The Journal of Psychology, 2002, 136(6), 581596

Body Image Dissatisfaction: Gender Differences in Eating Attitudes, Self-Esteem, and Reasons for Exercise
ADRIAN FURNHAM NICOLA BADMIN IAN SNEADE Department of Psychology University College London

ABSTRACT. Two hundred and thirty-five adolescents completed a questionnaire on the subject of eating attitudes, self-esteem, reasons for exercise, and their ideal versus current body size and shape. As predicted, boys were as likely to want to be heavier as lighter, whereas very few girls desired to be heavier. Only girls associated body dissatisfaction with the concept of self-esteem. Male self-esteem was not affected by body dissatisfaction. Specific reasons for exercise were found to correlate with low self-esteem and disordered eating, regardless of sex. The results are discussed in relation to burgeoning published research in this area. Key words: body image, eating attitudes, exercise, self-esteem

AN ENORMOUS INTEREST in the topic of body image perception, distortion, and satisfaction has developed during the past 20 to 30 years (Altabe & Thompson, 1996; Borchert & Heinberg, 1996; Mandelson, White, & Mandelson, 1996; Monteath & McCabe, 1997). Much of this work has been done with students (Kenny & Adams, 1994; Tiggemann, Winefield, Winefield, & Goldney, 1994), paying particular attention to women (Alley & Scully, 1994; Henderson & Vickers, 1995), although more recent studies have concentrated on children (Kolody & Sallis, 1995; Wood, Becker, & Thompson, 1996). In this study we have focused on adolescents, who have been extensively studied in this area because many eating disorders appear to start soon after puberty and persist through secondary school years (Fox, Page, Peters, Armstrong, & Kirby, 1994; Mueller et al., 1995; Tiggemann & Dyer, 1995). This appears to be a universal issue, and there have been numerous cross-cultural
Address correspondence to Adrian Furnham, Department of Psychology, University College London, 26 Bedford Way, London WC1 OAP; ucjtsaf@ucl.ac.uk (e-mail).
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studies, for example, in Hong Kong (Davis & Katzman, 1997; Lee, Leung, Lee, Yu, & Leung, 1996), Norway (Wichstrom, 1995), and Poland (Wlodarczyk-Bisaga & Dolan, 1996), as well as among minority groups in Western countries (Ahmad, Waller, & Verduyn, 1994). Dissatisfaction with ones body image is often seen as a correlate of eating disorders. This has been demonstrated by the high prevalence of eating disorders in groups in which there is an increased emphasis on maintaining a thin, ideal body (e.g., ballet dancers and models; Garner & Garfinkel, 1980) as well as athletes (Sundgot-Borgen, 1993). The link between body image dissatisfaction and eating disorders is not clearly apparent in men. However, there is tentative evidence to suggest that the incidence of eating disorders in men may be increasing and that current prevalence rates for men may be underestimated (Carlot & Camargo, 1991). The considerable amount of research and popular writing focusing on women and eating disorders may discourage men from admitting to what they classify as a female disorder. There have also been gender differences noted in the labeling of behavior; for example, men do not label the ingestion of a large quantity of food as bingeing (Franco, Tamburrino, Carroll, & Bernal, 1988). Men appear to be more interested in shape than weight, although the two are clearly related (Anderson & Di Domenico, 1992). This difference between the desire for a shape change in men, as opposed to weight loss through dieting in women, may be a function of the different male and female ideals. The male ideal is a V-shaped figure with an emphasis placed on large biceps, chest, and shoulders, whereas the female ideal is to be extremely thin, with the emphasis placed on slim hips, bottom, and thighs. Mens desire for weight gain would fit with the desire to achieve the male ideal V-shaped figure and to gain additional muscle. Women are more likely than men to describe themselves as fat, to weigh themselves often, and to diet frequently. They are also generally more dissatisfied with their physical appearance than are men (Cooper & Fairburn, 1983; Furnham & Calnan, 1998). The most marked difference in body-image perceptions between the sexes is dissatisfaction with weight and, to a lesser extent, with shape, particularly the hips (Berscheid, Walster, & Bohrnstedt, 1973). Franco et al. (1988), and Miller, Coffman, and Linke (1980) have shown that many men are dissatisfied with their weight and shape, although somewhat less so than women; yet some researchers have indicated that men are as dissatisfied as women with their body shape and weight (Drewnowski & Yee, 1987; Silberstein, StriegelMoore, Timko, & Rodin, 1988). The nature of body weight dissatisfaction is, however, slightly different in men and women. Women are more likely to judge themselves overweight when by objective standards they are not, whereas men are more likely to perceive themselves as underweight with respect to objective standards (Furnham & Calnan, 1998). These perceptions suggest that both genders misperceive their weight

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in comparison with others of their gender, or they make judgments about their weight using an unhealthy standard. Underweight appears to have a different meaning for men and women. Men see being underweight as bad; women see it as good (Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986). Researchers comparing mens and womens dissatisfaction with their weight need to take into account the direction of the dissatisfaction. Dissatisfaction with body image in women is normally shown by their desire to lose weight, whereas as many men want to gain weight as lose it. Silberstein et al. (1988) found that only 4.4% of the women they studied wanted to become bigger compared with 46.8% of the men. In fact, men seemed to be approximately equally divided between those desiring weight gain and those desiring weight loss. Drewnowski and Yee (1987) agreed with these findings; they showed that 18-year-old boys were more or less evenly split between those who wished to lose and those who wished to gain body weight. The greater body dissatisfaction (discrepancy between current and ideal figures) displayed by adult females has since been replicated in adolescents (Tiggeman & Pennington, 1990) and in women who displayed particular eating abnormalities (Zellner, Harner, & Adler, 1989) such as bulimia (Williamson, Davis, Goreczny, & Blouin, 1989). These measures of weight dissatisfactionincluding desired versus perceived body size (Fallon & Rozin, 1985) and desired versus actual weight (Silberstein et al., 1988)showed no difference between men and women on the absolute values of their weight dissatisfaction scores but revealed gender differences in the direction of weight dissatisfaction. Twice as many women as men desired to be thinner, whereas only two women, as opposed to half of the men, wanted to be heavier. In the present study, we examined the relationships among these different measures of weight dissatisfaction and selfesteem in young adolescent boys and girls. Research on the relationship between body satisfaction and self-esteem in both genders has produced conflicting results, although a relationship between body satisfaction and self-esteem has been documented for both (Lerner, Karabenick, & Stuart, 1973; Lerner, Orlos, & Knapp, 1976). Research on the relationship between self-esteem and the weight concern factor of the Body Esteem Scale ((BES) in women has produced inconsistent results (Franzoi & Herzog, 1986; Franzoi & Shields, 1984). Silberstein et al. (1988) found that mens self-esteem was also affected by the degree of body dissatisfaction, regardless of the direction of the dissatisfaction (i.e., under- or overweight). When perceived ideal discrepancies exist concerning bodily aspects that are perceived as malleable (e.g., weight), dissatisfaction often provokes efforts to close the perceived ideal gap. In Western society, dieting and exercise are the primary strategies for altering ones body. There is evidence that dieting is a normative behavior for young women but not for young men (Garner, Rockert, Olmsted, Johnson, & Coscina, 1985; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985) and that in general, men and women diet for different reasons and that these reasons

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tend to change with age (Davis & Cowles, 1991). Some researchers have suggested that it is actually the dieting behavior that is an important factor in the development and perpetuation of eating disorders (Polivy & Herman, 1985). Alternatively, exercise has been thought of as merely a means of quickening weight loss or as a way of denying the unpleasant effects of dieting. Sundgot-Borgen (1993) found growing evidence of a link between exercise and eating disorders. Katz (1986) hypothesized that there may be a number of reasons for this relationship, including the idea that exercise creates the initial weight loss through a truly diminished appetite, an increased narcissistic investment in the body, or an elevated production of endorphins. Franco et al. (1988) found that weight trainers and body builders are a subpopulation at increased risk for developing eating disorders. Garner et al. (1985) found that women, in contrast to men, exercise primarily in order to lose weight. Silberstein et al. (1988) found that exercising for weight control reasons was associated with disordered eating and that those who exercise for appearance rather than for health reasons may also be more at risk for the development of eating disorders. In this sense one may talk about positive and negative reasons for exercise, only the latter of which are associated with disordered eating patterns. McDonald and Thompson (1992) replicated the Silberstein et al. findings, although they used minimum exercise criteria. They found that exercising for weight, tone, and to a lesser degree for attractiveness is positively connected with eating disturbance and body image dissatisfaction for both men and women, whereas exercising for fitness reasons for men is negatively connected with eating disturbances. Therefore, there are strong indications that certain motivations for exercise are accompanied by increases in disturbances, particularly body dissatisfaction. Alternatively, there are also other motivations such as health and fitness that are associated with less disturbance and greater self-esteem, especially for men. In the present study we investigated the following hypotheses: (a) Women wish to be thinner, but men are equally divided between those who wish to be thinner and those who wish to be heavier; (b) those who are dissatisfied with their bodies have lower self-esteem, regardless of the direction of body image dissatisfaction; (c) negative reasons for exercise (weight control, attractiveness, and tone) are associated with disordered eating and low self-esteem, whereas other reasons for exercise (mood, health, enjoyment, and fitness) are not related to disordered eating and are, in fact, related to high self-esteem. Method Participants The participants (N = 235; 111 boys, 124 girls) in the present study attended the sixth form (years 12 and 13) of four different schools in Englandtwo grammar schools and two comprehensive schools. All were native Britons, although

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approximately 4% were of African and 8% of Asian origin. The socio-economic classes of the participants were reasonably diverse, although middle-class children were more prevalent. The age of the participants ranged from 16 to 18 years (1 participant was 15); the mean age was 16.8 years (SD = 0.72). The mean body weight of the boys was 68.89 kg (SD = 10.06) and of the girls 57.07 kg (SD = 8.86). The majority of participants were within the normal height and weight band assessed using tables published by the British Heart Foundation (1991). Questionnaires All the participants completed a questionnaire that contained the following measures: The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT; Garner & Garfinkel, 1979) is a psychological measure of anorexic/bulimic-like attitudes and beliefs. We used the 40-item self-report version, in which the frequencies of attitudes and beliefs are rated using a 6-point scale. The EAT has been validated to show a high level of concurrent validity and a consistent predictive validity across independent samples and controls; the test also demonstrates a high degree of internal reliability (Garner & Garfinkel, 1979). In this sample, internal reliability was high ( = .91). Of the 40 questions, all were completed except that Question 23, I have regular menstrual periods, was omitted for the boys. We added four questions related to body dissatisfaction and desire for shape change that males tend to be most dissatisfied with (I would like to increase my upper body size, e.g., chest, biceps, shoulders and I would like to decrease my lower body size, e.g., thighs, bottom, hips). The desire to become bigger and to gain weight were also questioned. With the inclusion of these extra four questions, the internal reliability remained high ( = .95). We used the Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) to assess self-esteem. The Self-Esteem Scale is a widely used measure with acceptable reliability and validity. This sample showed a high internal reliability ( = .96). Participants rated each item on a 4-point scale; high scores indicated high self-esteem. Reasons for Exercise (Silberstein et al., 1988) consists of 7 subscales: exercising for weight control, for fitness, for health, for improving body tone, for improving overall physical attractiveness, for improving mood, and for enjoyment. It is a 24-item questionnaire, and responses are rated on a 7-point scale ranging from not at all important (1) to extremely important (7). Participants who never exercised were asked to skip this section. Silberstein et al. (1988) reported the alpha coefficients for all the subscales to be above .67 in this inventory ( = .88 for the overall scale). It has been suggested that these different reasons for exercise can be broken down into positive ( = .94) and negative ( = .84) reasons. Positive reasons are to improve mood, health, enjoyment, and body fitness; negative reasons are for weight control, body toning, and attractiveness. This classification remains open to debate.

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We used the Contour Drawing Rating Scale (CDRS; Thompson & Gray, 1991) to assess body dissatisfaction. The CDRS consists of nine drawings of a female figure (for female participants) or a male figure (for male participants). Each drawing increases in size from extremely thin (1) to very obese (9). Participants are asked to rate their ideal figure (what they ideally wanted to look like) and their current size (perceived figure). The discrepancy between the ideal and current size scores is an index of body size dissatisfaction. We gathered background information on a confidential information sheet that included sex, age, height, present weight, ideal weight, highest past weight, lowest past weight, parents occupation, and current school. The information given on weight provided another measure of body dissatisfaction: the difference between the students current weight and ideal weight indicated the number of kilograms they desired to lose or gain. Thus weight dissatisfaction was a second measure of body image dissatisfaction. Procedure We requested and obtained permission from the four schools before distributing the questionnaires to the students. This involved having senior leaders examine the questionnaire for its appropriateness and acceptability. We sent the sixth form head teachers a cover letter that explained the reasons for the study and its aims as well as details of the measures we used. We asked the teachers to introduce the details of the experiment to the participating students, who were then asked to complete the questionnaire during school time. All of the participants were sixth form pupils (12th grade). We also asked the teachers to remind the participants that all responses would be strictly confidential and could not be identified with an individual in any way. We did this to encourage the students to be honest when answering the questions, but it also fulfilled the informed consent requirements. All participants were told that participation was not mandatory, but fewer than 2% withdrew, leaving a 98% response rate. Results Table 1 shows the means and standard deviation values for all the variables used in the analysis. We first performed a between-gender multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) over the four scales, the results of which were significant, F(3, 188) = 4.41, p < .01; we subsequently calculated various t tests. We next performed a between-gender MANOVA over the eight Reasons for Exercise subscales, the results of which were also significant, F(7, 205) = 14.21, p < .01, and we then subsequently calculated eight t tests on the subscale score. These results showed clear patterns, with seven significant differences, although when corrected for reliability (Bonferroni) the differences were not extremely significant (p < .01). Compared with the boys, the girls expressed a

TABLE 1 Gender Differences on All Measures Boys reliability M 0.021 0.08 95.99 23.77 9.93 20.97 13.77 20.25 14.43 13.23 68.2 35.83 4.13 5.39 5.80 5.00 4.56 7.48 17.11 11.11 13.65 18.71 16.78 20.38 14.78 13.62 69.53 42.95 1.33 7.47 34.1 3.17 1.23 4.55 121.78 22.90 SD M SD 1.266 7.34 35.78 4.33 3.81 5.5 5.7 5.47 5.1 4.95 16.19 11.49 .95 .46 .95 .96 .65 .87 .82 .79 .87 .62 .87 .88 Girls t 5.98** 4.14 5.53** 1.72 6.90** 3.05* 3.85* 0.18 0.53 0.46 0.58 4.59**

Variable (or scale)

CDRS discrepancy Weight dissatisfaction EAT Self-Esteem Scale Reason for Exercise Weight Body fitness Mood Health Attractiveness Enjoyment Positive reasons Negative reasons

231 189 225 234

216 216 216 214 214 215 214 214

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Note. CDRS = Contour Drawing Rating Scale. EAT = Eating Attitudes Test. *p < .05. **p < .01.

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greater discrepancy between ideal and actual body shape, expressed greater weight dissatisfaction, and had higher rates of abnormal eating attitudes and behaviors. The girls also tended to exercise more often for weight loss than the boys, whose reasons for exercising were for body fitness. Thus there was an overall difference; girls exercised for negative reasons more often than the boys did, as we had predicted. We examined the figures that the participants selected from the CDRS as their current and their ideal figures. Boys and girls did differ in their selected current and ideal figures. The percentages of boys and girls choosing each figure as their current and ideal are contained in Table 2. The differing percentages of boys (21.1%) and girls (18.3%) indicate how closely the current figure matched their ideal figure. The results show that the girls were more dissatisfied with their body image than were their male counterparts. The majority of both male (79.9%) and female (81.7%) participants selected an ideal figure different from their current figure. When the direction of the current ideal discrepancy was examined, a striking gender difference was shown. The boys were as likely to want to be heavier (36.1%) as to be thinner (42.8%), whereas only 9 girls expressed a desire to be heavier (8.1%) and a very large portion (74.6%) chose an ideal figure that was thinner than their current figure. To see the extent of body image dissatisfaction, we calculated the percentages for those who selected an ideal that was two or more figures apart from their current figure on the CDRS continuum. Our calculation showed that three times as many girls (14.5%) as boys (4.4%) had a large discrepancy of two or more figures apart, a gender difference that was statistically significant, t = 2.68, p = .001.

TABLE 2 Gender Differences in Contour Drawing Rating Scale (CDRS) Scores Number of responses Boys Girls 2 1 12 30 22 32 4 2 4 12 31 47 16 8 1 1 % Boys 1.9 0.9 11.2 28.8 21.1 30.7 3.5 1.9 Girls 3.3 10.0 25.6 39.1 18.3 6.5 0.8 0.8

Difference between current and ideal figures > 3 3 2 1 0 1 2 3

Note. Negative values in the first column represent a desire to be heavier (i.e., that the ideal figure was bigger/heavier than the judged current figure).

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The discrepancy between current and ideal figure for the boys was not significant, t = 1.23, p = .221 (the difference between means for current and ideal figure choice was a very small 0.17), but the discrepancy between current and ideal figures for the girls was very significant, t = 7.94, p = .001 (the difference between means for current and ideal figure choice was a big difference of 1.2). As Table 1 indicates, boys and girls did differ significantly in weight dissatisfaction scores, which represent the discrepancy between actual and desired weight, t = 4.14, p = .001; 29.4% of the boys wanted to gain weight compared with 10.2% of the girls, whereas 35% of the boys wanted to lose weight compared with a vast 69.0% of the girls. Those who were satisfied with their current weight constituted 35.2% of the boys and 21.7% of the girls. Thus, combining the CDRS discrepancy and weight dissatisfaction results, our hypotheses that boys and girls are dissatisfied with their bodies and that girls wish to be thinner and boys are equally divided between those who wish to be lighter and those who wish to be heavier were supported. Girls obtained significantly higher EAT scores than boys. Two girls, but no boys, scored above the clinical cut-off of 30. The scores on the Self-Esteem Scale showed a marginally significant difference between boys and girls, t = 1.72, p = .08. The girls had lower mean scores. There were significant gender differences on exercising for weight control, body fitness, mood, and tone. Girls exercised for weight control, mood, and tone reasons significantly more than boys, who reported that they exercised more for fitness reasons. There was no significant gender difference in those who chose exercising for health, attractiveness, and enjoyment (all positive reasons for exercising). We calculated correlations (Pearsons) for both genders separately and performed a partial correlation matrix (partialing out gender) on the total group. In considering the relationship between the CDRS (discrepancy between the current and ideal figure) and the weight dissatisfaction measure (discrepancy between present and ideal weight), we used the absolute values of the scores to account for direction as well as degree of body dissatisfaction. Overall, there were few significant correlations separately between the EAT and self-esteem and the seven reasons for exercising among the girls. EAT scores were significantly correlated with attractiveness, indicating that disordered eating was associated with girls who exercised primarily to be more attractive. Self-esteem was correlated with weight control, indicating that those with lower self-esteem exercised mainly to control their weight. On the other hand, many of the correlations between the EAT and selfesteem were significant for boys. Exercise for weight control and body tone was highly correlated with the EAT, as was exercising for body fitness, health, and attractiveness. Thus, for the boys, exercise for both positive and negative reasons was associated with disordered eating attitudes. Self-esteem was also significantly correlated with exercising for body fitness and tone. We investigated the relationship between the CDRS scores and self-esteem using separate correla-

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TABLE 3 Correlations Between the Variables 3 .04 .19 .30 .23 .33 .50 .11 .57 .29 .45 .20 .01 .26 .70 .58 .19 .55 .10 .01 .01 .01 .39 .17 .39 .25 .04 .00 .21 .21 .54 .27 .49 .03 .09 .01 .07 .26 .59 .12 .09 .15 .12 .16 .07 .07 .13 .17 .20 .18 .11 .00 .02 .04 .06 .05 .03 .02 .50 .07 .02 .08 .55 .04 .21 .03 .50 .14 .33 .08 .09 .04 .12 .25 .07 .28 .11 .13 .04 .56 .14 .40 .18 .69 .40 .19 .17 .5.2 .04 .09 .00 .40 .04 .48 .55 .12 .14 .26 .10 .25 .02 .23 .04 .33 .07 .40 .63 .26 .15 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 .05 .03 .09 .14 .11 .14 .08 .09 .22 .50 .25 .90 13 .09 .11 .03 .14 .01 .16 .06 .11 .05 .03 .03 .87

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

EAT Self-esteem Weight Body fitness Mood Health Attractiveness Enjoyment Body tone CDRS Weight distribution Body mass Ideal body mass

.31

.63 .29 .23 .10 .22 .28 .09 .33 .17 .10 .10 .16

.06 .24 .04 .17 .18 .10 .19 .04 .01 .07 .09

Note. The upper triangle is for girls (n = 124); the lower triangle is for boys (n = 108). Because of missing data, the ns for correlations vary as, therefore, do significance levels. Generally where correlations differ .30 or more between boys and girls that difference is most often significant. CDRS = Contour Drawing Rating Scale. EAT = Eating Attitudes Test.

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TABLE 4 Regression Analysis Dissatisfaction with figure t .09 .02 .05 .25 .63 .58 1.48 0.29 0.92 3.62*** 7.16*** 6.59***

EAT Predictor variable Sex Self-esteem Positive reasons Negative reasons Body mass Ideal body mass Dissatisfaction with figure 0.13 .51 .06 .19 .30 .37 .00 t 1.94** 8.33*** 0.94 2.66** 2.00** 2.47*** 0.99

Note. For the EAT, R 2 = .41, F(7, 158) = 17.59, p < .01. For Dissatisfaction with figure, R 2 = .43, F(7, 158) = 18.94, p < .001. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

tions for boys and girls. We found a nonsignificant result for the boys (r = .04), whereas the correlation for females was significant (r = .17, p = .01). The correlations between the weight dissatisfaction measure and self-esteem showed no significant correlation for the boys (r = .01) but a modest positive correlation for the girls (r = .10, p < .05). This result supports the CDRS discrepancy and self-esteem correlation results. We also examined the relationship between the self-esteem scores and the EAT separately for the two genders. Boys self-esteem scores were significantly correlated with their EAT scores (r = .63, p = .001). Girls scores also showed a positive significant correlation with their EAT scores (r = .31, p = .001). Table 3 contains the statistical details. Finally, we calculated a number of multiple regressions to determine the relative power of predictor variables. The dependent variables were scores on the Total EAT and the CDRS (Table 4). The results for the two regression analyses were fairly similar. Self-esteem, negative reasons for exercise, ideal body mass, actual body mass, and gender were significant predictors of EAT scores. There were three significant predictors of dissatisfaction with body/figure/shape, which accounted for over 40% of the variance: negative reasons for exercise, actual body mass, and ideal body mass. Overall, these results confirm the results of previous studies as well as our hypotheses for this study. Discussion These results were in agreement with previous research results (e.g., Fallon & Rozin, 1985; Furnham & Calnan, 1998; Silberstein et al., 1988), all of which

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were investigations of slightly older participants. Furnham and Calnan found men and women to be generally dissatisfied with their bodies, 80% of whom selected different ideal figures. Men and women showed comparable degrees of body dissatisfaction but in very different and predicted directions (Furnham & Calnan). The present findings showed that approximately equal numbers of boys wanted to be heavier (37%) as wanted to be thinner (43%), whereas only 8.0% of the girls wanted to increase their weight. Thus our first hypothesis was again supported. Drewnowski and Yee (1987) found a highly similar pattern of body dissatisfaction in their sample of undergraduate men and women. Our results report a comparable trend and reconfirm the hypothesis that body dissatisfaction is not a characteristic unique to women. The measure of weight dissatisfaction supported the body dissatisfaction findings (CDRS scores), with 29.4% of the boys wishing to gain weight (compared with 10.2% of the girls) and 35% of the boys wishing to lose weight (compared with a staggering 69% of girls). The statement by Cash et al. (1986) that underweight men seem unhappy with their bodies, whereas underweight women appear satisfied, is lent some support by our present results, highlighting the finding that the nature of male body dissatisfaction is different from that of females. It is interesting to note the pattern of differences on individual items of the questionnaires, which strongly suggests that the sources of body dissatisfaction may differ for the two genders. The most marked of these was found on the additional items to the EAT, which we added to take into account previous research showing that body dissatisfaction stems from two different areas for the two genders. On these additional items, 73% of the boys wanted to increase their upper body size (compared with 22% of the girls) and 41% of the boys wanted to decrease their lower body size (compared with 63% of the girls). These statistics support the notion that the desire to gain weight by men is associated with the wish to become more muscular and to achieve the male ideal of a V-shaped figure. Body perfectionism is no longer a phenomenon exclusive to women (if indeed it ever was). However, these are anatomical factors that can be enhanced and changed primarily by rigorous exercise or weight training and not solely by means of dieting. This may suggest why, although there was an obvious desire for shape change in the boys in our present study, it was not reflected by disordered eating patterns or negative reasons for exercise. In contrast, the female ideal of being extremely thin, as presented through advertising by the diet industry, can be seen as a breeding ground for disordered eating and negative reasons for exercise (Champion & Furnham, 1999). The notion of these ideals has been supported by the results of the present study and would thus suggest that neither men nor women can escape the sociocultural pressure to achieve the ideal body shape. As we expected, the girls scored higher than the boys on a measure assessing behaviors and attitudes associated with disordered eating. However, readers

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should remember that our participants came from the socioeconomic middle class, which means that our results may not generalize to working-class adolescents. Furthermore, the girls, more than the boys, reported that they exercised for weight control, mood, health, and tone reasons, and for the girls these reasons for exercise were highly correlated with scores from the EAT. According to Rodin et al. (1985), the pervasive incidence of dieting and weight concerns among women can be considered normative discontent. The findings suggest that, for many women, exercising may be part of the complex of attitudes and behaviors that make up normative discontent, although it could be argued that some of these reasons for exercise (e.g., weight control, mood regulation) are strongly advocated by the medical profession. There is little doubt that Western societies encourage and reward the pursuit of the perfect body because it is an ideal that symbolizes the attainment of numerous personal virtues and achievements. Unfortunately, the body image standards to which women currently aspire are far beyond what can be achieved with healthy or sensible levels of dieting or exercise (Brownell, 1991). In the current study we found that dissatisfaction with body image and weight was not significantly correlated with self-esteem for boys but was significant for the girls. The hypothesis that those who are dissatisfied with their bodies have lower self-esteem, regardless of the direction of body image dissatisfaction, was supported; we found that body image dissatisfaction is more closely related to low self-esteem for girls than for boys. This result confirms research on the relationship between body satisfaction and self-esteem showing that female body image satisfaction is highly correlated with self-esteem (Lerner et al., 1973). However, it does not replicate the findings of Silberstein et al. (1988) who found that there was no relationship between female body dissatisfaction and self-esteem, which Silberstein et al. reasoned was because of the normative discontent mechanism described earlier. However, as reported by Davis and Cowles (1991), dieting is a more common behavior among women who report that the way they feel about their bodies is important to the way they feel about themselves in general; this relationship was not found for the men in their study. Results of our present study would support this view. There is considerable evidence that men are more visually interested in the bodies of the opposite sex than are women (see Mazur, 1986, for a review). As a result, women have traditionally displayed a greater commitment to the pursuit of cultural standards of beauty than have men. In an era that cherishes a very slender body for women, those for whom body satisfaction is a central aspect for self-esteem are more likely to be preoccupied with weight and prone to negative eating attitudes. It could also be that rather than body dissatisfaction causing low self-esteem in women the reverse could be true (low self-esteem may cause individuals to be dissatisfied with their bodies). Individuals with a negative sense of self, situated in a culture obsessed with the pursuit of physical perfection at almost any cost,

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would reflect these feelings of worthlessness in how they perceive themselves (thus providing a distorted body image). It is interesting to note that in the further correlations of self-esteem with the EAT and in both positive and negative reasons for exercise, there were few gender differences. Positive reasons for exercise were not significantly correlated with the EAT or the self-esteem scores for either gender. This result only partly supports the hypothesis that exercising for weight control, attractiveness, and tone would be associated with disordered eating and low self-esteem, whereas exercising for mood, health, enjoyment, and fitness would not be related to disordered eating and would instead be related to high self-esteem, regardless of gender. The majority of previous studies on body image dissatisfaction have concentrated on women and the desire to lose weight. This studys results provide evidence that men are not satisfied with their bodies either but that this body image dissatisfaction also operates in the direction of weight gain. These findings also suggest there may be important sex differences in the etiology of eating disorders, and thus further research in this area can be used to develop effective psychological interventions for these disorders.
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Original manuscript received March 12, 2001 Final revision accepted February 15, 2002