David Nilsson. Realities on remote control.

Not for unauthorized circulation

Realities on remote control. An essay on the (re)construction of knowledge in a post-colonial world.

David Nilsson, Royal Institute of Technology, and Hydropolis Consulting and Research. hydropolisconsulting@gmail.com ABSTRACT Knowledge and science can be tools for societal control and for defining rights and wrongs and are also embedded in institutions and technology. The British empire was built on a system of local and imperial control based on Victorian knowledge, something that still appears to influence the former colonies. After the demise of the Victorian empire,

knowledge production in the former colonies seems to have been trapped in a Victorian system-architecture that reproduces old colonial power-structures. This essay explores the relationship between knowledge, science and power and discusses what happens when knowledge is trans-located in its imperial and local context, using the case of Kenya in East Africa.

1. Universal or Imperial knowledge? Imagine such a thing as universal and complete knowledge. A complete set of keys for unlocking the mysteries of the world, one that will provide an understanding of the surrounding environment regardless of the user and regardless of his or her environment. Inasmuch as this idea might seem quite preposterous in todays post-modern mosaic of selfdefining sub-cultures and individualistic lifestyles, the idea of absolute and universal knowledge has throughout mankinds history been a die-hard proposition of philosophers and scientists. It has also been the quintessential lifeblood of the worlds empire-builders. For if we believe in the existence of universal knowledge it also implies that there will be other incompatible knowledge that represents the untrue, or at least less true interpretations of the world. In the ontological stance of universal knowledge there is a right and a wrong and no room for a relativistic contextualisation of knowledge. And where a right and a wrong is at hand, there will of course be ample opportunities for a projection
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David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

of these ethics on the knowledge subjects, thus juxtaposing the holders of different bodies of knowledge in a field of antagonism. When this antagonism builds up within a power asymmetry, it may invoke a peculiar dynamics as well as moral hazard. He who can claim to hold the right knowledge may legitimate the domination of the less powerful. In fact, the shear domination in itself would seem to confirm that the more powerful indeed has a more true understanding of the world. As Thomas Richards has argued, the dynamics alluded to in the foregoing not only entitles and legitimises the domination from the powerful, it even compels the powerful to colonial domination for the sake of pursuing the truth, to further the cause of expanding a body of universal knowledge. The British Empire, in its quest for global economic dominance relied on the idea of universal knowledge, based on a positivist world-view, and this idea came to legitimize and instruct British world hegemony.1 In the colonies and protectorates of the Empire, dominance was established through scientific inquest as well as military conquest. Huge amounts of information from all corners of the world was collected and amassed within the Victorian imperial institutions. Moreover, as the British established local administrations to exert dominance through the man on the spot, these administrations were built upon Victorian knowledge, embedded and codified in organisations, institutions and practices.2 Hence, knowledge underwent a process of trans-location through the means of the Empire; while information streamed from the periphery to the centre, small islands of Victorian knowledge were created in a sea of multiplicity out in the colonies. What was the significance of these ontological island-states in the longer perspective? And how did it come to affect the colonial localities after decolonisation? In this essay I am interested in exploring what happens when knowledge is trans-located, how the surrounding environment interacts with these islands of knowledge over time. The British Empire in the late Victorian and the Edwardian period will be in focus, and particularly the Colony and Protectorate of Kenya in East Africa. A hypothesis underlying my exploration is that the establishment of colonial administrations where Victorian/British knowledge were made to provide the framework for understanding the realities of East Africa, its physical environment, its peoples and their cultures has had a profound and long

1 2

Richards 1993 ibid, also see Willis 1995

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

lasting effect on these environments. I do believe that the colonial influence in the past is very much felt today, and that the residual archive of colonial knowledge handed down over generations tends to exert binding constraints on current interpretation of problems as well as how these societies are governed. To some extent, local interpretations appear today to be on remote control, influenced as they are by Victorian, trans-located knowledge, rather than a local and contemporary contextualisation of East Africas societal and environmental challenges. The essay that follows will take off with a discussion of tensions between knowledge and science as well as the how these terms need to be put into a social context - including power structures - to become graspable. I then go on to review some propositions on how knowledge travels, after which I will expand on my argument of how Victorian knowledge was trans-located within the British Empire. Finally, I will end with a discussion on the lasting effects of the construction of Victorian island-states of knowledge, and ventilate some ideas on how to minimize the negative charge of their residues.

2. Science, knowledge and power 'Savoir pour prvoir et prvoir pour pouvoir' - Auguste Comte This positivist herald call, formulated by one of the positivist movements founding fathers, indicates that there is a relationship between knowing and power. By knowing you can also control. But this statement also contains a very important connector in between the knowledge and the might: Savour pour Prvoir; knowing in order to predict! Not just any knowledge would be able to predict according to the positivist credo, but indeed, science would. Thus, science should be an incremental process of adding facts and theories, establishing more and more accurate casual relationships to an ever-increasing body of scientific knowledge. Ultimately all knowledge could be reduced to one universal system governed by laws of nature. This knowledge body would then be in the service of mankind to predict, and hence, to control. Western scientists of all denominations (I will here use the term science in its widest disciplinary sense and not only with reference to the physical
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David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

sciences) have over the years since the initialisation of the positivist movement in the 19th century adhered to the above herald call. Obviously, positivism gave science in the Victorian age (and before) a direction and a moral cause. 3 But what about the form? What could be said to constitute scientific practice and to fulfil a scientific norm? The scientific community have developed a set of codes of conduct, or an ethos of science, in order to distinguish between the scientific and the unscientific. Although these are no divine principles, there have been a number of attempts to codify generally agreed principles into some golden rules. Perhaps the best known such rules are the so called CUDOS-norms, defined in the 1940s by sociologist Robert K Merton. Communalism, Universalism, Disinterestedness and Organised Scepticism, were to be the key principles for anyone who wanted to claim to produce science.4 Other additions of key principles have later been made, such as Originality, but nevertheless, the ethos of science as set out in the CUDOS norms seems to still have a prominent position in Western science.5 What with all the other knowledge which does not qualify under the ethos of science? Does it not merit the attention of scientists as well as even a certain amount of status and recognition in society? During the heydays of positivism and modernity, other types of knowledge would routinely be classified as lesser forms of knowledge, be they superstition, common sense or uncivilized habits. However, an intense debate has been going on in the scientific community since the 1980s about the ways meaningful knowledge is produced, and indeed about what should be allowed to be called science. Confronted with the end of the modern project based on a Baconian rationalism, a more pluralistic regime has emerged as to define what science is and how it can be produced. The proposition made by Michael Gibbons and colleagues in the mid-1990s that conventional production of knowledge in the universities had reached a cul-de-sac and was being replaced by the Mode 2 way of knowledge production, made the debate hit a new all time high.6 The Mode 2 tore down the cordon sanitaire between science and unscientific knowledge, and posited that scientific knowledge in the post-modern society was more effectively produced outside the universities, closer to its sites of applications, in flexible and problem-based, transient
3 4

For an overview, see e.g. Eriksson 1983 Merton 1973 5 Ziman 2000 6 Gibbons et al 1994. Also see Ziman 2000 for a discussion.

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

constellations of actors.7 In such circumstances, the CUDOS norms would not hold valid, and moreover, Mode 2 signalled a complete make-over of the structures of knowledge production in the West. Intentions of reshaping the geography of knowledge production as outlined by Gibbons et al also fused with post-colonial and relativist theories of epistemology. Science, from the 1980s, becomes increasingly entangled with political positions and belief systems. Even matters of seemingly typical scientific nature such as global climatic phenomena have been politicised and framed by culturally determined ontology.8 This new type of knowledge production has been given many different names: post-academic or post-normal science, Mode 2, reflective science.9 I do not argue these terms have identical meaning, but they all take a critical and reformationist stance vis-a-vis the traditional university-based and positivistic knowledge production. The social nature of knowledge The changing perception of science over the last decades has also been accompanied with increased attention to the social dimension of science and of science production. Although there were pioneers like Ludwik Fleck who already in the 1930s spoke of scientific facts as the products of collective styles of thinking, rather than the outcome of a positivistic, neutral and disinterested scientific labour, a wider acceptance of this constructivist view would have to wait until the 1980s.10 Bruno Latour even went as far as claiming that the disinterested and objectively observing scientist - based on a modernist bipolar worldview of nature and culture as two distinct and separate entities - was nothing but an illusion. In reality science always has been a social construct a hybrid between nature and culture where the scientist is nothing more than a cultural medium translating impulses from nature into constructed facts and knowledge. There is no way, according to Latour, we can avoid the socio-cultural framing of science, and hence; universalism is impossible.11 If we agree that knowledge and science are social constructs, then we should also accept that these fields of human endeavour are not shielded from other social phenomena such as conflict and governance, power-games as well as manipulation. If the positivist programme
7 8

Gibbons et al 1994 Hulme 2009 9 These terms are used by Ziman, Funtovicz and Ravetz, Gibbons et al, Beck, respectively. 10 Fleck 1997 11 Bruno Latour has written extensively on this. See e.g. Latour 1993.

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

endowed the knowledgeable a certain amount of power (savoir prevoir - pouvoir) then this power was caused by knowledge only. According to the constructivist approach on the other hand, knowledge is - at least partly - a result of the power structures since he who wields the power can also determine how to frame the problem and in the end, influence what is to be taken as true and what is to be labelled false. Bruno Latour uses the term co-production; the production of science and knowledge is done simultaneously with other social processes, and science it therefore influenced by the prevailing cultural norms and power structures.12 Michel Foucault goes even further and sees the production of truth as a way of legitimizing the social order and the ways of doing things. The truths that science generates speaking with Foucault - become tools for controlling the masses, and the knowledge they represent are embedded in societys institutions, such as the judiciary system or public welfare institutions.13 Knowledge is not only embedded in institutions, it is built into technology as well. It is easy to imagine that certain collective thoughts, to use a concept proposed by Ludwik Fleck, and which give rise to a particular epistemological style also would lead to certain technological practices; ways of doing things. The historian Thomas P. Hughes have shown that this is also what happens with large-scale technological systems; certain technological styles do evolve, depending on geographic as well as cultural factors.14 Competing technological styles can also appear within one society. According to the positivist and modernist viewpoint, the outcome of such competition would be a matter of rational selection. However, as shown by Gabrielle Hecht in her study of French nuclear power technology, the selection process may be far from rational or scientific in a deterministic meaning, where instead politics, national pride, security and personal relationships all come into play.15 This entanglement of science, knowledge and culture is not confined to particular technologies but applies also to national level, perhaps even beyond. As an example, Swedish research policy during the Cold War period was driven by and integrated with other political processes such as nation-building and the construction of political platforms and

12 13

Latour 1993 See Foucault 1975, 1991 14 Hughes 1983 15 Hecht 1998

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

development narratives.16 There is hence little doubt that politics and power structures to a large extent define what science is, and how truth and knowledge are constructed. This is an important conclusion for the discussion that follows.

3. Knowledge as traveller and conqueror The Mobility of Knowledge Knowledge has ways of getting around. Many of our own daily technologies and practices and their embedded knowledge have been imported from elsewhere (mainly from the East). The compass, massage, horoscopes, needle therapy...the list would be endless. This indicates how mankind have been able to trade and disperse good ideas over the world. Science has special ways of communicating knowledge where the journal systems is perhaps the most well known. This existence of a global repository of knowledge, or archive, is fundamental to science and part and parcel of its ethos of communalism.17 Through this repository scientists exchange ideas and borrow from each other, sometimes in a positivistic and incremental fashion of standing on the shoulders of giants, as Isaac Newton put it. Apart from communicating through journals there is also a lot of personal contacts and physical travelling in the form of conferences and study tours. Even cultural research expeditions to tap into other cultures knowledge have been in fashion, such as the Danish Niebuhr-expedition in 1761 to Arabia.18 What happens with knowledge when it shifts from one place to another? All knowledge is produced in a particular setting, and as argued above, this setting is culturally defined. Therefore, it is possible to claim that all knowledge is local knowledge. What is to be taken as a global (or universal) dimension of knowledge is a local interpretation and adaptation to a new setting. This is what Edward Said has dubbed the travelling theory: that ideas travel the globe but will be gradually reformed or reconstructed to suit the natural and cultural setting into which it has been introduced.19 The history of technology transfer is also rife

16 17

Gribbe et al 2010 Ziman 2000 18 Hansen 1962 19 Livingstone 1995

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

with such examples of adaptation. When large-scale transport technology such as railways were introduced in Sweden, although the impulses and knowledge came from more developed countries like England and Germany, a particular Swedish style developed with regards to large-scale infrastructure. 20 In this process of transfer of knowledge and technology, the transfer agents become extremely important for the success or failure of the introduction of a particular knowledge. These agents are also operating in a social setting, hence the term social carriers have been coined. It is the extent to which these carriers are attuned to and attached to the social context in the new locality that will determine how well the new technology or the new knowledge can become adapted and therefore reproduced meaningfully. If the carrier is out of touch with natural and cultural realities, then the knowledge will be obsolete and once the carrier leaves the travelling idea in its new setting, it will be stranded. 21 Imperial Knowledge Whilst speaking of this matter, I may mention a curious legend the Wapokomo posses relative to their origin. It is to the effect that, in ages past a great giant, named Fumo Liongwe, lived at Kipini and possessed the whole country-side, particularly the Tana valley. One day in his wanderings he entered the Wanyika country, and carried off a man and a woman of this tribe; this couple he took away to some place on the Lower Tana, established them there, and gave them orders to cultivate the banks, to build canoes and row people up and down the river. This they did, and hence sprang the Wapokomo tribe. (C.W. Hobley of the Imperial British East Africa Company in a report to the Royal Geographic Society 1894) There is also another story of how knowledge spreads through domination and invisibilisation of other predominantly local - knowledge. This is the story of colonisation of the domain of the production of truth. The quote above gives a perfect example of a local knowledge (the Wapokomo people in todays Kenya), recorded by an agent of the British Empire; a man on the spot. What was meaningful knowledge (indeed; truth) to the
20 21

Kaijser 1994 Edquist & Edqvist 1978

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

Wapokomo was just a curious legend in the Imperial setting. This piece of local knowledge and curio is mentioned in the passing in a 27-page account of the prospects of economic and rational exploitation of East Africa and its natural resources published in the Journal of the Royal Geographic Society in 1894.22 This is also one face of the global repository; the powerful (colonisers) in colonial projects be they in East Africa or Alaska - tend to monopolise what is to be considered a rational discourse, and exclude any alternative modes of communication, contextualisation or definition.23 As the British Empire expanded it also needed to control its domains on the spot. Local administrations were put up in order to oversee the Empires interest and facilitate the economic integration of the colonies into the worlds economy. In the Kenya colony, the initial interest of the Empire was to have access to the interior of Africa and especially to control the Source of the Nile in Uganda. After the Uganda railway had been completed in 1901, Imperial interests turned economic colonisation through agriculture production, something which required extensive settlement of farmers from other parts of the Empire particularly from UK and South Africa.24 With the settlers and the Imperial local administration came institutions, technology and Victorian knowledge. Actors on the home turf such as the Royal Botanical Gardens and the British Museum were enfranchised to produce knowledge that the Empire-builders would need in their conquest.25 Knowledge was produced in the UK, packed and sent to the colonies for unpacking. In many ways colonisation meant the reproduction of a miniature England in East Africa. As pointed out by Foucault, our knowledge and our truths reproduces and are reflected in our institutions and in Kenya the British introduced a judiciary system built on a Victorian British model which even incorporated English common law. The economic and political interests of the Empire were early on reflected in how the judiciary was constructed, giving priority to regulating land use and other productive resources such as water. 26 And just as suggested by the travelling theory a series of adaptations took place over time, such as making the penal code more harsh in order to oppress the natives

22 23

Hobley 1894 Cruikshank 2005 24 Miller 1971, Pakenham 1991 25 Drayton 2000, Richards 1993 26 Nilsson and Nyangeri 2009

David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

more effectively and to reinforce the power structure of dominating and dominated.27 Despite rational and scientific arguments offered by the colonial administration, putting in place a new water legislation which was better suited to the local conditions in Kenya would take more than 35 years due to power struggles and resistance from settlers.28 When it comes to technology much was also transferred from the UK and in the case of water supplies for instance - followed the British standards as close as possible.29 Thus knowledge, institutions and technology all made possible a reproduction of certain ways of doing things, or rather; a permanent power structure of dominated and dominating. To summarize the Kenyan experience, Imperial conquest meant the disregard of local knowledge and the introduction of Victorian knowledge which was unpacked and gradually adapted to local conditions. Knowledge was embedded in institutions as well technology and evolved in the colonial period only in harmony with the cultural realities and power structures at hand. De-colonization in the 1960s started off a new rapid social dynamics in the former colonies. The social carriers of colonial knowledge lost their prominence in the post-colonial society and were in some cases sent packing. However, Victorian knowledge remained... 4. The Victorian knowledge system: reproduction or reconstruction As the former colonisers started leaving Africa, strong movements for redefining African societies and to establish a new social contract spread across the continent under the banner of Africanism or pan-Africanism. Contemporary observers such as Ryzsard Kapucinski as well as more recent authors, like Chimamanda Ngozia Adichie, have depicted the period of early African independence as a dynamic and vibrant of period of selfdetermination.30 Independence came at a time when exceptionally few Africans had been offered a university degree, and the educational needs were enormous. Yet, there was a defiant and proud spirit among the few academics, that ...basic scientific methods are universal, but an African scientist should have a training directly related to cultures and needs of Africa.31 However, a decade after independence it was becoming clear that
27 28

Shadle 2010 Nilsson and Nyangeri 2009 29 Nilsson and Nyangeri 2008 30 Kapucinski 2001, Adichie 2006 31 Otieno 1962

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David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

breaking away from the legacy of Victorian knowledge was easier said than done. Old colonial oppressive institutions prevailed and were even taken over by a new African lite.32 Furthermore, the technological systems which were heavily influenced by the UK in the colonial period were not reformed to better respond to the new social realities, but were preserved as elitist constructs to serve a few wealthy few. As a witness to this, most poor Kenyans still today do not have access to safe water, while the state (and the western donors) have continued to subsidise the relatively wealthy proportion of the population that has access to public water supply.33 There have indeed been attempts since the 1990s to reform the technological systems using new knowledge under a call for appropriate technology. However, despite the easy access to knowledge that according a positivist stance would enable a rational reformation of technological systems, such changes have not taken place.34 These systems exhibit what Thomas Hughes has called momentum; resistance to directional change.35 But the resistance to change shown by post-colonial knowledge systems is about something more than sheer technological complexity or the long-term nature of the economic undertakings. It is as if local knowledge has frozen in a Victorian mode; it has got stuck in a giant Imperial Information System, channelling raw data from the Periphery (of which Hobleys 27-page report to the Royal Society is an example) and dispatching processed knowledge from the Centre for unpacking and application in the colonies, in the form of practices, institutions and technology. Only that now, since the energy supply to the Imperial Information System has since long receded, the outer processors are cut off like isolated island-states of crystallised knowledge. These island-states are now governed by their own (indigenous) inhabitants, but governing using the truths handed down to them from their now departed masters. If Foucault is right, then these truths will serve to reproduce a system of dominated and dominating, truths which it will not be in the interest of the ruling class to challenge. The current interpretation of reality, and what is taken to be the truth and a fair order of things, seems to be running on a remote control spanning a cultural and temporal gap from Victorian England to todays East Africa.

32 33

Hydn 1983 Nilsson 2006 34 Vaa 1993, Nilsson 2006 35 Hughes 1983

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David Nilsson. Realities on remote control. Not for unauthorized circulation

If we agree that the current state of affairs is not desirable, or at least not sustainable, what then could offer an avenue of reconstructing knowledge in a way that corresponds to better to local post-colonial realities? Perhaps attacking the heart of the Victorian system is what could do the trick; to dismantle not just the energy flow and the links in the imperial information system, but tearing apart even its system-architecture: the positivist mode of scientific approach. For only when scientists lay their claims of right and wrong aside can there be a fundamental redefinition of knowledge. As Latour suggests, through centring the scientific endeavour around societal problem or things and inviting a broader public to participate, new democratic and non-prescriptive structures for knowledge production could be established.36 And of course, the framing of societal problems has to correspond to the needs of Africa, as previous hoped for in the Africanist movement. Some interesting attempts of co-production of new and locally adapted knowledge are already under way, within the realm of physical planning and transport in Kenya.37 Perhaps in retrospect, the proposition of a Mode 2 production of knowledge may prove to be more useful in the Periphery than in the Centre. The effect of the residual Victorian archive may still be felt; its half-life is long. But its days are counted.

LITERATURE Adichie, Ngozia Chimamanda, Half of a yellow sun, (London: Fourth estate, 2006). Beck, Ulrich, Risksamhllet (1986), sv. vers. (Gteborg: Daidalos, 2000). Cruikshank, Juliet, Do Glaciers Listen?: Local Knowledge, Colonial Encounters, and Social Imagination (Vancouver & Toronto: University of British Columbia Press, 2005). Drayton, Richard, Natures Government: Science, Imperial Britain and the Improvement of the World (New Haven, CT & London: Yale University Press, 2000). Edquist, Charles and Olle Edqvist, Social carriers of technology for development, (University of Lund: Lund 1978).

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Latour 2005 Centre for Sustainable Urban Development at University of Columbia, http://csud.ei.columbia.edu/

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Eriksson, Gunnar, Vsterlandets Idhistoria 1800-1950. (Gidlunds, 1983). Fleck, Ludwik, Uppkomsten och utvecklingen av ett vetenskapligt faktum: Inledning till lran om tankestil och tankekollektiv, (origutg. 1935) sv. vers. Bengt Liliequist (Eslv: Brutus stlings frlag Symposion, 1997). Foucault, Michel, vervakning och straff (1975), sv. vers. (Lund, 2003). Foucault, Michel, Questions of Method, in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon & Peter Miller (eds) The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, (London, 1991). Gibbons, Michael et al, The New Production of Knowledge (London: Sage, 1994). Gribbe, Johan, Per Lundin & Niklas Stenls, red., Warfare and Welfare: Swedish Innovation Systems in the Twentieth Century (Sarratoga: Science History Publications, 2010). Hansen, Thorkild, Det Lyckliga Arabien (1962), (sv vers, Stockholm: Forum 1991). Hecht, Gabrielle, The Radiance of France. Nuclear power and national identity after World War 2, (Cambridge Massachusetts: MIT press, 1998). Hobley, C. W., People, places and prospects in British East Africa, Geographical Journal 4:2, Aug 1894, pp97-123. Hughes, Thomas P., Networks of Power. Electrification in Western society 1880-1930, (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1983). Hulme, Mike, Why We Disagree about Climate Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Hydn, Gran, No Shortcuts to Progress : African development management in perspective. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press 1983). Kapucinski, Ryzsard, The shadow of the sun, (New York : Alfred A. Knopf, 2001). Kaijser, Arne, I fdrens spr: Den svenska infrastrukturens historiska utveckling och framtida utmaningar (Stockholm: Carlssons, 1994).

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Latour, Bruno, We Have Never Been Modern, eng. vers. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993). Latour, Bruno, From Realpolitik to Dingpolitik or How to Make Things Public, in Making Things Public: Atmospheres of Democracy, eds. Bruno Latour & Peter Weibel (MIT Press, 2005), s. 4-31. Livingstone, David N.,The Spaces of Knowledge: Contributions towards a Historical Geography of Science, Environment and Planning D: Society and space (1995). Merton, Robert K., The normative structure of science, in Merton, The Sociology of Science, Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). Miller, Charles, The Lunatic Express, (London Penguin books, first published 1971). Nilsson, David, Water for a few. A history of urban water and sanitation in East Africa, Licentiate Thesis in History of Technology, (Stockholm: Royal Institute of Technology, 2006). Nilsson, David and Ezekiel Nyangeri Nyanchaga Pipes and politics: a century of change and continuity in Kenyan urban water supply, Journal of Modern African studies, 46:1, (2008), pp 133-158. Nilsson, David and Ezekiel Nyangeri Nyanchaga East African Water Regimes: The Case of Kenya in J W Dellapenna and J Gupta (eds) The Evolution of the Law and Politics of Water, (Springer, 2009), pp 105-120. Otieno, N.C. , Current problems in the education of an African scientist and the role such a scientist could play in the economic and social development of Africa in L. Bown and M. Crowder (eds) Proceedings of the first international congress of Africanists, Accra December 1962, (Longmans). Pakenham, Thomas, The scramble for Africa, (London: Abacus, 1991). Richards, Thomas, The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire (London: Verso, 1993). Shadle, Brett, White settlers and the law in early colonial Kenya in Journal of Eastern African Studies, 4:3, Nov 2010, pp 510-524.
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Vaa, Mariken, Towards more appropriate technologies? Experiences from the Water and Sanitation sector, Research Report No. 94, (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1993). Willis, Justin, Men on the spot, labor, and the colonial state in British East Africa: the Mombasa water supply 19111917, International Journal of African Historical Studies 28: 1 (1995) pp2548. Ziman, John, Real Science. What it is and what it means, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

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