employees, 151; women, 176; men: 121. The above sample was relevant to the topic under study because the undergraduate students constituted the next group of potential employees, and they may have had an academic view of the workplace that differed substantially from the realities under which full-time employees were working. The two groups thus represented discrete spheres in terms of their full-time experience of existing management cultures in Lebanon.
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STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
The obvious problem in a sequential univariate analysis, such as that normally conducted with ANOVA, is the potential for an increase in Type I error. Not only do the series of individual F tests inflate the Type I error rate; they also ignore the possibility that a combination of the independent variables may provide evidence of differences in the dependent groups (Hair, Anderson, & Tatham, 1995). Because the possibility of a multivariate interactive effect was a matter of concern to the researchers, MANOVA was selected for statistical purposes. The MANOVA technique automatically corrects problems relating to sequential analysis and provides a new model based on both main and interactive effects. As the data in Table 2 reveal, 14 of the 33 statements had significant mean differences, indicating a rather high degree of impact of the test variables that were distributed among all four research constructs and across both employment status and gender. A complete listing of all mean ratings and standard deviations is provided in Appendixes B and C.
Research Results: Analysis of Leadership Authority Preferences

GENDER-BASED COMPARISONS: HYPOTHESIS 1
Lebanese culture is highly Arab influenced and exhibits strong patriarchal tendencies (Sharabi, 1988). Given this, the authors felt that an analysis of the statements and underlying constructs should be conducted with respect to gender. As previously mentioned, of the 297 participants in this study, 176 were women and 121 were men, and although the women may have been slightly overrepresented, this did not have an impact on the statistical analysis, nor does it diminish the importance of the findings. Table 2 provides a list of the statements relating to leadership authority, with significant differences being noted in 10 of these when the participants responses were compared on the basis of gender. In the five cases where men showed a higher level of support, four of these were associated with a higher level of agreement with statements associated with traditional forms of leadership. The women also provided significantly higher ratings for 5 statements, with none of these being associated with the traditional approach. Although 19 of the 33 statements showed no significant variation in terms of gender, the difference in support for traditional leadership suggests that gender did have a measurable impact on the participants levels of agreement with the individual statements regarding leadership. Although the results are somewhat mixed, the authors concluded that Hypothesis 1 (Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender, with men being more likely to support statements associated with traditional authority) was supported, at least partially, by the data.
TABLE 2
Comparisons of Leadership Statements With Significant Differences in the Corrected MANOVA Model
Men 3.975 3.504 3.278 4.185 1.768 2.828 2.391 3.113 2.868 4.119 1.881 4.464a 4.483 4.424 4.555 4.453 .002 .043 .000 .001 .036 .000 .000 .003 .022 .045 .002 .037 .006 4.223 2.083a 3.141a 2.951 2.473 3.706a 2.980 4.390a 2.247 4.253 4.418 4.377 2.620a 3.339 3.182a 4.240 2.174a 4.223 4.331 4.281 4.479 2.075a 4.158 3.576a 4.075
a
54 University Students (S) 3.775 .016 Employees (E) Significance Level Construct Interactive Interactive Interactive Traditional Traditional Traditional Traditional Traditional Rational-legal Rational-legal Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Charismatic
No.
An effective leader
Women
3.886
3.369
24
4.256a
1.807
2.716
2.301
11
3.449
25
2.744
4.261
13
1.983
14
4.455a
32
4.534a
28
4.483a
29
Changes behavior to suit situations Is careful not to upset people Keeps employees informed Is from a rich and powerful family Is willing to show anger Is concerned with own success Promotes colleagues based on loyalty Maintains a formal distance Treats all subordinates equally Likes routine and habit Advances subordinates on performance Provides subordinates with clear goals Inspires colleagues with a vision Is enthusiastic about work
4.614a
a. Significantly larger mean value noted in paired comparisons (main effects).
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COMPARISON BASED ON EMPLOYMENT STATUS: HYPOTHESIS 2
As was previously mentioned, the 297 participants were divided in the following manner in terms of employment status: undergraduate students, 146; full-time employees, 151. In reviewing the mean values in Table 2, the authors noted fewer instances where the participants responses varied with respect to employment status. In those seven instances where significant differences were noted, six of these were in cases where undergraduate students exhibited higher levels of agreement. Unlike the analysis undertaken with respect to gender, no clear construct was identifiable that could explain these variations. An interesting item that was noted concerned the diversity of impressions regarding employee advancement. In opposition to what they had been taught in class, undergraduate students clearly expected promotions to be based on loyalty (Statement 11), whereas those respondents already in the workplace indicated that advancement should be performance based (Statement 14). From a human resource management perspective, this perception on the part of undergraduate students might be expected to cause difficulties for them as they enter the workplace. Overall, however, the authors rejected Hypothesis 2 (Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employment status, with undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactive authority) and concluded that undergraduate students did not have expectations of performance-based promotion.
INTERACTIVE EFFECTS: HYPOTHESIS 3
In terms of the MANOVA results for interaction between employment status and gender, the values of Wilkss Lambda statistic, Hotellings Trace, and Pillais Trace were all insignificant. Only one additional case attained a significant interactive effect in the corrected model, that being Statement 32 (provides subordinates with clear targets and goals). On the basis of these findings, the authors rejected Hypothesis 3 (Leadership authority values will differ with respect to the interactive effect between gender and employment status, with female undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with interactive authority), concluding that there was no difference between the participants ratings in terms of support for interactive authority.
Research Results: Measuring Hegemonic Influence

When the authors framed the individual statements, an overriding point of interest was whether Lebanese undergraduate students were accepting the modern values and business practices being taught in their American-style
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business education. If not, they would be subsequently unlikely to employ such values and practices in the workplace. Therefore, the authors identified individual statements that were consistent with the hegemonic values being extolled in Western texts (see Appendix A). The rationales for the hegemonic values assigned to each individual statement in Table 3 are explained in Appendix D. In total, 25 of the 33 statements on the leadership questionnaire were construed to be either positively or negatively associated with the progressive ideals taught in Western-style business and management classes. On the basis of the 5-point scale used in this instrument, the authors classified mean values below 3.0 as rejection, and above 3.0 as acceptance. As the data in Table 4 reveal, 20 statements showed similar levels of support in terms of the mean ratings of the undergraduate students and employees. Of these, 6 were traditional, 3 of which were associated with mean values below 3.0. The remaining 14 statements were classified as progressive, with all of these having mean values above 3.0. This similarity between undergraduate students and employees suggests that many of the progressive values that are embedded in American business courses may already exist in the Lebanese workplace.
EQUITY: HYPOTHESIS 4
In examining the progressive ideals summarized in Table 4, we see that differences between the employee and student groups were primarily limited to the issues of equity and tolerance. However, the mean ratings of the individual values reveal that pro-equity statements were generally supported by both undergraduate students and employees, whereas antitolerance statements were correspondingly rejected. Appendix B also shows that where gender equality was concerned, both groups gave the pro-equity Statement 30 (treats men and women equally) the highest mean rating of all of the statements. Although both groups supported the pro-equity Statement 14 (advances subordinates based on their performance), the rating by employees was significantly higher. It was interesting to note that the antiequity Statement 11 (promotes colleagues based on their loyalty) was supported by both groups, with the students providing a significantly higher rating. To a certain extent, this mirrors what is widely considered to be typical Arab business behavior, where loyalty is prized above performance, and position is valued over qualifications (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001; Weir, 2001). Therefore, although the Lebanese workplace may be showing evidence of Western values, it appears that the tradition of loyalty, central to sheikocracy, mayat least to a limited extentbe alive and well. Although the overall ratings were mixed, the consistent support for the pro-equity ideal led the authors to conclude that there was general support for Western-style expectations of equity. As a result, the authors rejected Hypothesis 4 (Western
TABLE 3
Leadership Statements With Underlying Leadership Authority Constructs and Progressive Ideals
Leadership Authority Construct Progressive Ideal None None Reference Significance Interactive Cause
My idea of an effective leader is one who . . .
Interactive
Consultation
Pro
ns
9 Interactive Interactive Interactive Interactive Interactive Interactive Interactive Consultation Transparency Consultation None Tolerance Consultation Pro Pro None Pro Pro Pro Equity Pro
Interactive
None
None ns ns ns
10
12 16
19
22
ns ns ns
23
24
21 Interactive
Traditional
Consultation Transparency
Anti Pro
ns ns (continued)
31
changes his or her behavior to suit different situations. is willing to accept team decision making when it is appropriate. is careful not to upset people. considers the personal welfare of all employees. embraces change. consults with his or her staff before taking action. has a sense of humor and smiles a lot. can be persuaded to change his or her mind. regularly walks around talking to staff. keeps subordinates informed of any activity that could affect them. makes firm decisions and sticks with them. is open with information.
57
58 TABLE 3 (continued) Leadership Authority Construct Progressive Ideal Consultation Accountability Tolerance Tolerance Anti Anti ns ns Anti .002 Pro ns S>E Reference Significance Interactive Traditional Traditional Traditional Cause Traditional Accountability Anti ns Traditional Traditional Traditional Tolerance Consultation Equity Anti Anti Anti .000 ns ns S>E Traditional Rational-legal Rational-legal None None Equity None None Pro .013 S>E
33
11
18
20
25
accepts disagreement from subordinates. is from a rich or powerful family. practices strong religious values. is willing to show anger with, and punish, employees when needed. is most concerned about his or her own personal success. promotes colleagues based on their loyalty. is willing to make unpopular decisions. takes ruthless actions with his or her enemies when necessary. maintains a formal distance from subordinates. has a clear strategic vision of the future. treats all subordinates equally.
13 14
Rational-legal Rational-legal
Tolerance Equity
Anti Pro
.000 .000
S>E E>S
17 Rational-legal Rational-legal Accountability Pro Transparency Pro
Rational-legal
Accountability
Pro
ns ns ns
26
27
30 Rational-legal Charismatic Charismatic Charismatic None None None Accountability
Rational-legal
Equity
Pro Pro None None None
ns ns
32
15
28
29
likes routine and habit advances subordinates on the basis of their performance. demands that all rules are followed. is always truthful with employees. is more concerned about organization goals than individual goals. treats men and women equally. provides subordinates with clear targets and goals. has great charisma and personal presence. inspires colleagues with a vision of the future. is enthusiastic about work.
59
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TABLE 4
Analysis of Overall Mean Values of Progressive Ideals

# 11 8 10 14 30 24 26 31 2 7 17 27 32 18 21 6 16 22 23 33 6 16 22 23 33 3 4 13 3 4 Progressive Ideal Antiequity Pro-equity Pro-equity Pro-equity Pro-equity Pro-transparency Pro-transparency Pro-transparency Antiaccountability Antiaccountability Pro-accountability Pro-accountability Pro-accountability Anticonsultation Anticonsultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Antitolerance Antitolerance Antitolerance Antitolerance Antitolerance Overall Mean 3.445 4.252 3.996 4.360 4.593 4.172 4.111 4.468 1.919 2.431 3.832 4.216 4.451 3.640 3.845 4.394 4.021 3.626 4.074 4.145 4.394 4.021 3.626 4.074 4.145 2.340 2.889 2.061 2.340 2.889 Significance .000 .013 ns .000 ns ns ns ns .002 ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns .000 ns ns Cause S>E S>E E>S Indicates Higher Acceptance by S Higher acceptance by S Mutual acceptance Higher acceptance by E Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Higher rejection by E Mutual rejection Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual acceptance Mutual rejection Mutual rejection Higher rejection by E Mutual rejection Mutual rejection
S>E
S>E
expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that the Lebanese participants shared Western expectations regarding gender equity.
TOLERANCE: HYPOTHESIS 5
The mean ratings in Table 4 for the statements associated with tolerance were consistent with hegemonic expectations, with the progressive statements associated with antitolerance being rejected. In all five cases, the mean values were less than 3.0, with the only significant variance being noted on Statement 13 (likes routine and habit), which had a significantly
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higher mean rating among the undergraduate students. This rejection of antitolerance is consistent with Islamic values and coincides with the authors expectations that the Lebanese participants would find common ground with Western values in regard to this issue. As a result, the authors concluded that Hypothesis 5 (Western expectations of tolerance will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees) was supported by the data.
ACCOUNTABILITY: HYPOTHESIS 6
When the mean ratings with respect to accountability were examined, they were also found to be consistent with hegemonic expectations. All of the proaccountability statements were accepted with mean values from 3.832 to 4.451, whereas the antiaccountability statements were rejected with mean values below 3.0. Although Statement 2 (is from a rich and powerful family) received significantly more support from the student group, it still received the lowest overall mean rating (1.919). We feel that despite the prevalence of wasta within the Lebanese business community, the Lebanese participants did have high accountability expectations, which may, in years to come, challenge the tradition of favoritism in appointments and promotions. These findings led the authors to reject Hypothesis 6 (Western expectations of accountability will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees) and to conclude that the Lebanese participants did indeed support the progressive ideal of accountability.
CONSULTATION: HYPOTHESIS 7
Table 4 also shows that there was broad support for the pro-consultation statements. All of the mean ratings exceeded 3.0, with 8 of 10 being above 4.0, with no significant differences being noted between undergraduate students and employees. At the same time, however, the two anticonsultation statements, Statement 18 (is willing to make unpopular decisions) and Statement 21 (makes firm decisions and sticks with them), were also found to be supported by both undergraduate students and employees. We fully expected the sheikocratic traditions of consultation within the tribe to prevail and for the progressive ideal of consultation to be fully supported. Thus, the high level of support for the two anticonsultation statements was inconsistent with the consultative aspects of sheikocracy and not entirely in agreement with our original expectations. Although levels of support for consultation were unquestionably high, this inconsistency led us to conclude that Hypothesis 7 (Western expectations of consultation will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees) was only partially supported.
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TRANSPARENCY: HYPOTHESIS 8
The three statements relating to transparency were strongly supported by both the student and employee groups. Contrary to the literatureand in opposition to our expectations in regard to a lack of openness in the Arab style of leadershipthe statements relating to transparency received overall mean ratings exceeding 4.0. Although transparency generally refers to the consistent application of the rule of law, the statements contained in this instrument were not designed to deal with this issue. Rather, they addressed the issue of internal transparency within the organization. Although the literature suggests that Arab leadership is not fully open, it is clear from these findings that both the participants and employees had expectations of openness that mirrored modern expectations. As a result, we rejected Hypothesis 8 (Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that Lebanese expectations of transparency were consistent with those being taught in the classroom.
Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

This study is limited to the case of Lebanon. Building on this research, it would be interesting to see if similar patterns are discovered in other Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE, where American business education is also influential. Concerning the Lebanese data, few differences were found to exist between participant groups in terms of their preference for leadership styles (see Appendix E). Although there was limited evidence that men were more supportive of the traditional forms of leadership associated with Arab management (Ali, 1993), the data did not show variances in support of other authority types. Similarly, the hypothesized variances in progressive values failed to materialize. Indeed, there were few instances in which the values of the Lebanese subject groups differed from progressive Western business values. A useful next step would thus be to further investigate the source of these values, given that they appear to be somewhat inconsistent with both the literature and with traditional Arab values. It would also be useful to investigate further the practical implications of finding progressive values in traditional circumstances for business educators and those seeking to understand workplace relationships. Although the data revealed much commonality between the mean ratings of students and employees, additional research is also needed to discern between their values. One way of doing that is to make the instrument more discriminating by introducing a 7-point scale. In addition to the values already embedded in the instrument, it would be useful to expose business students to further questions designed to reveal both their attitudes toward the
63
progressive values taught in their courses and their views on the compatibility of these values with their immediate culture and business communities. It is further suggested that the employee sample be broadened to make it more representative of the workforces surveyed and that the undergraduate student sample be made more consistent in terms of educational background by limiting respondents to individuals in their final year of study.
Discussion
As we mentioned earlier in the article, during our own time working in the Arab World, we observed that many business teachers understood regional discrimination and corruption as being sustained by the problem traditional Arab cultural values sympathetic to such practices. Such educators also believed that business education was the solutionthat exposure to American business ideas was changing students values toward more progressive Western values. Although corruption and discrimination are indeed regrettable realities throughout the region (Salem, 2003; Transparency International, 2005), this study found that both undergraduate students and employees did not broadly hold values that supported or upheld such practices. Indeed, in most cases, they clearly opposed them. With the exception of undergraduate students approval of rewarding loyalty (Statement 11), both groups broadly concurred with the progressive secular values found in American business education. There are three possible explanations for this: The first is that Lebanese values are not what we thought they were. In line with the work of Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we had assumed that Lebanese participants would broadly uphold the traditional, patriarchal values associated with the sheikocratic prototype. Of course, as Weir (2001) suggested, sheikocratic authority is not merely traditional but is a highly interactive form of authority rooted in consultation. Following Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we thus hypothesized that undergraduate students and employees alike would hold proconsultation valuesand indeed they did, if only partially. The enormous influence of Islam in the region could also be expected to engender values supportive of tolerance (Asali, 1994). Following the work of Asali (1994) and Kurtz (2005), we thus hypothesized that this would also be supported among both groupsand this again proved to be so. Even after adopting and operationalizing these arguably progressive sheikocratic and Islamic influences, we did not, however, expect people under these dual influences to be strongly supportive of accountability, transparency, and equity, and we hypothesized accordingly. Each of these antiprogressive hypotheses was rejected. This raises the possibility that Lebanese values toward leadership authority are different from those documented elsewhere in the Arab world.
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For instance, whereas Abdalla and al-Homouds (2001) work on Gulf Arab managers identified traditional leadership values sympathetic to corrupt and discriminatory practices, in the case of Lebanon, there is at least the possibility that although corruption and discrimination are also endemic, many in Lebanese society hold values that do not concur with such practices and thus depart from the wider sheikocratic ethos. Another possible explanation for these results lies in the fact that the data were mainly gleaned from the two top universities in the country, both of which are expensive private institutions. Families who are able to fund education at such institutions are bound to be wealthier than the majority of the Lebanese population, and, as is the case throughout the world, the urban educated middle classes in Beirut might well be more progressive in their values (Johnston, 2003). There is a possibility then that we polled westwardlooking middle-class radicals (Johnston, 2003), whose values differ from those of the majority of less wealthy and less educated people in their societywho might well hold views sympathetic to regional forms of discrimination and corruption. The third explanation is that we are indeed seeing American hegemony in operationmeaning that most of the respondents originally held traditional Arab values but exposure to American business education changed their views on issues such as leadership. If this is the case, it could indeed be argued that American business education is changing the hearts and minds of its students, causing them to adopt progressive business values. It could also be argued that such influence on a place such as Lebanon is for the good of the country and its people. Whichever is the case, this study found strong similarities between the values espoused in American education and those existing among undergraduate students and employees. Such progressive values are thus either comprehensively hegemonic in educational and business settings, or they preexisted the introduction of American or Western values, albeit perhaps only among the radical middle classes. In assessing which of these scenarios is the more likely, it is worth considering the work of Geertz (2000), who observed that cultural values, and wider societal systems and institutions, are mutually definitional and sustaining: Local values legitimate institutions and systems, whereas such institutions and systems propagate and sustain local belief systems and values. The mutually reinforcing, systemic nature of cultural values thus ensures an inertia or resistance to abrupt change without equivalent transformations in the systems and institutions that sustain them. Accepting Geertzs systemic analysis of cultural values, the fact that organizations in Lebanon are so notoriously corrupt and discriminatory would strongly suggest that values sympathetic to such features do persist among the powerful elites in Lebanese business and/or more widely throughout Lebanese society. As a relatively high proportion of undergraduates and MBAs are destined for successful careers in Lebanese businesses,
65
one could thus speculate that American-style education is indeed having an impact on a traditionally corrupt and discriminatory developing economy, leading to a gradual influx of employees with progressive views that conflict with those of previous elites. To add weight to this argument, we would highlight the finding that educated full-time employees in potentially corrupting Lebanese organizations still held views broadly sympathetic to progressive Western business values. To sum up, whether American business education changes students values or simply reinforces preexisting progressive values is unclear from the data. This notwithstanding, this research study clearly shows that both undergraduate students and business employees broadly share the progressive values espoused in American management texts. This is good news for those concerned with eliminating corruption and discriminatory practices in the region.
IS AMERICAN BUSINESS EDUCATION, THEN, HEGEMONIC?
Throughout this article, we have raised the prospect that the progressive values expounded in American business education systems may be hegemonic. But to what extent is this true? The American system that now dominates world business education is arguably externally hegemonic. Following Chomsky (1999a, 1999b), this hegemonic nature could be characterized negatively in the sense that it renders majority world academics and students reliant upon American systems, ideas, and institutions. Following Fukuyama (1989), on the other hand, this hegemony could be characterized more positively in the sense that it is promoting accountable systems of accreditation, and high quality models and resources that can only benefit students throughout the world. Whichever is the case, there is strong evidence that American business education is externally hegemonic, in that people throughout the world are adopting its institutions, systems, and practices. Whether American business education is internally hegemonic is less clear. To assess whether it is so, two issues arise: The first is that of the Wests ownership of progressive values (see Sharrock, 1974). The second is whether American business education is indeed changing cultural values throughout the majority world such that they are becoming more progressive. As we have seen, the ideals of consultation and tolerance arguably preexisted in the dual Arab traditions of sheikocracy and Islam, and so the claim that such values are American or even broadly Western is difficult to sustain. In this study, however, we found that undergraduate students and educated employees in an Arab Muslim country agreed with all five progressive ideals. There is a chance thenindeed it is likelythat American business education reinforced the preexisting ideals of tolerance and consultation, while changing the nonprogressive traditional cultural values with respect to transparency,
66
accountability, and equity. This raises the interesting prospect that other countries cultures may display differing configurations of preexisting values with respect to such progressive ideals; with some sustaining preexisting equity values (for instance), while supporting intolerance and nonconsultation. American business education in such countries will reinforce preexisting progressive cultural values, while challengingperhaps changingother less progressive values. Like the Arab region, it is likely that other parts of the world also display some preexisting progressive values, while upholding traditional values that conflict with the progressive ethos. Returning to the question of whether American business education is internally hegemonic, it thus seems likely that it is so, in that it reinforces students progressive values, and challengesor even perhaps changesthose traditional values antipathetic to the progressive business ethos.
Lessons for Business Teaching

PEDAGOGICAL PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH AMERICAN HEGEMONY
As business teachers, we are, of course, primarily concerned with student learning. From this strictly pedagogical viewpoint, and from our own observations in the Middle East, we have some doubts that the hegemonic dominance of American systems, standards, curricula, resources, and textbooks is meeting the educational needs of students in the majority world. In business courses throughout the Arab region, the American monopolization of mainstream content marginalizes the consideration of local issues and considerations. This monopolized mainstream (i.e., what the students have to learn to pass the course) is usually either abstracted (transcendent of local realities) or American (i.e., foreign, and distanced from local realities). There is a strong chance that this compromises meaningful learningif meaningful learning is defined as enhancing the ability of such students to analyze and understand themselves and their circumstances. Arab students are preparing for jobs in the Arab world. To understand work and manage effectively in these circumstances, they need to understand local realities, issues, problems, and strengths. These needs are not marginal but central to effective business education in the region. Ironically, perhaps, one of the main problems faced by majority world students is the completeness of American business curricula and the resources available to teach them. American textbooks nowadays follow mainstream curricula so completely that there may be little room for anything else. Even the more peripheral student interest materials, such as additional case studies, or block inserts designed to make students think out of the box, are, in the best books, so well-done that it can be tempting for busy teachers in difficult circumstances not to use anything else. The 500-page American textbook,
67
with its test banks, Web sites, and appendices, can, perhaps understandably, be perceived by faculty and students alike, as a complete educational package (Cameron et al., 2003). Learning business subjects through a second language actually exacerbates this problem. Many majority world students cannot read as fast, or as much, as first-language students, with the result that they may take more time to follow core ideas and theories, and less time to explore local applications, or think outside the box. In many parts of the developing world, dependence on American materials is made worse by the fact that library facilities are minimal, and highquality local research, particularly local case studies, is limited. In such circumstances, it is perhaps understandable that busy teachers in difficult, cross-cultural, second-language circumstances depart from pure educational ideals and take a somewhat pragmatic line on getting students through their courses. Teaching in the Arab world, one often hears that you have to be realistic in these circumstances. That, yes, it would be great to develop local case study materials It would be very useful to have a library with a critical mass of local texts, case studies, and journals. It would be easier if students English were even passably good, and it would be an achievement if they would read more than just the textbook. But you have to be realistic in these circumstances. The lack of supplementary educational resources and materials in many regions has meant that the American textbook is the course. The completeness of the hegemonic American textbook (Mir, 2003) thus provides a tempting one-stop solution to many practical needs in developing world circumstances. The use of such foreign and comprehensive materials, however, imports pedagogical problems of its own, such as the fact that learning about ones own countrys business is marginalized. It could thus be argued that in universities throughout the developing world, there is a tripartite struggle going on between hegemony, tradition, and education.
THE TRANSMISSION OR REINFORCEMENT OF PROGRESSIVE BUSINESS VALUES IN THE CLASSROOM
Although we have pedagogical concerns about the domination of American business education and its subsequent centrality in the classroom, we have few such reservations about the progressive values that infuse its textbooks and resources. In this article, we identified five key progressive idealstolerance, equity, transparency, consultation, and accountability. We approve of each of these ideals. Indeed, they form the basis for our political judgments and definitions of justice. As we observed later on in this article, some of these ideals are, of course, to be found in non-Western cultures, and we must be therefore be very cautious about characterizing such values as being Western. American business education, however, espouses not just some of these valuesas many
68
cultures do to a greater or lesser extentbut all of them at once. At the very least then, American business education is reinforcing those progressive values that already preexist around the world and challenging (and perhaps changing) those that do not. Given that corruption and discrimination in the sphere of business cause such misery in much of the world, the clear expression of equitable, transparent business values in worldwide business education can only be for the good. How can we assist in inculcating or reinforcing such progressive business values throughout the world? As we have argued, students need learning experiences rooted in local business and societal realities. An ideal way to achieve this, one that cuts the hegemonic American descriptor from education and values, is through the adoption of problem-based learning (PBL), setting students the task of managing or solving problems embedded in local realities (see Brownell & Jameson, 2004; Miller, 2004). People living in developing countries are well aware of the tensions and contradictions between traditional values and modern realitiesthey live with them every day. In line with PBL, students in Organizational Behavior classes can be encouraged to identify such contradictions in their own lives, analyze them as best they can, and attempt to develop solutions to these localized problems (Miller, 2004). Students are by definition intelligent enough to explore and even to resolve such problematic tensions in ways that work locally. At the moment, many such students are trapped in a hegemonic hall of mirrors where the answer to every problem lies in the adoption of American systems, ideas, and values. Through grounding business issues in local realities, we have the opportunity to dismantle this hall of mirrors: to enable students to analyze real and personalized issues by generating locally relevant and workable analyses and solutionstruly context-based education. In a way, such a context-based PBL approach neutralizes the prospect of one culture imposing its systems and ideas on another. If progressive values preexist in a society, then it is important that local ownership of these values is acknowledged and maintained (i.e., tolerance as an integral feature of Islam), and that it not be implicitly appropriated by secular American business education. If such values do not preexist, then they should ideally be discovered by the students, not imposed as right thinking by foreign teaching and assessment systems. The process of PBL as proposed by Miller (2004) means that a problem in the region is identified and framed within its contexta local problem/an Arab problem. To analyze it, theories and methods are needed, and these may well be American in origin. However, in PBL processes, the learners are active agents, not merely recipients; and, as agents, it is their choice whether to use this theory or that, or to attempt to develop a more satisfactory localized theory suited to Arab circumstances. American models and ethics thus become accountable to majority world learners, rather than the learners being dependent on and accountable to American hegemonic ideas and values.
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At the College of Commerce & Economics at Sultan Qaboos University (SQU) in Oman, some faculty members have responded to localized learning needs by dispensing with American (indeed any) textbooks altogether and introducing full-blown PBL. The approach is true to the more radical recommendations of PBL, incorporating student-developed curricula and assessment standards, and the structuring of the course itself. PBL offered a solution to what educators saw as a major hurdle: that many of their students had, from secondary school onward, been accustomed to learning particular sections from textbooks by rote. When first introduced, this radical PBL approach left some students bewilderedparticularly those who were used to rote learning. After a while, however, both teacher and students became accustomed to the PBL process, and those who were used to learning by memorization found themselves becoming active participants in a different and more exciting approach to learning. The courses that have adopted this approach have been highly successful, with many students saying that they learnt a great deal about themselves, their values, and local business realities. In Organizational Behavior, International Management, and Fundamentals of Management courses, SQU has introduced a less radical approach. Although still based in terms of content on American textbooks, the students are encouraged to use such content to tackle local problems (over which they may not have total ownership, as in PBL). Two important and wide-reaching realities in both Lebanon and Oman are those of wasta and gender discrimination. In teaching on the theme of motivation, for instance, we link equity theory to both (nonprogressive) issues, by encouraging students to address such questions as: How does wasta impact on the motivation of public sector employees here in Muscat? How can Omani womens traditional roles in society impinge on their motivation to work hard? By encouraging students to explore such features of their own societies through employing established theory, oreven betterthrough developing and testing localized theories of their own, both their interest and their learning are enhanced. Regardless of the arguments for PBL, it has been not easy to introduce at SQU. The language barrier, large classes, and a concern to keep order in the classroom have ensured that some dedicated and experienced teachers view PBL as faddish, irrelevant, and potentially disruptive. Their argument is a familiar one: You have to be realistic in these circumstances. Other teachers simply feel safer sticking to their familiar American textbooks and associated PowerPoint presentations. Sadly, the result of such attitudes is that many of our students continue to pass through the system as passive, uncritical consumers of Americana. A possible middle way for those preferring more traditional teaching methods could be cleared if textbook publishers made more of an effort tailoring their materials to local markets. This could be done in collaboration with local authors familiar with indigenous mores and challenges. There
70
would be great benefits to publishers in doing this, as educators in populous regions such as the Middle East are crying out for high-quality, but culturally relevant, learning materials. The development of such resources and their widespread adoption would certainly help matters, but it does not get us away from the problems of student passivity in textbook teaching and those associated with the advocacy of progressive business values within traditional circumstances. Even with the development of such textbooks, we strongly recommend that such resources should not be used as the foundations of courses. Meaningful local realities should be the foundations, with students encouraged to engage actively and critically with available resources, which may or may not include such culture-sensitive textbooks. Of course, we live and work in the present, and we continue to find that the completeness of American educational materials distances and alienates students from a curiosity about their own circumstances. We see the adoption of PBL as way around this. It changes the role of the student, turning passive consumers into active learners. As a consequence of this change, the hegemonic becomes accountable to the local, and not the other way around. For these reasons, it is hoped that resistance to PBL can be overcome through successful example and creative leadership, and that business education in the developing world is freed up to become what it always should have beeneducation, not hegemony.
Appendix A Leadership Statements With Underlying Leadership Authority Constructs and Progressive Ideals
Leadership Authority Construct Interactive Traditional Traditional Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Interactive Traditional Interactive Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Interactive Rational-legal Traditional Interactive Traditional Traditional Interactive Interactive None Accountability Tolerance Tolerance None Consultation Accountability Equity None Equity Equity Tolerance Tolerance Equity None Consultation Accountability Consultation None Tolerance Consultation Consultation Consultation Progressive Ideal (PI) Pro or Anti PI None Anti Anti Anti None Pro Anti Pro None Pro Anti Pro Anti Pro None Pro Pro Anti None Anti Anti Pro Pro (continued)
No.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
changes his or her behavior to suit different situations. is from a rich or powerful family. practices strong religious values. is willing to show anger with, and punish, employees when needed. has a clear strategic vision of the future. is willing to accept team decision making when it is appropriate. is most concerned about his or her own personal success. treats all subordinates equally. is careful not to upset people. considers the personal welfare of all employees. promotes colleagues based on their loyalty. embraces change. likes routine and habit. advances subordinates based on their performance. has great charisma and personal presence. consults with his or her staff before taking action. demands that all rules are followed. is willing to make unpopular decisions. has a sense of humor and smiles a lot. takes ruthless actions with his or her enemies when necessary. makes firm decisions and sticks with them. can be persuaded to change his or her mind. regularly walks around talking to staff.
71
72
Appendix A (continued)
Leadership Authority Construct Progressive Ideal (PI) Pro or Anti PI
No.
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33
keeps subordinates informed of any activity that could affect them. maintains a formal distance from subordinates. is always truthful with employees. is more concerned about organization goals than individual goals. inspires colleagues with a vision of the future. is enthusiastic about work. treats men and women equally. is open with information. provides subordinates with clear targets and goals. accepts disagreement from subordinates.
Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Rational-Legal Charismatic Charismatic Rational-legal Interactive Rational-legal Interactive
Transparency None Transparency Accountability None None Equity Transparency Accountability Consultation
Pro None Pro Pro None None Pro Pro Pro Pro
Appendix B Mean Values of Leadership-Authority Statements by Subject Group

Men 3.975 2.083 2.430 3.141 4.537 4.314 2.620 4.240 3.504 3.917 3.439 3.984 2.174 4.223 4.355 3.959 3.868 3.744 3.835 3.579 3.818 3.669 3.984 ns .002 ns .002 ns ns .017 ns ns ns ns ns .011 .000 ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns 4.075 2.075 2.390 2.952 4.507 4.356 2.473 4.390 3.575 4.007 3.706 4.041 2.247 4.253 4.336 4.130 3.904 3.603 3.843 3.548 3.788 3.548 4.110 3.775 1.768 2.291 2.828 4.589 4.431 2.391 4.119 3.278 3.987 3.113 4.106 1.881 4.464 4.431 3.914 3.762 3.676 3.722 3.583 3.901 3.702 4.040 Female/Male Significance University Students Employees Students/Employees Significance .016 .002 ns ns ns ns ns .013 .001 ns .000 ns .000 .000 ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns (continued)
Item
Construct
Women
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Interactive Traditional Traditional Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Interactive Traditional Interactive Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Interactive Rational-legal Traditional Interactive Traditional Traditional Interactive Interactive
3.886 1.807 2.278 2.716 4.557 4.449 2.301 4.261 3.369 4.051 3.449 4.137 1.983 4.455 4.403 4.063 3.807 3.568 3.744 3.557 3.864 3.597 4.136
73
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Appendix B (continued)
Men Female/Male Significance University Students Employees Students/Employees Significance
Item
Construct
Women
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33
Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Charismatic Rational-legal Interactive Rational-legal Interactive
4.256 2.744 4.159 4.176 4.483 4.614 4.642 4.517 4.534 4.210
4.050 3.182 4.041 4.273 4.281 4.479 4.521 4.397 4.331 4.050
.011 .000 ns ns .005 .045 ns ns .002 ns
4.158 2.980 4.116 4.233 4.377 4.555 4.589 4.411 4.418 4.185
4.185 2.868 4.106 4.199 4.424 4.563 4.596 4.523 4.483 4.106
ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns ns
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Appendix C Standard Deviations of Statement Responses by Subject Group

Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 Construct Interactive Traditional Traditional Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Interactive Interactive Traditional Interactive Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Interactive Rational-legal Traditional Interactive Traditional Traditional Interactive Interactive Interactive Traditional Rational-legal Rational-legal Charismatic Charismatic Rational-legal Interactive Rational-legal Interactive Women 1.156 0.955 0.942 1.180 0.682 0.723 1.129 0.855 0.977 0.773 1.007 0.753 0.923 0.612 0.757 0.794 0.924 1.029 0.906 1.018 0.916 0.975 0.759 0.762 1.155 0.769 0.906 0.614 0.544 0.625 0.667 0.575 0.783 Men 1.045 1.010 1.071 1.178 0.684 0.764 1.120 0.837 1.018 0.812 1.045 0.837 0.823 0.701 0.729 0.810 0.795 0.927 0.879 0.973 0.983 0.916 0.837 0.773 1.009 0.851 0.817 0.777 0.647 0.672 0.677 0.757 0.855 University Students 0.997 1.121 0.992 1.104 0.763 0.828 1.227 0.817 0.989 0.875 0.926 0.841 0.923 0.722 0.799 0.824 0.912 1.014 0.966 1.083 0.963 1.038 0.815 0.844 1.165 0.843 0.910 0.780 0.665 0.701 0.721 0.750 0.910 Employees 1.195 0.900 1.004 1.280 0.592 0.648 1.039 0.856 0.981 0.702 1.030 0.741 0.757 0.575 0.688 0.757 0.830 0.970 0.818 0.912 0.922 0.855 0.774 0.670 1.069 0.767 0.833 0.594 0.511 0.591 0.620 0.564 0.713
76 Progressive Reference Antiaccountability Antitolerance Antitolerance Pro-consultation Antiaccountability Rationale A positive response is broadly pro-corruption and thus indicates anti-accountability The preference for high levels of religiosity conflicts with secular ideals of tolerance Actions taken along these lines indicate intolerance Pro-equity Pro-equity Antiequity Pro-tolerance Antitolerance Pro-equity Pro-consultation Pro-accountability A willingness to listen to the team and even to let them make the decision is characteristic of the ideal of consultation Being most concerned with ones own personal success results in a conflict of interests between leader and followers and suggests a lack of accountability Impartiality and fairness to employees, regardless of rank, gender, or connections is very much in line with the hegemonic ideal of equity Impartiality and fairness to employees, regardless of rank, gender, or connections is very much in line with the hegemonic ideal of equity Promoting colleagues based on loyalty clearly indicates nonequitable patterns of leader authority The positive embracing of change indicates high levels of tolerance An aversion to change and a preference for habit display antitolerant values The impartial treatment of people is by definition equitable This is a straightforward consultation statement A positive response indicates impartial accountability to rules
Appendix D Rationales Behind Progressive Ideal Constructs
Statement
Is from a rich or powerful family
Practices strong religious values
Is willing to show anger with, and punish, employees when needed Is willing to accept team decision making when it is appropriate Is most concerned about his or her own personal success
Treats all subordinates equally
10
11
12 13 14
16
17
Considers the personal welfare of all employees Promotes colleagues based on their loyalty Embraces change Likes routine and habit Advances subordinates based upon their performance Consults with his or her staff before taking action Demands that all rules are followed
18
Is willing to make unpopular decisions Antitolerance Anticonsultation Pro-consultation Pro-consultation Pro-transparency Pro-transparency Pro-accountability
Anticonsultation
20
Willingness to make unpopular decisions goes against the ethos of consultation, where peoples feelings are taken into account in the decision-making process Actions along such lines are broadly intolerant Sticking with a decision in spite of everything indicates a lack of consultation
21
22
23
The ability of a leader to be persuaded to change his or her mind suggests high levels of consultation The values surrounding such action are broadly consultative Such communication indicates high levels of transparency
24
26 27
30 Pro-transparency Pro-accountability Pro-consultation
Takes ruthless actions with his or her enemies when necessary Makes firm decisions and sticks with them Can be persuaded to change his or her mind Regularly walks around talking to staff Keeps subordinates informed of any activity that could affect them Is always truthful with employees Is more concerned about organization goals than individual goals Treats men and women equally Pro-equity
31 32
Always being truthful with employees indicates high levels of transparency Leaders actions and decisions being made for the benefit of the organization (rather than for individual gain) suggest high levels of propriety and accountability The impartial treatment of people regardless of gender is a clear display of equity The communication of information is a clear example of transparency Goal setting engenders accountability throughout the system Accepting disagreements is indicative of consultative values
33
Is open with information Provides subordinates with clear targets and goals Accepts disagreement from subordinates
77
78
Appendix E Hypothesized Relationships

Hypothesis Testing Partially supported Rejected Rejected Rejected Accepted Rejected Partially supported Rejected
Hypothesis
Hypothesis 1: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender, with men being more likely to support statements associated with traditional authority. Hypothesis 2: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employment status, with undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactive authority. Hypothesis 3: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to the interactive effect between gender and employment status, with female undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associated with interactive authority. Hypothesis 4: Western expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees. Hypothesis 5: Western expectations of tolerance will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees. Hypothesis 6: Western expectations of accountability will be inconsistent with the expectation of undergraduate students and employees. Hypothesis 7: Western expectations of consultation will be consistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees. Hypothesis 8: Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with the expectation of undergraduate students and employees.
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Notes
1. Whereas some might see the term Arab world as an externally imposed etic category, it is actually an indigenous emic category commonly used in Arab discourse: Al-Alam Al-Arabi. The term incorporates 22 countries in the Middle East and North Africa, broadly united by a common language and religion. The region is highly important to the West strategically and economically, not just as a supplier of oil but increasingly as a huge and growing market, with a population of more than 280 million (Seib, 2005). See Headland, Pike, and Harris (1990) and Pike (1967) for a discussion of emic and etic categories. 2. See Goffman (1959) for a discussion of front-stage/backstage interaction. 3. Unlike the Arab-world region, the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) includes some countries that are not predominantly Islamic or Arab speaking. The World Bank (2006) stated that it includes Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syrian Arabic Republic, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, West Bank and Gaza, and Yemen.
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American Hegemony and Business Education in The Arab World

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Journal of Management Education

http://jme.sagepub.com American Hegemony and Business Education in the Arab World

OBTS Teaching Society for Management Educators

Downloaded from http://jme.sagepub.com at University of Liverpool on April 30, 2010