ANTONIO ESPINOZA-Education and The State Inmodern Peru (1821-1921) PDF

Copyrighted material 9781137338402
Contents
List of Figures and Tables vii
Series Editors Preface ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1
1 Schooling Patterns 21
2 From Republicanism to Popular Instruction to
Nationalism: Official Educational Ideas and
Goals in Peru, 18211905 45
3 Teachers, Local Communities, and National Government 79
4 Inside Primary Schools: Curricula and Methods
in the Lima Region, 18211905 119
5 The Realities of the Estado Docente: Educational
Centralization from 1905 to c. 1921 159
Conclusions 197
Notes 203
Bibliography 253
Index 277
EDUCATION AND THE STATE IN MODERN PERU
Copyright G. Antonio Espinoza, 2013.
All rights reserved.
Parts of chapter 2 were published in Spanish in Histrica (Department
of HumanitiesPontifical Catholic University of Peru), 31: 1 (2007).
They appear here, revised and translated, by permission of the
editor of the aforementioned journal.
An earlier version of chapter 3 was published in Spanish in Cuadernos
de Historia (Department of Historical SciencesSchool of Philosophy
and HumanitiesUniversity of Chile), 34 (June 2011). The revised,
extended, and translated version appears here by permission from
the editor of the aforementioned journal.
First published in 2013 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
in the United States a division of St. Martins Press LLC,
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.
Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world,
this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited,
registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills,
Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.
Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies
and has companies and representatives throughout the world.
Palgrave and Macmillan are registered trademarks in the United States,
the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.
ISBN: 9781137338402
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Espinoza, G. Antonio, 1970
Education and the state in modern Peru : primary schooling in Lima,
1821c. 1921 / G. Antonio Espinoza.
pages cm.(Historical studies in education)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 9781137338402 (alk. paper)
1. Education, PrimaryPeruLimaHistory. 2. Education
and statePeru. I. Title.
LA597.E87 2013
372.982dc23 2013024518
A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.
Design by Newgen Knowledge Works (P) Ltd., Chennai, India.
First edition: December 2013
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
!x:vobuc:iox
The existence of a centralized system of public education in Peru
is a reality that was not questioned, either officially or unofficially,
until recently. Although several other Latin American countries have
moved toward the decentralization and privatization of schools since
the 1980s, Peruvian public opinion assumed that national govern-
ment control over primary and secondary schools was a given. It took
until 2006 for President Alan Garca, leader of populist party Accin
Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA), to implement a small-
scale program of educational decentralization. National authorities
handed the administration and funding of public schools to a lim-
ited number of municipal governments. The program faced strong
opposition from politicians and educators who feared a lack of human
and financial resources and declining working conditions for teach-
ers. By the time Garcas administration ended in 2011, the program
was largely stalled and new President Ollanta Humala cancelled it.
Reference to the history of public schooling in Peru has been mostly
absent from these recent events.
During the nineteenth century, most public schools were admin-
istered and funded by city and town councils. Municipal authorities
opened schools, appointed and dismissed teachers, and had a major
say regarding curricula, textbooks, and methods. This decentralized
system of public education faced various institutional, pedagogical,
and financial problems. Nevertheless, it provided an indispensable
foundation for the establishment of an Estado Docente (Teaching
State) or centralized educational system at the beginning of the twen-
tieth century.
1
In this book I examine primary schooling as a component of the
process of state formation in Peru since independence from Spain in
1821 up to the first two decades of the twentieth century. During
this decisive historical period national and local elites, in interaction
with the middle sectors and the lower classes, established the bases of
the modern Peruvian state. My approach combines two recent trends
in the scholarship on Modern Latin America that have generally
2 UCAT!N AN TH STAT !N MRN PRU
remained separate in studies on the Peruvian case: the understanding
of state building as a cultural process and the study of the interac-
tion between state and civil society in the educational realm. Most
of the recent historiography on Peru has devoted little attention to
primary schooling despite its formative influence on children and
the institutional and economic problems it faces in the country. By
focusing on the primary schools of the departamento or region of
Limawhich include the capital city, and the surrounding, mostly
Lima
LIMA
P
a
c
i
f
i
c

O
c
e
a
n
Figure I.1 Lima region (Departamento) nowadays.
Source: Map by Emily Anne Hall.
!NTRUCT!N 3
rural provincesmy study overcomes the tendency of similar works
on other Latin American countries that have focused either on the
urban or the countryside areas. My book brings together the effects
of ideology and politics on education at the macro- and microlevels,
by analyzing the relationship between state and local communities
not only around but also within schools.
The book demonstrates three main theses. First, during most of
the studied period, political and intellectual elites conceived of school-
ing as a means to reproduce social hierarchies, encouraging authori-
tarianism and intolerance, rather than promoting egalitarianism and
democratic republican values. Second, despite schoolings conserva-
tive nature, its gradual expansion was driven by the combined effect of
governmental intervention and social demand for education. Finally,
those families that had access to formal education sought to acquire
both practical skills and cultural capital. There was no explicit collec-
tive criticism of traditional hierarchies within the schooling realm.
The preference that families had for certain subjects, methods, and
disciplinary practices was, however, an implicit critique of official
standards.
The period under study was crucial in the construction of the
Peruvian state as the country faced numerous challenges. These
included postindependence instability (18211845) and catastrophic
defeat in the War with Chile (18791883), as well as economic bonan-
zas during the guano-export boom (18451870) and the Aristocratic
Republic (18951919). Transitioning from a Spanish colony into an
independent republic, a privileged criollo minority (white individu-
als of mostly European descent and outlook) rhetorically declared
the importance of forming virtuous and useful citizens. The emerg-
ing stateweak, ineffective, and dependent on local interestshad
a limited educational role, relying instead on the Catholic Church,
private entrepreneurs, and municipal authorities. Economic growth
in the late 1840s allowed the national government to begin expand-
ing and strengthening the state apparatus. In the early 1860s, Lima
authorities started the construction of a public educational system
entrusting the management of public schools to municipal authori-
ties, providing them with regular subsidies, while looking for greater
supervision over teaching practices and content.
2
The decline of the
guano-export economy in the early 1870s and the War with Chile
forced the state to reduce subsidies for public schooling. As the econ-
omy recovered after the war, regional authorities and local parents
increased their investment in public and private schools respectively. In
a parallel manner, some criollo and mestizo (mixed-race) intellectuals
developed Indigenismo, an ideology that sought to improve the moral
and material situation of Indians. By 1905, the combined effect of
favorable material conditions, nationalism and Positivism, and wide-
spread teacher support encouraged the national government to
centralize the administration, funding, and supervision of primary
schools, while increasing state investment in education significantly.
Regional and local power-holders resented the confiscation of their
educational resources and were able to wrestle some oversight from
national authorities in the short term. Nevertheless, in 1921, the
national government was able to fully reaffirm the measures first
introduced in 1905.
The geographical focus of my study is the departamento of Lima.
Departamentos or regions have traditionally been the largest units
of political and fiscal administration in Modern Peru. They include
a number of provincias or provinces, which are in turn divided into
distritos or districts. The authorities in charge of regions are the pre-
fectos, aided by subprefectos at the provincial level and gobernadores
at the district one. The region of Lima was created right after the
declaration of independence from Spain in 1821, and since then it
had an exceptional territorial continuity. In addition, this region
included both urban and rural areas and experienced intense edu-
cational activity during the period of study. For most of this period,
the region was divided into five provinces: Lima, Chancay, Caete,
Canta, Huarochir, and Yauyos. The province of Lima included the
capital city and adjacent districts or suburbs.
S:~:v, N~:iox, ~xb :nv His:ovv ov
buc~:iox ix Pvvu
The scholarship on state and nation in Peru and the literature on
the history of education in this country often lack explicit reference
to each other. Nevertheless, a careful revision of both branches of
scholarship reveals a number of shared assumptions. Intellectuals
such as Vctor Andrs Belaunde, Jos de la Riva-Agero, and Jos
Carlos Maritegui established some of these assumptions in the early
twentieth century. Beginning in the 1970s, a revisionist generation
of scholars criticized the theses of Belaunde, Riva-Agero, and their
followers, while reiterating and refining some of Mariteguis points
of view. A more recent generation of historians, influenced by the
theoretical contributions of Antonio Gramsci, Benedict Anderson,
and Philip Corrigan and Derek Sawyer, have renewed the discus-
sion on state and nation in Peru. With a few exceptions, this recent
!NTRUCT!N 5
historical scholarship has recognized the importance of education as
an integral part of state and nation building while paying only sec-
ondary attention to it.
In the early twentieth century, elite intellectuals such as Belaunde
and Riva-Agero sought to write a Historia Patria or history or
the Peruvian fatherland. Both writers defined the nation as a spiri-
tual community united by a common past and the collective will to
preserve its historical legacy in the future.
3
For Historia Patria, the
Peruvian nation was formed during the colonial period, as a result
of the miscegenation of the Spanish, Indian, and African races, each
with their respective cultural contributions. Once the nation achieved
its independence from Spain, it became a free, legally organized, and
sovereign state. Later contributors to Historia Patria considered the
existence of the nation since the colonial period indisputable, although
they recognized a degree of variation in national consciousness, or
individual awareness of being Peruvian.
4
While Belaunde and Riva-Agero laid the basis of Historia Patria,
their teacher and friend Manuel Vicente Villarn set up some of the
tropes of the history of education in Peru. Villarn was a law pro-
fessor who belonged to Segundo Civilismo or Second Civilismo, the
re-emergent Partido Civil or Civilista Party originally established in
the early 1870s. He served as Minister of Education between 1908
and 1909. In 1913, while the parliament discussed reversing some
aspects of the educational centralization initiated by Second Civilismo
eight years earlier, Villarn published a series of articles on the history
of education in Peru.
5
In line with Positivist thought, Villarn made an
institutional analysis of education, focusing on official regulations, the
authorities who introduced them, and specific schools. Condemning
the failure of past governments to centralize the educational system,
the Civilista professor argued for state control over public schooling.
6

Villarn blamed the shortcomings of public schools before 1905 on
lack of local support, incompetence of municipal authorities and local
political officers, and congressional interference in educational affairs.
For Villarn, the decentralized organization of public schools was
unable to provide adequate management and funding, while the cen-
tralized system had the potential to succeed.
7
Years later, Vctor Andrs
Belaunde repeated Villrans arguments to defend centralization.
8
In the late 1920s, political philosopher Jos Carlos Maritegui
questioned the assumptions made by Historia Patria by introduc-
ing a Marxist-inspired interpretation of the state and the nation.
Maritegui argued that the Peruvian state that emerged after indepen-
dence was democratic and bourgeois only in appearance. In actuality,
the traditional feudal class kept control over the state apparatus. It
expanded agricultural estates and maintained a colonial heritage
of political bosses and indigenous servitude.
9
For Maritegui, the
Peruvian nationality was still in formation because the racial and
spiritual duality, or divide between the Spanish and Indian legacies,
survived. Feudal economic and social conditions nullified the positive
qualities of different racial groups, and thus cultural and racial mix-
ing could not solve the duality. In any case, Maritegui believed that
Indians were the cement of nationality.
10
Unlike other nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Peruvian
intellectuals, Maritegui believed that public education could only
be effective and fair under broad and truly democratic conditions.
He considered that Indians and workers indeed needed to be edu-
cated, but the first priority was to solve their economic and social
problems.
11
Maritegui argued that education in Modern Peru had
been imitative, aristocratic, and impractical. The elite copied for-
eign educational models, trying to implement them without taking
into account the national reality. The scholastic and literary character
of Spanish education had survived the colonial period. The feudal
ruling class, disguised as bourgeois, had promised an expansion of
education after independence. Although criollos gained greater access
to schooling, Indians remained excluded. In the early twentieth cen-
tury, Second Civilismo made a real attempt to improve literacy among
Indians, in order to enhance the capitalistic, export-oriented devel-
opment of the country. However, opposition from feudal highland
landowners had hindered this effort.
12
Historia Patria had a long influence on Peruvian historiography in
general and the scholarship on the history of education in particular.
Reifying the concept of nation, it posited it as an immaterial entity
of unquestionable existence that predated independence. The nega-
tive events in the historical development of the nation and the state
were due to regrettable occurrences, the defects of individual his-
torical characters, and the insufficient national consciousness of an
indeterminate part of the population. Historia Patria made no effort
to analyze either broader economic and social structures, or their
influence over the development of the national community or the
apparatus of government. In the specific case of the history of educa-
tion, Historia Patria emphasized institutional aspects. It was able to
describe some of the problems that hampered the scope and effective-
ness of public education in Modern Peru, but its explanatory capacity
was limited. Villarn and Belaunde failed to notice that the decen-
tralized network of municipal schools provided a framework for the
!NTRUCT!N 7
centralized system. Judging educational decentralization anachronis-
tically, they missed the fact that the concept of educational system
itself was gradually implemented elsewhere during the first half of the
nineteenth century. Many studies on educational history continue to
focus on specific institutions, official regulations, and the politicians
and intellectuals responsible for them.
13
In contrast to Historia Patria, Maritegui related the analysis of
state, nation, and education to broader economic and social issues.
He pointed out the fragmented character of Peruvian society and
the existence of different elite factions. Nevertheless, Maritegui
also had an idealized image of what a consolidated nation was and
believed that Peru deviated from such an abstraction. He was the first
national intellectual to note that elites could potentially use the state
and education as instruments to further their class interests. At the
same time, his perspective was flawed, viewing the exercise of state
power as a unidirectional process. He ignored the responses of the
middle and lower sectors to state initiatives and their participation in
the construction of the school system. Maritegui acknowledged the
Civilista effort to expand public schooling, but he examined neither
the specific steps toward centralization nor the political and cultural
implications they had.
In the early 1970s, partly motivated by the commemoration of
the centennial of independence, a group of scholars reiterated and
expanded some of Mariteguis arguments regarding the state and
the nation. Inspired by Marxism and Dependency Theory, these revi-
sionist scholars stressed the colonial legacy that survived formal inde-
pendence from Spain. They denied the existence of a nation in Peru,
due to class antagonism, rigid racial divisions, and lack of uniformity
and equality.
14
Revisionism pointed out that the postindependence
elite was divided into factions, none of which became a hegemonic
ruling class able to prevail upon other elite factions and respond to
lower-class demands.
15
The Peruvian state was weak due to its perma-
nent dependence on foreign economic interests, a deficient internal
market, and the patrimonial administration of government. The state
apparatus had to support itself on the various oligarchic factions
and their clientelistic relationship with both foreign interests and the
subaltern population. As a result, public office ended up having a
private nature.
16
Although Historia Patria and revisionism disagreed
on several issues, both presumed that modern Peru deviated from an
ideal model of nation building.
17
Revisionism paid insufficient atten-
tion to the cultural aspects of state and nation formation, while sub-
ordinating the political realm to economic actors and their interests.
18

It also defined the relationship between the elite and the subordinate
groups in antagonistic terms.
Even though revisionist social scientists did not devote themselves
to the study of education development, other scholars have applied
their ideasor those of Mariteguito the history of education.
They have made a valuable effort to contextualize educational his-
tory within broader economic and social trends. These scholars have
also alluded to the neocolonial and fragmented character of Peruvian
society after independence.
19
They have noted that nineteenth-
century elites followed foreign educational doctrines and that they
used education as an instrument for their own agendas. Nevertheless,
this scholarship has not examined the foreign educational paradigms
adopted by Peruvian politicians and intellectuals or why certain ideas
were more successful than others. These scholars have not established
which minorities had access to formal education during the nineteenth
century and whether social groups other than the elites participated
in educational processes. Finally, both the studies on the history of
education influenced by Historia Patria as well as those that follow
revisionism keep on interpreting the development of public education
in Modern Peru as a linear, progressive process from decentralized
chaos to centralized order.
Contemporary historical approaches to the state and the nation
in Latin America have benefited from the contributions of Italian
writer Antonio Gramsci, French sociologist Pierre Bordieu, and his
British colleagues Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer. In institutional
terms, the modern state is generally understood as a bureaucratic
apparatus with coercive prerogatives and administrative capacities.
Elite or bourgeois factions lead the process of state-construction
but they require degrees of participation of other social groups. In
order to achieve this participation, ruling classes resort to coercion
and negotiation, imposition, and consent.
20
The state is also defined
by different social groups perception of the legitimacy to rule that
the bureaucratic apparatus gains and maintains.
21
Gramsci spoke of
the cultural role of the bourgeois state, creating new types of civili-
zation through the exertion of educative pressure over society and
individuals to promote certain values, ideas, habits, and behaviors,
while eliminating others.
22
Corrigan and Sayer further developed the
concept of state formation as an incremental process of bourgeois
moral regulation and social rule.
23
Since the early 1990s, a number of historical studies on Latin
America have shown that elites in search of national hegemony advanced
projects of a varied nature (economic, ideological, institutional, and
!NTRUCT!N 9
otherwise), which were contested, selectively embraced, negotiated,
and/or modified by different social groups according to their own
agendas.
24
In the case of Peru, the historiography has focused on
the republican project of representative democracy, individual rights,
patriotism, and meritocratic advancement, which a criollo faction
promoted after independence with uneven success. Elite politician
Manuel Pardo and his original Partido Civil revamped this tradition of
political culture in the 1870s.
25
Some works have analyzed the appro-
priation of republican rhetoric by elite members, urban artisans, and
highland peasants to further their political interests, social standing,
and material conditions.
26
Other works have paid greater attention to
the peasant appropriation and recreation of nationalism during and
after the War with Chile.
27
These studies have discarded the reified
concept of nation as understood by Historia Patria and revisionism,
adopting instead the more dynamic definition of the nation as an
imagined community.
28
Fostering identification with the imagined
political community and encouraging allegiance to it were power-
ful means to create consent. Scholars like Mallon and Mc Evoy have
studied the hegemonic processes, or interactions between elites and
subordinate groups, around common discursive frameworks such as
republicanism and nationalism. By focusing on these processes, they
have presented a less oppositional view of the relationships among
different social groups.
29
My book is also in dialogue with the recent scholarship on educa-
tion and state and nation formation in Latin America. Studies on Peru
have provided valuable insights into official educational policies and
their motivations, but they have paid minimal attention to broader
social processes.
30
The literature on other Latin American countries
has delved much more into the relationship between schooling and
hegemony, local responses to formal education, and education as a
means of social reproduction and social control. The scholarship on
revolutionary Mexico, in particular, shows that elites who carried on
projects of state and nation building negotiated to varying degrees
with local communities regarding educational matters. Between the
1920s and 1930s, Mexican schools were social and cultural arenas
for the interaction among federal government, local officers, pro-
vincial teachers, and rural inhabitants. The revolutionary state and
rural society elaborated a common language of consent and dissent
through educational institutions, infrastructure, content, and activi-
ties. This common language was organized around ideas of collective
right to social justice, inclusion in modernity, membership in a bicul-
tural society, and shared concepts of the constitution. Elsie Rockwell
understands civil society as the historically constituted relation-
ships that make collective action viable. She argues that revolutionary
education strengthened these relationships by providing new public
spaces, novel forms of association and decision, and renovated rituals.
Mary Kay Vaughan contends that the Mexican revolutionary state
achieved a certain degree of negotiated hegemony, not free of coer-
cion and resistance, by tutoring an incipient civil society through a
mutually elaborated collective language.
31
In explaining local attitudes toward formal education, the
recent scholarship has gone beyond the conventional dichotomy
between tradition and modernity. Local responses to school-
ing, whether positive or negative, depended on a plurality of factors.
Communitiesor groups within communitiesembraced school-
ing because they considered education and literacy desirable assets
in themselves, but they also did so due to political affiliations and
expectation of increased access to land and employment, among
other motivations. Local indifference or opposition toward school-
ing also had various sources, such as economic difficulties, specific
family goals, and partisan conflicts.
32
When approaching local reac-
tions toward formal education, demand is a variable that deserves
greater attention.
33
Educational demand is closely related to the
economic capacity and preferences of families. By assessing social
demand it is possible to explain why parents sent their children to
school and why they chose certain schools over others. The evolving
number of schools and their enrollments can be taken as indicators
of educational demand; data on schools that required the payment of
fees can be taken as a closer guide. Parents who enrolled their chil-
dren in free schools were giving up on all or part of the income their
offspring could otherwise make by working; they were also assuming
the varying costs of supplies and books. Families that enrolled their
children in paid schools were, in addition, taking on the responsibil-
ity of disbursing fees.
The recent scholarship on educational history in Latin America
has also discussed the scope and limits of conceiving of schooling
as a means for social reproduction and social control.
34
Since the
colonial period, elites in the region used formal education to repro-
duce existing ideas, values, and hierarchies. As the scholarship on the
late colonial era shows, education did not explicitly encourage social
mobility, even though some individuals were able to improve their
status through it.
35
Postindependence republicanism included the
promise of legal equality and social advancement according to indi-
vidual merit. Yet the new governments did not grant full citizenship
!NTRUCT!N 11
to everyone, and schoolingand the lack of itcontinued being a
means to replicate social, racial, and gender hierarchies. Only a minor-
ity of the school-age population was enrolled in primary schools in
practically every country in the region until the first decade of the
twentieth century.
36
At the same time, it is important to distinguish
among the purposes that elites assigned to schooling, the responses of
the middle- and lower-class families who were able and willing to send
their children to school, and the actual outcome in terms of social and
economic mobility. We can safely assume that one of the motivations
that parents had to send their children to school was the expectation
that their offspring would have a better future status. This does not
necessarily mean that these parents accepted or questioned the exist-
ing social order as a whole. It seems likely that their first priority
was the advancement of their own children and that they considered
the future of their classmates secondary or inconsequential. Assessing
the extent to which schooling facilitated mobility is a much harder
task, and so far, no scholarly historical study on Latin America has
attempted to do so comprehensively.
The concept of education as a means of social control is useful
but also has its limits. Latin American elites established institutions
such as orphanages, poorhouses, and asylums, arguably aimed toward
providing care to the destitute and the ill. The parallel, implicit logic
of these institutions was disciplining the behavior of those classified
as unfit or deviant, while regulating the conduct of those considered
able and normal. To be effective, all of these institutions had to offer
some sort of actual or perceived benefit to their subjects and society
at large. In the specific case of schools, it is clear that enrollment and
attendance depended on a certain degree of acquiescence from both
parents and students. Additionally, parents and children could pas-
sively or actively resist specific aspects of school curricula and meth-
ods while still remaining engaged with schooling. Elites conceived of
schools as disciplining institutions and organized them accordingly,
but on a day-to-day basis they were contested spaces. Rockwell has
noted that schooling in revolutionary Mexico sought to discipline
childrens bodies but these exercised a measure of collective power
within the classroom that became apparent when they negotiated
conditions of teaching, or when they chose to speak in their native
language rather than Spanish.
37
My book views state and nation building as parallel, multifaceted
processes that encompassed the economic, social, political, and cul-
tural realms. Elite factions alternated in leading these processes accord-
ing to their agendas, constantly interacting with other social groups
that had their own priorities and needs. Similar to what happened in
other Latin American countries, Peruvian elites had to engage with
subaltern groups in order to achieve periods of hegemony of varying
stability and endurance. The formation of the nation in Peru required
a certain development of the state framework, insofar as the elites
were seeking to homogenize the population. The construction of the
state and the nation were not linear or teleological processes; there
were setbacks, and outcomes were not predetermined. Each social
group pursued its own ideas, values, and expectations while interact-
ing with other social groups.
From the perspective of the history of education, there were two
moments in which national authorities achieved greater financial,
administrative, and pedagogical intervention in primary schooling,
as part of broader processes of building hegemony. The first of these
moments was between the 1850s and early 1870s, and the second one
was in the first two decades of the twentieth century. During both
periods, growing fiscal revenues and increasing demand for educa-
tion encouraged and allowed national governments to expand public
schooling. In the mid-nineteenth century, President Ramn Castilla
(18451851, 18541862) sought to gain stability, assert the author-
ity of his regimes, and create alliances with local powers by augment-
ing public expenditure and enlarging the bureaucracy. Castilla issued
the first national educational code in 1850 and began establishing
municipal schools subsidized by the treasury in the early 1860s. The
second period of strengthened state hegemony in Lima came after
President Jos Pardo (19041908), leading Second Civilismo, issued
Law 162 in 1905. This law fully centralized the administration, fund-
ing, and supervision of public primary education. This move was aimed
toward expanding the support base of Second Civilismo, affirming
the authority of the government over local powers, improving public
primary education, and enhancing nationalism through schooling.
It was a measure facilitated by a recovering export economy, relative
stability, the preexistence of a network of public schools, and teach-
ers and parents support. These were regimes that were quantitatively
inclusive in educational terms. They expanded a public service and
met the demand of a larger part of the population, albeit not the
majority. Under Castilla, public schooling grew in the capital city
and reached the main provincial towns, while the rural areas and the
indigenous population in particular remained largely marginalized.
Second Civilismo consolidated urban public schooling and reached
the rural areas of Lima, but results in the highlands were partial at
best.
!NTRUCT!N 13
My book demonstrates that patrimonialism and, later in the
period, official nationalism were the predominant political traditions
in primary education in Lima. Authoritarianism was a constant politi-
cal tradition along the whole period of study.
38
The recent histori-
ography on Peru has stressed how both elites and subaltern groups
sometimes embraced a republican discourse to advance their own
agendas. This historiography has assessed the role of republicanism
in the educational realm to a limited extent. Although some of these
studies have recognized the existence of parallel traditions of political
culture, they have not analyzed their impact on schooling.
39
Schools
were established, organized, and managed along patronage practices,
rather than meritocratic ones, especially until the early twentieth
century.
40
Educational content and methods were generally infused
with authoritarianism, respect toward traditional hierarchies, and
Catholicism, rather than democratic values, egalitarianism, or secu-
larism. After the War with Chile, governments promoted a revanchist
and inclusive form of nationalism that viewed Indians as potential
soldiers and peasants rather than fully enfranchised citizens.
My study views patronage or clientelism, one of the elements
of patrimonialism, as a political practice that was compatible with
state building and the construction of a system of public school-
ing in Peru. Limas educational officers and public school teachers
were not a modern bureaucracy in the sense used by Max Weber.
41

Nevertheless, they managed and distributed educational resources
and provided schooling to a growing number of students.
42
Patronage
was as much part of the common discursive framework shared by
elites and subordinate classes as was republicanism; one political tra-
dition was not exclusive of the other. Elites benefited the most out of
clientelism but, for this practice to work, they had to provide benefits
to the subaltern.
43
The elite faction that was in power could hold a
republican discourse in public, while resorting to patronage in the
conduct of official affairs. The existence of various political discourses
was generally accepted, except in those conjunctures when an emerg-
ing group questioned the faction in power. Then the emerging group
could resort to a republican discourse to attract broader social sup-
port, without giving up on the practical use of clientelism.
The educational priorities of the Peruvian elites and the middle
sectors and lower classes were sometimes convergent and at other
times divergent.
44
When there was more convergence, both private
and public schooling had better chances of expanding. Divergence
led to deficient enrollment and declining attendance, as well as ten-
sions and conflicts. Primary sources frequently mention that parents
failed to enroll their children in schools or neglected to enforce their
attendance, due to poverty or economic need. This was more frequent
in rural areas rather than urban ones, as parents dedicated to agricul-
ture relied more heavily on child labor. At the same time, since the
postindependence years, Peruvian elites saw education as a means for
social reproduction and social control. Sometimes they contradicted
middle- and lower-class family expectations of social mobility and
empowerment, causing verbal and written complaints and sometimes
even physical confrontations. These conflicts were frequently inter-
twined with clientelistic and partisan politics.
Pvviobiz~:iox ~xb Cn~v:vvs
The organization of this book is both chronological and thematic.
The first chapter establishes and examines schooling patterns in the
Lima region from 1821 to 1920. The evidence shows that expansion
of schooling was driven by both social demand for education and state
intervention. The variables that I assess are numbers of public and
private schools, enrollment according to type of school, and registra-
tion in relationship to school-age population. During the first three
decades after independence, state investment in primary education
was minimal. Nevertheless, stable enrollment in private schools in the
city of Lima indicates the existence of educational demand, albeit a
stunted one. In the provinces, communities paid for a limited number
of intermittent schools with local revenues and user fees. In those
periods in which state investment in public education increased
notably, in the early 1860s and the early 1900senrollment in public
schools grew too. Information on registration as a proportion of the
population of school age for all of Limas provinces is available for the
last quarter of the nineteenth century. In this period, commercial-
ization of local economies and urbanization encouraged educational
demand in the region. However, land concentration in private hands
forced poor parents to rely on their childrens labor to sustain their
families, thus setting limits to school enrollment.
The second chapter of the book examines the goals that mem-
bers of the political and intellectual elite assigned to primary school-
ing, and establishes the pedagogical doctrines these elite members
embraced to accomplish their objectives. My analysis is based on offi-
cial regulations, contemporary opinions, and school texts. I reserve
the discussion on the educational ideas and practices of parents and
students for chapter 4. During the whole period under study, politi-
cians, educational officers, and Catholic priests conceived of primary
!NTRUCT!N 15
schooling as utilitarian, morally and intellectually corrective, socially
and racially ascriptive, and partly gender specific. Postindependence
elites displayed an ambivalent republicanism and their pedagogical
ideas were inspired by empiricist and Enlightened late-colonial tradi-
tions. They proclaimed their interest in molding all Peruvians into
patriotic citizens, but educational opinions and school texts displayed
racial prejudices against Indians and blacks, and encouraged defer-
ence toward social hierarchies. Since the mid-1840s, within a climate
of heightened ideological debate between Liberals and Conservatives,
there was some criticism upon the arrival of new Catholic teaching
orders, though no questioning of the role of Catholicism in moral
education as a whole. Overall, during the first half of the nineteenth
century, there was a great degree of continuity of late-colonial edu-
cational ideas.
From the mid-nineteenth century to the War with Chile, elites
adopted the idea of popular instruction as a basic elementary edu-
cation that all citizens should receive. Popular instruction was meant
to foster patriotism, more secularized moral values, law abidance,
and racial harmony. Political and intellectual elites thought that slav-
ery and servitude had degraded blacks and Indians respectively, and
believed that education could regenerate both groups. Due in part to
racial prejudices, history, geography, and civics school texts failed to
present an inclusive view of the Peruvian past, territory, and politi-
cal organization that could further an emotional allegiance to the
nation. Indigenous unrest in the late 1860s fostered concern among
some politicians and intellectuals about effectively providing instruc-
tion to rural areas and the Indian population. The desirable degree
of influence of the Catholic Church in education and the appropriate
extension of schooling for girls became controversial subjects. These
were debates that continued into the late nineteenth century.
After the defeat in the War with Chile, most of the upper class
blamed the loss on the lower classes and Indians because of their sup-
posed lack of national allegiance. The export-oriented oligarchy that
took power in the early 1890s advanced an anti-Chilean, revanchist,
and relatively inclusive form of nationalism that became the preva-
lent political ideology in primary education in the late-nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. Nationalism was accompanied by interest in
military training and physical education for students. One elite faction
influenced by Positivism criticized the Catholic Churchs involvement
in education. Effects in policy, however, were limited. Conservative
and progressive intellectuals embraced Indigenismo and thus encour-
aged the national government to educate Indians so as to incorporate
them effectively into the national community. Most agreed on the
need to spread Spanish and eradicate indigenous languages. The idea
was to integrate Indians into the nation as future peasants and sol-
diers rather than citizens with equal rights to whites and mestizos.
Chapter 3 examines the performance of local authorities, teachers,
and parents in relationship to schools from 1821 to 1905. As men-
tioned earlier, previous scholars have argued that political officers,
teachers, and parents neglected educational regulations due to cor-
ruption, carelessness, and ignorance. It is necessary to look beyond
negligence and insufficient preparation, and to carefully examine
local agendas, to better understand educational performances. We
can identify at least two axes of conflict around schools: the sources
and allocation of funds and the appointment and dismissal of teach-
ers. From independence up to the 1860s the national government
funded just a handful of public schools in the capital city while other
schools charged fees to parents. Outside the city of Lima, public
schools were generally located in provincial and district capitals, and
they were paid for with local funds. These funds came from tradi-
tional cargo systems, communal lands, or local taxes. Those parents
who had the capacity to do so paid for private schools, which gener-
ally had an intermittent existence. Teachers tended to be much more
responsive to local demands rather than national ones, because com-
munity authorities or parents paid teachers wages.
The national government reestablished municipalidades or munic-
ipal councils between the 1850s and early 1870s. The government
ordered city and town councils to open public schools. At the same
time, national authorities assumed the commitment of providing
subsidies to these new public schools using treasury funds. Although
national authorities kept the right to exercise some supervision over
municipal schools, their direct management was left to municipali-
dades. This was a concession to local power-holders, who continued
mediating the fulfillment of educational regulations, the application
of official curricula, and the appointment and supervision of teach-
ers. In 1873, fiscal deficit forced President Manuel Pardo to cancel
national subsidies to municipal schools. The national government
ordered municipalidades to collect a new head tax to fund public
schoolsall the while trying to increase national supervision over
school administration and teaching. A number of municipal coun-
cils closed their schools, and many of those that kept them open
resisted state intervention.
45
Irregular school attendance was com-
mon, which led to occasional complaints of national and regional
authorities, though local officers seldom took measures. Public
!NTRUCT!N 17
schooling remained administratively and financially decentralized
until 1905. As the economy recovered in the 1880s, private school-
ing expanded.
Chapter 4 analyzes the school culture, or everyday subjects,
instructional methods, disciplinary practices, and public ceremonies,
in the schools of Lima from independence up to the early twentieth
century.
46
Examining the development of school culture provides a
sharper view of the educational ideas, values, and priorities of local
teachers and families. Along the period of study, parents expected pri-
mary education to provide a minimum of practical skills, moral prepa-
ration, and religious indoctrination. In the first half of the nineteenth
century, educators and parents seemed to agree on expectations of
social reproduction: There was a wide variety of private schools, and
families paid fees only for those specific subjects that their children
took. The majority of schools taught classes in Latin, modern lan-
guages, and gender-specific subjects for girls such as sewing, knitting,
and embroidering. In spite of the importance that official rhetoric
granted to civics, Peruvian history, or national geography, few schools
taught these subjects. National authorities also promoted the use of
Joseph Lancasters teaching method and legally forbade harsh cor-
poral punishments. Nevertheless, traditional drilling and individual
recitation prevailed, and teachers continued using whipping as pun-
ishment. Schools also organized public examinations of their students
with political authorities in attendance; these ceremonies allowed
school officers and teachers to create or renew clientelistic relation-
ships with politicians. Students who performed well had a chance to
boast in public while their families had the opportunity to gain social
recognition and create patronage links of their own.
From the mid-nineteenth century, a new ideal of bourgeois con-
duct and official interest in promoting patriotism and law abidance
fostered changes in school culture. Schools offered a wider variety of
subjects, including Peruvian history and geography, religious courses
other than basic Catholic doctrine (such as the Life of Jesus Christ and
Sacred History), and additional gender-specific classes (for instance,
hygiene for girls). More schools taught materias de adorno or
fancy subjects which could improve chances of social mobility, such
as urbanity, Spanish pronunciation, and music. Parents complained
when public schools did not teach these subjects. Teachers contin-
ued using harsh disciplining methods that were legally forbidden, but
family complaints became more frequent. Although parents used a
liberal rhetoric to question these punishments, they also expressed
deep concerns over patriarchal authority and family honor.
In the postwar years, school culture experienced profound changes.
Official nationalism and the emergence of Indigenismo renewed sub-
jects and methods and introduced new school rituals. An official form
of nationalism, revanchist and inclusive albeit not egalitarian, infused
content and practices. More schools taught classes in Peruvian history
and geography and introduced new subjects that had a strong disci-
plinary component, such as gymnastics, sports, and hygiene for both
boys and girls. Control over student behavior focused on surveillance
and self-regulation rather than physical punishment. Political author-
ities replaced public examinations with fiestas escolares, or public
ceremonies attended by children from public and private schools on
patriotic holidays. In these massive gatherings, children paraded, sang
nationalistic songs, executed gymnastic demonstrations, and listened
to speeches by politicians and educators. Government gave prizes to
those students who showed intellectual proficiency and physical prog-
ress. Fiestas escolares were part of the official effort to further identi-
fication with a national community and allegiance to it.
The fifth chapter studies the development of public schooling in
Lima from 1905 to 1920. The re-emergent Partido Civil was the pre-
dominant political party during these years. In a context of relative
political stability and growing export economy, President Jos Pardo
centralized the administration, funding, and supervision of public
primary education in 1905. The goals were expanding the support
base of Second Civilismo, affirming the authority of the national gov-
ernment over local powers, improving and expanding public primary
education, and strengthening nationalism through schooling. The
factors that permitted this process were the widespread nationalistic
concern, the availability of fiscal resources, and the support of an
increasing number of educators. The willingness of Pardos regime
to invest more fiscal funds in primary schooling allowed national
authorities to confiscate the educational resources that belonged to
local councils.
47
The second part of this chapter examines the immediate conse-
quences of the 1905 centralizing code. Educational centralization
effectively expanded public schooling, and enhanced the professional
position of public school teachers, but also faced opposition from
local power-brokers. The number of public schools in the urban areas
grew, and consistent public primary education reached some rural
areas for the first time. Public school teachers were assimilated into
the national bureaucracy, gaining a potential degree of independence
from local communities.
48
The graduates of Escuela Normal Central
de Varones or Teachers College for Men (founded in 1905) emerged
!NTRUCT!N 19
as educational specialists with official backing. Teachers College
graduates, also known as Normalistas, led public educators to publish
a number of pedagogical journals, carry on professional conferences,
and vocally express their opinions. Normalistas undertook these ini-
tiatives to gain more social prestige and to press political authorities
into attending their demands.
The Civilista regimes that succeeded Jos Pardos first government
faced political instability, decreasing economic resources, and oppo-
sition from local powers. The new legislation formally diminished
the interference of local authorities in public schooling. However,
once the state had to decrease its investment in primary education,
local power-holders questioned centralization. Local governments
and their representatives in Congress aimed their criticism at school
inspectors who reported to national authorities. At the same time, the
state was unable to fulfill the expectations it fostered among Teachers
College graduates and other public school teachers. The salaries of
public educators were not as high as promised; conflicts between
school inspectors and local councils affected teachers too. In reaction
to these problems, public educators resorted to professional associa-
tions and pedagogical publications to press the government for solu-
tions to their problems. It was only during Augusto Leguas second
presidential term (19191930) that national authorities were able to
resume centralization in full.
Through the study of primary schooling, this book shows that
the construction of the Peruvian state was a gradual process that
involved the participation of various social actors (political and intel-
lectual elites, bureaucratic officers and educators, and urban and
rural families). It also proves that patronage was not antithetic to
the process of state-formation and that both clientelism and national-
ism were alternative hegemonic languages in Peruvian society. Finally,
it demonstrates that Liberal and democraticor republicanideals
had a limited presence in primary schooling along the period of
study. Instead, day-to-day educational content and practices tended
to reproduce authoritarianism, racial intolerance, and the use of vio-
lence. Even when public schooling fostered a relatively inclusive form
of nationalism, and granted access to education to broader sectors of
the population, it was not necessarily more egalitarian or democratic
in terms of contents.
Studying the development of the system of public primary school-
ing in Modern Peru is relevant for practical and scholarly reasons.
Although it may sound like a clich, present governments are bound
to make the same mistakes regarding education than past ones if they
are not willing to learn from previous errors. For instance, one of
the criticisms of current efforts at decentralization is that national
authorities have not carefully considered local expectations and mate-
rial and professional capacities. The history of education in Peru and
the recent experience of other Latin American countries show that if
national governments transfer the administration of public schools to
municipal authorities without providing them with adequate finan-
cial and pedagogical resources, educational availability and quality
will decrease. In addition, local governments and their communities
may be less willing to support and improve their schools.
In the current global situation, full completion of primary school-
ing by all children is not a sufficient condition for social justice and
economic progress. Yet it is certainly a necessary one. Peruvian soci-
ety needs to guarantee educational inclusion and basic work skills to
its citizens in order to become more fair and prosperous. Otherwise,
those who have limited or no access to primary schooling end up
disinvested from the national community and unable to perform
profitable and fulfilling labor. According to UNICEF, the rate of
completion of primary schooling from 2005 to 2009 was between
83 percent and 94 percent.
49
Although the percentage of the Peruvian
population that had access to primary schooling during my period of
study was a minority, it was the majority of those who received any
formal education at all. Determining the reasons why some attended
primary schools and why others did not can provide perspective and
insight into current obstacles to educational success.
Accin Popular Revolucionaria
Americana (APRA), 1
Acora, 169
Acos, 38, 40
Aim-Martin, Louis, 53
Alamos Gonzlez, Benicio, 68
Allauca, 109
Almenara, Domingo, 151
Alzamora, Isaac, 163
Amaru, Tupac, 219n. 25
Amazonas, 92, 11213
Ampuero, Valentn, 186
Ancash, 11213, 146, 173, 175
Aponte, Pedro L., 181
Apurmac, 11213, 175
Arequipa, 55, 11213, 139, 142,
148, 169, 1745, 177, 1823,
187, 245n. 91
Armaza, Emilio, 189
Arnao, Aurelio, 175
Arze y Fierro, Fernando, 49, 512,
545
Atavillos Altos, 110
Aucallama, 40
Aucampi, 108
Auco, 1089
authoritarianism, 3, 13, 19, 44,
467, 136, 160, 178, 200
Ayaviri, Puno region, 175, 191
Ayavir, Yauyos province, 109
Balta, Jos, 93, 100, 103
Bard, Harry E., 174
Barranco, 107
Barreda, Jos, 160, 178
Bastinos, Antonio, 151
Bayer de Nussard, Hortensia,
209n. 5
Belaunde, Vctor Andrs, 46
Benavides, Juan, 71
Benavides, Oscar R., 162, 1767
Billinghurst, Guillermo, 176
Binnet, Alfred, 181
blacks, 15, 26, 28, 50, 60, 1358,
175, 190, 199
Bolaos, Rosario Mara, 108
Bolvar, Simn, 52, 54, 82, 87, 89
Bolognesi, Mariano, 63, 104, 154
Bouroncle, Luis Humberto, 169
Bridges, James, 181
Bustamante, Jos Vicente, 92
Bustamante, Juan, 62, 93
Bustamante, Mara, 152
Cceres, Andrs A., 37, 70, 11112,
236n. 113, 244n. 79
Cajamarca, 11213
Calango, 37
Campos, Francisco, 187
Candamo, Manuel, 163
Caete, 4, 22, 31, 33, 357, 39, 42,
86, 89, 108, 122, 139, 170
Cangallo, 188
Canta, 4, 22, 315, 3840, 89, 110,
139, 170, 187
Capelo, Joaqun, 73, 75, 175
Caracas, 129
Carreo, Manuel Antonio, 12932
Carrillo, Enrique, 116
Cartagena, Gregorio, 1412
!xbvx
278 !NX
Cartas sobre la educacin de la
mujer, 132
Casapalca, 401
Casquero de Ferreyros, Dominga,
102, 145
Castilla, Ramn, 12, 26, 5861,
83, 934, 979, 148
Castillo, Juan, 188
Castro y Oyanguren, Enrique,
734
Catholic Church, 3, 1315, 17,
24, 29, 44, 478, 514, 567,
5961, 6671, 746, 79, 84,
92, 100, 104, 121, 124, 128,
155, 166, 199
Cerro de Pasco, 38, 40, 212n. 39
Chancay, 4, 22, 325, 3840, 84,
90, 956, 110, 139, 170
Checas, 32
Chiarolanza, Anbal, 65
Chicla, 41, 215n. 71
Chilca, 37, 39, 241n. 42
child psychology (psicologa
infantil), 1801
Chincha Baja, 122
Chincha Islands, 93, 95
Chucuito, 74
Churata, Gamaliel, 1901
Cisneros, Adolfo, 155
Cisneros, Luis Benjamn, 36, 107,
133, 148, 236n. 109
Civilista Party (Partido Civil), 5,
7, 9, 1819, 26, 34, 36, 69,
1058, 15964, 169, 173, 175,
178, 187, 1934
clientelism (clientelismo), 7, 1314,
17, 19, 801, 100, 117, 137,
170, 186
Coalaque, 94
Coayllo, 39
Colegio de Beln, 25, 59, 138
Colegio de Educandas del Espritu
Santo, 53, 209n. 5
Colegio de Noel, 124
Colegio de Nuestra Seora de
Guadalupe, 124, 209n. 5
Colegio de San Carlos, 57, 87, 148
Colegio de Santo Toribio, 144
Colegio Francs, 149
Comisiones de instruccin pblica,
979
comisiones escolares, 164
Constitutional Congress, 60, 65, 67
Constitutional Party (Partido
Constitucional), 178, 187
Cornejo, Miguel Angel, 169, 178
Coronel-Zegarra, Flix Cipriano, 67
Cotahuasi, 187
Covarrubias, Jess, 178
criollos, 3, 6, 9, 66, 1367
curricula, Lima region
explicit, 12235
hidden, 13548
overview, 11922
postwar convergences, 14855
Cuzco, 32, 57, 96, 11213, 139,
1745, 238n. 10
decency, 278, 53
decentralization
education and, 8292
financial, 10516
decorative subjects (materias de
adorno), 121, 1312
De La Salle Christian Brothers
(Hermanos Cristianos), 74,
1034
del Castillo, Jos Venancio, 110
Delgado, Abel de la E., 68
Delgado de Revel, Manuela, 138
Demcrata Party, 162
Department of Primary Instruction
(Departamento de Instruccin
Primaria), 88
Deustua, Alejandro O., 73
Dewey, John, 175, 180
Daz, Juan E., 151, 175
Dos de Mayo school, 107
!NX 279
Echenique, Jos Rufino, 601, 93,
97
educational centralization
overview, 15963
Second Civilismo and, 16273
short-term consequences of,
17392
Elspuru de Lazo, Mercedes, 68
Encinas, Jos Antonio, 149, 169,
184, 186, 18992
Espinosa, Juan, 645
Estado Docente (Teaching State), 1,
15995
Ferreyros, Jos, 145
Ferreyros, Manuel, 23, 27
Feijoo, Jos, 50, 55
Fernndez Barragn, Pedro, 155
Fernndez de Pirola y Flores,
Nicols de, 87
Fernndez, Manuel, 148
Ftzer, Emilio, 154
First Northern Regional
Pedagogical Conference, 183
First Regional Conference of
Teachers College Graduates,
182
Freyre de Jaimes, Carolina, 69
Froebel, Friedrich, 122, 154
Fuentes, Manuel Atanasio, 23, 25,
120 126, 135, 141
Galvn, Luis Enrique, 186
Glvez, Jos, 141
Glvez, Pedro, 57
Gamarra, Abelardo, 170
Gamarra, Agustn, 823, 86, 142,
147
gamonales, 111, 162
Garca, Alan, 1
Garca-Bryce, Inigo, 156
Garca Caldern, Francisco, 623
Garca, Francisco de Paula, 115
Garca Jordn, Pilar, 56
Garca y Garca, Elvira, 154
Garrido, Cecilio A., 187
General Bureau of Classrooms and
Schools (Direccin General de
Aulas y Escuelas), 88
General Direction of Education
(Direccin General de Estudios),
87, 97
General Office of Public
Instruction (Direccin General
de Instruccin Pblica), 165
Giesecke, Alberto, 174
Gonzlez, Antonio, 52, 54
Gonzlez de Fanning, Teresa, 29,
6870
Gonzlez de la Rosa, Toribio, 63,
115, 131
Gonzlez, Fray Bernardino
Gonzlez Prada, Manuel, 29, 70,
745
Gonzlez Vigil, Francisco de Paula,
645, 678
Goyeneche y Gamio, Jos Manuel
de, 634
Gramsci, Antonio, 4, 8
Granda, Jos, 222n. 70
Grau, Rafael, 187
Guerrero, Toms, 74
head taxes
Indian head tax (contribucin
indgena), 26, 32, 60, 93, 111,
114
school head tax (contribucin de
escuelas), 16, 367, 82, 1068
Hermoza, Nicols, 1545
Herrera, Bartolom, 47, 579
Hippeau, Clestin, 71
Historia Patria, 59
Howell, David, 1424
Huacho, 40, 92, 96, 160
Huancan, 62, 93, 133
Huancavelica, 42, 11213
Huancayo, 40, 42
280 !NX
Hunuco, 11213, 139, 141, 179
Huaral, 40
Huaraz, 131
Huarochir, 4, 22, 33, 35, 37, 40,
110, 170, 189
Huaros, 215n. 71
Huascoy, 32
Huaura, 40
Humala, Ollanta, 1
Hurtado, Casimiro, 115
Hurtado, Florin, 186
Iberico, Jos Francisco, 175
Ica, 42, 89, 92, 11213, 139, 178
Iglesias, Miguel, 111
Iguan, Jos Flix, 94
Indians or indios, 46, 13, 1516,
26, 32, 3940, 478, 501, 57,
607, 71, 747, 83, 90, 923,
111, 114, 134, 1368, 156,
1902 194
Indigenismo, 4, 1516, 18, 48, 62
Infante, Luis C., 182, 184
Iraola, Camilo, 1023
James, William, 174, 180
Jauja, 40
Junn, 38, 402, 11213, 186
juntas de instruccin, 97
La Educacin Nacional, 1837
La Lama, Miguel Antonio de, 72,
154
La Libertad, 92, 11213, 173
La Mar, Jos de, 87
Lancaster, Joseph, 17, 85, 8791,
121, 135, 1389, 141, 1534
La Oroya, 401
Laraos, 36, 107, 188
Larrabure, Eugenio, 39
Laso, Francisco, 136
Laurntit, Eusebio, 109
Lavalle, Juan de, 171
Law, 164, 12, 166
Legua, Augusto B., 19, 162, 167,
1736, 178, 182, 184, 192, 194
Lockey, Joseph B., 160, 171,
1745, 190
Lpez de Romaa, Eduardo, 112,
114, 1635
Lorente, Sebastin, 58, 602, 667,
1345, 1425, 151
Loreto, 11113, 236n. 114
Lunahuan, 31, 39, 42
Luna, Humberto, 185
Luna Pizarro, Francisco Javier de, 59
Lurn, 41, 229n. 24
Macedo, Pascual Segundo, 175
MacKnight, Joseph, 1745
Mala, 37, 39
Mlaga, Modesto, 75
Mallon, Florencia, 9
Marco, 186
Maritegui, Jos Carlos, 48, 45,
174
Matucana, 41
Maurtua, Vctor M., 178
Mayur, Vicente, 104
McEvoy, Carmen, 9, 207n. 38
Merino, Amador, 184
mestizos, 3, 16, 50, 57, 62, 1367,
146, 1901
Miraflores, 98, 244n. 79
Molina, Facundo, 74
Montalvn, Jos Manuel, 92
Moquegua, 94, 11213
Mora, Jos Joaqun, 53
Morales Bermdez, Remigio, 111
Morales, Jos, 90, 92
Morales, Raymundo, 132
Morococha, 40
Njera, Jos Miguel, 65
Nasca, 86
National Association of Teachers
College Graduates (Asociacin
Nacional de Normalistas), 1823
nationalism, 4, 9, 1213, 15, 1819,
478, 60, 66, 6975, 121,
14952, 1567, 159, 160, 172,
181, 189, 1945, 198, 200
!NX 281
Navarrete, Jos Francisco, 58,
8691, 123
Noel, Clemente, 58
Obrajillo, 38, 110, 236n. 109
official eductional ideas and goals
ambivalent republicanism, 4859
official nationalism, 6975
overview, 458
popular instruction, 5969
Ondina, Slfide, 170
Onofre, Antonio and Jacinto, 186
Orbegoso, Luis Jos de, 83, 86, 91
Orengo, Antonio, 58
Or y Luque, Csar, 185
Ortiz de la Puente, S., 74
Osma, Manuel, 154
Oviedo, Juan, 99
Pacarn, 34, 39, 110
Pacaraos (district), 39, 110
Pachacamac, 41
Palacios Ros, Julin, 192
Pampas, 36, 107
Pardo, Jos, 12, 1819, 2930,
160, 1637, 169, 1723, 175,
1779, 186, 1889, 1934
Pardo, Manuel, 9, 16, 26, 36, 69,
82, 103, 105, 1089
Pardo y Aliaga, Felipe, 59
Pasac, 110
Pasapera, Manuel Santos, 154
Pativilca, 32
Patrimonialism, 13, 80, 207n. 38
Patriotism, 9, 15, 17, 47, 545,
646, 712, 756, 126, 133,
1501, 156
patronage, 13, 17, 19, 21, 43, 76,
7981, 83, 88, 90, 92, 94,
1001, 1056, 108, 114, 117,
1212, 136, 138, 148, 156,
161, 179, 182, 1857, 194,
197, 2001
Pazos, Juan Francisco, 71
Paz-Soldn, Carlos, 1545
Paz Soldn, Mariano Felipe, 150, 152
Pedagogical Conferences (Asamblea
Pedaggicas), 161, 179, 183, 94
pedology (paidologa), 181
Peru-Bolivia Confederation, 83,
86, 91
Pestalozzi, Johann, 122, 1534
Pezet, Juan Antonio, 93, 100
Pirola, Nicols de, 87, 1089, 111,
114, 162
Pipirillago, Zulema, 170
Piscobamba, 238n. 3
Poiry, Isidoro, 168
Polar, Jorge, 165
Popular Instruction (Instruccin
Popular), 15, 47, 5969, 767,
121, 126
Portal, Ismael, 172
Positivism, 45, 15, 48, 70, 73, 76,
159, 160
Prado, Mariano Ignacio, 34, 67, 93,
100, 1089, 131
Pragmatism, 180
Prial, Angel Alfredo, 185
Primary Instruction Teachers
Association (Asociacin de
Institutores), 104
provincial treasurers (apoderados
fiscales), 37
Puquina, 94
Quechua, 42, 63, 188
regional subventions (subvenciones
departamentales), 31, 334,
367, 42, 197
Religious of the Sacred Hearts, 59,
220n. 44
Renan, Ernest, 73
Repblica Aristocrtica or
Aristocratic Republic
Republicanism, 910, 13, 15,
4860, 65, 68, 75, 120, 135,
156, 200
Revisionism, 4, 79
Revolucin Libertadora or
Liberating Revolution
282 !NX
Riva-Agero, Jos de la, 45, 149,
173
Rivero y Ustriz, Mariano de, 87
Rodrguez, Bernardo, 49
Rodrguez, Enrique, 1456
Rodrguez, Pedro Manuel, 115
Rosas, Jos Domingo, 92
Rosa Toro, Agustn de la, 65,
1335, 151
Rossel, Ricardo, 72
Saanppeere, Toms, 63
Salazar, Gustavo Manrique, 177
Salazar, Manuel Marcos, 151
Saldas, Eulogio, 72
San Buenaventura, 110
San Jos boarding elementary
school, 49
San Jos de Surco, 114
San Juan, 32
San Marcos, 50, 55, 87, 147, 175
San Martn, Jos de, 501, 545,
82, 84, 89, 140, 151
San Mateo, 41
San Miguel, Agripina, 71
San Miguel de Vichaicocha, 110
San Romn, Miguel de, 93
Santa Cruz, Andrs de, 83, 86, 91
Santa Cruz, Domingo, 109
Santa Eulalia, 41
Santa Luca de Pacaraos, 34, 39
Sayn, 95, 178
Sayn Palacios, Samuel, 178
schooling patterns
in city of Lima, 2230
overview, 212
number of primary schools in
Lima, 23
number of primary schools in
Limas provinces, 33
primary-school enrollment in city
of Lima, 27, 30
primary-school enrollment in
Limas provinces, 35
in provinces of Lima region,
3042
school inspectors, 19, 29, 367, 40,
63, 712, 1067, 10911, 115,
1313, 143, 146, 150, 152,
154, 1645, 1701, 1738,
1856, 18990, 1924, 200
Second Civilismo (Segundo
Civilismo), 12, 18, 160, 16273,
194
Seoane, Guillermo, 154, 163
Sevilla, Jos, 107
Simon, Theodore, 181
Society of Primary Teachers
(Sociedad de Preceptores),
11516, 118, 161, 179
Society of Public Assistance of
Lima (Sociedad de Beneficencia
Pblica de Lima), 23, 25
Sors, Sebastin Ramn de, 512,
556
Soto, Augusto, 72
subsidies and supervision, 92105
Tacna, 51, 556, 94, 112, 149,
172
Tarapac, 94, 149
Tarma, 40
Teachers College for Men (Escuela
Normal Central de Varones de
Lima), 18, 878, 161
Teachers Training School (Escuela
Central Lancasteriana de
Lima), 54, 8792, 132, 139,
153
Thompson, James, 87, 89
Torres, Jos Luis, 72
Tovar, Manuel, 39
Treaty of Ancn, 111
Trujillo, 174, 177, 183
Ugarte, Jos B., 96
University of San Marcos
(Universidad de San Marcos),
87, 147, 1745
urbanidad (good manners), 121,
12830, 1323
Urcullu, Jos de, 556
!NX 283
Valderrama, Jacinto, 65
Valenzuela, Manuel, 845
Valera, Wenceslao, 187
Vsquez, Mximo M., 151
Vera, Jos, 110
Vera Perea, Ciriaco, 169, 1712,
178, 1912
Verneuil, Adriana de
Villanueva, Joaqun Lorenzo
Villarn, Manuel Vicente, 56, 58,
74, 174
visitadores, 1067, 111, 164
Volpone, Elena, 154
voluntaristic paternalism, 107
Von Tschudi, Johann Jakob, 71
War of the Pacific (18791883),
1212, 1489, 152, 156, 193
Weber, Max, 13, 80, 200, 207n. 38
whipping, 17, 120, 126, 1406, 199
whites, 3, 16, 50, 1357, 145, 1901
Wiesse, Carlos, 190
Wimpffen, Emmanuel Flix de, 71
Yauli, 40, 85
Yauyos, 4, 22, 31, 347, 42, 89,
107, 109, 139, 188
Yerkes, Robert, 181
Zapata, Manuel, 125
Zubiate, Mara, 147

ANTONIO ESPINOZA-Education and The State Inmodern Peru (1821-1921) PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

ANTONIO ESPINOZA-Education and The State Inmodern Peru (1821-1921) PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Copyrighted material 9781137338402

You might also like