Professional Documents
Culture Documents
00
MTO
THE DEVELOPMENT
OF THE
*
BY
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
PREFACE
The object and scope of the present study I have indicated in I wish only to state here the methods the introductory chapter.
of
treatment employed in this essay and its departure from traditional scholarship in China.
main points
of
Since the present essay is intended to be an historical study, the first problem it has had to face is the choice of source-material.
It is
burden
which
writing this
work.
accept a book, nor to quote a passage from an accepted work, Five Classics" of without sufficient ground. Of the so-called
I have accepted only the Book of Poetry in its and have deliberately refrained from quoting anything entirety, from the Book of History and from the Li Ki excepting its second book which I regard as genuine. I have rejected the Kwan Tze -?), the An Tze Chun Chiu (% J- & ffc), and many other works In the case of works which of similar doubtful authenticity.
Confucianism,
(<g
in
I have, for example, made use of only a selecting quotations. few chapters each in the Chuang Tze and the Hsun Tze.
Another problem of great importance is that of textual In this regard, I have freely availed criticism and interpretation. myself of the fruits of textual criticism and philological research which our scholars have accumulated during the last two hundred
years.
profound indebtedness. For it is through philological studies that we can free ourselves from the subjective biases of traditional commentators and arrive at a real understanding: of what the ancients actually meant.
those scholars
I
To
acknowledge
my
In determining the authenticity of our source-material, we have already had to resort to what has been called Higher Criticism." Another phase of higher criticism is the determina tion of dates. Chinese historians have been very careless in
"
have accepted ouly one date without question, that of Confucius. In all other cases, I have repudiated all uncritical assignments
and have determined tfre dates only on grounds of internal evidence and contemporary testimony. The most important and at the same time most difficult task in a work of this kind is, of course, the interpretation and construc
tion
or
re-construction
I
of
the
philosophical systems.
In
this
aspect, however,
am more
and
critics in that I
from
my study of the history of European philosophy. Only those who have had similar experiences in comparative studies, for ex
ample, in comparative philology,
of occidental
in aiding
As
to the points of
my
a
In the
believe
my
work
new
seems
to
solve
more
difficulties
in
that
Secondly,
the
chapters which deal with books 32-37 of the Moh Tze will probably be found helpful to future students in this field of
research.
June, 19171 on board S. S. Empress oj Japan*
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction
Part
I
:
...
The
:
Historical
Background
...
...
Part II
Biographical Note
Chapter
of
Confucius
...
Chapter II
The Book
:
of
Change
The Hsiang or ideas" ... Chapter IV The Tsi or Judgment and Judgment Chapter V The Rectification of Names Part III: The Logic of Moh Tih and His School
Chapter III
: :
Book Book
Introductory
:
The Logic of Moh Tih ... Chapter I The Pragmatic Method... Chapter II The Three Laws of Reasoning
II
:
63
Book
...
...
Chapter II
Knowledge
:
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Cause,
...
Induction
Chapter
109
...
Chapter VI
Part
H8
IV
Chapter
Chapter
II
Chapter III
The Logic of Chuang Tze ... Hsun Tze i. Nature and Progress
:
...
...
140 149
Chapter IV
Chapter
Epilogue
Hsun Tze
The Logic
ii.
His Logic
...
...
of
Law
A NOTE
This work on the development of logical method in ancient China was written during my residence in New York City from September, 1915, to April, 1917. It was accepted by the Faculty of Philosophy of Columbia University as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Since my return to China in July, 1917, I have continued my research work
in the history of ancient
the results of
my
researches in the
volume
of
my
History
of
Chinese Philosophy which has gone through seven editions and had a circulation of 16,000 copies in the course of two That years.
volume, covering the same period as this dissertation, has made use of practically all the material contained in this earlier work in
English.
to
Continued research and maturer judgment as well as and expert consultation have enabled me incorporate in my Chinese work many new materials which were
inaccessible to
me when
During the
last
four years
make
me from
My
who have read this volume in the manuscript form, have repeatedly persuaded me to publish it as it was written four I have now decided to do so with much years ago. reluctance, but
not without the consolation that the main position taken in this dissertation and the critical methods in the treatment of its sourcematerials have received the warm approval of Chinese scholars as
is
shown
my
first
volume
of
History of Chinese Philosophy which is essentially a Chinese version and expansion of this earlier work on what I consider to be the
ment
the develop
INTRODUCTION
Logic and Philosophy
method, and that the development of philosophy is dependent upon the development of the logical method, are facts which find abundant illustrations in
That philosophy
is
conditioned by
its
the history
philosophy both of the West and of the East. Modern philosophy in Continental Europe and in England began
of
Novum Organum.
China furnishes a
But the
still
modern philosophy
illustration.
in
more
instructive
When
the
and dynasty (960-1277 A.D.), especially Cheng Hao (1032-1085) the Confucian to revive his brother Cheng Yi (1033-1108), sought philosophy, they discovered a little book entitled Ta Hsuoh ("The Great Learning") which had for over a thousand years remained
one of the forty odd books in the collection known as the Li Ki. This little book of about 1750 words otf unknown authorship, was
then singled out from the Li Ki and later exalted to the enviable The of Confucianism. position of one of the "Four Books
"
reason for this interesting incident lies in the fact that these found philosophers were looking for a Discourse on Method, and
in this little
of the
furnished
The main
passage
:
the following
"When
will be
extended to the utmost. When knowledge is extended When our ideas to the utmost, our ideas will be made true. When our minds are made true, our minds will be rectified.
are
rectified,
When
state
be well ordered.
will
When
be well governed.
When
the
states
are
well
peace."
part of this statement consists of the three opening sentences. The school of Sung, represented chiefly by the Cheng brothers and Chu Hsi (1129-1200), maintained that
everything has a reason (m) and that investigate into things" means to find out the reason in the particular things. "The saying (in the 7# Hsu oh) that the extension of knowledge
"to
depends on the investigation of things, means that in order to extend our knowledge we must study everything and find out For in every human soul there is exhaustively its reason.
knowledge, and in every thing there is a reason. It is only because we have not sufficiently investigated into the reason of
things that our knowledge
is
so incomplete.
Therefore, in the
The Great Learning (which was taken by the Sung philosophers to mean learning for adults ) the student is asked
of
first
scheme
to
study
all
known
when
(reason) and seeking to reach the utmost. After sufficient labor has been devoted to it, the day will come
principles
all
When
that time has arrived, then we shall have penetrated into the interior and the exterior, the apparent and the hidden, principles of all things, and understood the whole nature and function of
our
minds."
Ming dynasty (1368-1644) when Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529) revolted against it. Said Wang Yang-ming: "in former I said to
years,
method of beginning with accumulative learning and leading to the final stage of sudden enlightenment, continued to be the logical method of Neo-Confucianism until the
This
my
friend Chien:
if to
be a sage or a virtuous
investi
how can
front of the pavilion, I asked him to investigate them. Day and night, Chien entered into an investigation of the reasons in the
bamboo.
sick
at the
Having exhausted his mind and thought on it, he fell end of three days. At that time I thought it was
Chu Hsi
s
commentary on the
fifth section of
the
Ta Hsuoh.
Cf
Chi Fung
edition.
Sun
because his energy and strength were not equal to the task. So I myself undertook to carry on the investigation. Day and night I failed to understand the reason in the bamboo. I was so tired
seven days. In consequence we both confessed with a sigh that, without the great power and ability required to carry on the investigation of things, we were disquali
that
I
fell
sick
after
fied to
men."
Accordingly,
Wang Yang-ming
new
rejected the
method
of the
Sung
Ta Hsuoh. The new school holds that under heaven need not be investigated and the task "the objects can only be carried out in and with of investigating things reference to the individual s character and mind. Apart from
the original text of the
"
is
"The
ruler of the
That which proceeds from the mind is the idea. body The nature (^ ft) of the idea is knowledge. That on which the idea rests is the thing. For instance, when the idea rests on serving one s parents, then serving one s parents is the thing.
the mind.
"
Therefore,
Wang Yang-ming
(f&) in
the
phrase kueh wuh (jfr 4&) does not mean investigate into" as the Sung philosophers had maintained. It means rectify" as in Mencius saying, "The great man rectifies ($&) the mind of his The doctrine of kueh wuh, therefore, does not mean prince."
"to "to
investigate into
is
is,
things,"
but
"to
its
original nature of
"
Tightness."
It
intuitive knowledge"
the mind.
naturally
knowing. Conquer the selfish passions and reinstate reason, and the intuitive knowledge of the mind will be freed from its impediments and will function to its full capacity.
.
capable of
1 Wang Yang-ming, Records of Discourses, translated by F. G. Henke in The Philosophy of Wang Yang-ming, pp. 177-8, which is a translation of the first volume of his selected works, first published by Sze Pong-yao in 1636 and republished by Fang Hsuoh-fu in 1906. I have here and in the following
quotations revised
"Lcc.
Henke
translations.
p. 178.
p. 9.
cit.
translated
Henke,
In
Henke,
p. 59.
*Loc.
That
is
what
is
the meant by the extension of knowledge to ideas the knowledge is extended to the utmost,
of modern Chinese philosophy up, the whole history has centered on the from the eleventh century to the present day unknown author of words of 1750 interpretation of a little book the Sung school and between Indeed the whole controversy ship. to be a con said be may the Ming school of Neo-Confucianism wuh should kueh words two the whether troversy over the question as or rectify the into things" to investigate be interpreted as
"to
intuitive knowledge."
of history of Chinese philosophy the by impressed the last 900 years, I cannot but feel profoundly method on the development conditioning influence of the logical fact in this long period of
of philosophy.
a method that the philosophers in their search for or a of method, outline an have found a little treatise which gives of its statement concrete a without what appears to be a method, This enables the philosophers to read into it detailed operations. It is clear that able to conceive of.
controversy
is
and Chu Hsi gave to the interpretation which the Cheng brothers inductive method the to near comes very the phrase kueh wuh aims at the final and in reason things the It begins with seeking But it is an inductive method enlightenment through synthesis. The story told above without the requisite details of procedure. to investigate the principles of the
:
s attempt instance of the barrenness of an inductive excellent an bamboo, This barren method without the necessary inductive procedure.
of
Wang Yang-ming
is
Wang Yang-ming
to resort to the
mind as co which exalts theory of intuitive knowledge efforts to futile the extensive with cosmic reason, thus avoiding seek the reason in all things under heaven. on one But both the Sung and the Ming philosophers agreed that the word agreed and Hsi Yang-ming Wang Chu Both
the
point.
"
wuh
(things)
meant
"affairs
(*)
2
.
1 2
Recorded Instructions jor Practice, p. 9. In Henke, p. 59. Chu Hsi, in his commentary on the opening chapter of the Ta Hsuoh,
"
said
Things
is
equivalent to
"Inquiry
affairs.
"
Wang Yang-ming
said
"Things
are
affairs."
(See his
Learning,"
p. 46, trans
tion of one
of
human
"affairs"
and relations.
Wang
maintained
be carried out in and the "investigation of things" can only and mind. Even the Sung reference to the individual s character reason in everything, did so school which sought to know the tends to "make our ideas true only in so far as such investigation to "rectify our minds." (sincere) and firm" and thereby method for the investigation of natural
equipped with a
scientific
and
has made any the two great epochs of modern Chinese philosophy the sciences. There may have contribution to the development of for the absence of scientifi been many other causes which account no exaggeration to say that tin learning in China, but it is surely has been one of the most nature of the method of philosophy
political philosophy.
Thus
important causes.
account of the develop This seemingly unnecessarily lengthy is intended to ment of methodology in modern Chinese philosophy the present essay on the be my excuse for undertaking to write For in Ancient China. development of the logical method that the great revival believe that it was most unfortunate in the eleventh, twelfth, and sixteenth
philosophical speculation
centuries was greatly
hampered by the
Novum Organum
chiefly consisted of a
unknown
some Confucian of the authorship, probably written by which in setting forth the fourth or third century B. C., and to the utmost through the doctrine of extending one s knowledge unconsciously influenced by investigation of things, was probably
Schools of the Sung iSee Huang Chung-hsi, History of the Philosophical revised by Chuan seventeenth the century, in and Yuen Dynasties (written in 1879), vol. first published in 1838, and republished
Chu Wang
10, pp. 18
(1704-1755),
46.
and
the scientific tendencies of that age. 1 But because the scientific influence was at most only unconscious!} felt, because the scientific
methods for the investigation of things which were developed by the non-Confucian schools of the era were never explicitly stated, and because the whole spirit of the Ta Hsuoh, as well as of the other standard Confucian works, was purely rationalistic and
the development of philosophy and science in modern 2 China has greatly suffered for lack of an adequate logical method. Now that China has come into contact with the other thoughtmoralistic,
it has seemed to some that the lack of modern Chinese philosophy can now be supplied methodology by introducing into China the philosophical and scientific methods which have developed in the Western world from the time of
Aristotle to this day. This would be sufficient if China were contented to regard the problem of methodology merely as a mental discipline" in the schools or even as one of problem of
"
acquiring a working method for the laboratories. But as I look the problem is not really so it, The simple. problem as I conceive it is only one phase of a still larger and more fundamental
at
problem which
New
China must
:
face.
How
can we Chinese
as our
feel at ease in
first
sight appears to be so
much
at
own
civilization?
any proof, note the unconscious influence of a age on such Confucians as Mencius, as is seen, for example in the following quotations: "Having thoroughly employed the powers of their eyes, the sages have left behind them the try-square, the compasses, the level and the tape-measure, which may be infinitely used for making squares and
scientific
circles
and
for leveling
and straightening.
of their ears, they have left behind them the six tonal regulators for the infinite use in standardizing the five notes.
powers
their mental powers, they have left behind government in order that benevolence
them
(Mencius, IV, Pt. I, 1). High as the heavens are, distant as the stars seem f we only seek their cause (ft), the equinoxes of a thousand years can be calculated while sitting" (Bk. IV, P t n, 2 6; the equinoxes, of course, are those in a lunar calendar and fall on different dates in
.
may extend
different years).
Many
Tang dynasty
For
it
is
should never
civilization
is
feel quite at
home
in a
lands and
existence.
forced
And
large
if
new
civilization
form of abrupt displacement instead of organic assimilation, there by causing the disappearance of the old civilization. The real
problem,
assimilate
therefore,
may
be restated thus
How
can
to
modern
civilization in
such a manner as
we best make it
conflict
and in social life in general, the underlying fundamentally the same. The solution of this great problem, as far as I can see, will depend solely on the foresight and the sense of historical continuity of the intellectual leaders of
literature, in politics,
problem
New
own
skill
modern
For our present purpose the more specific problem is Where can we find a congenial stock with which we may organically link
:
the thought-systems of
so that
we
up our own science and philosophy on the new foundation of an internal assimilation of the old and the new? It is, therefore, no mere task of introducing a few school textbooks
may
further build
logic. My own surmise of the problem is somewhat like this. Confucianism has long outlived its vitality. The new schools of Sung and Ming rejuvenated the long-dead Confucianism by read ing into it two logical methods which never belonged to it. These two methods are: the theory of investigating into the reason in
on
s knowledge to the method of the Sung school and the theory of intuitive knowledge, which is the method of the school of Wang Yang-ming. While fully recognizing the merits of the philosophy
the
of
Wang Yang-ming,
is
of science. wholly incompatible with the spirit and procedure The Sung philosophers were right in their interpretation of the But their logical method doctrine of investigating into things."
"
was rendered
role
(3)
fruitless
its
(l)
by
the
lack
ol
an experimental
of
of
procedure, (2) by
played by the mind in the investigating most unfortunate of all, by its construction
"affairs."
thing?,
and
to
"things"
mean
am
Aside from these two schools, Confucianism is long dead. I firmly of the opinion that the future of Chinese philosophy
depends upon its emancipation from the moralistic and rationalistic This emancipation cannot be accom fetters of Confucianism.
plished by any wholesale importation of occidental philosophies It can be achieved only by putting Confucianism back to alone.
that is, by restoring it to its historical back was once only one of the many rival Confucianism ground. The dethronement of Ancient in China. systems flourishing Confucianism, therefore, will be assured when it is regarded not as the solitary source of spiritual, moral, and philosophical
its
proper place
In other words, the future of Chinese philosophy would seem depend much on the revival of those great philosophical schools which once flourished side by side with the school of Confucius in
to
is
may
while the reactionary movement to constitutionally establish Con fucianism either as the national religion or as the national system
moral education, is vigorously opposed by all the more thought ful leaders both in and out of parliament, there is hardly a single periodical of any intellectual influence which has not printed in
of
non-Confucian schools.
For
my own
part,
is
of
it
the nonis
Confucian schools
schools that
in these
which to transplant the best products of occidental philosophy and science. This is especially true with regard to the problem of methodology.
we may hope
as against
method
historical or evolutionary
which I consider as the most important contributions of modern philosophy in the Western world, can all find their remote
these
but highly developed precursors in those great non-Confucian schools of the fifth, fourth, and third centuries B. c. It would there
fore
seem
to be the
duty of
the
philosophy.
interpreted in
philosophy
is
re philosophies terms of modern philosophy, and when modern interpreted in terms of the native systems of China,
When
then, and not until then, can Chinese philosophers and students of philosophy truly feel at ease with the new methods and instru
mentalities of speculation and research.
I
do not wish
to
be understood that
my
revival of the philosophical schools of Ancient China is prompted by a desire to claim for China the honor of priority in the
regarded as exclusively occidental in origin. I am the last man to take pride in priority as such. Mere priority in invention or
discovery without subsequent efforts to improve and perfect the original crudities can only be a matter for regret,- certainly not for
When I look at a mariner s compass and think of the vainglory. marvelous discoveries which the Europeans have made therewith, I cannot but feel a sense of shame to recall the superstitious uses
which I myself have seen made of this great invention of ancient Chinese genius.
My
methods
interest in
of
Ancient China, as
I
my own
alien to the
people see that these methods of the West are not totally Chinese mind, and that on the contrary, they are the
instruments by means of which and in the light of which much of the lost treasures of Chinese philosophy can be recovered. More important still, I hope that by this comparative study the Chinese
student of philosophy
theories and
may
methods
10
the ancient complete developments, and to understand wherefore which results the achieve to failed great have Chinese antecedents for to instance, achieved see, have their modern counterparts wherefore the theories of natural and social evolution in Ancient
;
China have
accomplish the revolutionary effect which the Darwinian theory has produced on modern thought. Furthermore, that such a comparative study may save China from many I
failed to
hope
of
upon an
uncritical
importation
of
European philosophy,
or the old-fashioned textbooks of formal logic in Chinese schools, the acceptance of Herbert Spencer s political philosophy together
with the Darwinian theory of evolution. of the Such, then, is my excuse in making the present study this study, development of logical method in Ancient China. May
which
is
the
first
of its
kind in any language not excepting the Western world the great schools
1
China
PART
The
Historical
Background
The present essay is an attempt to study the first period of Chinese philosophy with special reference to the development of the method of philosophy. The main thesis of this study consists,
therefore, of a history of the rise
and growth
of logic in
Ancient
China, while the other phases of philosophy such as the theory of morals, politics, and education, are discussed only insofar as they
serve to
illustrate
The first period of Chinese philosophy (B. C. 600 to 210) which forms the subject of our study, is one of the most important and most glorious epochs in the history of human thought. It was the
age of Lao Tze, Confucius,
Moh
Rungits
originality,
it
to a place in
the history of philosophy comparable only with the place occupied by Greek philosophy from the Sophists to the Stoics. As the
main body
who
seems
a description
of the political,
social,
and
remarkable period of philosophical productivity, and which, in my judgment, were to no small extent responsible for the rise of logic in Ancient China.
The great Chow Empire, founded in 1122 B.C., fell in 771 C., when the imperial domains were invaded by the Dog Barbarians, and the Emperor, Yu-Wang, was slain by the invaders. The nexl Emperor, Ping-Wang, fled to the Eastern capital in 770,
B.
thus beginning the Eastern Chow dynasty which lasted until 256 In the glorious days of the Chow Empire, the Emperor B. C. or prin reigned supreme over the several hundred vassal states
cipalities into
which China was then divided. The Emperor, or but also the spiritual "Son of Heaven," was not only the temporal to which he Heaven of name the in head of the empire, ruling their sub and lords alone was privileged to sacrifice, the vassal
ordinates sacrificing
only
to
the
lesser
deities.
The
feudal
Emperor
ranks of vassal lords, the Grand Officers, the knights (sze), and the common people, was governed by rules prescribing inter-class and This intra-class relations and duties with the minutest detail.
several centuries. system seems to have worked remarkably well for The Imperial government, under weak Then it began to decay. and wicked emperors, gradually declined in prestige and power
succumbed to the barbarian invasion in 771. In the both meantime, some of the vassal states had gradually increased and states surrounding in in territory and prestige by conquering The numerous. then Imperial barbarian tribes which were quite In government never recovered the lost authority and potency.
until
it
finally
the early years of the Eastern dynasty, as, for instance, in 707, the Emperor was still able to send a punitive expedition against a
of the Several powerful states One of them, the State of Chu, had, in 704, proclaimed states.
"
futile.
itself
kingdom."
There were alliances of states formed for defensive and aggres Most of the important wars of the sixth and fifth sive purposes. centuries were fought between groups or alliances, each under the Such wars occurred very of one leading power. "presidency" and disarma conciliation Attempts at international frequently.
e.
g., in B. C. 546,
It
that at the
beginning
eight
hundred vassal states. and their territory annexed by the few great powers. About the end of the fifth century B. C. the numerous states had been
,
Chow Empire, there were at least Many of these states were conquered
reduced
to seven
them.
Six of these seven were finally conquered by the State of last quarter of the third century B. C., the of "contending states" thus passing into the Empire of period
allegiance
tremendous
effects
They had brought about a gradual breakdown The lords of the vanquished states were
the wars, the
demand
ship
domestic statesman
elevated
many
and obscurity.
Peasants sons, and even slaves not infrequently rose to Ministership of State, and a few ministers became so powerful as to overshadow
their princes
Merchants
a class
and afterwards actually to replace the ruling houses. which had long been considered the lowest
too began to play an important role In short, the rigid class demarcations
and
Nowhere can we find more vivid descriptions of the social conditions of the age than in the popular songs and poems that have been edited and preserved to us by Confucius in the Book of
Poetry.
I shall
now
1
the time.
of many a ruling house to conditions of and dependence misery is seen in the following utterances of an officer who had followed his prince into exile after the downfall of
The reduction
his principality
"
Reduced!
Reduced!
?
Why
not return
1 The authenticity of this collection of poetry as contemporary testimony of the age is beyond any doubt. One of the strongest proofs often used is the fact that an eclipse of the sun mentioned in one of the poems (Ft. II, Ek. IV,
IX), with the specific date and month, has been verified by astronomers as the very date and month assigned having occurred on August 29, B. C.
77t>,
to
it
in the text.
If
it
were not
How
*
for your person, O Prince, should we be here in the mire?* (Pt. I, Bk. Ill, XL)
Fragments and
a remnant,
we!"
(XII)
The
*
rise of the
positions of
power
is
lowly and unprivileged class to wealth and seen in the following complaint:
The sons
of
boatmen
in furs of the bear
Are wrapped
of servitude
officers in public employment!"
(Pt.-II, Bk.
V, IX.)
Of the misery and suffering attendant upon the frequent warsand expeditions and devastations, the Book of Poetry furnishes a wealth of vivid pictures. Here is a song of a soldier:
"
How
And
the rest they find on the bushy But we, ceaseless toilers in the king
yu
trees!
s service,
Cannot even plant our millet and rice. What will our parents have to rely on ? O thou distant and azure Heaven!
When
end?"
I,
Bk. X, VIII.)
Here
"
is
another:
What leaves are not yellow! What day do we not march! What man is not wandering,
Serving in some corner of the kingdom!
"
What leaves have not turned purple! What man is not torn from his wife
1
(Pt. II,
And
"
it
all!
in
power
if I
as
. I
and
rest,
!
And some
Some
lie
are
worn out
and loll upon their couches, And some never cease marching about!"
(Pt. II,
Bk. VI,
life of
I.)
the time
may
be gathered
Shoes thinly woven of the dolichos fibre May be used to walk on the hoarfrost
!
And May
Sew
women
!
be used to
make
clothes
And
"
This song
Shirt."
is
condensed form
Thomas Hood
s "Song
of the
Women
were exploited
"good man,"
which were
fit
only for summer wear were used by the poor in frosty winter. Similar conditions prevailed in other parts of the empire: 14 In the Kastern States, large or small,
The looms
are
empty
And
Are worn
wintry
(Pt.
days."
II,
;
Bk. V, IX.)
Here
"
is
another picture
the side of the
is
By
Ke
There
My
heart
sad
clothes."
(Pt.
I,
Bk. V, IX.)
And
44
another
The mother-wort
Is
of the valley
scorched everywhere.
is
There
woman
left
!
homeless,
Ever flow her tears Ever flow her tears But of what avail is her lament?
!
(Pt
I,
And
*
The
Are But
my
heart
is
sad
I feel its
1
wound.
The
!
flowers are
now gone
There are only the leaves full green. Had I known it would be thus with me, Ah I had. better not have been born.
Nothing but the reflected stars in the If some men have aught to eat,
fish-trap.
Few
"
fill.
(Pt. II,
produce
a
is
of intellectual unrest.
and even
of
despair.
song
of the
wood-cutter
Kan
Kan
So sings
my
trees.
Here on the
river s bank, I
lay
what
hew.
ICf. the following: In the South is the Sieve, But it is of no use to sift.
"
In the North
is
the Ladle,
But
it
ladles out
no
liquor."
(Pt. II,
Bk. V, IX.)
Ah. how clear the waters flow, and rippling You sow not nor reap
:
Where do you
farms?
You do
How
do we
hanging up
idleness
in
your hall
!"
less sarcastic.
This, for
example
"
Lofty
is
With
its
masses of rocks
grand Ministers
!
of State
look at you And the people A fire burns in our grieving hearts
And
The kingdom
verging to extinction
Why
"
are
you
still
You
Why
you so unjust?
;
Heaven multiplying its afflictions The people are grumbling, And yet you do not correct nor bemoan yourselves
is
(Pt.
II,
The
44
following indictment
I
more outspoken
But
It
And now
There
is
And
41
Men had
their land
and farms,
Men had their people and retainers, But these you have taken from them, Here is an innocent man, But you have imprisoned him. There is a guilty man, But you have let him go free.
*
When
The
Here
well
X.)
is
a bard
Large
rats
I/arge rats
Do
Three years we have tolerated you, But you have shown no regard for us.
We
And go
happy land
!
forted themselves
Others there were, who, in bitter distress and despair, comby attributing their fate to the decree of Providence. This, for example
:
"
go out
at the
North
I
gate,
With
my
Straitened
am
and poor,
And who
So be
it
!
cares for
my
:
distress?
it
(Pt. I,
And
this
The people
are
now
in peril,
:
All
is
Let
its
And
there
is
none
whom
God
it
will not
overcome.
There
the great
Does He hate
anyone?"
(Pt. II,
Such
a fatalistic view as
shown
in the last
We
Ah
I
Had
known
it
in these
words
When
was young,
But since tny youthful days, All these evils have befallen me. I would I might sleep, and never wake more
(Pt.
I,
"
and
You have
fine robes,
You have
You And
You have
spirits
and viands,
Why
To make yourself merry And to prolong the day? You will ere long die,
And
chamber."
Bk. X, III.)
III
All the songs and poems quoted above were written in the 1 eighth and seventh centuries B. C., and I hope they have served to
.give a vivid picture of the life
and thought
upheaval and intellectual unrest. With the dawn of the sixth century B. C., China passed from the age of the Poets to the age The age of the Poets and the age of the Sophists of the Sophists.
constituted the era of Enlightenment in
Ancient China.
The
essay
to
more system whose philosophies it is the purpose of the present Without a preliminary understanding of the study.
the precursors of those
period of Enlightenment, the latter systems will appear to have suddenly descended from the heavens which is of course an impossibility.
I
"Sophists"
"
term.
The group
of
Chinese
the
hand, the tradition of the Poets, and, on the other hand, merged into more or less systematic philosophers as in the case of Lao-Tze.
More
whose utterances we
have quoted
"fled
end
to
who
laborers, or
in the
"madmen."
Men
mentioned
works
of
Lun Yu:
Chu, sang as he passed Confu
the
madman
Phcenix
!
of
cius:
Phoenix,
you have degenerated! Let alone what you have been Think of what you will be!
How
Cease your toil! Cease your toil! Peril awaits those now engaged in government.
to
speak to him.
away"
(XVIII, 5).
in the
The
latest
poem
11
The
"Ch
other incident
is
equally impressive:
when
ford.
*
ang-tsu and Chieh-ni were at work in the field together, Confucius passed by them and sent Tze-lu to inquire for the
Ch ang-tsu
*
said,
*Who
is
carriage there?
Is it not KungKung-Chiu. to which the other rejoined, Chiu of L,u? Yes, was the reply He ought to have known the ford (since he has wandered about
Tze-lu said,
It is
all
these years).
"Tze-lu
inquired of Chieh-ni,
l
who
said to him,
Sir?
He
answered,
of
am Chung- Yu.
I am, Lu? replied Tze-lu, and then Chieh-ni The world is one seething torrent, and who is he said to him: Were it not better for you to follow a master that can change it? who flees the world, than a master who merely flees from this man With this he went on hoeing" (XVIII, 6). and that man?
Kung-Chiu
to us,
they
of
the
spirit
the
age:
the
spirit
and protest. They registered their protest against the And by deplorable conditions of the time by fleeing from them.
thus living lives of simplicity and purity and freedom from strife, they tacitly suggested by example what they considered to be the
remedy
to a
group
of
This group of men resembles more closely those Greek Sophists with whom we have
destructive thinkers or iconoclasts of that age.
been made familiar through the Platonic Dialogues. Unfortunately these Chinese Sophists, like their Greek counterparts, have left very little of their own writings and we have to depend on
secondary
sources
for
our
portrayal and
exposition
of
their
of
men whose
business
it
was
to
preach radical
views on
matters of society and government and to give to the youths of the time instruction concerning private and public life
all
art of
It is
12
probable that this class of men arose as a result of the demand of the age for practical talents in politics, diplomacy, and war. In the native State of Confucius we find such public teachers of immense popularity and influence. When Confucius became
that he was capable of about him gathering large crowds of men; that his arguments could easily appeal to the mob and make perversity appear respectable; and that his sophistry was sufficiently recalcitrant to take a stand
Minister of Justice, he put to death a Mao. His indictment against him was
against the accepted judgments of right" (Kung Tze Chia Yu) These were the charges which Plato would probably have desired to prefer against many of the Sophists of his time
.
!
known and perhaps the most interesting of the however, is Teng Shih, who was put to death by Tze-Tsan, the statesman of Cheng. As the death of Tze-Tsan occurred in 522 B. C., Teng Shih must have flourished
best
The
Sophists,
about the third quarter of the sixth century. 1 According to the Book of Lieh-Tze, Teng Shih "taught the doctrine of the rela
and wrong, and employed inexhaustible arguments" (Lieh Tze, VI). He wrote a code of penal law which was after wards used by the government which had persecuted him. His persecution was caused by his persistent opposition to the govern
tivity of right
policies of Tze-Tsan. According to the Lii-Sze-Chun-Chiu (XVIII, chap. 4), Tze-Tsan prohibited the practice of hanging up "pamphlets" in public places a practice which had become so
ment
prevalent as to cause disquiet on the part of the government. Teng Shih evaded the law by "delivering the pamphlets.
Thereupon, Tze-Tsan ordered the prohibition of delivering pamphlets, and again the order was evaded by Teng Shih s device
to
"smuggle"
(l^)
articles.
"The
govern
them
of
The government was further enraged by the great influence Teng Shih over the people. He taught the people how to plead
which
legal instruction he exacted
According to the Tso Chuan, however, the execution of Teng Shih occurred twenty years after Tze-Tsan s death, i. e., in 502 B. C.
13
pay according to the importance of the suit. Says the Lu-Sze"He could argue a right to be wrong, and a wrong Chun-Chiu: to be right. With him right and wrong had no fixed standard,
What he wished to win and *yea and nay changed every day. was always won and whom he desired to punish was always
,"
punished."
is
antagonistic to
of
s
Teng
Shih,
Teng Wei River (}f), and his body was taken up by a man who demanded of the bereaved family a large sum of money for its redemption. The dead man s family sought Teng s counsel.
story of
"A
him:
wealthy man
native State
was drowned
in the
"Wait,"
said
the Sophist,
body."
other family will pay for the followed, and the man who held the
"no
Teng Shih
nowhere
for advice.
same counsel;
"Wait:
else
can they
to us a little
work
attributed to
Teng
contains so
many commonplace
it
generalizations and
inconsistencies that
tion based on one or
we must regard
can be reasonably attributed to him is this: "Nature is not kind to man. Government is not kind to the people. Nature is unable
withhold plague and pestilence and preserve those who die nor does it always give longevity to those who do good. Therefore I say Nature is unkind to men. The people
to
therefrom
They
in
are
nevertheless
government
law.
say governments are unkind to the people." Little wonder that he championed the cause of the people and
Therefore
at
own martyrdom.
IV
But the greatest of all the Sophists was Lao-Tze, born about 590 B. C. He was the Protagoras of Ancient China. In him we find the embodiment of the spirit of the Age of Enlightenment. He
14
tive
was most critical of his age, and his criticism was always destruc and iconoclastic. He was a philosophical nihilist. He held
that
being"
as,
come from being; and being comes from nonThis non-being was identified with empty space, for example, when he says:- "When thirty spokes unite in one
"All
things
1
(40).
nave, the wheel s utility depends on that which is non-existent (i. e., the hole in the nave). When clay is moulded into a vessel,
depends on that which is non-existent (i. e., its hollowThis noi:. being is conceived as the beginning of all things "Before heaven and Alone it stands, and earth, it was. around it not; changes moves, and suffers not; it may be called the Mother of the World" (25).
its utility
ness)"
(ll).
:
phy.
This exaltation of the Non-being is the basis of his philoso By a kind of metaphysical analogy, he conceived of a "State of Nature" as a state of extreme simplicity and natural
"a
innocence, as a state of non-activity. Therefore he constructed his Utopia as small country with few people" where, "though, there be ships and carriages, there is no occasion to ride in them and, though there be armor and weapons, there is no occasion to
;
where "knotted cords are to be revived (in place of. where the people shall be so content with their food, clothing, dwelling, and customs, that "though there be neighboring. States within sight, and the voices of the cocks and dogs thereof
use
them;"
writing);"
be within hearing, yet the people might grow old and die before they ever visited one another" (80).
1
With such an ideal State in view, Lao-Tze vehemently attacked the existing order of social and political organization. He found them to be foolishly civilized and refined and artificial.
human eye; the five notes (of music) the five tastes spoil the human mouth; ear; and madden the human mind; and highly prized racing hunting treasures degrade human conduct" (12). "When the world
"The
five colors
blind the
deafen
the
human
knows beauty
to be beauty,
there
is
ugliness.
When
it
knows
goodness to be goodness, there is evil" (2). In other words, such distinctions as good and evil, right and wrong, beautiful and
15
if
symptom,
is
the
original
innocence of mankind.
naturalness
is
obliterated,
there
benevolence
and
is
righteousness.
great hypocrisy.
is
When When
there
is
filial
in disorder
there
loyalty
and allegiance
.
"
(18).
Therefore,
Abandon smartness,
more
(19).
of nature
The way
and prohibitions there are in the world, the poorer grow the The more inventions people. and weapons the people have, the more troubled is the State. The more cunning and skill man has, the more startling events
"The
non-action.
restrictions
will
happen.
practice non-action,
themselves reform.
love
and the people of themselves become I righteous. initiate no policy, and the people of themselves become rich. I desire nothing, and the people of themselves become simple" (57). "Diminish, and continue to diminish, until you arrive at the
quietude,
state of non-action.
Do
That
is
the
way
of nature:
nothing, and nothing is not done" (48). "Nature does nothing and yet there is
(37).
undone"
Thus he preaches
or laissez-faire, of anarchism.
To undertake execu tions for the Master Executioner is like hewing wood for the Master Carpenter. Whoever undertakes to hew wood for the Master Carpenter rarely escapes injuring his own hand" (74). The Master Executioner, of course, is Nature herself.
kills.
meddlesome"
is
who
We
man.
to
Lao-Tze. too, repudiated the benevolent and Ideological view of Nature. His conception of Nature resembles that of Herbert Spencer. "Nature is not benevolent: it treats all beings as if they were mere grass and And he adds, by analogy: dogs."
16
The wise
ruler
is
dogs"
(5).
if
they
stern
nature"
what Herbert Spencer did. Spencer would have readily agreed with Lao-Tze that to undertake executions for the Master Execu
Master Carpenter, with the almost inevitable result of injuring one s own hand, and that
tioner
is
like
hewing wood
best (kind of
for the
therefore
"the
government)
people"
is
which
is
(17).
Let these paragraphs suffice as a picture of the political on the eve of the birth of logic in social, and intellectual conditions the rapid change of political that seen Ancient China. We have
of the fetidalistic hierarchy; allegiance had caused the breakdown that wars and industrial changes had produced great misery that .and suffering which resulted in an age of intellectual unrest;
arisen a
demand
;
that this demand naturally spective of the old class distinctions civil carried with it the need of public instruction in military and of some teachers of a class to rise public and thereby gave
arts,
whom
criticism
was pervading the age, and that the existing social and and traditional standards of truth and political institutions and that morality were subjected to ruthless criticism and attack; to driven either time were the epicurean of leaders the intellectual
or aroused to a strong pessimism and irresponsible retirement, and violent advocacy of iconoopposition to the existing order
But even in this seething torrent of were signs which heralded the arrival
new
Wans
the best
com
:
statement mentary on Lao-Tze s work, made this strikingly Spencerian Nature produces "Nature produces no grass for dogs, but dogs eat the grass. no dogs for men, but men eat the dogs. Nature does nothing for anyone, but
everyone seeks to be
well."
fit
for his
own
purposes.
When
that
is
realized, all is
17
constructive thinking.
Philosophy was already in the field, and was busying herself with the conditions and problems of the age. She was in search of the tao a word which has been unnecessarily mystified by amateurish translators but which simply means a way
or a method; a
way
or
of individual
etc.
life,
quest of a
it
way
method
and bettering it. And it is the search for the (It-fined it, which constituted the central problem of
philosophers as well as,
the
I
the Chinese
Occident.
It
for the
tao
central problem
to be
of L,ao-Tze s philosophy.
This
he conceived
And
accordingly he wished to
set
abolish
and institutions
up by
civilization,
and
Lao-Tze was, there are in his his iconoclasm and transcend which things philosophy furnished the foundations have nihilism, and which may probably
certain
on which the
is
later
built
up
The
first of
found
in his conception of
Behind
of
conception
change as
continuous
process.
Consider this passage, for instance; "The world has its beginning He who knows the mother and its mother.
thereby understands her child, and who, having comprehended he will be in no danger the child, still keeps to its mother,
The following is still more explicit: (52). throughout his Trace it (time) and you will not see its beginning. Follow it and you will not see its end. Comprehend the ways of the past,
life"
wherewith
the iao
to
That
is
To comprehend the ways of the past and therewith to master the present, may be called the earliest defini This tion of what we now term the historical or genetic method. "The world s conception is elaborated in many other passages.
(14).
most
difficult
13
the
world
greatest
"A
small"
(63).
undertakings necessarily originate while stout tree has originated from a tiny rootlet.
is
raised
by accumulating bricks.
foot"
(60-
Thus conceived,
Contem control. incapable of intellectual comprehension and Manage a great thing when it plate a difficulty when it is easy.
is
small"
(63).
"Meet
things
before
they exist.
is
still
Regulate
at
begins"
(64).
"What
rest is
What
is
is
easily prevented.
What
is still
feeble
easily broken.
\Vhat
is
still
scant
is
easily
dispersed"
(64).
It is true that
insistence
on the possibility
and
complex
and returning to the original Such a conclusion not so much one to be has made his conception of change appear to of a continuous unfolding from the "simple" and the
civilization of the present
and non-activity.
"small"
the
of
"complex"
and
"difficult"
periodic reversals
this
to
the
original
But
conception
as
we
The
consists
other
in
constructive
element
in
Lao-Tze
philosophy
his
of
knowledge.
knowledge and wisdom resulting from accumulated learning are of no avail so far as the true Way is concerned. True knowledge is
attained
desires
only
so simplified or
"diminished"
his
and wants
have arrived
When
itself.
attained,
Thus he
said:
The The
one knows.
man
traveled not,
And yet to him knowledge came. He saw not the things with his eyes And yet each he knew by name."
be pointed out that such a conception of knowledge well illustrates the tendency of the age to exalt the The question how such a priori knowledge is individual mind.
Incidentally
it
may
vague answer
The nature
Is
of tao
There
in
it
the form,
("
hsiang,
idea or image)
There
is
in
it
The essence
In
it is
is
ever true:
reality.
judge
all
(jjjt,
beginnings.
or,
How
do
know
the form?
according
to-
another
Through
"Vague
and
eluding
though
is
this
passage
may
appear,
it
undoubtedly
in
"
name
names
to
knowing.
This recognition
. . .
The
When
institutions began,
arose.
stop-
arisen,
know where
perils"
to stop enables
them
to avoid
(32).
to
names, not only as a means through which to know but also as instruments for the ordering of soda)
life.
20
Unfortunately this conception of names, like that of change, was made untruthful by Lao-Tze s emphasis on the superiority of
"
All names, all namelessness." and therefore degrading. "How little there between the yea and the yes ? How little "When the world knows differ from bad (20). the natural state of
are unnatural
?"
distinctions
difference
is
does
good
to
beauty
be
beauty, there
there
is evil
is
ugliness.
When
it
knows goodness
to be
goodness,
(2).
fact
But the
that thought
had passed beyond the undisciplined stage and was entering upon the stage wherein it is to subject itself to examination and reflection. The age of Sophistry was fading into
of the human mind during paved the way for an era of more constructive thinking, and the seething torrent of destructive criticism as exemplified in the teachings of Teng-Shih and Lao-Tze, had necessitated and hastened the rise of Logic.
The emancipation
PART
IT
According
to traditional record, he visited Lao-Tze in 518 B. C., and for a time studied under him. In o(J4, he was Minister of the Interior
made Minister of Justice. From he was Acting Minister of State. His policy having been obstructed by strong opposition, he left the country in 498,
in his native State.
f
X>
In 502 he was
to 498,
editing the
poetical,
He
historical, and religious literature of the also wrote several appendices to the Book of Change,
and completed
He
known
as the
7iun Chin*
He was
essentially a statesman
It
was only
for construc
of the youth of his time. As a public teacher he exercised a tremendous influence in many States. It has been recorded that
in his school.
estimate,
but the
his
teaching
to
career
extend throughout the empire. Of himself he has left us these few modest characterizations: "Living on coarse rice and water, with bent arm for pillow, mirth
yet be mine.
cloud"
of his traveling
may
Ill-gotten
to
me
wandering
cleave the
murmur
not against
he forgets to
eat,
age"
in
triumph, unmindful of
approaching
(VII, 18).
lie
"
And
"the
him
was
it is
vain,
to stir
(XIV, 41 ).
22
Chapter
The Problem
of Confucius
The age of Confucius, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, was an age of political disintegration, social unrest, and
intellectual anarchy.
"The
whole world
prevalent
contemporaries.
all, it was an age of moral disorder. one seething torrent" so said one of his "The world is out of order" ( Wu Tad) was the
is
Above
most
characterization
of
the
time.
Mencins
who
fallen into
deeds had arisen. There were instances of ministers murdering their sovereigns and of sons mnrdering their fathers. Confucius was
afraid"
(
Mencius, Bk.
Ill,
Pt.
II,
(B. C. 719-485),
in the
were recorded
Chun
of
Confucius should be
and
political regeneration. of
way
was conceived as was in quest of He, the world Confucius was deeply ordering
task of philosophy
too,
!
The
impressed by the anarchical condition of the thought of his time, and was driven to the conclusion that the moral degradation of
society
was the
undermining
ceased to be the spiritual as well as the political leader of the empire, there had been lacking a central authority for the stand
ardization of the beliefs and rites and duties of
all
classes within
the empire.
"When
world,"
said Confucius,
and punitive expeditions proceed from When the world is out of order, rules of
1
conduct, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the feudal When these things proceed from the feuda princes, princes.
rarely can the empire maintain itself more than ten generations. When they proceed from the grand officers of a feudal State, When even rarely can that State last more than five generations.
23
the subsidiary servants of the grand of] :ers grasp the orders of
it
last
gjn-jniiions.
When
order prevails in the world, government will not he in the hands of the grand officers. When order prevails in the world, there will be no discussions among the people" (Lnn Yu, XVI, 2).
This passage clearly shows his attitude towards the spiritual and the intellectual disorder of his age, when rules of conduct, music, and punitive expeditions no longer proceeded from the Son of Heaven, when government was often in the hands of the grand officers, and when private opinions among the common
It is to this lack of some central authority for rife. the intellectual organization of the empire that Confucius seems to
people were
murder
day or
their
fathers,"
not
come about
and
in a
a night.
evils are
The
due
The
a natural sequence of events" In other words, (Book of Change, Appendix to the Kuen Kwa, 2) the cause of the moral and political disorder lies deeper than such unnatural acts as regicide and parricide themselves. There has been a long and gradual process of intellectual disorganization,
.
Lun Yu
as the best
by. a disciple
what hs would
first
undertake were he to govern a State. The Master answered: it must needs be the rectifying of names. indeed, said the
bewildered disciple, that is far-fetched, sir! Why rectify them? *Yu. said Confucius, addressing the disciple by name, thou art uncultivated. A gentleman should show a
cautious reserve in regard to what he does not know.
If
names be
If speech does not follow its natural sequence, nothing can be established. If nothing can be established, no rules of
Where
rules of conduct
and
24
music do not prevail, law and punishments will not be just. When law and punishments are not just, the people will not know where to place their hands and feet. Therefore, a
superior
man
requires that
is
of of
being
being
of
superior
2).
of
man
is
never
careless
words
"
In thus conceiving
"rectification
names"
problem of social and political reformation, Confucius may be said to have conceived the problem of philosophy as essentially one of
intellectual reorganization.
now propose
to
supply.
said Confucius,
"names
sequence. And if speech follow not its natural sequence, nothing can be established." This statement will be come clear if we study the following passages in which Confucius
its
natural
Confucius said:
sacrificial
"The
ku
(a
vessel
with corners
.
used
a
for
purposes)
110
What
vessel
ku!"
(VI, 23).
with
corners)"
is
to
make
a proposition
follow the natural sequence. Or, to take another example: When asked by an influential minister of his native State about the art
of government, Confucius said:
"To
rule (cheng)
sir,
JEJT
is
to set straighc
(cheng)
If
crooked?" (government) comes A from the word IE (right, to set aright). government is that which sets people straight. To say that the present governments which have long forgotten their duty and are no longer capable of
who
will dare
walk
performing
it,
are
"governments," is
1 Compare the following passages "An upright ruler is obeyed before he commands: even commands go unheeded where the ruler himself is crooked" (XIII, 6). "What is government to him who can govern himself? Who cannot rule himself, how should he rule others?" (XIII, 13). "He who governs by means ol his own virtue is like the north star which holds its (II, 1). place and the multitude of stars revolve about
:
it"
25
this state of affairs where or.r activities, duties, rela no longer mean what their names indicate, institutions and tions, For of intellectual confusion and anarchy. a state no less than is of and what in such a state of conditions, ground certainty validity have we in our daily discourse and judgment of truth and
Now,
wrong?
of
If
may
"so
we
in
immoral and corrupt courtesans, is not a circle? group 1 many pecks and hampers/ as Confucius characterized them, may be styled a "government" which was to set people straight,
then
who can
That,
I
be wrong and
"who
will
argue a right to
think,
is
"if
speech follow not its natural sequence, nothing can be established." And he goes on to say, nothing can be established, no rules of
"if
conduct or music (which was considered an integral part of moral and religious life) can prevail." That is to say, where there is no intellectual certainty and order, there can be no morality and
harmonious
living.
"When Duke Ching, of Chi, asked Confucius about the art t government, the latter said: Let the prince be prince; le the minister be minister let the father be father and let the
of
son be son.
indeed, the prince be not prince, the minister not minister, the father not father, and the son not son, then, though I have my revenue, can I
If,
Good!
enjoy
it?
"
11).
This conversation well illustrates what Confucius considered the inseparable connection between intellectual disorder and moral names" and the perversity, between the failure to "rectify the
impossibility to establish moral laws and harmony of life. the inevitable result of a state of intellectual disorganization
For
is
the
breakdown
of all rights
all
relation
disciple,
After discussing the various classe* of people, Confucius was asked l.y a The those who now engage in government ? "Of what sort are There are so inauy pecks and hampers, not worth "Pooh! Master
1
said,
taken into
account"
{Lun Yu,
XIII,
i?0).
26
That there are so many instances of such society and the State. unnatural crimes as regicide and parricide is precisely because the princes neither are themselves princely nor are they regarded as
princes;
because
fail
to
perform
their
loyalty which they owe longer the moral and spiritual heads of their families; and because sons have forgotten the filial piety and obedience proper to their
status in the family.
but also forget the allegiance and to their rulers; because fathers are no
When
li
these duties and relationships have or rules which prescribe the con
duct proper to every stratum of the social hierarchy will lose their force and authority as effective guides of individual and social conduct.
How,
moral
its
present state of
"restored
perversity
and
political
disorder,
and be
to
righteousness?
Confucius
answered:
By
rectifying names.
From what
"rectification
has been said above, one can readily see that the
of
names" is
lexicographer.
reorganization.
It
is,
as
no more task for the grammarian or the I have said, a task of intellectual
is,
make the names stand for what they ought to stand for, and then to so reorganize the social and political relations and institutions as to make them what their names indicate they ought to be. The rectification of names thus consists in making the real relationships and duties and institutions conform as far as possible to their ideal meanings which, however obscured and neglected they may now have become, can still be
Its object
first,
to
re-discovered and
"judicious"
re-established
literally
When
zation
is
come
is
;
as night
follows day,
and
faithful,
every father
is
is
fatherly,
law, where prohibition actually prohibits, and where rewards and punishments are meted out in just proportion to actual deserts.
conceived
In short, the logical outcome of such a rectification, as Confucius it, would be an idvial society in which every member of
27
the
community would
"
or her
calling"
or status.
is
own words:
is
"When
the father
is
proper order. When all families are in will be right with the world." (App. to the
in
Kwa
one
judgment
of
Such, then,
established"
The problem
"nothing
is
rectification
can be
and
"the
and
foot."
This
is
the
mind
in
acknowledging
For this formulation of the problem of Confucius, I take pleasure in my indebtedness to Professor L. Levy-Bruhl s clear and suggestive account of the philosophy of Auguste Comte with whose positivism Confucius had much in common. I here quote a few sentences from Professor Levy-Bruhl s The Philosophy of Auguste Comte: "Institutions, Comte says, defend on morals, and morals, in their turn, depend on beliefs. Every scheme of new institutions will therefore be useless so long as morals have not been reorganized, and so long as to reach this end, a general system of all minds as true, as opinions has not been founded, which are accepted by in the Middle in of Catholic the for Europe instance, dogma system was,
1
confused disturbing movements which fill it (contem trouble and agitation and which, unless rational with porary society) harmony be at last established, threaten its destruction, are not due merely to They proceed from moral disorder. And this in turn political causes. proceeds from intellectual disorder, that is to say, from a lack of principles common to all minds, and from the absence of universally admitted conceptions
Ages"
(p. 4).
"The
and beliefs" (pp. 25, 26). "Either modern society must perish, or minds must regain their stable equilibrium by submission to common principles" "The problem thus presents itself to Comte: To establish by (p. 27). rational means system of universally accepted truths, concerning man, eociety, and the world" (p. 25).
28
Chapter
II
The Book
"As
of
Change
!
which
night
is
"
he stood by a stream, Confucius said: Ah that passing is just like this never ceasing day or
16).
It
by the all-pervasiveness
stability in
change,
"ideas."
Plato
It
is
sought
and
found
the
the changeless
significant
that
book which, in my opinion, contains most of the basic doctrines of the Confucian logic is known as the Yi, or Book of Change. The Book of Change, cue of the "Five Classics" of Con
fucianism, in
its
present form,
is
work made up
of separate parts
At the time
tells
of
Confucius,
it
was used
as a divination book.
Tradition
us that
Confucius spent so
volume were
thrice
its
time in studying this book that the bound together the boards of his bamboo worn out before he at last declared himself to
contents.
much
have understood
of this
book consists of a
A kwa is a lineal figure made of three or six A three-line kwa has been translated as a lines.
There
are
only
eight
sixty-four
and
II.).
12345678
The
8
Primary Kwas.
1.
Heaven
Earth
5.
Fire
2.
3.
6.
7. 8.
4.
Thunder Mountain
Water Water
in
motion
Wind; wood
29
II.
The 64 Kwas
appear
in the order in
in the
Book
of
Change.
32
64
that highly probable, as jonie scholars have maintained, extinct of a now these figures were originally the word-signs language which was used in Ancient China before the invention
It is
eight trigrams were probably letters of the alphabet representing eight primary elements or
The
30
forms, and the sixty-four hexagrams were the derivative words formed by compounding the trigrams. One of the most plausible pfoofs employed in support of this theory is that the sixth kwa 3
its
ideographic equiva
later used
However
book
that
may
kwas were
it
And
was
as a sacred
Confucius found the Book of Change. Ac cording to traditional scholarship, the book as Confucius found it was divided into sixty-four chapters under the sixty-four hexa grams. on the
a proposition or "judgment
and (2
on
each of the six lines (hsiao) of the kwa. The /hm- judgment is always an observation on the character or quality of the kwa
which
component trigrams. The to tftf- judgment states the quality of the line which is deter11* ned by its wholeness or dividedness and by its positional
is
its
however, contains in
Wings"
called
the
"Ten
or
"Ten
to Confucius.
Sixty-four explanatory
I.
notes on
the sixty-four
kwa-
judgments: Part
2.
Same: Part
II.
"ideas"
3.
of the
kwas.
4. Three hundred eighty-four explanatory notes on the three hundred eighty-four /*,yz<z<7-judgments.
5.
Appended
essay
as
Remarks"
I,"
(Quoted
in
this
"App.
being the
App. traditionally
Part
I.
Remarks on
the
first
two kwas.
8.
9.
Remarks on some
of the kwas.
On
10.
Miscellaneous remarks.
31
It is
all
the ten
appendices to Confucius.
seems safe
to hold that 1, 2, 3,
and 4
were written by Confucius himself. 5 and 6, though not free from frequent interpolations, form on the whole an invaluable collection
many undoubtedly genuine views of the Master, some of which were probably of his own writing, while others were recorded, in
of
all probability,
by his disciples.
Appendix
probably contains a
few genuine
1
polations.
hand.
The
tions
based on these
and
6),
with collabora
and
illustrations
known
as the
as the
Lun
from the collection of Confucian sayings Yu, or "Analects," and from other works such
Chung Yung, or "Doctrine of the Mean," and the Chun The Book of Change^ though ranked high among the Con Chiu. fucian Classics and long received with awe and reverence, has
unfortunately been
little
of
commentators, partly because of the difficulty of the original text itself, but largely because of the occultism and the moralisticism
which
for centuries have prepossessed the minds of the critics and obscured the meaning of the book. In the present essay an effort
is
made,
the
occult,
logic.
incorrectness of this interpretation, the present writer holds himself entirely responsible.
E.g.,
it
its
first
iu
which
2 I
\Vcis
paragraph was apparently taken from the TSJ Chnan, mentioned by Mo-Chiang fifteen years before Confucius
w;is born.
have accepted here the critical views of Ou-Yang Shiu, of the Sung Dynasty, whose work, Yi Tung Tze Weti, was perhaps the best and most courageous work of Pligher Criticism" on the Book Oj Change that traditional scholarship has ever produced.
"
32
II
change
in the universe.
We have seen
Lao Tze, had already hit upon the idea ,and small to that change is a continuous process from the simple our within comprehension the complex and great, and is therefore
that his one-time teacher,
and control.
easy;
when
it is
manage
is
when
to
it is small."
"Comprehend the
present."
ways
This
of the past
wherewith
of the
"In
is
the
Grand
).
Terminus ( ), which generates the Primeval Pair ( The Primeval Pair produces the Four Forms (=, ==, =,
and
),
from
which are derived the Eight Kivas. The Eight Kwas (may be used to) determine all good and evil, and therefrom arises the (App. I, Pt. I, 11). That the great great complexity of
life"
complexity of change can be symbolically represented by a set of line figures which in turn can further be reduced to the elemental seems to have deeply impressed Confucius in ), is a fact which (
numbers impressed the Pythagoreans and Platofound a perfect system by means of which all Herein nists. change in the universe can be brought under our examination and
the same
way
as
is
understanding.
All change,
is
produced by the pushing which is passive (App. I, Pt. I, 1,2,6; of activity is represented by the whole
chien; the principle of passivity
(
)
?
that
which
line
is
The
is
principle
called the
and
is
an d
is
The former
"Surely
also called
(
"the
easy"
and the
simple."
the chicn
shows
Pt. II,
shows us
is
simplicity"
(App.
I,
ease and
(Pt.
I,
simplicity
1).
"Are
universe!"
obtained the principle of the not the chien and the kuen the
It is
gateway
the
from the
"simple"
"easy"
that
all
of life
and and
change have
arisen.
33
is
all
conduct and
always
known
which
conduct and
is
affairs, that
confronted with the greatest obstacles the simplest" (Pt. II, 12).
Lao-Tze, as we have seen, carried this idea too far by insist ing on the non-existent as still superior to the simple and easy, and on the possibility and desirability of returning to the truly
original state of non-action.
Master s
thinking, he was not free from the influence of doctrine of non-assertion as the ideal government.
is
This influence
seen in
many
by
4;
non-assertion."
cf.
(Lun Yu,
1;
VIII,
18
to
and 19;
XV,
XVII,
can
19.)
realized not by means of iconoclasm and but non-interference, only by a vigorous process of intellectual He did not entertain any imaginary theories reorganization.
ideal
of
that
be
the
State
of
Nature,
it.
He
conceived of
human
continuous
process
of
gradual
development from crude ways of living to complex forms of civilization; from cave-dwelling and hunting and fishing to the advanced stages of agriculture and commerce, of political and military arts; from knotted cords to written
(App.
I,
records.
is
Pt.
II,
2.)
And
a continuous one,
originating in
to
and ending in complexity, it is therefore necessary, in order understand the complicated and confused institutions and
begin with a study of the earlier and Hence the Confucian emphasis on the
"making manifest what has gone before and thereby understanding what is to come" (App. I, Pt. II, 6). "He who familiarizes himself with the old and thereby understands the new, is fit to be a teacher" (Lun Yu, II, 11; cf.
This philosophy of history has greatly influenced the development of m China, so much so that many histories are entitled "Mirrors/ implying that, recording the past, they enable us to understand
the present.
34
first
Here, then,
arid
we have
the
reorganization of society.
going back to the simple easy for the understanding of the complex and difficult. It may be characterized as the quest for the ki or "embryonal."
It consists in
The
ki or
"embryonal" is "the
or that
which
the ki
first
is
knows
to
"He
1
Pt.
II,
5).
who And
and
be thus
god-like
the
ambition
of
the
statesman
reformer.
This conception of change as capable of being understood and controlled if reduced to its simple and easy forms, is an idea which underlies the whole philosophy of Confucius. We have seen in Chapter I that he conceived of the "rectification of names" as the
necessary basis for the moral and political reformation of society. Names are conceived as so important, because in them alone are to be found the ki or embryonal of all our things, activities, and
institutions.
to the
All our activities, utensils, and institutions, according Confucian logic, have originated in the hsiang or "ideas"; and these "ideas" cannot be discovered and understood except
activities,
utensils,
and
institu
now known. We
as
shall
now study
"ideas"
the
embryonal beginnings
institutions.
have translated the word ki (2) by the embryonal because the word comes from (minutest), whicn is the plural of g. The last word or evil represents an embryo. The orthodox texts all omit the words ((Xj), but I have followed the text extant at the time of Kung Yin Ta, of the Tang
"
>!
1 1
"
"
Dynasty
35
Chapter
III
The Hsiang
The most important
interesting
or
"Ideas"
Book of Change
|fc
is
or
f>
has a very
It originally means an elephant. Han Fei history. B. this 233 of account the derivative C.) gives (d. meaning of the word: Few people have seen a living elephant (because it is
produced only in the southern barbarian countries) though they possess the bones (ivory) of dead ones. They only imagine its
living
it.
Therefore
1
all
that
Tze,
men conceive in imagination is called hsiang" (Han Fe* XX). A hsiang is, then, an image or which one
"idea"
forms of a thing. In the Book of Change, the word hsiang is used in two slightly different senses. In the first sense, a hsiang is
simply a phenomenon noted or perceived in nature. Thus we read of the "hsiaiig of the heavens." (App. I, Pt. I, 11, and Pt.
II, 9.)
is
of being represented
activity or
"utensil."
some
employed
as
word hsiang is most generally Book of Change. The sixty-four kwas represent many or more hsiangs. if is a kwa, but it represents the
It is in
in the
idea (hsiang) of
"triumph"
or
"success"
coming
have
all
of fire
"defeat"
Similarly.
symbolize such ideas as "humility" (II showing a mountain lower than the earth s surface) "prepared ness" (if showing thunder coming forth from underneath the
the
;
earth,
"rest"
(H
,"
(O
showing water
and
so
on.
mountain, suggesting the idea of a waterheacl) Most of the hsiangs have their derivative or
e. g.,
"borrowed"
ideas:
EE represents
it
Heaven," its
hexagrammatic
36
Whence have
arisen these
"ideas"?
They have
originated in
"the
men
of antiquity to
whom
"
heavens
first
phenomena
(hsiang in the
which they formed the ideas (hsiang}. (App. I, Pt. I, he Pao Hsi ruled the over observed the "When 11.) Empire, phenomena of the heavens above and the forms on earth below he noted the manner of birds and beasts and the products of the soil and, receiving suggestions both inwardly from his own self and externally from distant objects, he first invented the eight kwas, in order to penetrate into the mysteries of nature and to describe
;
the reality of
sent
all
things"
(App.
I,
"The
sages have
Therefore they have called them the hsiangs" (App. I, Pt. I, "The 8 and 12). sages have created the hsiangs in order to
represent what they conceived (or
meant)"
(Pt.
12).
Thus
"ideas"
it
Confucian
took their origin. The wise men of antiquity, at the sug of these phenomena, conceived in their minds the "ideas" gestion and legislated them, as it were, into such symbolized forms as the
kivas or the
names
It is, however, not merely as "meanings" of such symbols as kwas or words, that the "ideas" are considered of supreme
are the ideal importance in the logic of Confucius. The forms which the ancient sages conceived and which they sought to
"ideas"
1 This interpretation is not only warranted by the passages quoted above from the Book of Change, but is also corroborated by the statements of Tung Chung-Shu, of the Han Dynasty, who represented the "Chun Chiu School which was the only school that continued the logical tradition of early Confucianism. I quote a few sentences from his works: "The wise men of ? in imitation (hsiao%) of Heaven and Earth, thus antiquity cried out (hsiao
>)
""
giving rise to the generic names (hao, formerly pronounced hsiaos). They shouted (mingi) in issuing forth commands (mlngz), thus giving rise to A name is a shouting command; a generic name is a specific names (itiingi). cry in imitation of nature. ... A name is that by means of which the sages express the ideas (meaning) of Heaven" (Chun Chiu Fan Lu, XXXV). (The indices indicate the "upper" tones, and the subscripts, the "lower tones of the Chinese words.)
"
37
embody in activities, utensils, and institutions. In this manner the ideas may be said to have given rise to all human works, inven They were, to use an Aristotelian term, tions, and institutions. Thus we read: "When conceived, they their "formal causes."
are called
ideas.
When
materially
When instituted for general use, utensils. When wrought into the everyday life of all
called the
works
of
the
gods"
(Pt.
"What
I,
11 ).
This view
is
also
ways
(of nature).
. .
utensils.
Thus
it
is
the
and
institutions.
a
The
history
long series of
"ideas"
Some
of
Confucius
human
the
institutions
point
of
view.
The invention
plowshare,
for
example, which marked the beginning of agriculture, is held to have been suggested by the idea of increase or growth represented
of a
by 55 (wood) over EE (thunder; hence motion). The institution midday market for the exchange of wares and goods among
is
have originated in the idea of friction hence lightning) and EE (thunder) represented by 55 (fire beasts of burden, it is held, was domesticated Transportation by suggested by the idea of rest represented by 55 (thunder) under
the people,
said to
;
neath == (river).
over =5 (water)
The invention
of canoes
and oars
is
said to have
symbolized by 55 (wind or wood) The custom of burying the dead in coffins and
tombs was probably taken from the idea of submergence or deluge represented by 55 (wood) tinder 55 (river). Still more ingenious,
if
of
The
mortar-and-pestle invention
(hsiao kuo)
notion
which
is
38
zz (mountain), that is, motion set a-going on something which is itself immovable. The invention of written records to take the
place of
fall
"knotted cords" was probably taken from the idea of rain represented by EE (river) over == (heaven), which suggests
number from
above.
(App.
Appen
All
the
"fe
a^-remarks"
(Appendix
III)
separately
appended
that our mechanical inventions, religious rites, moral codes, tradi tional customs, etc., have had their "formal causes" in the ideas.
Thus we read:
"Heaven
moves on
actively: that
is
Ch
ien
g.
is
The
superior
man
cessation."
"A
Ifiing
(Infancy) ==.
A
is
superior
to
mature
his action
virtue."
earth s
surface: that
superior
man
thereupon sought to gather people around him and nourish them." "There is water on the earth s surface; that is Pi (Attachment or Adherence) jfl. The ancient kings thereupon created the thou sands of vassal states and cultivated the friendship of the (feudal)
lords."
"Earth
above mountain
that
is
Humility) ||.
to
superior man thereupon sought to protect those increase (the property of) those who had not; to
if
in a balance
and
to administer justice
:
"There is
that
is
Kien
man thereupon reflected within himself and endeavored to improve his own character." "There is water overflowing the river: that suggests Kieh (Tem perance or Control) si. The superior man thereupon instituted
(Obstacles, Difficulty) If.
The
superior
and
behavior."
Many more
of
cited.
But
is
make
clear
what
East,"
See Legge s translation of the whole chapter in Vol. XVI, pp. 382-385.
"
39
doctrine that
tions,
all
human
activities, all
have originated
fail to
in the
hsiang or
all its
Behind
all
the
must not
almost occult appearances, we recognize the practical and humanistic ideal which
animates the whole Confucian philosophy. That ideal is the same as the Baconian ideal of understanding the secrets of nature for the
of the
human
of
race."
As
the Baconian
"forms,"
so Confucianism,
"ideas."
hsiang or
The
is
a quest for
not of things
that
is,
man
own
creation
of
human
activities,
utensils,
and
institutions.
But the
parallel
ends here, for the Confucian conception of what the really are resembles more the Aristotelian than the Baconian conception
"ideas"
and and invented ships; he saw rain flowing down from the heavens, and conceived the idea of reaching multitude and posterity, and thereupon invented
of
"forms."
"ideas"
The
are the
"formal causes"
of things
institutions.
floating on water
"He
1
looks at
is
And it a wilderness, but even as he looks, beholds a garden." of a garden which determines what the wilderness this
"idea"
is
to
become.
is
physical science,
Confucius was perhaps nearest to Bacon, and therefore to when he treated all change as originating- from
which
motion caused by the pushing of that which is active against that But he was too deeply interested in human is passive.
institutions
his system.
and relations
He
develop this scientific aspect of assumed, h^>ja^ever^_iliaJ: it was from the natural
to fully
phenomena
arisen,
(hsiang)
"Ideas"
of
which
in their turn
human
to
In
thTsT,
Confucius seems
have been
the
natural.
accord with
to
the prevailing
the
time,
tendency
deprecate
the
Lao Tze
had
advocated
E.
J.
R. Woodhridge:
p. 89.
40
ground that they are artificial Confucius, too, was an admirer of "the ways of But he was also "government by non-assertion."
of
human
all
This he did by attributing to all utensils and institutions a natural origin, and by imputing
the present moral and political disorder to their gradual devia The natural tion from the original meaning and purpose.
natural,
the ideal,
was
of
the reformer-statesman
was
to
now
degenerated forms.
The
first
time in the
that it furnishes the preceding pages, was of great importance in we have already which basis for the Confucian doctrine of names
discussed in Chapter
1.
"ideas
are
or kwas, symbolized in trigrammatic and hexagrammatic figures of a now which, as we have noted, were probably the word-signs
extinct language.
1
The modern equivalent of the kiva is the name The names are regarded as of supreme importance and or word. and their rectification is deemed a necessary preliminary to social
are the political reforms, because they
symbols par excellence of and the ideas, because in them alone are the ideas still traceable
recoverable.
And
to rectify the
to
to
make
the
mean in names mean what they ought Names are ideas which they embody.
when
their
meaning is in accordance with their original ideas; and when names are correct, speech will then "follow its natural sequence.
3
Until then,
"nothing
can be
established."
iSee Shu Shen s preface to his great dictionary (the Shuoh Wen }. It and words (ifs), not only nouns almost needless to point out that all are "names" (). Kang-chen, Cheng all "parts of speech but pronouns, the greatest Confucian commentator of the Han Dynasty, said: "What the
is
"
" "
we now
I
call
words.
>:
For
Pt. II, 6
which chapter
to the names, read App. I, have refrained from translating because of the
"ideas"
numerous
41
Chapter
IV
The
Tsi or
Judgment
the
"ideas,"
another important namely, the theory of judgment. In our study of the judgment, two preliminary considerations must be borne in mind. First, a Chinese proposition or judgment
theory of logic,
differs
from
its
has played so important a role in occidental logic, is omitted in the Chinese proposition, its place being indicated only by a short
pause.
Thus,
"Socrates
is
Structurally, a proposition or
man/ becomes "Socrates, man. judgment is, to use words of Hsun combination we shall take up later)
a
"a
in order to discourse
"
about an
idea"
"
"Fire
burns,"
will
probably snow
to-morrow,"
forms of
judgment
the}
words
1
to
discourse about a
fact."
grown up
consideration
is
of
still
greater
(&$) is a
and
Some
"decisions"
But there are, or certainly may be, some nations that have no word which answers to our verb is, who nevertheless form propositions by the position only of one name after another, as if instead of man is a living order of the creature, it should be said, man a living creature; for the very naaies may sufficiently show their connection and they are as apt and useful in philosophy as if they were copulated by the verb (Elements of Philosophy, Ft. I, Ch. Ill, 2). Cf. also J. S. Mill s Logic, Bk. I, Chap. IV, 1.
Cf
.
lobbcs
"
is"
+ ^ (pig), originally meauing Book of Change, the ^ is defined as % (tsei) which was originally synonymous and is now still symphonious with * (tsei) which is precise! v the derivation of the cut and ^ (tsei) (from L. decidere). The (I nan), said Liu Shien. English word
2^
is
compound
of HI (pig s head)
"pig
s walking."
In the
"to
cut"
"to
off,"
"decide"
(5
is
W)>
a decision (luan
8ff).
42
judgment
is,
therefore,
that
For
this reason,
"proposition."
In the Book of Change, there are two kinds of judgments: (l) the tuan (^) or the a-judgment," and (2) the hslao-tse (^ f#)
"&Z
or the
"hsiao-judgment."
The former
"discourses
(hsidng)"
"discourses
about
its
moments
of
change"
In the original ancient text, as (A). (App. I, Pt. 1,3.) have mentioned, there are sixty-four kwa-judgments on as many For example, the judgment on the kwa of Humility (|f) kivas.
I
reads:
well."
"Humility
implies success;
the
the superior
of
man
will
end
is:
The judgment on
such
kwa
Preparedness
of
(tl)
"Preparedness befits
and
conducting military
(JH,
expeditions."
The judgment
Sympathy
showing river flowing down the mountains) is: "Sympathy succeeds and favors that which is right: it is propitious for
marriage.
(B).
hsiaos or lines or
The
line
fifth
Of the /w/a0-judgments there are 384, the number of moments. The following are a few examples. line of the kwa of Perseverance (H), which is a passive
of mastery, has this
for
(
judgment:
men."
"its
virtue
constancy.
Good
women, bad
is
for
Triumph
the
"The
head
peril.
The
fifth line of
kwa
of
Humility (|f)
which symbolizes
character in the position of a king, reads: "Not to enrich oneself at the expense of one s neighbors. Good for punitive
"humble"
expeditions.
"The
1
"contains
the
are
hsiangs
And judgments
(App.
itself to
appended
I, Pt. I, ll).
kwa
is
symbol
for
an idea which
"reveals"
the
com
something about it, to dis petent observer, but in order to course about it, judgments are necessary. "The sages created the hsiangs in order to represent what they conceived (or meant)
"tell"
.
.
"Four hsiangs"
The modern U-xt reads "four hsiangs," which I would be meaningless in the context.
believe to be an error.
43
they appended judgments thereto, in order to express what (App. I, Pt. I, 12) they wished to say What, then, does a judgment tell ? "That which distinguishes the order of superiority
"
And
and
is
inferiority
is to
That which
tells
what
.
judgment. found (the distinctions of) superiority and inferiority; and in the judgment are found (statements of) Every judgment points out whither it (the difficulty and facility.
.
.
is evil is
found
in the Tsi or
Therefore, in the
kwa
are
kwa
"
or the hsiao)
is
tending
(App.
I,
Pt.
I,
3).
In these words
we
judgment.
ing":
"A
it
"tells
judgment points out whither something is tend what is good and what is evil." Take our first
*
:
example
of
ifa-judgment
well."
man
will
end
implies suc
cess"
")
tells
it
"humility": it
indicates to
It tells
what
will lead:
to
something
else.
whither humility
is
us take a
of the
/w ao-judgment for further illustration. The kwa Humility (|f) has this judgment: "Primary
good
for crossing great
streams."
first
six
e.,
and
is
bottom
humblest.
six")
(--), thus representing humility at its But neither the line itself nor its name ("primary
its
tells
is
us anything about
relations
it
and tendencies.
it
judgment
for.
needed to
tell
us what
is
good
"idea"
statically,
and a hsiao
the
movement
(ift)
or activity of
showing
their tendencies
are regarded
is evil.
and
relations.
by Confucius as capable of telling what is (App. I, Pt. I, 3, 8, and 12.) Says Confu
"
good and all evil, and all that calls forth remorse and are produced by movement or activity (Pt. II, l); and regret, terms the and and evil are describing right "good wrong of move or ments activities (Pt. I, 3). Just because all good and evil
"
is,
44
depend upon the right and wrong performance of activity, judgments that indicate the relations and tendencies of human activities are therefore useful tools to insure their right and successful performance. They enable us to make inferences and That which guide our course of action. Thus Confucius said:
contains
all
is to
be found in the
kwas.
That which inspires (literally, "drums on") the activities of the world is to be found in the judgments (App. I, Pt. II, 12;
"
cf.
8).
Thus
tell
is
essentially practical.
is
They
evil,
rate,
and thereby "inspire the activities of such is the value of the type of judgment contained
Confucius said:
"Therefore,
Book of Change.
is
when
gentleman
about to do something or to go somewhere, he seeks advice therefrom (i. e., from the judgments in the Book of Change). He receives responses as promptly as an echo follows a sound.
Whatever be the problem, remote or immediate, intricate or profound, he will thereby be enabled to know what will probably
"
happen
(App.
I,
Pt.
I,
10).
Such, then,
is
Book of
1
judg
ments
of
of
what
is
to be done.
We may
judgment which Confucius was considering is that which properly belongs to a book of divination: it is the object of a book But we must also of divination to tell people what to do.
remember
a divination
book
exactly the same purpose as a book of scientific laws in our own A modern work on, say, medicine, contains exactly the type age.
of
reader
judgment which the Book of Change contains. It tells the how to observe the symptoms of various diseases, how to
are, for
is
M. N. should do thus
better, wiser, more prudent, right, advisable, opportune, ex pedient, etc., to act thus and so. And this is the type of judgment I denote practical." Dewey, Experimental Logic, p. 335.
45
own
light, tells
So the Book of Change, according him about the tendencies and probable results
etc.
to
of
may pursue
wrong, course.
The
and
along without the assistance of rules of what to do, but that its rules of conduct are principles founded on exact knowledge and verified by scientific experiment, whereas those of
the ancients were merely formulations of folk-wisdom and a prior* thought. Thus Confucius gives this account of the origin of the
judgments
purified
in
the
Book of Change:
retired
all
"The
their
minds,
to
privacy,
and
experienced
God-like, they foresaw the future; sagacious, they took in the past therefore understood the of nature and they comprehended the affair s ways
.
.
(mentally)
good and
evil.
of mankind. And they created that wonderful thing (the Book (Pt. I, 11). of Change) in anticipation of its use by the people It is, therefore, this rationalistic and a priori conception of the
"
judgments
themselves,
which
differentiates
1
the
modern book
1
of scientific laws.
That the Confuc an conception of judgment was not confined to the type of judgment appropriate only in a book of divination, will be seen when we take up the problem of the ratification of judgments in Chapter VI.
46
Chapter
The
Our study
Confucianism.
Rectification of
of the
names
as the central
problem of
"So
we
"
also
read:
to
judgments) as
to prohibit
the people from doing evil, is righteousness (App. I, Pt. II, l). We have also pointed out that the final aim of the rectification of
names
is
to reestablish
to
make every prince a prince, every minister a minister, every father shall now study the way in a father, and every son a son.
We
to
have probably remarked that the dictum "So to manage wealth and rectify judgments as to prohibit the from doing evil" contains the essence of a philosophy of people the ends which that doctrine proposes to achieve are in and law,
modern reader
will
reality the
"
call
legislation."
While
this
interpretation
logic later
actually furnished
1
"Legalist
School,
it
peculiar features in the social organization of the time of Con fucius precluded him from propounding a legal philosophy, and
The age
principles
of
Confucius was
of
still
of certain
characteristic
feudalism.
classes: the
was
or
class
divided,
"superior
two
"gentlemen"
and
the
"little
men":
"privileged"
and an
unprivileged class,
sense.
"Privileged"
1 vSee
47
were governed by laws: they constituted the unprivileged clnss. The lords, the officers, and the knights 1 composed the privileged class, that is, the class exempt from the laws. This latter class was governed not by law codes but by what was called the //,
etc.,
a body of positive rules of propriety a which the "gentlemen" regulated their own honor," by conduct, while the legal codes which provided for the five kinds
"rites.
or
"
The
li
is
"code
of
"three thousand" degrees were applicable This dualistic morality, this division of society into the "superior men" to be governed by a code of honor alone, and the "little men or the masses to be governed by the fear of
only to the
masses."
"
punishments, had made the idea of "government by law" highly undesirable because highly unrespectable. Confucius never thought of the law as an effective instrument of reforms. the people be led by laws and their conduct regulated by punish
"If
"
ments, says he, "they may try to avoid the penalties but have no sense of shame. L,ead them by virtue and standardize them by the rules of propriety, and they will have a sense of shame and, moreover, will become good (Lun KM, II, 3). But Confucius
"
was aware
of the impossibility of a
"crownless sage"
like himself
establishing a universal code of rules of propriety in an age when the empire was divided into hundreds of States with the Central
And
he frankly admitted
that such rules of propriety as should govern the empire ought to proceed from the "Son of Heaven, that is, from the Emperor.
political
then, did Confucius seek to "rectify the which he considered so necessary to moral and reformation ? The answer is: By using the written words
a task
judicially as to imply
moral
the time of Confucius, the "knights" were no longer exclusively a There had arisen a class of civil knights, not unsiuiilar, though much superior in numbers, to that existing in Great Britain which includes Sir Rabindranath Tagore as well as Sir John French. 2 In the Ki (Book I) we read: "The // are not applicable to the masses, while the legal penalties are not to be imposed on the gentlemen." Cf. also Hsun Tze, Chapter X, where it is stated that the classes from the knights upward are to he regulated by the // and the arts, while the masses should be governed by the laws.
*By
military class.
48
and condemn as the laws of a State ought to judgment, to approve notion must appear to an Occidental approve and condemn. This untenable. But it is an idea which and fanciful reader to be rather
has had tremendous influence upon Chinese thought, and especially It is an the development of historical sciences in China.
upon
embody
in a
work known
as the
Chun
Chiu.
II
("Spring
and
Autumn") is a
chronicle of the
At C. 722-480). State of Lu, covering a period of 242 years (B. has ever the first glance, it appears to be the driest chronicle that
been written.
We
the Reverent, Year 10, Spring, First Month of the the army of Chi in Imperial Calendar, the Duke defeated
"Duke
Chong
So.
Second Month, the Duke invaded the State of Sung." Chiu But we know from early and reliable sources that the Chun indicate. would has a deeper significance than its apparent dryness
Thus Mencius
said:
and right principles "The world had fallen into decay, had dwindled away. Perverse doctrines and violent deeds had and sons arisen. There were ministers murdering their rulers, wrote and was Confucius afraid, murdering their fathers.
the
Chun Chiu
(Mencius,
IX, 8).
Again:
"Confucius
ministers
(Ibid.
and
completed the Chun Chin, and rebellious villainous sons were struck with terror
IX, 11).
And
Kung Yang
Commentary:
the
make
it
Chun Chiu?
To
re
to Tightness, there is
no
Chun
Chiu.
iSee also Sze-Ma Chien s Epilogue to his Historical Records, and also s Chun Chiu Fan Lu.
49
Let us
now examine
supposed
a work that "struck rebel and villainous sons with terror" and that purports to "reform a corrupt age and restore it to Tightness. I. That the Chun Chin is more than a mere chronology of dates and events
to
lious ministers
"
and that
it has a logical import, will be seen in a most famous entry the interpretations made by the three greatest com with together mentators of the early Confucian School The original entry reads:
"Year
16 (of
Duke Hsi)
first
Month
fell
of the
day
moon, there
stones
Sung, backwards past the capital of Sung." The Tso Commentary remarks that the "stones" were "stars"
meteors)
six fishhawks flew
in
five of
them.
(meteors) and that the backward flying of the six hawks was
Here
says
is
Kung Yang
fell
comment:
"How is it
first
there
and then
There fell stones is a record of what was heard. stones ? There was first heard something falling. On examining what had Further inquiry showed that fallen, it was found to be stones. there were five of them. Why does the text say six first and Six fishhawks flew backwards* is a record of then fishhawks ?
. .
.
what was
seen.
There were
first
seen
six
somethings.
On
examination they were found to be fishhawks. On more careful and leisurely examination they were seen to be flying backwards." The Kuh Liang Commentary is equally interesting: "Why does
the text
first
say there
fell
and then
stones
Sung The number following after indicates that the stones were scattered about and could not be seen together from any one place. The wording refers to the realm of the ear.
boundaries of that State.
In six fishhawks flying backwards past the capital of Sung, the number is put first, indicating that (the birds) were seen together.
in
The superior The wording refers to the realm of the eye. man is never careless in regard to anything. The recording even of stones and fishhawks being so exact, how much more so will it be in regard to men Therefore, if words be not so used as they
.
.
royal
way
will
never be exhibited.
50
constitutes the
is
first
characteristic of the
it
Chun Chiu.
Its linguistic
both favorably importance and exact usage, careful it for while and unfavorably, emphasizes Its of literature. view it tends to a mechanical and pedantic to make the language exact logical significance is twofold: first,
obvious:
affects
the language
means an improvement
the last
of
sentences in the quotation from Ktih Liang clearly indicate, this linguistic exactness is an integral part of the logical philosophy of Confucius.
II.
The
events in the
Chun Chiu
with linguistic exactitude, but at the same time ethical judgments The judgments are implied in the are pronounced upon them.
wording itself. There are, for example, thirty-six cases of rulers being murdered by their heirs, ministers, or subjects. Note the different ways of recording some of these regicides:
(a)
"Year
4 (of
Duke Yin
month,
Chou-Shu,
Wuen,"
of the State of
(b)
"In
Wei
killed (sa)
Chou-Shu (who had through the above-recorded regicide become the ruler of Wei) in Poh (a town in the neighboring
State of
(c)
Chen)."
"Year
Wen)
in
murdered
"Year
18 (of
Duke Wen)
Duke Chen)
of)
Chu murdered
(e)
"Year
18 (of
in the first
month
of the
murdered
(/)
(of,Duke Hsuen) in the ninth month, on Yih-Chin Day, Chao-Tuen, of Tsin, murdered (shi) his ruler,
2
Yi-Kao."
because the Of these six cases, (b) uses the verb sa, kill," murdered ruler was himself a murderer and usurper. The other
"to
51
verb
,
s!ii t
"to
kill
a person higher in
rank."
the murderers are mentioned by name in (fl), (f), (/) order to specify the responsibility for the crime. In (c) the title
In
and
mentioned in order to emphasize the extraor of a crime which is a parricide as well as a unnatural ness dinary In regicide. (/), the real murderer, we are told by detailed records, was not Chao Tueu, but his nephew, Chao Chuan; and
"heir
apparent" is
the crime was here imputed to the former as a sign of disapproval because as Prime Minister of the State he failed to bring his
nephew to justice. In (&), "the people of Wei" are the agents, because the slain prince deserved the death Chou Shu was not
;
mentioned as
"their
ruler"
of death
"in
because he was not a legitimate prince; Poh" was mentioned because the
Wei were
so impotent
usurper as
(<?),
in
murder, though committed by specifiable ministers, is Chu and Tsin respectively in order to imputed show that the penalty of death was really what these peoples
to the States of
the
This attempt to imply ethical judgment in what appear merely "notices" of historical events, is probably the
characteristic
to be
most
form.
feature
of
the
Chun Chin
possess
it
in
its
original
is
we
to-day
it
In
its
present form,
to its ethical
judgments.
Such
we
in
know
not)
made necessary by
in the State of Lu.
is
"houses"
One
of the strongest
arguments
III. Consistent with the two foregoing principles, the Chun Chin seeks to embody the author s political ideal of a perfect feudal hierarchy once more under the supremacy of the Emperor
of
"
Chou.
in the
Chun Chin opens with the phrase month of the Imperial Calendar," the
52
edged
authority
of
over
the
entire
realm.
Moreover,
far
although
thai*
many
the
States had
acquired
territories
vaster
the Imperial Domain, and although some of them, like those of Tsu and Wu, had long assumed the title of "kingdom," they
titles
Thus-
King
of
Tsu
of
is
always
of
Tsu,"
always
like
"Earl
Wu,"
Sung
is
always
known
"Duke
And
as
"when
and music and punitive expeditions proceed from the (Lun Yu XVI, 2), so he registered his disapproval and
t
wars then being carried on by one State in the Chun Chiu as "inva against another, by recording them Only those wars led by princes whose sions" and "aggressions."
condemnation
of the
leadership had
nominal sanction
of
the
Emperor, were recorded as "punitive expeditions." Thus by its peculiar methods, (l) its exact use of language,. its distinction of social its implicit ethical judgments, and (3)
(2)
status,
to
t
k e Chun Chiu
is
embody
his doctrine of
names and
it
judgments"
and
"to
to
Tightness."
That he
was unsuccessful in realizing this original purpose, history has shown us. But this is a story which does not properly belong to dissertation. My object in bringing in the Chun Chiu our
present
is
motive which underlies the logical doctrines was a practical contained in the Book of Change. That motive
to illustrate the
one:
The reform a corrupt age and restore it to Tightness. Confucius believed to be in an key to the solution of this problem means of "names" and intellectual reorganization of society by
"
"to
"judgments."
Words
to
"ideas"
or
"ideals"
from which the real things and institu should always seek tions have deplorably deviated, and which they which Propositions are to be truly "judgments" to approximate. the activities ot should be so judicious and judicial as to "inspire the world" and "prohibit the people from doing evil."
PART
The
Logic of
III
His School
INTRODUCTORY
Of the philosophical
century
preserved
cius
B.
C.,
extending from
has
the death of Confucius (478 B. C.) to the last quarter of the fourth
very
little
is,
reliable
source-material
been
to us.
There
to be sure, a large
amount
of literature
Confu
and
to their followers.
"higher"
textual and
genuinely belonging to the period to which it has been generally That is a question which does not much concern us ascribed.
here, for
however trustworthy or dubious such material may be, it contains little or nothing which throws any light on the develop ment of the method of philosophy of the age. The exceptions to this statement are the Commentaries on the Chun Chiu, by Kung Yang and Kuoh Liang, both disciples of Tze Hsia, and the Ta
Hsuoh and
Tsan Tze,
little
the
to the disciple of
a disciple of Confucius.
The Kun? Yang of ancient Chinese logic. as illustrations of serve can commentaries and Kuoh Liang only has already names which the Confucian doctrine of rectification of been discussed in Part II of this essay. The Ta Hsuoh and the
to a history
Chung Yung are important, not because of their own merits, but because of the part they played many centuries later in furnishing
a
for the
new
"Confucian"
philosophies of
come down
to us.
The works
entitled
An Tze Chun
to this period.
54
of the Lieh Tze probably contains a fairly account of the "Epicurean" ethics of the School of trustworthy Yang Chu. But none of these works is of any value for our
present purpose.
of real
importance
is
though
of
it,
too, is
not free
interpolations
title
collection
is,
fifty-three
books
Till.
under the
of
Moh
Tze, that
it
the teachings of
to
Moh
None
seems
by Moh Tih himself. The major portion of this work, Books 8-26 and 28-30, consists of records, probably written by the early
Mohists, of the essential doctrines of
Moh
Tih.
Books
38, 39,
and
40 contain his occasional sayings and conversations and anecdotes, most if not all of which can be accepted as records by the early
Mohist school.
arts of fortification
and
Books
3, 4,
5, 6, 7,
on certain
Books 32-37, which will be fragmentary sayings and anecdotes. studied in detail in subsequent chapters of this essay, are here
accepted as the works of the later or
1
new Mohist
School.
Books
contain nothing but moralist platitudes decidedly more Confucian than Mohistic.
2
and
cannot here take up the details of textual and higher criticism of this remarkable collection. Nor can we consider here
the problem of the synoptic books, namely,
14-16,
We
much overlapping and problem resembling in many respects that of the synoptic Gospels in the New Testament. Suffice it to say that this collection was long ignored by the hostile Confucian scholars, and
trilogies
with
a
verbal
variations
and
repetition
consequently suffered
many
textual corruptions.
During the
last
movement
ing has brought this work to the attention of scholars, and, since s edition with commentaries in 1784, it has had the benefit of many great textual critics like Chang
yong.
all
Hui-yen, Wang Lien-sun, Wang Yin-tze, Yii Yueh, and Sun YiMr. Sun Yi-yong s 1907 edition of the work, embodying
r
still
the previous notes and commentaries together with his own, the best edition available.
is
55
II
Tih, perhaps one of the greatest souls China has ever produced, has never had a biographer until the twentieth century. Sze-Ma Chien, the great historian, gave him a vague notice of only
Moh
"Records
of a Historian.
"
In his 1907
biography of based entirely on contemporary testimony, documentary records, and the internal evidences found in the Moh Tze.
Moh
Tzc,
a short
Moh
Till"
According
reign of
to
Mr. Sun,
(or
King Ting
Moh Tih was probably born during the King Chin Ting, B. C. 468-441), and died King An (B. C. 401-376). Mr. Sun held that
probably died after 381 B. C., because the death of the famous general Wu Chi which occurred in that year was mentioned
in
Moh Tih
Book
of the
Moh
Tze.
to
be disputable.
In the
first place,
the
1,
Sun based
Books
and
con
in the
Moreover, the death of General Wu L,il Sze Chun Chin (Book XIX,
told that in the year of
Mr. Sun
death,
theory.
There we are
Wu
Chi
Shen, head or "Elder Master" (chu tze)* of the Mohists, together with 185 of his disciples, perished in a city which he had been intrusted to defend. Before his death, Mang
Mang
Shen sent two envoys to another Mohist named Tien Sliiang Tze, and conferred on him the office of "Elder Mastership" of the
From this we infer that by 381 B. C. "Mohism" had become an organized and recognized institution and the already of All this system "apostolic succession" had been in vogue.
Mohists.
founder.
could not have bean accomplished during the lifetime of its The logical conclusion would be that Moh Tih had been
1 *
3 vSec
56
Furthermore, we learn from the Tan Kung that Kung-Shii Pan, the famous mechanician, whose meeting with Moh Tih is mother of Ki sufficiently attested, was present at the funeral of the
Kang
Tze.
We know
that
2
in
The death
of the
mother probably
occurred somewhere between these two dates, say, 480 B. C. This would mean that Kung-Shu Pan who was old enough to offer his new mechanical device for her burial, was probably born at
least
His contem twenty years before, that is, about 500 B. C. time. same the about born was Moh Tih, probably porary, Thus we may conclude that Moh Tih lived approximately be
He was
of
he was a compatriot
Confucius.
Consequently, he was
brought into contact with the Cqnfucian School which, after the death of Confucius, was then spreading over the several States.
According
schools.
to
some
He became
the Confucians
dissatisfied
busily engaged in the task of codifying the traditional customs, rites, and moral laws into an elaborate
who were
system
phase
of rules regulating
every
human
of
human
conduct.
He was
of a highly religious
tempera
ment and was disgusted with the early Confucians who accepted and devised the ancient institution of ancestral worship, extravagant rituals for funeral and burial, but who were mostly Nor could he accept the Confucian held that "life and death are which doctrine determinism, of pre-determined, and wealth and honors are in the hands
atheists,
and
of
at best agnostics.
Above all he rebelled against their attittidinarianism which refused to consider the practical consequences of beliefs, 5 theories, and institutions.
Providence."
2
3
That is, Book II of the Li Ki. Tso s Commentary on the Chun Chin, years 3 and 27 of Duke Ai. Confucius himself was an agnostic. See Lnn Yii, XI, 11.
Yii,
*Lun
5
XII,
5. s
4i),
(i.
.
criticism of the Confucians, see Moh Tzc, ch. on the Yii" 7,9,10, 14, 15. The chapter (31) entitled "Criticism Confucians), is spurious.
For
Moh Tih
*,
4,
ti,
e.,
the
57
So he founded a new school, the o:ily school in Ancient China which enjoyed the distinction of beinx called by the name of its founder, namely, "Mohism." For in the Chinese language
Confucianism has never been called
(lit).
"Confucianism"
but
"Yu"
system of thought, Mohism has much in common with Utilitarianism and Pragmatism. (This we shall presently discuss
As
But
than a philosopher.
Indeed he was the only Chinese who can truly be For Taoism was never founded said to have founded a religion. as a religion founded by Confucianism nor was by Lao Tze,
of a religion.
Confucius.
vitality
and
wide following. As a religion, Mohism repudiates determinism and holds that the salvation of the individual depends on his own
efforts to
do good.
It
ghosts
men
possess intelligence and power to reward and punish It has as its basic tenet the according to their deserts.
who
Heaven which
is
is:
"Love
all."
This
features of
Mohism
is its
asceticism.
practicing
self-denial,
and mourning.
all,"
Mohism As a religion based on the doctrine of "Love condemned the institution of war. The following story told in numerous sources best portrays the spirit of Mohism and the character of its founder. Kung-Shu Pan, the State Engineer of his new invention of a cloud ladder" for had just completed Chu, besieging walled cities, and the King of Chu was planning an
invasion into the State of Sung.
When Moh
Tih learned
of this,
he started out from his native State and traveled ten days and ten nights all on foot, arriving at the capital city with sun -burnt face
and battered
There he secured an interview with the State Engineer whom he succeeded in convincing that his cause was wrong and condemnable. He was then presented to the King who was
feet.
finally
persuaded that
it
profitable to carry
58
on an offensive campaign
siege machine.
for the
"Before I
met
"I
conquer the State of Sung. But since I have seen you, I would not have it even if it were given me without resistance but with no just cause." To this Moh Till S o, then replied; it is as if I had already given you the State of Sung. Do persist in your righteous course, and I will 1 give you the whole world." Perhaps no tribute to Moh Tih can be more reliable than those
"lf-
had wanted
to
paid to him by his severe critics. Mencius, who once condemned the teaching of Moh Tih as leading men to the of
beasts, said:
his
"Moh
Tih loved
all
critic, Clmang Tze, said: "The life of the Mohists is toilsome and their death ritual is too Their way is too simple. It makes men sad and sorrowful. primitive. It is difficult to practice. ... It is against human nature- and man cannot stand
it.
Another
himself could
bear
it,
how about
(literally,
the
"a
world?
But
certainly a glory
beauty")
to the
world!
Ah,
what
a genius
he
Ill
to have had two centuries (430-230 B. C.).
Mohism seems
a very
( ?~233 B. C.) tells us that the great schools of learning of the time were the Yii (i. e ., the Confucians) and the Mohists. 4 The Lu Sse Chun Chiu, written tinder the patronage of Lii Poh-wei (?-235 B. C.), says that the followers of Confucius and Moh Tih were found in every part of the empire. 5 In an appendix to his edition of the Moh Tze, Sung Yi-yong gives a list of Mohists whose names were found in the various books of that period. In this list there are fifteen disciples
Han
Ch.
4.1
23.
:
*Mcnciu.3
I.
26.
*Han
5
59
Tih, three Mohists of the third generation, one of the fourth generation, and thirteen other Mohists whose lineage is no longer
of
Moh
traceable.
According
to
Han
Moh Tih
was divided
The School
Teng
taken
of
Shiang
2
Lin.
The
two different development the one it On directions. hand, developed a kind of religious organization with a recognized head known as the "Elder Master"
to
to
Mohism
seems
have
(elm tzc, g? 7- or g J-).* The selection of the Elder Master seems have been made by means of a sort of "apostolic succession,"
In
phase of Mohism were included the essential doctrines of Mohist ethics such as universal altruism, an tide term in ism, be
lief in spirits
hand, there sprang up a distinct school of to be known as scientific and logical Mohism, which came
On
the other
Neo-Mohism
"They (the Neo-Mohists) argued with one another about solidity and whiteness and about agreement and difference. They discussed among themselves whether odd and
(jjjij
fl)-
other."
Chuang
it
Tze
to
has
never
been
properly
My
to see
Moh
knowledge and found that our perception of whiteness is a different process from our perception of solidity or hardness, and that our knowledge of a "hard white stone" is not the same as either of the two processes. They were interested in the study of numbers and figures. Above all, they were founders of a highly advanced and scientific method based on the principles of agreement and difference. They
Neo-Mohists.
Vol. VIII, App. Ill, and App. VI, the latter being a collection of the fragmentary remains of their teachings.
1
2
3
ch. 50; cf. Chuwig Tzc, Epilogue. Chuang Tze, Epilogue, and L,u Sse Chun Chiu, Bk. XIX, 4 Chuanq Tze, Epilogue.
Han Fe fTze,
ch.
3.
60
of
discovered the
had
a quite
agreement and
difference"
and
of
As we
logicians,
shall
soon
see,
and metaphysicians. The development of this new school could not have taken place before the middle of the fourth century B. C. My study of the Mohist works has led me to the conclusion
to this
new
school.
In the
first
oh Tze* absolutely different from the main body of the Secondly, while no mention of Moh Tih was made in these books,
books
is
the term
"Mohist"
absolutely free from the supernatural and even superstitious naivetes which are frequently found in the ethico-religious. teachings of the
They are undoubtedly the product of an age of science. This discrepancy in content and in treatment cannot be explained except on the assumption that a long interval probably as long as had elapsed between the one hundred years (400-300 B. C.)
founder.
death of
way
Moh Tih and the composition of these books. Fourthly, both the problems discussed in these books and the in which the problems are formulated and propounded, were
with the trend of the philosophical speculations Indeed the of the last quarter of the fourth century B. C.
in perfect accord
in the
Zenoianparadoxes of Hui Sze and his fellow dialecticians mentioned Epilogue of the Chuang Tse, and the theories of Kung-Sun
Lung Lung
work
entitled
Kung-Sun
Tze, cannot be properly understood except in the light of the It is not improbable that either Kung-Sun six books in question.
Lung
was the author of these books, Books 1, 2, 4, 5, and 6 of Kung-Sun Lung Tse are all found in those books, sometimes in substance only At any rate the and very often in exactly the same phraseology. six books can safely be assigned to the period of Hui Sze (who was
or his immediate predecessor
for the theories
now contained
in
still
King Hui
of
Liang (319
third century B. C.
1
See below, Chapter VI. This view was maintained by Wang Chung in a preface to his own notes on the Moh Tse dated 1790. His notes, however, were not published.
2
61
Probably Neo-Mohism as a school of scientific investigation and logical inquiry flourished about 325-250 B. C. This is the only school of Chinese thought which has developed a scientific
logic with both inductive
It
has also
advanced a theory of knowledge based on psychological analysis. It continued the pragmatic tradition of Moli Tin and developed an experimental method. For we find in the six books above referred
evidences of experiments with concave and convex mirrors, and many formulas of mechanics and the science of light.
to,
The growth
of that century,
Its
of
At the end
Mohism with
all
disappearance was so complete that Sze-Ma Chien, who wrote his great history toward the end of the second century B. C., was
Moh
Till
This
causes.
total
disappearance of
First, its
were incompatible with the needs of the age. The third century B. C. was a century of gigantic wars which resulted in the conquest
of all the "Contending
States"
by the State
our
of
of
:
Chin.
"
Thus
in the
Kwan
of
Tze,
we
If
the principle
will
disarmament triumphs,
then
strategic
passes
love
be
defenseless.
And
if
the doctrine
universal
triumphs,
Fei,
Han
who
was
"
as honest
What
To
at the
mercy and benevolence; to honor those who capture cities . and at the same time believe in the doctrine of universal love, how can an efficient and strong State result from such self-con
.
tradictory acts?
Records of a Historian, Bk. 74. A work which bears the mime of seventh century B. C., but which was in century with even later interpolations.
1
Kwan
all
*Hnn
49.
62
Nor was this age of warfare propitious to scientific research and philosophical speculation. The nations demanded practical and politicians L,et us again quote Han Fei military geniuses. Those whom the government benefits are not those whom it uses. Those whom it uses are not those whom it benefits. Therefore
:
those
is
who ought to serve the State have gone why the States are in such disorder.
.
to the schools.
.
That
called
What
is
now
wisdom
wisest
consists of subtle
When you have not wine and meat. When you have not even rags to wear, think not of silk and embroidered Now nothing is more detrimental to good government garments. than to encourage what even the wisest do not quite understand
quite understand.
men do not
even coarse
when
is
common
sense.
people."
which Mohism was founded came boomerang and caused its own downfall. Mohism was persecuted under the Chin Empire together with Confucianism.
back
to itself as a
Thus
books were burned together with the Confucian works. After Han Empire (B. C. 206 to A. D. 7), Confucianism soon reestablished itself. But Mohism, which had been attacked
Its
alike,
Han
63
BOOK
II
The Duke
latter
The
give
a correct answer.
Could
it
be that the
to
Duke
know
and
really
government was
to
afar
What he
wanted
to
accomplish this. Wherefore, then, him what he had already learned instead of what
he did not
know?"
difference in
This apparently casual remark well illustrates the essential method between Confucianism and Mohism. It is,
generally speaking, a difference between the what and the how, between an emphasis on ultimate ideals and first principles, and an emphasis on intermediate steps and consequences. Let this be the
his school.
seen, had taught that the rectification of names that is, the use of names according to their natural and ideal meaning was essential to the moral reformation of society and the State. The problem of Confucianism, therefore, was one
Confucius, as
we have
an ideal world, a world of universals, of ideal rela world to imitate and approximate. Accordingly, early Confucianism busied itself with two tasks: first, to teach the
of establishing
tions, for the real
Chun Chin; and, secondly, to edit and codify and elaborate the customs, moral
i Compare Yu, XIII, 16, where the answer reads: around you, and draw people from afar."
;
"Gladden
those
Moh
64
into a system of li (fg) which precepts, rituals, ceremonies, etc., word Sittlichkeit in the German the can best be translated by
men with a Hegelian sense. The object of the li was to furnish and conduct code of ideal relations for the regulation of individual But the li in its exaggerated form became an social intercourse. with rigidity and intolerably elaborate code of rules, prescribing
minute
detail
every phase of
human conduct
including eating,
drinking, clothing, sitting, standing, walking, cooking, talking, sleeping, shooting, marriage, death, mourning, funeral, burial,
etc., etc.
Moh
Tze,"
said the
"studied
Confucians
arid
learned the
of
Confucius.
But
he
as too
He thought
to
that
their
was injurious unnecessarily long period of mourning (three years) 2 both to the vitality of men and to the normal conduct of business."
Indeed
rebellious
against
of
the
Confucianism, against
universals, of
the
method
setting
-.>f
of
principles, with
little
Moh Tih
policies.
sought
a criterion by which to test the truth and falsehood, and the right
and wrong,
criterion
and
This
consequences which the The Confucian doctrine beliefs, theories, etc., tend to produce. institutions originated and that held things of ideas (hsiangY had
he
found in
the
practical
in ideas
which were afterwards embodied into According to this logic, tions and principles.
utensils
and
institu
in order to
grasp the
meaning
it is
necessary to go back
of
the
names by
Against
this
view
Moh
Tih
The
best
way
to
is
to read
Legge
and Steele
s translation of
the
/ Li,
preferable because
more elaborate. *Hui Nan Tee, a work compiled under the patronage Hui Nan, of the Han Dynasty, chap. XXI.
3
of
See part
65
originated,
maintained that our institutions and utensils and conceptions not in transcendental ideas, but in practical needs.
Human
institutions
problem
of
that
most
Moh
for
Till)
owe
the
realization
which these
meaning
of
these things,
it is
their
meaning.
"l
To
Moh
Tih said:
asked the
]
Confucians, wherefore they should have music, and they answered, Music (yoh) is an amusement (yoh, now pronounced loh). I
You have not answered my question. If I asked should build a house and you said it was built for you why you protection against cold in winter and heat in summer and for
said to them:
separate dwelling of persons of different sexes, you would then be Now I asked why you should telling me why you built the house.
have music and you said music is an amusement. equivalent to saying that a house is to be a house.
Briefly
stated,
That
is
Moh
Tili s
meaning meaning
quotation
"Any
of every conception or
main position is this: that the what it is good for, and that the belief or policy lies in what kind
of conduct or character
may
it is fitted to produce. The following serve as a concise statement of his pragmatic method:
which can elevate conduct should be perpetuated. That which cannot elevate conduct should not be perpetuated. To perpetuate anything that cannot elevate conduct is nothing but
principle
waste of
speech."
1 Which is the definition given in Hook XVII of the The Ki. Confucians were very fond of making etymological definitions. See Confucius* c!c-:lnition of government in the f.itn Yil, XII, 17. 2Ch. 40: 14.
,.
am
th
ir mi ft
>,
&m
ft,
ft Z.
^ ff * &
,
ft.
Jfc
u &.
The same statement appears also in chapter JJS: 12, wilh the substitution of f$ (to lift up) for jg which now means "change," but which formerly meant "change for the better" as, for example, in ;fj -J- JLU & jy =g in ihe Be ok of Change.
>:->\
66
It
insisting
on
practical
and worth
of principles
and
institutions,
endeavor.
The
following conversation will illustrate this point: "Wu-Ma Tze Your doctrine of loving all men has not yet said to Moh Tze
:^
nor has
my
it
any
harm.
why do you always approve your own theory and condemn mine?* Moh Tih said Here is a (house on) fire. One man is seeking water to extinguish it. Another man is seeking a torch to spread
:
Neither has as yet succeeded in accomplishing *I approve the anything, but which of them do you approve? motive of the one seeking water, and condemn the motive of the
the conflagration.
Therefore,
said
Moh
Tih,
approve
my
Having discovered the pragmatic method, Moh Tih employed it throughout his teachings, basing his own theories on it and subjecting many of the current doctrines to the same test. Speak
ing of his own theory of universal altruism, he said: But not fitted for practice, even I myself would reject it.
there be
"if
it
were
how can
anything which
2
is
true
(or
good)
which cannot be
clarity
practiced?"
The following remarkable passage illustrates with force the nature of the method of Moh Tih
:
and
with
"Now
blind
man may
say,
is
That
which
is
shines
black.
brilliancy
is
like soot
Even
those
But if you place can see cannot reject these definitions. ask him to man and blind the before black and both white things
who
choose the one from the other, then he fails. Therefore I say, A blind man knows not white from black, not because he cannot
name them, but because he cannot choose them. "Now when the gentlemen of the world undertake to define virtue and benevolence, even the wisest men of antiquity cannot
iCh. 33:4.
2
Ch. 16.
67
surpass them. But if one takes a benevolent act and a malevolent act and asks them to choose the one from other, then they fail. The gentlemen of the world know not Therefore, I say,
choice."
thus contrasting choice and conduct with naming and defining, Moh Till probably had in mind the logic of Confucianism
In
which begins with the attempt to discover through the study of names what things ought to be, and seeks to reform the real social and political order by furnishing it with an elaborate and rigid
system of ideal relations. It is true that Confucius conceived of judgments as statements of what to do and what not to do. But in attributing to them an absolute and a priori origin, he and his
followers have in effect
made
the universals
to
As a later Confucian put it: be regardless of consequences. not its beneficial results. and consider up what is righteous,
"Set
Make
known
1
the right
Way, and
take no account of
its
practical opera
tions."
As
came
to be regarded as ends in
to test their validity.
themselves.
Nor was
situations.
detached
from
their
practical
consequences,
abstractions, to be
conjured up or to be dispensed with according to the blind guidance of caprice and bias. They became, indeed, as meaningless and as irresponsible as the blind man s definitions of black and white.
The
issue
may
be stated in
a different
way.
The
great
logic lies in
"predicables."
are
was
Moh Tih
"subject"
or
"the
predicated"
shih)
.*
The Mohists
,
terms as follows:
"That
something)
is
the predicate
(45,
iCh. 39:
*
9.
Tung Chung-shu.
"substance," "reality,"
"real
*Shih uieaus
thing,"
etc.
68
is said, Is
predicated."
Thus,
after describing-
how
all
same
This and do not they recognize the substance (shih) of righteousness. They may be likened unto the blind man who can say the names black and
said:
Moh Tih
"
means
praise the
name
of righteousness
who cannot
recognize the
We
logic of
The problem of the Confucianism was the problem of rectifying names by means of names, that is, of correcting the now corrupt and degenerate
discovery of the subject or the predicated.
meaning
meaning.
of
names by reestablishing their original and ideal Any modern student of philology can readily see the
it
infinite regress,
is
For even dismissing the difficulty of an evident that the original meaning, when
finally discovered,
cal interest.
What
can have very little more than mere etymologi logical and moral good is there achieved when
we have
of an
word
if
"idea"
(n)
to its original
meaning
"elephant"?
And
we abandon
approach, we are compelled to resort to arbitrary meanings, to those meanings which the philosophers themselves consider to be ideal.
This arbitrary and subjective method of determining the ideal meaning had actually been adopted by the Confucian School,,
especially
in
in
the
Chun
to
Chiu,
where even
historical
facts
were
the
distorted
historian.
It
order
of
was
to
of contentless predicables
that
Moh Tih
discovery of the
logic.
"subject
was epoch-making
in the
history of
Chinese
with reference
judgment must be taken with reference to its practical consequences. Knowledge consists, not in learning predicables and universals, but in the ability to use these things in
to the predicated; a
real life,
"not
"to
elevate
conduct."
A man
is
said to
"know"
things
of his ability
Ch. 34: 87. Ch. 19. Cf. the quotation from ch. 39:
9,
given above.
69
never tired of condemning the traditional attitude from their practical bearing upon
and conduct
Throughout
his
works,
we
find
persistent
forming what
Moh Tih
of
"being
That is to say, s mind one to and by constantly confining defining re-defining general principles without testing their validity by examining the kind of conduct and character they are fitted to produce, one gradually IQSJS one s sense of proportion and valuation and tends to "strain at a gnat and swallow a camel."
wise in petty things and ignorant in great
This habit of
things"
little things and ignorant in great forms one of the most familiar themes in the works of Moh
"being
wise in
Tih.
It is
mentioned by him on
each time with a wealth of convincing illustration. Nowhere, more and does he out this however, forcibly bring point eloquently than in the first of his trilogy on the then as now prevalent attitude
I quote this chapter in its entirety as a fitting toward war. conclusion to the discussion of his pragmatic method
:
is a man who enters his neighbor s orchard and some peaches and plums therefrom. When this is known, he is condemned by the public, and, when caught, will
"Here
steils
Wherefore
Because he has
injury to another
greater
is
man; and
"And if
wrong greater than stealing a dog, a pig, or a chicken. ? Because he does a greater injury to another; and the Why
still
more he
is
Chapters
9, 10, 17,
-j;i.
:T>,
and 41:6.
70
"And if
away
he goes as far as to waylay an innocent man, take and cloak, and stab him with his sword, then
greater than that of stealing a horse, or a cow.
his crime
Why ?
And
is
Because he has dcme thereby a still greater injury. the greater the injury a man does to another, the greater
his crime,
"In
shall be his
punishment.
all
condemn
this
man and
is
declare,
He
is
wrong!
crimes
the invasion of
"Now
here
the greatest of
all
But the gentlemen of the world not condemn it, but even praise it, and declare, it
say that these gentlemen
right
"Shall
we
know
the distinction
one
man
is
punishable
men by death. Applying makes the crime ten times greater and ten times as punishable; similarly the killing of a hundred men increases the crime a hundredfold, and makes it that many times as punishable.
the sa^ne principle, the killing of ten
"All
this
the
gentlemen
of
the
world
unanimously
all
is
condemn and pronounce to be wrong. "But when they come to judge the
the invasion of one state by another
greatest of
(which
1
wrongs hundred
thousand times more criminal than the ki ling of one innocent 1 man), they cannot see that they should condemn it. On the
contrary, they praise
it
and
call it
right.
know it
on
it
wrong. Therefore they have recorded their judgment to be transmitted to posterity. If they know it was wrong,
is
how
could
we
a
for posterity ?
"Here is
man who
and
calls
black, but
white.
who, after seeing many black must all say that this man does not know the distinction between black and white.
things, calls
them them
We
iThe sentence in brackets is not found in this chapter; I have taken from chapter 25 where the same passage, with variations, is repeated.
it
71
another man, who tastes a few bitter things and them bitter, but who, having tasted many bitter things, calls them sweet. We must all say that this man knows not the distinction between bitter and sweet.
"Here is
calls
"Here
is
a world
which condemns a petty wrong and wrongs the attack of one nation
*
upon another and calls it right. Can we say that the world knows the distinction between right and wrong? 1
*Ch.l7.
72
BOOK
II
of
Reasoning
Having stated the essential characteristics of Moh Tin s method, we shall now take up his theory of dialectics, that is, his This conception of the method of reasoning and argumentation.
may
be called the
"Method of
Three
Laws."
Said
Moh
Tih
"In
reasoning about things, there is needed a standard form. Reason ing without a standard form is like calculating the time of day and
night on a constantly
and cannot lead to clear knowledge of the distinctions between right and wrong, good and evil. Therefore, in reasoning and argumentation there must be
shifting
dial,
three laws.
What
(l)
There must be
basis or foundation;
There must be
a general survey;
(3)
There must be
practical application.
Where
to find the
Find
it
men
of the past.
How
ing
(its
to take a general survey of it? Survey it by examin compatibility with) the facts of the actual experience of
the people.
"
How
to
apply
it?
Put
it is
it
into law
conducive
the Three
"
I call
Laws
of
Reasoning.
is
of the first
sometimes
reversed, the third, namely the law of practical application, is always the final test. The statement of tne whole method as
little
amplification on
my
part.
s
So
shall
Moh
Tib
application of
The same laws appear in chapters 29 and 30. The statement of 28. these laws in chapter 29 has slightly suffered later corruption. The other
.
exactly.
Cf. ch. 4
and
73
the method by quoting in extenso the arguments he employed first, the existence of in disproving fatalism, and, second, in proving
spirits of the dead.
In his arguments against fatalism or determinism, fate. said: "There are some men who hold that there is
Moh Tih
Why
do
of the wise rulers of the past? they not try to look into the facts Cheh (1818-1784 B. C.) had ruined the kingdom,
When King
restored
it
B. C.)
(1154-1123
took it kingdom same The and peace. over and restored it once more to order under and prosperity kingdom and the same people found peace a Cheh or a Chou. under ruin and disorder and a or a Wu,
B. C.) had again brought the
King
Wu
Tang
11
How
Why
...
. .
.
rulers?
codes,
not again look into the written records Is there any statement in their laws,
.
of
.
.
past
penal
and ordinances, ... to the effect that blessings cannot reverence be asked for and catastrophes cannot be averted, that ..." and piety avail not, and cruelty is harmless? The second law, that of examining the compatibility of any with the facts of experience, is not quite applicable to an
theory
abstract subject Ifke determinism.
reference to
it
only
"
of as a personified deity.
He
said:
My
based on what
What has been seen nonexistent. people hold to be existent or What has never been seen or heard, I or heard, I call existent.
2
call nonexistent."
On
this
ground he
existence of Fate.
"the
We
shall
have occasion
determining factor in knowledge. But the most important of all the three laws of reasoning is, Thus we are told that after all, the law of practical consequences.
facts of experience" as a
28.
*Ch.
29.
74
fatalism must be condemned because it teaches that "men receive honors from the government not because they deserve them, but because it is predestined that they should receive them and that punishments, too, are predetermined by fate and have nothing to do with the evils men do. Such teachings would naturally result
;
"
in a state of affairs in
which
and
to
and rulers
is
will
have no one
rely on in time
of
peril."
industry, encourages negligence, and the poverty and misery of the world.
much
of
laziness
in poverty
will refuse
misery
to their
own
Similarly,
those rulers
about the ruin of their principalities, will also lay the whole blame 2 not on themselves but on fate. Finally, determinism is incom
patible with all efforts of education.
"
Teaching people to learn and preaching the doctrine of fatalism, is like telling a man to 3 cover his head and at the same time to uncover
it."
II
a typical case of negative argumentation. His arguments in support of his theory of spirits of the dead are still more instructive in that they show more clearly the strength and weakness of the three laws of reasoning. Here Moh Tih begins with the second law, that is, with "the facts of experience." He
So much for
we must
its
first
find out
people"
existence or of
nonexistence.
heard
it is
it, it is
to be held as existent.
to be held as nonexistent."
some people have seen or If none has seen or heard it, With this general statement, he
If
"
asks his opponent to inquire of the multitude of men who have seen spirits, and to read the records of historic personages who
Ch.
28.
2
3
Ibid.
Ch. 40
6.
75
to the first
After long citations from various historical records, he turns law and says: you think the facts of the ears and
"If
eyes of the
why
men
of
the past?
Thereupon he
hymns, etc., of the ancient dynasties, to show that they assumed either explicitly or implicitly the existence of spirits. Finally, recourse is made to the third law and appeal is made
is
if
to
what one
"
tempted
to
term
"
the will to
believe."
"if,"
says
Moh
and
Tih,
offered to feed
sisters.
and
feast our
own
Is that
spirits,
we are at most spending a little money on Even so, we do not waste it in the sense of throwing
We
can
still
and participate
drinks.
Therefore, even if there be no ghosts nor spirits, this (the belief?) may still enable us to enjoy conviviality and give pleasure
to our relations
and
neighbors."
must sound exceedingly trivial to many. My object in reproduc ing them here is to show how the religious temperament of a thinker could influence him to employ his pragmatic method for
And that after the justification of such a theory as that of ghosts. he had employed the very same method to destroy the theory of
not be possible that such attempts to justify a conception the validity of which has not been seriously subjected to the pragmatic test, have been one of the causes which conspired
determinism!
Might
it
to discredit
Mohism
in the later
days
of materialism
and atheism
Cf. ch. 40: 7, where Moh Tih said: "The wise rulers of the have intelli past have always believed in the doctrine that ghosts and spirits gence and are capable of blessing and cursing men. They held the doctrine of blessedness and unblessedness, and therefore order and peace prevailed under their reign." Does Mr. James employ the 2Cf. Professor Dewey s criticism of James: pragmatic method to discover the value in terms oi consequences in life of some formula which has its logical content already fixed; or does he employ it to criticize and revise, and, ultimately, to constitute the meaning of that formula? If it is the first, there is danger that the pragmatic method will be employed to vivify, if not validate, doctrines which in themselves are pieces of rationalistic metaphysics, not inherently pragmatic." (Essays in Experi mental Logic, p. 313.)
.
2(>.
"
76
To
Moll Tin
Three Laws
of
as tests of truth of
any
conceptions; (2), consistency with the facts of the experience of the people and (3), its conduciveness to desirable ends when put
;
We
remainder of this
shown
in the
above.
We
shall begin
consequences.
validity of
We
have
already
pointed
out
the
danger
of
method
which
is of
a doubtful character.
"practical"
there
is
a too
Till
narrow
immediately useful.
Moh
was not
unaware
The
test
"the
greatest
consequences of war, Moh Tih said: "Though four or five nations have profitted by war, that does not make war a practical (ff) policy. Let us take an illustra
number/
Thus, speaking
of the evil
tion
of medicine.
Here
is
a medicine
which
whom
it
has been
We
it
No
to his
servant apply
to his master.
Tih, however, seems to have on certain occasions ignored the qualitative distinction between consequences, by which is here
Moh
meant the difference between that which is immediately practical and that the practical worth of which cannot be immediately seen.
There
is
a tradition that
wooden
bird
Moh Till spent three years in making a which, when completed, flew up into the air and
remained there the whole day, and then, falling to the ground, was dashed to pieces. Upon be ing congratulated on his new invention,
Moh Tih
said:
"I
of a vehicle
which
77
which,
when
should certainly be held responsible for having retarded mankind s conquest of the air for over two
If the story
be true.
Moh Tih
Another and more instructive example of this thousand years too narrow conception of the practical is found in his advocacy of He argued that music was an unnecessary the abolition of music.
!
expenditure of money could not relieve th poverty and misery and that it of the people, not could it help to defend a nation
;
asked by Chen Fan, Your theory of the abolition of music may be a Confucian: likened to saying that a horse must run without rest and that a bow must always remain drawn to its full strength without release. Is
made people
idle
and extravagant.
He was
much
and
breath?"
To
this
reply.
could not give a satisfactory pragmatic one, the ascetic influence of his on music and his attacks But
Moh Tih
school in general have probably done considerable damage to the In spite of all the aesthetic phase of ancient Chinese culture.
vehement emphasis which Confucianism has placed on the moraliz ing and socializing power of music, the artistic development of ancient China was arrested for many centuries to come, until it received a fresh impetus from the religious art of India. There
may have
for
this
Monism
been many reasons, economic, religious, and otherwise, unnatural arrest of growth. It is not improbable that was one of the causes.*
for
So much
my
As
method
itself, I
This story is told in many books. The one here reproduced is taken Han Pel Tse, ch. o2, II, 1, o. Cf. Lich Tze, ch. 5, and Hui Nan Tze, In Moh Tze, chs. 41, 22, however, the invention is attributed to Kun ch. 11. the Shu, great engineer of the time. 2 Ch. 27. It must be remembered that Moh Tih was also the founder of a and asceticism. His aversion religion which taught and practiced self-denial to music was probably due to his religious temperament rather than any
1
from
T:<\
of
Moh Tih
Hsu*
78
We may now
From
conception by the
take up the second law which purports to test a of the ears and eyes of the people. "facts
J>
the two examples given above, namely, the case of ghosts and of fate, it is apparent that Moh Tih s conception of the obser
is
existence of ghosts and rejected that of fate all on the assumption that what has been seen or heard is real, and what has never been
Such a view of observation ignores the and the other limitations of and hallucination possibility of error Some may say that Moh Tih probably meant sense observation.
seen or heard
is
unreal.
that errors
them.
But
Tih
to the historical
importance of
Moh
We have s recognition of the value of personal observation. seen that Confucianism had conceived of the universals as having
originated in the minds of the competent observers, the sages, who,
to use the
words
of the
Book of Change,
7
.
"purifying
their thoughts,
retiring to privacy,
all
good and
evil
and the
affairs of
and (mentally) experiencing with the people therebj understood the ways of Nature the people and created that wonderful thing (i. e.,
. .
of its use
by the
people."
We
Confucian theory of knowledge begins not with experience but with learning, that is, with acquiring ready-made knowledge. It was as a protest against such rationalism and "classicism" that Moh Tih s reliance on direct observation was historically of no
small significance.
characterized in
"
It
Lao Tze
words
be
."
known
Without ever crossing one s gate. Nor need one peep through the window In order Nature s course to contemplate. The farther one goes,
The
less
one knows./
1 Compare J. S. Mill s Utilitarianism, ch. 4: "The only proof capable of being given that an object is visible is that people actually see it. The only proof that a sound is audible is that people hear it: and so of the other sources of cur experience."
79
In short, Moh Tih s theory of direct observation, crude though was, marked the beginning of Chinese empiricism, the develop ment of which forms the substance of the subsequent chapters.
it
Turning
to the first
why
should
"the
Moh Tih
men
much
?
reliance on
of the
own pragmatic method by upholding the principles of the wise ancients as a test of truth? To answer these questions, it is necessary first to understand Moh Tih s conception of the use of
general truths as means of prediction, that tor future action.
is,
as guiding principles
Suppose, sir, your parents were in peril a hundred li (about thirty miles) from here; and suppose you were expected to reach there in a day or they would perish. Suppose at this critical moment, you found a strong carriage with excellent horses and another carriage with angular wheels and sickly horses. Which would you choose the
:
impossible to
Upon being told that while the past might know the future, Moh Tih said
be
"
known
it
was
strong carriage with the good horses, or the one with angular wheels and sickly horses?" The answer was: would surely
"l
take the strong carriage with good horses so that I might arrive there without delay." said Moh Tih, "did you "Therefore," J1 then that the future could not be known ? This conception say
of prediction is essentially sound.
Prediction
is
possible wherever
the
are
modes
known and
can be calculated.
;
travel faster
that arsenic
is
Herein
lies
the usefulness of
etc.
Now
shown
men
of the past as
embodied
in historical records
belong
to the
same category.
History has
that certain
ways
beliefs, have brought about beneficial consequences, while others have resulted in ruin and degeneration. Why, then, should we not profit by the lessons of history and learn to practice the
beneficial
This,
believe,
41: 18.
80
meaning
of
Moll Tib
s first
law of reasoningwhich
is
elsewhere
stated as follows:
"Any
saying or action
words or action
Yao, Shun,
Yii,
Tang, Wen, which agrees with (that of) the wicked kings T of those dynasties, namely, Cheh, Chou, You, and ^ i, should be 1 To Moll Tih, as to any Chinese to-day, these names avoided/
any saying or action
stand for very definite things
definite virtues
:
kings of the great dynasties, namely, and Wu, should be practiced. And
the
first
group
for
certain very
definite
and
policies
second group for certain very definite vices and results; their agents to practices which have ruined kingdoms and brought on the insistence Tih s In this sense, Moh eternal condemnation. of wise experiences of the past, on consistency with the opinions
the
ancients, as a test of trut/i,
was
in
no way contradictory
its
to his
pragmatic method.
To
test a
conception by
compatibility with
the experiences of the wisest men of the past is the same as testing con it by comparing it with other conceptions, the practical
may
be noted,
lies
Moh Tih
philosophical method.
practical conse
for their fondness for quences and always criticizing the Confucians
abstract
in life, principles regardless of their results a system of too, was seeking to build up
a system of pragmatically tested and authoritatively for the guidance of individual conduct and the truths established
To repeat his own statement regulation of society and the state. which can elevate quoted in the preceding chapter, "Any principles conduct should be perpetuated," To perpetuate (&) a general
principle
is
to
work
it
it
as widely as
as a universal law.
"Anyone
who
acts
No
.
conform to these by compasses. ... All artisans, skillful or stupid, hit ones skillful upon them (without may While the standards.
actually using them), the unskillful ones
may
thus be enabled to
iCh.39:4.
81
work according to these standards, and than if they worked without them."
to
accomplish
much more
Thus
the
method
of Moll Till,
while
it
consequences, aims at something It aims at the formation of a system of universal consequences. This idea had great influence on Moh Tih s laws of action.
political
quite different
In politics, he desired to see a and religious views. of laws; in religion, unitary sovereignty and a universal system standard of universal most the as Heaven of he taught the Will
An examination of his politico-religious doctrine right and wrong. m) that known as the doctrine of "Agreeing Upward" (ft [sj, or the show better will practical most universal, agreeing with the
,
is,
implications of
Moh Tih
"each
nature,
a pre-political
which
man
has his
own
notion of right.
Therefore
one
man
right,
are, the
more conceptions
his
each
other
own
The
result
is
war
of
all
against
"The
world
birds and
beasts."
Then
that all the evils of disorder are the results of the lack
of a
common
s
judge
of
what
is
right
(&!:), who
They
people
the
diversified notions of
right."
therefore proceed to
and ablest man among them and elect him to be and they also elect other wise and able men of Heaven,
This
2
is
govern
ment
1
originates in the
need
for a
common judge
of right.
Ch. 4. This repudiates the divine rights theory of the Confucians which is Heaven planted men on earth and gave them expressed iu the Shu King, Note also that Moh Tin conceived of the first govern rulers and teachers." ment as elected by the people. The later Mohists developed a contract ruler rules by right of an theory of the origin of the state, holding that
2
"
"a
subjects."
82
of
of right
"When
it
proclamation to the people, saying: you do not agree with a notion of right, you must all tell
his
your superiors.
What your
your
"
all
all
approve.
What
superiors
disapprove,
is
"to
you
must
disapprove."
downward or sidewise. ^ T &.) (_L \$ when the district governed magistrate "can
"
So a
unify
district is well
all
the notions
So
a state is well
prince
"can
unify
all
empire
is
well governed
when
the Son of
Heaven
"if
unify
all
empire."
But
all
Son of Heaven, and not in Heaven itself, then there might yet be calamities." This leads to his theory of the Will of Heaven which is the
unified in the
The Will
of
Heaven
is
conceived to
is
proved by
Heaven
all
and punishes
men who
men who
says the founder of Mohism, "what the and the The artisan compasses try-square are to the artisan. all circles and his judges squares by compasses and try-square, saying, That which agrees with my standard is right, and that
is
Heaven
to
me,"
is
wrong.
Now
who
make numberless
speeches, persuading
But they are from all far true love and righteousness. I know it is so, because 2 I have found the best standard whereby to judge them."
the princes to the student.
11
2
men from
cf.
chs. 12
and
13.
Ch.
23.
aud
25.
83
BOOK
III
of
Neo=Mohism
Moh Tin
have not hesitated to present it together with all its crudities and naivetes, such as the belief in spirits and ghosts and the uncritical confidence in the testimony of the senses. For I have wished to
Moh Tih has certainly produced a he could not have been at the same method, very important logical time the author of the logical system which forms the substance of He could not have written the this and the subsequent chapters.
show by contrast
that while
which now form Books 32-37 of the Moh Tze. word as to the nature and style of these six remarkable books. The first of these, Book 32, consists of ninety-two defini
six books
tions.
*
few examples may be given here. Definition 1 says cause is that with the obtaining of which something becomes."
:
is
perception."
is
Definition 6:
"Knowledge
(or,
:
literally,
mental knowledge)
"
understanding."
Definition 8
"The
right
is
the useful.
Defini
tion 22
"Life
is
Definitions 40
and
extends over different times; space extends over Definition 58: "A circle is that which has different places."
41
:
"Duration
its center."
The second
Section 8 says
:
book,
Book
33,
contains
eighty-one general
to find
"reason."
a thing
it
becomes
so;
how
how
"A
to let others
know
same thing; the reason is given under disease. shadow does not change its position: the reason
renewal.
Section 17:
"Standing
is
given under
gives an inverted image, smaller in size than the original: the Section 45: "We may know reason is given under concavity.
;
tiling
without the
five
senses:
the
reason
is
given
under
84
duration*
(i.
e., memory)."
Section 47:
is
"We
may
find out
what
man name/
a
does not
know
the reason
given under
choosing by
1
The
third book,
Pook
each being an explanatory note on one of the ninety-two definitions contained in Book 32. Section 1 thus explains Definition 1,
quoted above, in these words: "Cause. A minor cause is one with which something may not necessarily be so, but without
which
it
It is partial
point in a
of necessity be so,
this is seen,
major cause is one with which something will and without which it will never be so. When
be said to have insight.
is
"
one
:
may
Section 5 explains
"
Definition 5 "Direct knowledge intelligence meeting the thing and getting the form and shape thereof as in seeing. Section 6 explains Definition 6 "Mental knowledge is intelligence reasoning about the thing and knowing it clearly as in understanding."
:
Some
ar-e
exceed
ingly long.
The fourth book, Book 35, contains eighty-one paragraphs, each explaining one of the eighty-one formulas of Book 33. Each is the "reason" above referred to. Thus Section 8 of Book 33
quoted above
the cause
is
by something
others
explained in these words "Something is injured that is the cause (of a disease). To find out To tell others is found is to make what knowledge.
is
:
else
The explanation of the inverted image is too long be quoted here. Section 45, which refers to memory, is explained thus "intelligence sees (a fire) through the eyes, and
know.
"
to
fire.
And
if
the
fire is
not
known except
it
of time,
can be
fire."
The
knowledge by is as is distinct as if it were "What to one as follows: choice, is Mix he what knows with what he actually seen, knowledge. does not know, and ask him to say which things he knows and which things he knows not. If he can do that, he may be said to
know
1
both."
A few now
missing.
85
them are found theories and politics, and laws of of logic, psychology, ethics, economics, With grammar, mathematics, mechanics, and the science of light. the exception of a few remaining treatises on geometry (e. g., Clion Pi} and medicine (e. g., the Huang Ti Nai King), the Book
In
of
these books
the
of
the
scientific
The
fifth
is
of the six.
It is
apparently a fragmentary
content missing.
much
it,
Some
readable portions of
however,
for
Take
example
"
estimate the weightiness and lightness of bodies is Balancing is not to find out the right or the called balancing. and lightness wrong of things. ... To estimate the weightiness
To
of actions
is
called calculating.
.
Calculation
is:)
.
is
to
determine
take the
(The law
Of two goods,
.
.
evils,
To
To take greater of two goods is not done under compulsion. The former the lesser of two evils is done under compulsion.
means choosing one means avoiding one
already been placed.
are held
of of the
.
two things not yet realized, two situations in which you have To choose the lesser of two evils is
.
it
is
choosing a good.
When you
up by
a robber
a
and
with your
life, it is
good."
If a
stone
is
it
is
similar to
all
white things.
it
But
is
said to be big,
its
not entitle
difference
:
to be classed
among
is
big
its
things.
what
only
predicated after
it
size or extension,
;
can
not
be
known
when
perceived
but
what
is
when predicated after fts size or extension, may be known even If a thing is named according to not directly perceived. its location, then anything that is within that location may be
it is
so named.
inapplicable only
when
the
86
thing so
are:
named
is
Examples
of this kind
in this village,
Chi or Tzu.
The
sixth book,
Book
1 sets forth the general nature and function of logic. Section 2 defines the five methods of inference which are deduction, comparison, parallel, analogy, and induction. Section 3 discusses the dangers and fallacies of
:
nine sections.
Section
the
last
four methods.
formal logic, most of which difficulties are due to the peculiar character of the Chinese language which has neither signs for plural number nor distinctions of generic and partitive usages of
names.
The remaining
five sections
will
we shall take up the Zenoic paradoxes of Hui Sze and his fellow dialecticians as preserved in
logic.
Neo-Mohist
In
addition,
Chuang
title of
Tze,
under the
Kung-Sun Lung
The
text gives only four, the fifth having been omitted probably by the
copyist.
87
BOOK
III
Knowledge
The Neo-Mohists were many uses of the word
that
the
"to
first
school
to distinguish
the
"*u,"
know."
knowledge presupposes
the
first
is
a
a
knowing
is
"ability
or intelligence.
"ability"
Thus
definition of
that
it
is
an
(Book
by means of which one knows but which of itself does not necessarily know, as, e. g., the This is no tabula rasa thtory faculty of seeing" (Bk. 34:3). which conceives the mind as a passive receptacle of impressions. On the contrary, the n is an active intelligence ready to know: it
further explained as
"that
32 :3)* which
is
potential knowledge.
is to
Only
of
it
cannot of
itself
know
known.
of
things;
that
say,
to be
is
that
It
it
is
direct knowledge,
is
perception.
is
(Bk. 32:5.)
is
to
its
know
:
thing.
Direct knowledge
intelligence meeting
the form and shape thereof, as in seeing (Bk. 34 5). Intelligence here refers to the ability to know. There can be no knowledge
until the
knowing
ability
meets
its
objects.
it
The eye
has the
no seeing until
to be seen.
But there
cannot cover.
a
is
"
So a new word, flg, was invented, which is composed This word is not now (mind) knowledge) plus found in any of the Chinese dictionaries, old as well as new, an evidence of the long neglect suffered by the Mohist works. It
of
(direct
>b
may now
edge
is
be rendered as
"mental knowledge."
"it
"Mental
knowl
is
intelligence reasoning
the numbering of sections or paragraphs is according to my o\vn edition of these six books soon to be published under the title of "Moh King
-Sing
Ku."
88
it
about
thing
things.
is
its
object
and knowing
it)"
clearly, as in
It
is
(after
seeing
(Bk.
34:6).
is
"Hearing is
But
what
mind.
heard and get the meaning thereof, Speech is a faculty of the mouth. But
is
work
of the
to
what
spoken
is
mind
"
(Bk.
32:90, 91).
This cooperation, intelligence, perception, and understanding. white and solid requires the elements of time and space. object cannot be seen to be white and solid without duration
"A
(which
is
Its being seen as an object possess and space. ing both whiteness and solidity is because of these two factors" (Bk. 33:13, 14). That certain qualities are conceived as "inhering" together is due to space and duration. Otherwise, one may see
time or
times
whiteness through the e} e, one may perceive solidity through the sense of touch, but one cannot see white, solid thing." (Bk.
r
"a
33
4,
Moreover,
order
that
an object
may
be
truly
known,
distinct
and
If
on the mind and consequently we do not know what it is. Nor can an object be is neither a horse nor a cow."
passes by slowly but at too great a distance from the some object seen crossing a bridge. In such
known
if it
when
a horse
we cannot say
that this
is
and that
is
a cow.
Memory is the retention of impressions which sufficient "We duration of time has made clear and vivid to the mind. may know
duration"
a thing
without the
five
senses
that
is
because of
(Bk. 33:45).
"intelligence
sees (a fire)
fire is
through the
it
fire.
The
not
known except
can be
fire"
through the senses. But after some duration of time, seen without the eyes as well as if there were a real
35:45).
Thus
"retention
(memory)
is
(Bk. 32:50).
89
remember things by the aid of names. A name is a sign of the thing or the group to, ;) which represents the attributes horse The name represents all that of things so named.
We
"
"
to
make up
the horse.
ties of fire.
"
"
fire
fire
represents
all
the quali
it is
and say
fire"
"
it
is
hot,
not
remembered
so
For
The
Confucians, as
we have
other hand, held that names are They are nothing but predicables to be to denote the substances. Bk. 32:81; Bk. predicated to subjects. (Bk. 34:31, 81; Names are either general (j) or generic ($fl) or private (&i Thing is a general name all substances can b 32 78.)
"
(Bk.
so called.
Horse
is
a generic
name:
a
a generic
name
applies to
all
those substances
private or proper
one another.
Chang
name is limited to the subject so A private name is correct when the person named" (Bk. 34:78). named answers to it. (Bk. 35 71.) A generic name is correct which
name: such
:
embodies
mutual consent
of the people
classified all
it is
knowledge
acquired.
com
Infer
and personal experience" prises learning, inference, is received through transmission. which that is Learning be hindered by distance. is that which cannot
ence
is
observed"
(Bk.
Dired
personally experience is that which This classification is not absolute, for the different classes overlap as comprising each other. Learning, for instance, is conceived
(Bk
both
ally
"that
which
is
told
by
another"
and
"that
which
is
person
observed."
The
passages.
definition of inferential
distance"
knowledge
as
"that
which cannot
the followingis
be hindered by
may
be illustrated by
"When
we
learn that
like \vh-it
we have
we know
The
90
outside a room, we are told that the color of the inside is the same as the color of the outside. Now if the outside is white, then we know that the inside is also white. "The color outside is
knowledge of personal observation the color inside is knowledge by inference (Bk. 35:69). Inference, therefore, is knowing the unknown by means of the known it is extending the knowledge
; :
of
direct
experience
personal
observation.
"as
distinctly as
Although separated by distance, an object may thus be known if it were actually seen" (Bk. 35:47).
True to the pragmatic and empirical tradition Neo-Mohists also conceived choice and conduct
knowledge.
explanation
distinct as
if
"We
of as
Moh
the
Tin, the
test
7
of
may
find out
what
man
names"
The
one as
as follows:
"What
to
were actually seen, is knowledge. Mix what he knows with what he does not know and ask him to say which
things he
not.
If
he can do that, he
may
be said to
know
both"
(Bk. 35:47).
Theories, too, are to be tested by the practical consequences they tend to produce, "initiating (a theory) deserves just as much
blame
as
supporting (one)
achievements"
both are to be judged by the practical "The initiator (of a belief or (Bk. 33:68).
:
as little
Telling a
man
by force another s coat may be highly criminal or may be only slightly criminal (that is, according to whether or not the order is carried out) Causing some wine to be sent to a man may
.
or
is, it
is
While holding that knowledge ought to influence conduct, the Neo-Mohists, however, recognized that human actions are by no
"Conduct,"
we
read,
"is
the
.
-completion of knowledge, and is dependent upon desires" (Bk. 32:75) This remarkable definition of conduct is explained in these words: "Suppose a man desires to cut off his finger. If he does
not foresee the evil consequences of this action, then his intelligence is to blame. But if his knowledge has cautioned him cot to do it,
and he
still
desires to cut
it,
consequences."
In
91
it
refuses to be checked
by
suppose a man does not know He could find it out if he the danger or safety beyond that wall. In this case, he checks his not went there. But he would go.
undisputed knowledge.
"Again
desire by his
Here the desire is not very strong, so it is readily checked even when there is no certain knowledge of the
doubts."
The problem
or,
of education
is,
The Mohists
is
:
more
is
(*ij)
(Bk. 32 8.)
:
"The
good
that
liked.
26, 27).
The
evil is that
if
which
when obtained
determines
(Bk. 32
)
"Desire,
correct,
correct,
(literally,
evil"
weighs
(Bk. 32
:
the good.
Aversion,
is
if
determines the
desire
85).
But what
correct or right
and aversion?
is
is
solution uberhaupt.
self
To this problem the Mohists gave no The individual will have to decide for him
in
what
he
a particular situation.
held up by a burglar and his life is imperiled, he will be choosing the good if he saves his life by losing his purse or even When he is not thus acting under compulsion losing his finger.
When
but
given free choice, the right action consists in doing what his T hile no rigid rule can best knowledge considers to be the good. hold true for all cases, some general principle may be laid down
is
for
This principle
is:
"Of
two
evils,
greater."
And
One
that
or a
the criterion of
what
is
is
thing
is a
"lesser
evil"
is,
either
reference to directly to society or to the individual conceived with loss of an the and a of loss the finger his worth to society.
"if
arm make no
is
no
Morality, in short,
is
is
"weighing
"to
the heaviness
and
the lightness of
actions"
in order
right as
"what
ought
to
be"
(ft).
92
and
wrong."
It is
It is evaluation.
is
recognized.
the individual
s ability
at
action so vividly as to arouse his desire or aversion for it. The that is, right desires of moral education is right evaluation
;
right aversions.
Since
"conduct is
the end of
dependent upon
right desiring will produce right conduct. in its turn dependent upon the ability And. since right desiring to foresee vividly the consequences of one s action, the problem of
desires,"
is
conduct
to
is,
after all, a
problem
of right
knowing:""
Therefore,
"not
know
that
knowing
:
is absurd"
(Bk. 33
32)
For
"it
is
things,
season about
(Bk. 35:32).
93
BOOK
III
Having discussed
shall
in
the Neo-Mohists
theory of knowledge,
we
this
and the
inferential
knowledge.
We
shall
begin
method
order to distinguish
between right and wrong, to inquire into the causes of good government and misrule, to know the points of agreement and difference between things, to examine the relations between names (predicables) and substances (subjects), to be able to determine the good and the evil, and to be able to meet difficult
and doubtful situations, in order to accomplish all this, the jreasoner notes and observes the happenings (literally, the becombetween the ing-so) of all things and seeks the order or relation
various judgments;
expresses
(or
his
he defines the subject with the predicate, meaning in a proposition, and gives the reason
)
premise; he selects instances on the of similarity" principle of similarity and affirms on the principle
the
because
in
(Bk. 37:1).
Neo-Mohists
(l)
sixfold:
is
to distin
the Chinese
way
of
tell truth from falsehood"); (2) saying causes of the success and failure of human institutions; (3) to
learn the points of agreement and difference between things; (4) (5) to find out the relations between substances and predicables
;
evil,
and
(6)
to be able to
meet
of logical
reasoning
is
summed up
and
the aspects of reasoning are also enumerated here: in premises. Finally, .terms, the proposition, and the "because
The formal
94
on the principle of the that similars are similarly determined. similarity, principle
is
that
"explanation."
The word
is
also used to
mean
the "premise" or the proposition which contains the expla nation or reason or ground of a conclusion. "A premise is that by
which something
premises.
that
is
made
clear"
(Bk. 32
72).
We may
of a
thus define
knowing by means
quoted
premise or
relation
is
According
states the
to the passage
"because"
above, a premise is
which
of the conclusion.
is
The
of the
"because"
to the conclusion
is
to the
conclusion as a cause
to its effect.
is
"cause"
and
"because."
We
their
conception of causality.
obtaining of which something In the explanation of this definition, we are told that a cause may be either complete or incomplete. "A
"A
cause
is
becomes"
(Bk. 32 :l).
one with which something may not necessarily be it will never be so. It is only partial, and may be likened unto a point in a line. A major cause is one with which something will of necessity be so, and without which it will never be so. When this is seen, one may be said to have insight"
is
minor cause
so,
major cause is a complete cause, the "sum-total A minor cause is a partial or incomplete cause.
This conception of causality, it may incidentally be pointed out, is in accord with the spirit of a scientific age and could not be the
\
formulation of a religious teacher like causal power to the spirits and the gods.
Insight
is
attributed
relation of things.
and how
different
thus conceived as consisting in seeing the causal Elsewhere we read: "Why a thing becomes so, to see it, and how to make others see these are it,
In explaining this statement, (Bk. 33:8). taken as an illustration: "A thing is injured by some thing; that is the cause (of the disease). To know this is wisdom.
things"
disease
is
To
tell
it
to others is to
make
others
wise"
That
is
to say,
true
knowledge consists
causal
relations,
to
95
may
life.
causality
Equally important and closely connected with the doctrine of is the doctrine of "form" (ifc). form is that
"A
according to which something becomes" (Bk. 32: 70). It may be pointed out here that the "form" (fall) of the Neo-Mohists
originally
mold and is thus related to the imitate or model after." 1 (hsiang) of Confucius, which meant Thus in the explanation of the above definition, we read that
meant
a
"idea"
"to
"either
circle)" (Bk. 34: 70). here conceived as the archetype after which a thing It may be found either in the or a class of things is formed.
circle
may
The form
is
is
made, or
in
typical
member
is
"that
of the class to
which the
thing belongs.
As we have
seen, a cause
something becomes." From this definition and from the definition of form quoted above, it follows that cause and form are one and
the same thing, only viewed from a different standpoint.
The
cause already known and formulated for Drawing with a pair of compasses in a purposes of inference. When this cause certain way is the cause of producing a circle.
form of a thing
is
its
of circle-making
is
formulated,
it
"formula
And if circles are circles may be produced. not produced by following this form, then it cannot be the cause
by following which
of circle-production.
To
seek
is
"that
with
the
obtaining
becomes"
the
task of induction.
With
this
we proceed
to the
study
of the
Neo-Mohist theory
of
deduction.
The term used by the Neo-Mohists for deduction is hsiao (&) Deductive and hence mold." which means imitate," The following definireasoning is to infer from a hsiao or mold.
"to
"a
word
"form"
(/a/0
was used
to translate the
dharma
96
tion
is
"The
mold
is
consists of setting
up the form.
That which
mold,
it is
is
modeled
is
after
that
which
it
is
up
as the form.
When
it
because (fc)
conforms
to the hsiao or
When
is
wrong
That
called hsiao or
(Bk. 37:2).
:
"
"A
This passage may be illustrated by two others already quoted form is that according to which something becomes. "Either
may
be
(after
which
is
a circle
This
circle."
may To this
:
be made).
"
Let us use
may
or,
center;"
"Because
it
is
certain
or,
manner;"
an exact copy of a circle." In each case, the because gives the form or model after which the conclusion is formed. Each, therefore, is a case of deduction.
"Because it is
Or,
we may take
"Socrates is
Because he
man.
"
model
after
formed.
The
the subject properly belongs. For, as we have seen, the form is the archetype after which a thing or a class of things is formed. And that is precisely what the name of the genus stands for.
The
all
inference
is
"All merely another way of expressing the doctrine of form. things that are of one form are to one another as all cubes are to
one
another" (Bk. 33: 64). "All cubes are similar to one another because they are of one form with variations only in material Whether they be of wood or stone makes no difference in the
64).
This is true of all things" (Bk. 35: Therefore, to have found the genus to which the subject
members
of
which
it
is
similar, is to
97
Mr. Chang Ping-ling, in his Kuoh Kit Lun Flan, published in 1910, maintained that the Mohists had a doctrine of syllogism. He based his argument on what seems to me an erroneous
interpretation of the passage on causality already quoted.
Taking
the
"minor cause"
and the
"major cause"
to
mean
major premises of the syllogism, Mr. Chang declared that the Mohist syllogism takes this form M - P. (Minor premise).
:
S - M. (Major premise). S P.
I
(Conclusion).
(pp. 178,179.)
have rejected on the ground that the passage on This theory which it is based is beyond any doubt a discussion on causality, and
Moreover, the theory of deduction which I have found immediately preceding the theories of quoted above, and is therefore to be taken as a correct and induction, analogy
not on deduction.
is
statement of the Neo-Mohist theory of deduction. This theory of deduction, as the preceding paragraphs have shown, does not
require the sjdlogistic form:
conform
to the form.
only requires that the because must Thirdly, that the Neo-Mohist deduction was
it
is
puppy
($j) is a
dog
is
Gfc)
"But
killing a
puppy
not killing a
dog"
(Bk. 33:53).
Again
"A.
thief is a
man.
. . .
"But
loving a thief is not loving a man. "Killing a thief is not killing a man" (Bk. 37:6).
the Neo-Mohists insisted on the syllogistic form of deduction, they could not have drawn a negative conclusion from a universal
affirmative major premise.
Had
My
conclusion
is
is,
Neo-Mohist theory of
is
essentially a theory
is
"mold"
simply the
is
name
of
"Socrates
mortal, because he
man."
Or,
"Socrate.s is
mortal, because
all
men
are
mortal."
found the
class
"man"
Both forms are correct deduction, because both It is not to which Socrates belongs.
98
necessary to have both the major and the minor premises, because
in inference
and
is
as the
we always assume the principle of similarity which when the minor alone is mentioned, minor when the major alone is mentioned.
"form,"
To
find the
that
is,
to find the
by means
naming.
"Propositions
follow
the
To
make
of
of
to
propositions without
necessity lead to
knowing the classificatory sequence will That is the rule (Book 36). procedure in deductive reasoning. The problem of deduction is explain one thing in terms of another which is "better known
difficulties"
"
in
its
known. "Predication (or naming) explains the unknown by means of the known, ... as when we measure an unknown length by a
its
own known
nature.
To
find the
genus
of the subject is to of
make
nature
the
better
foot-rule"
tion.
Deduction
order of
classification."
however, does not enable us to know "the Says Cuvier "in order to name well, 1 well." That belongs to the realm of induction.
itself,
:
i Quoted by Ritter, W. E., in "The Place of Description, Definition, and Classification in Philosophical Biology." (Scientific Monthly, Vol. Ill, pp.
455
ff.)
99
Chapter
IV
Induction
Book 37 enumerates five methods which, the hsiao (ft), we have treated
four are:
"The
as deduction.
The
other
method
mou,
Kft)
consists
in
The method
of
parallel (the
i$) consists in
consistently throughout.
The method
should
|)
says:
You
are so,
why
not be so?
The method
making
a general affirma
ground that the unexamined instances are similar When it is said, All the others to those already examined. are the same/ how can one say, The others are not the
tion on the
same
First,
?"
(Bk. 37:
2.)
the
method
of
comparison or illustration
does
not
purport
All
to discover
new
by means of something
metaphors, similes,
to
it.
class.
They
The
follow
of
this
Mohist
will
best
method
The King of Liang said to Hui Sze (the Mohist) when you wish to say anything to me, please say it direct and use no illustrations." To this Hui Sze answered: "Suppose here is a man who does not know what a dan is and who Shall I tell him, A dan asks, What does a dan look like?
:
"Sir,
make him
understand."
"But
him,
dan
is
like a
it
has
will
he
then
understand?"
"Certainly."
A dan
(*$.) is
100
"Therefore,"
consists in
If,
Hui Sze, process of reasoning of the known. means unknown by explaining the
said
"the
my
impossible."
mou
or parallel,
to be also a
It
from the
first
method
in
consists in
comparing one thing with another, the mou makes A parable such as the story of between propositions. comparison built on sand, would be a house the prodigal son or that of the 2 To compare the life career of Alexander the case of parallel.
Great with that of Napoleon
I,
or to
Cavour throughout
Its
their lives,
would
use
is
also illustrative
The
"If
analogical inference.
so?"
says:
should
in
not be
This
differs
from the
the things
knows both
only explaining the one in terms of the other known of the two. In the case
to
one thing and infers that it will also happen assumption that the former resembles the latter in certain aspects.
another on the
is
induction.
"The
tuei
consists
in
a general affirmation
on the ground
that the
unexamined
is
examined."
This definition
a
modern
in its
modern
defini
amplification.
"Induction,"
says Mill,
in inferring
is
phenomenon
observed
occur, that
it
occurs in
all
instances of
a certain class; namely, in all which resemble the former, in what 3 are regarded as the material circumstances."
Shiang
2
Shuoh Yuen.
strikingly beautiful parables were produced in the fourth, third, and second centuries B. C. 3 System of Logic, Bk. Ill, ch. 3, 1.
Many most
101
The difference between analogy and induction lies in that the former infers a particular fact from another particular fa ct, whereas the result of induction is a general law applicable to a whole class.
The
applicability of the resultant law holds as long as no negative
is found to disprove it. That, I think, is the meaning of the last part of the definition which reads: "When it is said, All the others are the same, how can one say, The others are not the
instance
same
above
?"
The
difference
is, however, only a difference in degree. Induction is only analogy based on more extensive observation of instances. The
reality
members
of a general class.
there
is
no ground
for inference.
clusion of an analog! al inference may have just as much validity as a generalization based on an extensive examination of instances. Such is the case of those analogical inferences in which the
particular
instances
chosen are so
is
typical
of
the
class
they
no need
of
examining more
instances.
to another with the resultant particularization equivalent in validity to a generalization, is called the method of chuoh (|g, draw out"), which may be translated "analogical induction." "The chuoh is an inference where there is no doubt" (Bk. 33:49). "in a case
"to
of chuoh,
there
is
no reason
for doubt.
Chang
dies;
hence we
In the
to
may conclude
example given
that
in
Chun
will
also
die"
(Bk. 35:49).
this
have
men
are
mortal"
as a result of
infer
from
the
known
is
or
the causes
that
the task
Neo-Mohists
This concep
as the class to
tion of forms
necessary to a clear understanding of the NeoMohist theory of induction. This theory of induction, if I have
it
understood
and
102
method of computation of causes and as a method of classification. For this theory seems to assume that a causal relation is implied in the genus-species relation, and that to classify well, therefore, is one way of 1 This assumption expressing the causal relation between things.
"
seems
to be the
meaning
from
Causation
({, as distinguished
a cause)
not necessary
(Bk. 32:77). The explanatory section To have something named is predication. To that the thing (so named) is become so.
($c)"
moisten, (for example) is (a case of) causal connection. necessary that some causal relation shall have taken place
35:77).
I
It
7
is
(Bk.
take this to
mean
may
be expressed in the genus-species relation, it does not follow that That is to say, every predication is an expression of causation.
only classifications based on essential similarity or resemblance can be said to imply a causal connection. Suppose we say is
"A
thief."
If
empirically proved to have committed theft, in the class of thieves is equivalent to saying that
is
A
he
is
is.
But
if
To
we may say
"A
that physics,
B,"
form of
is
caused by
in the
form
of
"A
is
The former
classificatory
(Sfe),
the
is
makes
predication
(fjl).
The former
that explaining
Both depend on induction, and the ordinary distinction is largely guided by hypotheses, while describing
little
so guided,
is
only a superficial
Viewing induction as a method of classification as well as a method of computation of causes, the Neo-Mohists theory of inductive methods comprises the method of Agreement, the method
1 "And
the universal
87, b. 28.
is
valuable because
it
reveals the
cause."
Aristotle,
An. Post.,
103
of Difference, and the joint method of Agreement and Difference. Of these, the joint method is the true method of scientific induction.
(l)
"that
The method of Agreement. "Agreement" (RO) is defined as with respect to which separate things are at one." (Bk.
:
32 :39.) Things are said to agree in four ways (a) Identity, (b) Generic Relation, (r) Co-existence, and (d) Partial Resemblance. a ) Identity means one subject (Bk 32 :87.) having two names. (b) Generic Relation means inclusion in one class, (c) Co-existence
"(
means occupying the same space, (d) things having some points of similarity
the Chinese call bo lo mill
"
Partial
"
Resemblance means
"
(Bk. 34
87).
is
Thus what
called
"pine
is
identical with
what
apple
the orange are generically related. Whiteness and solidity co-exist in the stone, and hydrogen and
in English.
Man and
oxygen co-exist in water. Snow resembles white feathers. (2) The method of Difference. Things are said to differ in four ways: (a) Duality, (b) Unrelatedness, (c) Separateness, and
(d) Dissimilarity. (Bk. 32:88.) "(a) Duality means that two 1 things necessarily have variations. (b) Unrelatedness means that the things do not belong to any one class. (c) Separateness means that they do not occupy the same space, (d) Dissimilarity means
common
"
What
is
here
duality comes very near to the modern conception of individuality. Any two things, however similar they may be to each other, necessarily have some individual variations. These
*
"
The
other three
(3) The joint method of Agreement and Difference. This method is defined as follows: "When the methods of Agreement and of Difference are jointly used, we may know what is present and what is absent" (Bk. 32:89). In Bk. 34:89, there is an
explanatory section of ninety-one words, which, to our deep disappointment, have been so corrupted that they are utterly
The second character original text reads: n & H, ^ t&. (neces was taken by Mr. Sun Yi-youg to mean its symphonic $ (entirely, throughout). According to him, the sentence would read "Two things different in every respect," which would be a I have thererepetition of (d). lore retained the original meaning of (necessarily) and taken tLs passage to mean what might be called "individual variations,"
iThe
&
sarily)
>&
104
unintelligible.
From
we
gather that the passage discusses such variety of things as quantity, hardness and softness, animateness and inanimateness, youth and
senility, color, position, right
etc.
is
Agreement and
intelligible.
nately
is
scarcely
may
the
method
a
is
to
it
that
it is
not
applied with
cunning
and
rejects others, then seek the reasons therefor and see whether the To classify selections and rejections are not satisfactorily made.
(jh) all
men
as
men, or
to classify all
men
as
beings loved
and some are not beloved, If one mentions those instances that are so fications be made and concludes (universally) that they are so, then show him those
are beloved
!
men
men and not-black by men because some how can such classi
so"
(Bk. 34:92).
In discussing the method of Agreement in classification (Bk. a man 33:1), it is pointed out in the explanatory section that
"if
and says that all these (|b) are so, I may show that that is not so. and thereby disprove the generalization Another passage bearing on that all these are so" (Bk. 35: l).
thinks that this
(jlfc)
is
so
the use of the joint method may be cited: "Unmethodical selection (Bk. or enumeration does not enable us to know differences
33 65)
:
"A
cow
differs
from a horse.
But
to
by saying
permissible.
Neither the
one attribute nor the other is present in the one instance and A horse differs from a cow absent in the other. Say rather
:
because the latter has horns whereas the former has none.
is the differentia of the
That
two species
is
(Bk. 35
it is
65).
From what
methods
of
method
the true
method
The
Agreement and of Difference can be used independently of each other only when the points of agreement or of difference are so obvious that no negative instance seems probable. That
105
in
may
be seen
the
following passage
methods
of
of inferring
which from
methods
comparison,
parallel,
analogy, and induction. "Things which have certain aspects of similarity airong them, may not resemble one another in other respects. The parallel between judgments may break down after reaching a It is true that every event must have a cause. certain limit. But while the events themselves may resemble one another, they may not be due to the same cause. And in selecting instances, we are always guided by some principle of selection. While the instances chosen may resemble one another, the principle of selection may not have been consistently applied throughout. Therefore, the methods of comparison, parallel, must not be used without great analogy, and induction
. .
.
caution"
(Bk. 37:3).
summed up under four heads: (l) It is possible that the observed resemblances may be superficial and irrele vant while the overlooked differences may be more fundamental and significant. (2) Even when evidences of parallel development are traceable throughout many stages, the resemblance may yet be
These
fallacies
may
be
known as the plurality of causes," namely, that "while the events may resemble one another, they may not be due to the same cause." Heat may be produced by com bustion, friction, electricity, etc.; death may be caused by behead
(3)
"
There
is
the difficulty
danger of allowing one s prejudices or prepossessions of the mind While to influence one s selection and rejection of instances. the instances chosen may resemble one another, the principle of
selection may not have been consistently applied throughout. The most common result is the ignoring of negative instances.
may cite Newton, Descartes, Herbert Spencer, etc., Bentham, Spinoza, Hobbes, Locke, Kant, to prove that all great thinkers were celibates, thus ignoring those
advocate of celibacy, for instance,
philosophers who married. All these four fallacies, to sum up, can only be checked by the use of the joint method which aims at
the discovery of the condition or attribute present in the affirma tive instances and absent in the negative instances.
An
1U6
Two
study
is
theory of induction. The first point the conception of inference based on historical analogy, as
of the
Neo-Mohists
We
Mohism had
experiences of the sages of antiquity, and had made compatibility with such experiences one of the three tests of truth and right. 1
to entertain
such faith in
this
method
by
its
consistency with
changing conditions, had already dawned on the discussing the method of inferring from what has been to what is "Yao or will be, Bk. 35:15 says: (a Chinese sage-ruler of the a was ruler because we judge wise B. C.) twenty-third century
chapter,"
The notion of progress as we shall see in a later minds of the age. Thus in
him
But
retrogressively
if it
(literally,
"from
past").
were possible to place the ancients in the modern age, Yao would probably be unable to rule a modern state." For this reason, the Neo-Mohists discouraged the use of historical analogies.
"(To
say)
this is as just as a
Yao,
the
is to
.
What was
just in the
one
differs
from what
is
just in
other"
(Bk. 33:52).
"in
explanatory section to
this is still
more interesting:
its
is
The show
is
name
a
or point to the
rich
merchant,
him by
Ho,
is
point to this friend, saying, This pointing to the substance (or subject). But for a
a
to say,
name.
To
modern man
past.
This
is
means
that the
name
just
That is like predicating Chang by a gate of the city (Bk. That is to say, knowledge must be verifiable and an 35:52). historical analogy which is too remote for verification gives no
reliable
belief.
"Naming
explains the
It
predicating
with an
unknown"
Pt. Ill,
Bk.
II, ch. 2.
I.
107
The
of
the
other point to be considered is the question of probability, value of knowledge acquired through inference from
instances.
particular
In
between causes and forms, it was stated that forms are nothing but known and formulated causes. The cause sought in induction
becomes the
"because"
in deduction.
form"
We
which
"the
defined as
"that
according to which something becomes." No cause is a true cause which is not capable of being made the "because" of induction. 1 That with the obtaining of which something becomes" must also
according to which something becomes." That is to say, the validity of an inductive generalization lies in its fitness to
"that
be
men
and manifold
is
facts.
truth
To them
"
idealists,
obliged to
"
Rightness
"
what cannot be
objected to
all
(IE
& #)
(Bk. 32:92).
say.
mutually agreed upon. But having all agreed upon something, as, (The circumference of) a circle contains no straight
it,
Rightness is what men have In knowledge each man has his own
for
line,
example, no more
as
if
can be
said. Because all have agreed upon ~ were naturally so (Bk. 34:92).
"
it
becomes
it
least
probably be so ( Jl *), though not absolutely sure, does not deter us from our efforts (Bk. 33 59). I
knowledge.
For
"what
will
this
form.
2.
Because
it
smokes.
"
3.
4. 5.
Whatever smokes is fiery," as an even. Yonder mountain does stnoke. Therefore yonder mountain is (Brajeudranath The Positive Sciences of the Hindus, p. 261.)
"fiery."
Seal,
my own
reading:
Original text
fc
*s.
ffi
m%
# A & *H 4l Btal**Jtftft*BtJllS
n
.
My reading
maa #
\\-.,
7f
ffi.
&
A * ft * * It S
"
ffi,
A fc *,"*&.
&.
108
just as
What
our
"What will probably be is hat will good probably be so, must be so. will probably end, must end. What will probably require
what
is.
\\
efforts
for
its
its
completion"
(Bk. 35:59).
109
Chapter
Hiii
Biographical Notes
of State to
King Hui
of
Liang who
1 reigned from 370 to 319 B. C. We are told by the Lu Sze Chun Chin (XXI l) and the Records of the Contending States (XX 3) that he was still alive when King Hui died in 319 B.C. 1 We also
:
5)
in the rulers of
-each other
holding a congress in 334 B. C. for the purpose of proclaiming From these facts, we may infer that Hui Kings.
"
B. C.
is
characterized
man
five
of catholic interest
cartloads."
to
fill
and having written books sufficient He was a great dialectician and had a
He took great delight in expressing his thoughts in most striking paradoxes of which only a few are preserved to us. It is said in the Chuang Tec that when once asked why the heavens do not fall and the earth does not and
very large following.
sink,
"
also about the causes of wind, rain, thunder, and lightning, Hui Sze answered without hesitation or and delivered a thinking, discourse of endless length on all things in the universe."
Unfortunately, the
tantalizing
"five
cartloads"
of his
"discourse
of endless
length"
From
passage
:
"
the
most exquisite
Tze said:
to attend a funeral and passed by the Turning to the man next to him, Chuang There was a man in the city of Ying who found
The Records
*B.
This date of the King s death is according to the Bamboo Chronicles. oj the Historian (by Sze-Ma Chien) erroneously placed it at 335
C.
no
fly.
He
him
his
Master Shih ax as swiftly as the wind and chopped the paint The man of the off the nose without touching the skin. even stood there without of Ying changing his coun city
told
take
off
swung
tenance.
of this
*
remarkable
try
it
of
Now
truly I
"
again for my sake. Sire, was once able to do it. But alas
"
my
material died
(i.
e.,
Kui
Sze),
too
have
lost
my
material,
to talk to.
Mohist tradition, attacked war and advocated peace and disarma ment. According to the Lu Sze Chun Chin, he presented his pacifism to King Tsao (311-279 B. C.) of Yen before the latter s
victorious
campaign against the State of Chi (284-279 B. C. ) (Bk. XVIII, 7), and to King Hui (298-266 B. C.) of Chao From the Records of the Contending States (Bk. XVIII, l). (Book XX), we learn that he was with the Prince of Ping-Yuen Kan Tan which was fought in 257 B. C. If this
is
last-mentioned record
flourished during the
trustworthy,
it
would
seem
first
C.
Lun had dialectical conversations with each am inclined to think that my assignment of
For the epilogue
of the
dates
probably correct.
:
"
Chuang Tze
only says
The
:
dialecti
them.
With these twenty-two paradoxes of the dialecticians) paradoxes the dialecticians responded to Hui Sze, the discus sions never ending throughout their lives. Huan Tuan and and the of the rest dialecticians confounded Kung-Sun Lung one s mind and altered one s ideas. They may have been able to triumph over one s tongue, but they cannot win over one s
111
mind.
With
his
In effect he was merely creating curiosities with the dialecticians of the world. That is all.
men.
is
no
specific
mention of the
of those dialecticians
was possible
to
Hui
paradoxes with even more subtle ones. Furthermore, that Kung-Sun Lung was one of the proteges of the Prince of PingYuen (d. 251 B. C.) seems to be too abundantly attested to admit
Sze
any doubt.
The
fact
mentioned
in the
him
Among his adversaries, Kting-Snn Lung was chiefly known as the advocate of the doctrine that a white horse is not a horse.
his works But the existing works collected under his name contain only six books of which the first is an editorial preface by some unknown hand, and the third and fourth books are so much corrupted and probably interpolated that they
of the
tire
scarcely readable.
II
The Paradoxes
In
the
of Hui
Sze
the Chuany Tzc, ten paradoxes are and twenty-two to Kung-Sun Lung and other dialecticians. The ten paradoxes of Hui Sze are as follows: The greatest has no exterior: it is called the Great Unit. 1. The smallest has no interior: it is called the Little Unit. 2. That which has no thickness cannot have magnitude, and
epilogue
of
attributed to
Hui
vSze,
yet
it
may
(//).
3.
The heavens
on the same
4.
The sun
shines obliquely as
it is
noon.
thing dies as
it
is
born.
more
Perhaps Mr. Svm Yi-yang s reading "The heavens touch the earth is correct. Mr. Chang Ping-ling in his Notes on the Chuang Tze accepted
this reading.
112
this is great similarity differs from a little similarity: universe the in All things called Little-Difference-and-Similarity. are similar to one another and are different from one another: this
5.
is
called Great-Difference-and-Similarity.
6.
7.
The South has no limit and has a limit. I go to Yueh (a State in the South) to-day and
-
arrived
there yesterday
8.
A
I
may
be
know
it is
Yen
(the
farthest
northern
country)
and south
of
Yueh
is
farthest
southern country).
10.
Love
all
things equally
the universe
one.
paradoxes that has ever been attempted by previous writers was made by Mr. Chang of Ancient Ping-ling who is perhaps the foremost living scholar under the Mr. paradoxes Chang grouped Chinese Philosophy.
The most
three heads.
are
(8),
and (9),
maintains that (l) and (2) endeavor to show that and unreal. arrive at the ultimate and "since no mathematical division can
He
measurements have nothing Therefore all measurement is illusory. for their initial unit. And if all measurement is illusory, there is no real difference between the greatest and the smallest or between that which
.
miles."
He holds that (3 is the illusory character of which can be seen in the perspective of finiteness and (6) denies the distinction between paintings.
infinity,
and depth,
(8)
that
between
1
divisibility
and
indivisibility,
and
paradoxes, (4) and (7), argue for the unreality of time. Says Mr. Chang: "The past, is gone and the future has not Even the present can come. Their nonexis^uce is easily seen. not be grasped. The smallest unit of time is a Kshana. A Kslicna
(B)
Two
Ku Lun Nan,
pp. 192,
19;>.
113
is
not further indivisible, only exact divisions never stand still, and when one thinks of one unit, it is already the next unit.
. .
*
Therefore
it
may
be said that
when
it is
born.
(4)
Again, we
If
may we regard
to-day.
leave for
Yueh
if
at
in the evening.
we
say,
we go
units,
to
But
may
rightly say,
Yueh then we
shows
All this
reality."
two, (5) and (10), deny the reality of There are between things. difference and apparent similarity are there nor one to similar are another, no things which absolutely No one another. from things which are absolutely different
(C)
The remaining
all
absolute similarity,
therefore
all
each has
its
individuality.
No
.
partake some
common
nature.
is
one.
Hence Love
all
"
things equally.
While
accepting
I
most
of
Mr. Chang
interpretations
as
am
those of Zeno the Eleatic, are directed to prove a monistic theory The tenth paradox is, therefore, to be regarded of the universe.
as the
"moral"
of the
arguments.
*
intended
4
to
show
that
the universe
one
"
love all things equally." In other words, the paradoxes constitute an attempt to establish a metaphysical basis for the Mohist doc
trine of universal altruism.
of
me that all the paradoxes of Hui Sze and all those Kung-Suu Lung (which we shall study later) can be interpreted
It
seems
to
have
Neo-Mohism.
time and space, a distinction was made between duration (x) and Duration time (B$), and between space (*r) and place (ff). different over extends places" extends over different times. Space
"
(Bk.
32:40,41).
Ibid.
P. 194
114
night.
Space covers
to say, there
and
north"
That is only one space and one time for the sections of which we have artificially devised our units of time and space. (^) does not It must be noted in passing that the word
"space"
called
"non-being,"
"universe,"
including, as
1
we have
east,
north.
remained
to this day.
is
(See
Hui Nan
Tze,
Book XI.)
is
constantly passing from one moment to another But the Neo-Mohist holds a fact admitted by common sense.
That time
is
also
constantly changing.
The
are
= $) 3$
always shifting (Bk. 33:12). Space, however, has in the morning, and again in the evening. Does this not seem to long changed its place" (Bk. 35:12).
indicate that the
this
There
is
moves?
was probably the case is shown in another for that which is already passage: "Spatial positions are names is not this and that this this Knowing that past" (Bk. 33:31). That is, what is i.o longer here, we still call it south and north.
That
"
is
already past
then,
is
regarded as
if it
were
still
present.
cr.ll
We
called
it
1
south
therefore
we continue
to
it
south
now
(Bk. 35:31).
This, then, seems to be the assumption underlying the para doxes of Hui Sze: that there is only one time and one space,
Paradox continuous, infinitely divisible, and constantly changing. as a characterization of space. (l), therefore, may be regarded
Taken
Unit"
as
whole,
space
is
"Great
Unit"
which
it is
"has
no-
exterior."
Taken
Small
(2) which may be regarded "having no interior. be so small as to the same means may thing: space practically or so large as to "cover a thousand miles." "have no thickness
"
Because space is constantly moving, therefore the heavens may beas low as the earth and mountains on the same level as rivers (3) Similarly, the "to-day" in one country may be the yesterday of
.
"center
"
of the universe
"
may
"
it
north of
Yen
"
or
Yiieh""
115
makes day and night. The Neoseem to have hit upon a great truth Sze, and tremendous too too revolutionary to be easily which, being explained on the insufficient data at their command, they explained
earth
is
round and
its
rotation
in paradoxes.
I
am
is
not altogether
an anachronism.
Chou Yen (g
"one
Hui
who was a contemporary of ftf) what was then known as the "Middle
,
Kingdom"
was only
world."
He
said that China formed one of the nine divisions of similar size
a continent.
approximately similar size, which together constitute the world. Each continent is surrounded by a subsidiary sea," and the
group
ocean.
1
of
nine continents
is
surrounded by the
a
"great
sea"
or
Chuang Tze,
who was
of
Hui
cavity on a gravel in a
small grain in
Middle Kingdom within the seas like a a great granary ? The existence of such fantastic
"
earth in
indicate
Neo-Mohists*
theory of space as a bold hypothesis bordering on a belief that the earth, and not the sun, is moving.
(4) is based on the Neo-Mohist theory of temporal perhaps, a touch of pessimism. Only at one very brief moment can the sun shine at noon, and, as space is continu
Paradox
unity with,
ously moving, even that very brief moment of noonday seems only illusory. And compared with the infinity of time which
"
night,"
the
life
span of
man
is
no
less
Still
momentary and illusory than the moment of noon sun. Mohism was neither skepticism nor pessimism. Infinite
(6)
Paradox
that
says,
"The
"
is, it is
finite
1.
17.
116
in the
Neo-Mohist
texts,
"infinity
alizing
"
universally"
This proposition
Whatever
whether
cannot be so enumerated.
is) finite
If it is
it is
uncertain whether
(the world
it
or infinite, then
also uncertain
cannot be exhaustively examined. If it is uncertain whether it cannot be exhaustively examined, then it is also uncertain whether or not it is completely inhabited by men. To assert
positively the impossibility of including all
men when it is
world,
or
it is
uncertain
to
whether men
cannot
inhabit
the
whole
is
assert
positively the impossibility of loving all whether all men can be included that
men when
absurd"
uncertain
(Bk. 35:72).
members) we may yet know that something is true of the whole class. The reason therefor lies in the known instances" (Bk. 33:73). That is to say, for all practical purposes inferences may be drawn from incomplete enumeration of instances, and therefore infinity is no
Again we read:
"Not
knowing
the
number
(of its
l<
hindrance to induction.
as
What
good
what
is."
And what
texts.
is infinite
may
be regarded as
finite.
also be illustrated by quotations from the In the chapter on induction, we have seen that
Neo-Mohism
the
of
takes
cognizai.ee
or
of
individual
of
variations
"duality"
individuality
things.
purposes
little.
classification,
however,
ment
of biological study,
air.
Moreover, as we shall see later, the age was one of develop and the theory of organic evolution was
already in the
The
in
is
some
"all
essential
and
Mr.
Chang
is,
therefore,
essentially correct.
universe
is
one,"
This again leads to the conclusion that "the which is the basis of the Mohist doctrine of
universal love.
The paradox
5s
perhaps the
Yet
its
w as
r
solved by a
woman,
tlie
117
Queen Dowager
of
Chi
(d.
249 B. C.),
to
She
This solved the problem by breaking the series with a hammer. solution may not be the one intended by Hui Tze. The underlying
principle, however,
seems
to
be the same.
To
the mathematician
who may
and radii of the rings, each ring be conceived as dissociated from the others. The fact that they are chained into one another does not bother him in the least. This is in principle the same as breaking the series with a hammer.
calculates the circumferences
Both are
"pragmatic
solutions.
113
Chapter
VI
The Paradoxes
of
The
paradoxes
material
for
this
the
twenty-one
Chuang Tze, the seven paradoxes preserved in the Lieh Tze (Bk. IV, 12), and the six chapters now entitled the Kung-Sun Lung Tze. As the firstmentioned source contains more material than the other two, it is
here taken as the basis of discussion, the other materials serving
The epilogue of the Chuang Tze is not quite clear as to the authorship of the twenty-one paradoxes. It attributes them to the
of whom two are mentioned by name and Huan Tuan (j@ B) the latter is mentioned Lung Tzr (Bk. IV, 12) as Han Tan (ft a). But as
"dialecticians"
;
Kung-Sun
in the Lieh
five
of
the
(), have been specifically attributed to Kung-Sun Lung in the Lieh Tze and one, (), is in effect identical with a paradox ascribed to him in the Lu Sze Chun Chm and the Kung Chung Tze, I have, for the sake of convenience,
paradoxes,
(k)
,
(o)
(?),
(/),
and
treated
tentatively
the paradoxes as
if
they were
all
Kung-Sun
are:
feathers.
b.
c.
Ying (the
world.
d.
e.
A $og may
be a sheep.
eggs.
a tail.
/.
Which,
believe, is
tTie
same
as the
paradox
"
ears
"
Tze, XI).
text is ting tze (T : ?), which has been variously inter have accepted the interpretation of Cheng Huen-ying who says :
of
The people
Chu
call
tze.
119
g.
Fire
is
not hot.
h.
i.
y.
k.
the ground, see. do not Eyes Mark? do not reach (the thing); 1 the reaching will never end.
/.
m.
n.
o.
The tortoise is taller (or longer) than The carpenter square is not square cannot make a circle.
the snake.
;
the compasses
fit
The shadow
never moved.
p.
swiftly
fleeting
and
q.
r.
s.
/.
of motion.
is
A puppy
not a dog.
A A
three."
An orphan
If a
u.
one half of
length,
it
will still
have something
8
left
now propose
to
treat
I.
II.
A A
A
and actuality
III.
The
principle of individuation*;
and
IV.
theory of knowledge.
as in the Lieh T~e. inclined to think that this paradox was a corruption of one which probably was similar to the Zenonian paradox of Achilles and the tortoise. 3 The version in the Lieh Tze is "The shadow does not move," which is
2 I
iThe same
am
the same as in the Moh Tze, Bk. 33: 16. *This is the same as Zeno s third argument against motion. white horse is not a horse," which, though not included In this Cf.
"A
collection,
6 Cf.
is
Kung-Sun Lung
two,"
"A
theories.
7
The same
This
is
"
colt
"
reads
"
calf."
the same as Zeno s second argument against motion. practically the same as the paradox in the Moh Tze, Bk. 33: 59.
8
It is
120
(I)
more subtle arguments for and space than those advanced by Hui Tze. Paradoxes (p) and (7^) will be easily recognized by students of Greek philosophy as identical with Zeno s third and second arguments against motion. Paradox () reads: If a rod one foot in length is cut shorter every day by one half of its
In these paradoxes,
find even
we
"
length,
it
will still
have something
is
left
generations."
This
stated in the
Neo-Mohist texts
its
To
length, will
in
"
the
point
(*$)"
The explanatory
its
is
section reads:
To
length,
means an
infinite regress.
On
If
it is still
possible to
nothing to halve, there is still the. cut off before and behind, there is
cut short a thing always by half
To
and no less, is therefore impossible length, In the words of an early commentator, Sze-Ma (Bk. 35:59). Piao If still divisible, there is the two if no longer divisible,
its
"
no
more
there
is still
the
one."
(4^
fg)
in this paradox is Tzc (IV, 12) as the problem of "Infinity which Wei Mou, a disciple of Kung-Sun
"
Whoever reaches
left."
reads
"A
moments
to say,
is
is
motion."
The
is
"The
body
at
and the tendency (f*) is in motion. clearly and distinctly, it is in slow motion.
seen clearly and distinctly, suggestive passage.
it is
in rapid
is
motion."
a very
body which takes time (or duration) to traverse a distance (Bk. 33:63 and Bk. 35:63). If its has taken it must have at every point it flight time, "stopped" traversed. For a thing is said to be at rest when its occupation of
a
The arrow
one space
1
lasts for
some time
(cf.
Bk. 32:50).
When we
say the
Quoted
in
Loh Teh-ming
121
arrow
is
in motion,
we
it
in its
"tendency."
the eye can see the invisible, we may even say that it is still in motion when it has apparently "stopped." Therefore the conclu
sion
is
not real.
Paradox
flying bird
(c) is still
stated as
"The
The shadow of more illuminating. In the Neo-Mohist texts, it shadow does not move" (Bk. 33:16), which
"
a
is
is
is
said to
renewal (&).
:
NeoIf it
Mohist text
"When
light comes,
shadow disappears.
can be seen, it will be found to remain there throughout the ages a new or (Bk. 35:16). The shadow seen at the next moment is "renewed one; it is no longer the same shadow which, though
unseen, remains in the original position.
is
The
only a supplement
to this.
It
says
"The
in its (in motion) do not touch the ground." Viewed the shadows of a flying bird are one, and the wheels
may
be said
have never touched the ground. Viewed logically, the wheel is its position. every moment at rest, and the shadow never changes
to
(II)
in the paradoxes,
seems
to be
As
The development comes the or hen the first, egg troublesome question whether During the first naturally attracted the attention of the scholars.
the age was one
of the
of biological sciences.
we
organic evolution
germ
(ki,
many
In the light of this theory, If all the of the paradoxes are no longer unintelligible.
&) common
to all species.
formless"
all
egg
I.
122
has
feathers,"
(a).
to
man,
it
is
dog may be a
horse has
"a
sheep,"
(d); that
(<?);
frog has a
"
tail,"
(/)
that
"the
tortoise white puppy is black," (s); or that eggs," the insufficient data at our than the snake is longer With (/). command, we are unable to say whether these paradoxes were the
that
"a
precursor or merely an echo of the theory of organic evolution above referred to. One thing is sure: they deal with the problem
of potentiality
of
the age in
And
that
all
which may be drawn from these paradoxes the complex forms of organic life are potentially
(in)
Another problem which is involved in the paradoxes and my opinion, most interested Kung-Sun Lung, is the problem of individuation. The Neo-Mohists had formulated a
which, in
logic which, as
classification.
we have
seen,
is
explained in the
natural
the
that
species,
the genus.
It
is
the
problem
texts.
It
individuation
should
soon
attract
attention
of the logicians as
has
been
to
held
that
all
one another, as
this
all
made
:
of
wood
(Bk. 33 64
to
is
Bk. 35 64.)
submerge the
parents of
is
Hueh
human
him
not
man
men). ...
1
"
thief is a
man.
"
Mob
is
universal in men,
17).
particular
123
the same as
No thief is not no man. many men. numerousness of thieves is not to dislike the populotisness of men, and to desire the elimination of thieves is
there are
For
to dislike the
human
;
race.
Therefore
\ve
may
and
kill
say:
men;
to hate thieves is
men and
men
But
(Bk. 37:6).
this
1
position
is
the
arguments of
it
opposition.
sible to
kill
classified as
men,
is
impos
to
"a
draw the negative conclusion that to kill thieves is not men. Kung-Sun Lung came to rescue with his theory that
is
white horse
a thief
is
not a
horse,"
not a man.
"a
which
ment
dog"
that
puppy
"a
is
(Bk. 34:53).
(?) that
Against
paradox
puppy
is
not a
In doing this,
the
Neo-Mohist theory of forms, for which he substituted a theory starting out with a distinction, not between form and matter, but between shape (hsin, ff, which, like form, has the same origin as the Confucian or hsiang) and color. A "white horse is not a
"idea"
"horse,"
because
"horse"
the
color,
denotes the shape, and "white" denotes is not the same as what
for a
horse,
and either
a yellow horse
may
answer.
Ask
is,
and neither
white horse
Therefore
horse." horse is Again, indeterminate in color, therefore a yellow or black one will answer. A white horse is determinate in color, thus excluding the yellow and black horses by reason of their color, and is therefore only
is
not a
"
II).
The same
principle
is
make
(;-)
implied paradcx (r): "A yellow three/ This I believe to be the same
two."
Probably the
word
1
cow"
in
paradox
Book
"horse,"
as the adjective
See
Hsun
Tze,
22.
124
"dark"
(n) has a
"horse-radical"
If
so,
plus
"yellow"
plus
"dark"
makes
three, just as
"white
ness"
plus
"solidity"
makes two.
But it is errone principle of individuation in these several cases. is sole principle color the to that to conclude ous Kung-Sun Lung,
of individuation.
Paradox
to
shown
that this
is
not
the case.
"A
It
seems
s
me
is
that
carpenter
square
circle."
The
not square: the compasses cannot make Neo-Mohists had held that "either the concept of
ready-made
circle,
may
the
be the form
that
s
compasses
cannot make a
form of a square. That is to say, the carpenter s square and the compasses can only give the general "shape," but do not make
the individual square and circle.
has
its
"duality"
or individuality
individual thing
itself.
This recognition
viduation
is
of great significance
in
many ways.
Ethically,
it
means
its
reconciliation
men."
men.
Logically
it
then growing philosophy of law. Therefore killing thieves is not killing means the shifting of emphasis from universals
to
the
to particulars, probably resulting in giving more emphasis on induction than the earlier Neo-Mohists had done.
(IV)
Finally, there is contained in these paradoxes a theory of the nature and method of knowledge which finds corroboration both
in the
in the
In our
1 study of the Neo-Mohists theory of knowledge, it was pointed cut that they held that knowledge is possible only with the co
operation of the intelligence, sense perception, and understanding. We read that hearing, for example, is the faculty of the ear, but
to follow
what
is
its
meaning
is
the
work
of the
Book
III,
Chap.
II.
<
tn
legs,"
which
to
is
where reported
the
as
"Chang
has
threi-
ears,"
seems
mean
that
organs of the body cannot function without some directing "Although the fowl lias only two center, namely, the mind. Sze-Ma Piao, requires the soul (jj$) to move them. legs," says
"it
Therefore
third ear
(/)
,
we may of Chang is
say that
it
has three
Similarly,
,
legs."
"the
Similarly,
the
the soul.
eyes do not
see,"
is fire
ing soul.
sense perceptions alone will not enable us to have true knowledge Whiteness and solidity (hardness)" In the chapter on of things.
in the
When we look Kung-Siin Lung Tee, we read: white stone), w e get its whiteness but not its solidity.
r
**
at
it
(the
touch
it,
we
get
its
When we When we
have got its whiteness and which is not seen will coinhere.
it is
that
which
is
There they will not hold each other. coinhere, Coinherence means fore they must be coinherent in each other. containing (literally, concealing) each other" (Bk. V). This act
one.
If two,
of construction is the
work
of the soul.
Whiteness
is
seen through
Hardness is perceived by the the eyes and with the help of light. hand feeling along the object. It is, however, the soul ($ji)
which can see when the eyes are not seeing or where there is no It is in the soul light or when the hand is not actually feeling.
that
what
is
is felt
to
Paradox
many
says:
"Marks
do not reach; the reaching will never end." The first half occurs in the Lieh Tse and is thus explained by Wei Mou, the disciple
iThe original text follows: *B ^f- Yii Yueh (jj& 8) si;g]$ Based on the collateral til gested this reading: Ji^JL&fi-, evidence of the Tze, Bk. 35 4, I have adopted this reading : JL ^JL S!
^&
:
^ &
JA>//
2 This is an of the concluding interpretation rather than a translation Professor N. paragraphs of Book VI, the text of which is much corruptc-.l. Hattori of Japan also made an interpretation of this passage in his article "Confucianism and Its Opponents," published in the Cosmopolitan Studt nt Some of his readings of the text I cannot accept. for April, May, 1916, p. 138.
126
of
Kung-Sun Lung:
the
]
"Where
to give
much
there are no marks, all will reach." aid to the critics. The trouble
word
It
"mark"
or
"sign"
"a
finger."
seems
to
me
when
which
This word
is
word "finger" is properly understood. used in the third book of the Kung-Sun Lung Tze, entitled "On Marks (fingers) and Things." After years
I
"a
of study
"finger"
that
which
"signifies."
long misunderstood book. The main thesis of this book is contained in its opening paragraph: There are no things which are not marks, but marks are no marks. If there be no marks in the world, nothing can be called
in this
For without things can there seems that by "mark" or is here meant the attribute or quality by which a thing is known. "There are no things which are not marks" means that things are what their
be
marks?"
a thing.
"sign"
attributes indicate
be.
them
to be; that
is
is,
to
immediately qualified by the realistic statement, "But marks are no marks"; that is, marks are not entities in themselves but marks of things. "For without things,
This subjectivism
can there be
marks?"
"fingers"
to mean "marks" or "attributes of Taking things," would then mean that our ordinary knowledge of paradox (k) things is only knowledge of their marks and "does not reach" the real things, and that any attempt to reach the "thirigs-in-tlitmselves"
is
We know
a horse
by
its
this
its white-ness and solidity. For all practical purposes knowledge is quite adequate and sufficient. The explanation which Kung-Sun Lung s disciple gave to the paradox that "where
stone by
all will
reach,"
would seem
to
iThus Professor A. Forke, in his Chinese Sophists (Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 34, pp. 1-100), translates paradox {k} as "The finger does not touch, the touching never comes to an end." Forke is inconsistent when he translates the same paradox in the Lieh Tze as Definitions do not hit the point." Both Legge and Balfour use the word
"
Forke translates
"fingers"
as
"definitions"
which
cannot accept.
it
is always possible to reach the thin gs-jn- themselves, but that without these marks one would probably have to reach the real
things in every case of cognition. But since "the reaching will never end," one might as well be content with the knnwkdge of
the perceived attributes of the things.
said,
As
when we
is
it is
hot,
it is
to
have actually
must be
hot.
That
it is
to reach the
marks
of the
The marks,
"Each mark naturally and of itself ignore individual variations. excludes the non-mark" (Book III). That is to say, each mark,
being the mark of an individual thing, has its own "this-ness" which marks it off from all other things. So are the names with
W hich
7
signification.
Each name has its individual name demarcates one genus, a specific name demarcates one species, and a proper name demarcates one
the
marks
are indicated.
generic
individual.
"is
"A
name,
and that
Lung Tzc (Book VI), If we know that (or substance). not here, we shall not predicate it
is
(by
this ).
If
we know
that that
it
is
not
is
there,
WC
T
(by
Paradox
7
(/)
names.
It says:
"An
Wei Moti
colt.
names"
had a mother
Here we have
different
new
doctrine of the
of
from that which Confucius had originated some two To rectify names is not to go back to their ideal centuries before.
meanings, nor to use names so "judiciously as always to imply ethical judgment, as Confucius and the Confucians had taught,
but to name things according to their actual individual characteris In order to rectify names in this sense, it is therefore tics.
necessary
first to
know
by the methods
to
of induction,
by
In order
of
in
name
well
we must know
well
The law
of
"rectification
names"
and
128
the
is:
"The
that-ness of that
must be confined
to
this."
When
this will
the
names are
this.
that
to
and
answer
When
then the predicate that is useless. When this does not answer to this, then the predicate this is useless" (Book VI; cf.
that,
the
Moh
Tze, Bk. 35
logical
7l).
This
is
Neo-Mohist
particulars
classification:
relates
the
into
classes,
and,
subdivides
their
the
"duality"
or individual variations.
IV
Concluding Remarks
have devoted what might seem an improper tion ally large space paradoxes of Hui Sze and Kung-Sun Lung. My own
I
to the
justification is twofold.
In the
first
I
place,
chapters of the
Moh
Tze which
identical
Moh Tin
but the product of the with the period from Hui Sze
Lung
(320-250).
to the period
from 325-250 B. C.
The
paradoxes of Hui Sze and Kung-Sun Lung can find collateral illustrations in those six chapters, and that they can be understood
only in the light of these collateral illustrations, no history of Chinese logic can afford to ignore.
striking
is is
a fact
which
the
passages in the Kung-Sun Lung Tze are found verbatim in those texts. Three of the seven paradoxes attributed to Kung-Sun Lung in the Lieh Tze are also found in those texts. Do not these facts justify my contention that those six books were
works of the Neo-Mohists of the period specified above, and Hui Sze and Kung-Sun Lung were not the isolated "Sophists who formed the "school of logicians," but the legitimate repre
the
that
sentatives
ethical
of
the
school
of
the
and
logical traditions of
Moh
129
China the most systematically developed theory in the entire history of Chinese thought?
In the second place, the paradoxes of
of logical
method,
Lung, while they are consistent and continuous with the logical theories of Neo-Mohism, were to no small extent responsible for
the discrediting and the consequent downfall of
especially
of
of
its
Neo-Mohism, and
affords
logic.
The
which
history
of
thought
its
an
abundance
vital
examples
distorted by the
way
in
is
stated by
originator,
and
the
The paradoxes of Zeno, the homo the problems are presented. mensur a of Protagoras, the "ideas" of Plato, the cogito, ergo sum
of Descartes, the esse is per dpi of Berkeley,
tions.
Similarly,
the
logical
theories
of
Neo-Mohism became
striking
paradoxes.
While,
as
is
stated in the
Chuang
Tze,
"the
dialecticians
were
greatly delighted in
became the subject of them," the paradoxes school. the of They were attack and ridicule by the opponents * a white that naturally subject to stupid distortions. The paradox horse is not a for example, soon became horse is not a
"a
horse,"
horse"
(Kung Chung Tze, IX). "Chang has three ears" was Chang has three teeth" (Lu Sze Chun sometimes corrupted into Moreover, the paradoxes became so unneces Chiu, XVIII, 5). of Mohism was used by its sarily subtle that the pragmatic test
"
opponents
story
to
discredit
the theories of
its
After
that
Chang had
Kung
what he thought
of
Yes, he has almost The replied: the arguments. But he has had ears. succeeded in making Chang have three Now, to say Chang has three ears a difficult task to perform. To say that he has two difficult and after all not true. is
latter
very
is
ears
wonder,
my
lord,
which you
7
"
(XI).
I.
130
by the practical politicians. A century later, when logic had become a lost science, the name "the school of logicians" was
applied exclusively
to
the
dialecticians
or
"
"Sophists
such as
Sze, and Kung-Sun Lung, and the "logical" was with the paradoxical, the sophistical, and the unintel
PART IV
Evolution and Logic
Chapter
I
The problem
of change, as
we have
We
Shih and Lao Tze maintained that nature is "not benevolent." Lao Tze held that all beings come from the great void or nonbeing, and that the process of change has been one of unfolding
from non-being to being, from the one to the many, from the simple to the complex, and from the easy to the difficult. This
conception,
was mutilated by his exaltation of the non-existent over the existent, and resulted in his philosophical
however,
Moreover, while holding nature to be not benevolent, he was so profoundly impressed by the all-sufficiency of the natural process that very often he again approached a teleological view of
nihilism.
nature, as for instance in his characterization of her as the "great "The net of nature is or in a statement like this: executioner,
vast, so vast.
It is
wide-meshed, but
it
loses
nothing."
Confucius was probably influenced by Lao Tze s theory of In the Appendices to the Book of Change, nature and of change. that change is a continuous process of held also to have he seems
multiplication and complication beginning with the simple and
easy, or the
tion of the
hi.
a frankly materialistic
concep
have come
the complexities in the universe about through motion, through the pushing of that
universe,
which
is
which
is
passive.
But neither Lao Tze nor Confucius has given us any fully developed theory of natural evolution. Nor were they at all
on Theories of Evolution in Ancient China
1,
my
article
in
"Science"
pp. 1U-41.
132
interested
change in the biological world. During the two centuries following the death of Confucius (479 been B.C.), however, the attention of thinkers seems to have
in
the problem
of
In the Neo-Mohist
we
modes
of
"being
or "developing into
which
defined as
"covered
(concealed)
change"
(32:45).
,
Elsewhere
a common belief the development of the frog into the huen (||) an instance of as was of the texts given found in many age,
"becoming"
(34:45 and 86). Unfortunately, only fragmentary evidences of the development of biological studies during that the fragmentary period have been preserved to us. But even
passages found in such works as the Lieh Tze, the Chuang Tze, and other works, will perhaps be able to give us a glimpse of the
biological speculations ot that remarkable age. shall begin with the Lieh Tze, a work
We
age but which seems to contain probably compiled and third centuries B. C. fourth the to many fragments belonging This work contains two distinct theories of evolution. The one
in a
much
later
(Bk. 1:2)
is
also
mentioned
in a
It),
work
of
unknown authorship
to
Tu (&
^
we
and seems
is
belong to the
Han
as follows:
which reproduces and that which does not does reproduce. There is that which changes and that which not change. That which reproduces not can produce that which reproduces. That which changes not can transform That which reproduces not is per that which changes. 2 That which changes not goes and manently unitary (JU $s).
There
is
that
($fc
ft).
The
ever-returning
(Bk. I:l).
is
endless.
The
permanently unitary
i
is eternal"
p. 30.
This phrase has long been misunderstood. Suzuki, for example, trans The character g| does 0). it as "solitary indeterminate (op. cit., p. not mean "indeterminate" or "doubtful" but "stable" or "permanent." It in for example, in IB #? jh $, literally means "stand still," as, ient lu tbe a in the 1 Li the Book of Poetry, or in P ft from |fe (doubt). But the two have script it was written g| as distinguished form. former the into confused been long
2
7
lates
&>
&
"c
>
133
Here we have a theory of "monads" which are permanently. not but which are unitary and ever-returning, which reproduce not but which which and change the cause of all reproduction,
underlie
all
change.
Further on we read:
there
is
which reproduces and that and that which produces the reproducing. There are forms which that and colors are which forms the forms. There makes which that and sounds There are colors the colors. constitutes the the sounds. There are tastes and that which what but produces What is reproduced may die, tastes. become real, but forms The dies. may the reproducing never sounds The manifest. never is what forms the forms may^ The but what makes the sounds is never shown.
"Therefore
that
heard,
colors
The
be visible, but what colors the colors is never seen. the tastes is tastes may be tasted, but what constitutes
may
never
manifest"
(1:3).
Here, follows
rimed
eulogy
on
this
basic
and
primeval
something
can be active and passive; soft and hard; long and It can cause life and death; short; square and round. base warmth and cold; floating and sinking. It can produce
"It
and
It can remain dormant and become sounds. taste, and all kinds of color, prominent. It can produce is nothing there nor yet faculty, It has no knowledge smell. do" cannot or (1:3). that it does not know
sharp
It
all
may
be asked,
How
What is the proce; the complexities in the universe? self-causation, evolution? The answer is: All is self-activity,
is
self -production,
ing,
It is
self-conscious,
self-diminution,
and self-ending.
wrong
to say that
(1:1).
is
There
in the Lieh
Tze a
little
and self-causation line with the theory of evolution as self-activity near the modern theory of the struggle for comes
very and which existence and the survival
"The
of the fittest.
The
a
story follows:
House
of
Tien
at
in
post-sacrificial
feast
which over
134
present.
offered.
is
In the middle of the feast, fish and wild ducks were The host looked at them and said with a sigh: Great
s
nature
kindness to
man!
fish
and birds
man.
by
all
Thereupon, the son of the House of Pao, twelve years old, stepped forward and said:
who was
it is
my
lord.
men
no natural order of superi and ority inferiority. They conquer and prey on one another virtue of their only by superior strength and intelligence.
is
on a basis
There
No
is purposely produced for the sake of another* prey on those things which they are able to conquer. How can we say that nature has produced them for our benefit ? Do not mosquitoes suck our blood and do not tigers and
species
too,
Men,
flesh
men
Shall we say that nature has produced mosquitoes and tigers and wolves?
"
So much
shall
Lieh Tze.
We
turn to the evolutionary theory found in the Chuan% Tze. Like the Lieh Tze, this work contains more interpolations and indiscriminate incorporations of unidentified fragments than
now
Chuang Tze. For that have done elsewhere, many of the passages taken from the work only as quotations from the Chuang Tze, but not as from Chuang Tze himself; except when I have
writings
genuine
of
the
philosopher
I
reason,
good reason to believe in the genuineness which the quotations are taken.
the causal series
of the chapters
from
This theory of evolution begins by dismissing the notion that must have a final cause upon which the whole
"Am
I,"
chain depends.
"dependent
upon
some thing
for
for
my
being?
And
that
upon which
am dependent
my being,
11:6.)
(Bk.
again dependent upon something else for its being?" * In another place, Confucius is made to say: "if
is
it
not also a
thing?
Is not that
which makes
it
This
(causal) thing, being a thing, cannot have existed before all other
135
things.
There must
be
must
(Bk.
still
else.
And
this
There
extended
indefinitely"
the argument for a final cause necessarily leads to an infinite regress, and is therefore untenable.
XXII: ll). 1
Thus
final
animate things is like the changing at every moment and moving at What do they do? And what do they not do? every moment. They will naturally transform of themselves" (Bk. XVII: l).
(tk ft).
It
says
"The
life of all
galloping of a horse,
More specifically stated, the theory is this: "All things are species which develop into one another through the process of variation in forms. Their beginnings and endings are like those of a perfect
ring
incapable of
This
is
called the
rhythm of nature" (Bk. XXVII:!). The theory that the species develop
process of variation in
follows
:
"
forms
is
The germs,
minute
when
in water,
is
;
a kind of
*&&&
&,
m&%
&,
t
m&#
K. Half our (The Divine Classic of Nan-Hua p. 274) translates: Heaven and Earth first produced was Matter. Those who obstruct the course of matter or things are not in accord with Nature. This matter being produced, nothing appears afterwards that had been prior to it; from it other things successively take their rise, and from these a^ain others, and so on without end." This is just the opposite of the original meaning. Herbert A. Giles, now Professor of Chinese in the University of Cambridge, translates (Chuang Tze, p. 291): "What there was before the universe was Tao. Tao makes things what they are but is not itself a thing. Nothing can produce Tao; yet everything has Tao within it, a ad continues to produce it without never occurs in the original end." This is even worse, for the word
"tao"
inconceivable to me that foreigners who can hardly read an c.rd?nry text in Chinese, should have the daring to attack such a text as the
text.
It is
T,
The ordinal
text follows
ft ft
g f| iH,
*H
ff
4fi
ft.
&**
136
(tt$t2c).
On
the
Reaching root of which becomes chi-tsao (p? if), while the leaves become The hu-tieh ($ n. which now means butterfly ) or hsu (^)the in chimney Aw-#M later changes into an insect, born
corner,
bank, they become ling-shih (Et.ft). become wu-tsuoh (,% &), the
which has the appearance of newly-grown skin. Its name is chu-tuh Uli*). After a thousand days, the chu-tuh becomes a bird called kan-yu-kuh (f ffe $), the spittle (?) of which becomes the ^-raf (f jffi). The ^-;; becomes a wine Huang-kuang ffr) from which comes the yi-lu ( fly (^ IS)
.
,
Mosquitoes with paired 2), Yang-chi ($). the (ft ^), ching-ning puh-scn-kiu~chuh (^ $ X W, produces the horse, which produces the cheng (^), which produces which produces man. Man again goes back into the germs All things come from the germs and will return to (g| = n).
(%. %L)
is
(ii g)c).
(
the
I
germs"
(Bk. XVIII,
6).
do not profess to have understood this passage which all But there are in despair. previous commentators have given up first place, the In attention. our certain points iu it which deserve commentators the the word ki (gfc) in the opening sentence which
have pronounced
to
in the
second or
"upper"
it
should certainly be pronounced in the first This or "germ. level" tone, and mean "the minutest atom" or Book of Change to is the same word which Confucius used in the
mean
"
"how many,"
Etymologic-ally, it embryonal beginning of things. comes from & which is the plural of 8, which is a pictorial In the second place, the word &, representation of an embryo.
mean
the
which occurs thrice in the concluding sentences, should read $, and mean "germs." For if it had no reference
in
certainly
to the ki
the opening sentence, why should the text say "again goes In the third place, while the names of the plants and back"?
animals mentioned therein are no longer capable of identification on account of the textual corruptions and of our ignorance of the
iThis passage also occurs in the Lieh Tze (Bk. 1:4), where the text is more corrupted by an apparent incorporation of the notes made by some unknown commentator. For that reason, I nave preferred the text in the
Chuans
Tze.
137
it
seems safe
and animals
passage contains a theory which conceives of all specie.s of plants as forming one continuous order beginning with the
ki or germ, passing
through the various forms of lower organism, and culminating in man. That it conceives of man as coining from the other vertebrates represented by the horse, the text It is doubtful, however, how far such a bold leaves no doubt. hypothesis was based on the scientific data accessible at that lime. At any rate, it seems we are warranted to take this passage as a
collateral illustration of the theory that the species develop into
in forms.
The question Certain answered. passages in is not quite clearly and definitely the Chuang Tze seem to show a recognition of the fact that each If a species is "adapted" (jg $) to its particular environment.
What
is
"
man
sleep in a
damp
place, he gets
in a tree,
about an eel?
Living up But how about the monkey? Which of the three, the man, the Again, men feed on eel, or the monkey, has the right habitat? meat, deer on grass, centipedes on snakes, owls and crowb on Which of the four knows the right taste?" (Book II). mice. Again, "Chi-ki and Hua-liu (two famous types of horses) can
travel a thousand a wild cat can.
li
That is because they possess different aptitudes. can catch fleas at night, and see the tip of a hair; but if it come out in broad daylight, it will not be able to see a mountain.
An owl
That
(Book
is
because different situations require different faculties XVII). These and other similar passages indicate an
not requirements of their particular environments. It is, however, as was to environment regarded such adaptation quite clear that
causally responsible for variation in forms.
One
thing
is
clear.
all
change,
all
transformation and adaptation, as entirely a "natural process/ order to become "The stork does not have to wash itself daily in The crow does not have to paint itself daily in order to white.
black"
(Book XIV).
"What
do they do?
themselves"
What do
(Book
they
XVI I).
138
and all-potency
Like L,ao Tze, Chuang Tze was so impressed by the all-sufficiency of the process of nature, that, although he had
discarded the Final Cause, his conception of nature tended to be deterministic and fatalistic. "The ten thousand changes ever go
and no one knows what has caused them. How can one know where it will end and where it has begun ? There is nothing
on,
left
to us but to wait" (Bk. XX: 7). Of the first seven books which are most probably genuine, the sixth is entitled "The Great Master" and is a most pathetic glorification of Fate. In this
book, there
is
a story told of a
a
have
cock,
I
I
to dislike?
Tze Yu who, on being consoled for most unnatural disease, said: "What by Suppose my left arm were transposed into a
my
right
should therewith herald the coming of morn. Suppose arm were transformed into a crossbow, I should there
my
and
table.
And
suppose
my
buttocks were
changed
it.
into wheels
my
all
...
And
What, then, should I have to dislike?" (Bk. VI 3) Another speaker in the same book declares: son must go whithersoever his parents bid him. Nature is to man as parents are to their children. If she hasten my end and I demur, then I am disobedient. She can do me no wrong. This Great Unknown
nature!
"A
has given
me
this form,
is
toiled
to
me
in
my manhood,
with death.
rested
. .
.
me
in
my
going
end
all
my
toil
Suppose
the Master Blacksmith were smelting metal and the metal should
dance and sing: I ain going to be an Excalibur! the Master Blacksmith would surely consider that metal as uncanny. And if a being which happens to assume the form of a man should exclaim
in joy:
I
am
man
am
man
Consider the universe (JH ft %) would regard him as uncanny. as a great furnace and the Creator-of-Change as the master black Indeed smith, and whither am I unwilling to go? (Bk. VI: 3)
"
nature
is
room
call
for
human
is
effort
and
"
will.
"How
nature
effort is
not done through man, and that which I call not in reality the work of nature? (Bk. VI: l)
human
This combination of an evolutionary theory with an extreme determinism need not surprise us when we think of the deter-
139
ministic and automatic conception of the process of natnn- that underlies the evolutionism of such modern thinkers as IK-^cl and
is the essence of
This philosophy, which what is generally known as philosophical Taoism, has had tremendous influence on Chinese thought, especially during the second and first centuries B. C. and the third and
fourth centuries A. D.
It
has colored the whole political and But that does not quite
concern us here.
we
time.
140
Chapter
II
The Logic
of
I
Chuang Tze
Biographical Note
Chuang Tze. According to His in the city of Mung. born he was the Records of a Historian, in officer a once Mung. petty name was Chuang Chou. He was According to the same authority, he was a contemporary of King 1 Hui of Liang (B. C. 3 70-319) and King Huen of Chi (B.C.
Very
little is
known
of the life of
332-315) / We have seen that he had been with Hui Sze and lived some time after the latter s death (Chuang Tze, Bk. XXIV: 6). He probably lived until the first quarter of the third century B. C. The epilogue to the Chuang: Tze, which could not have been
written by himself as traditional critics have erroneously held, sums up his philosophy in these words:
Ever no lasting form. Is not changing and ever becoming, there is no permanence. death ever with life ? Is not heaven on the same level with
"Solitary
and
silent,
there
is
earth?
Is
Blindly, whither
All art thou going? Restlessly, whereat art thou aiming? this have some things considered none is the final goal. On And Chuang Chou was of the ancient truths been founded.
attracted to
"In
it.
paradoxical language, in bold words, and with subtle profundity, he gave free play to his imagination and thought, without following any particular school or committing himself
to
any particular line. He looked on the world as so heavily He laden and dirty that it was impossible to speak gravely. roundabout language as realized that the world would regard ecumenical, accept arguments ad verecundiam (if If) as
genuine truth, and consider parables as signs of breadth of 2 Therefore he lived in a world of Heaven and P^arth vision.
These dates are according to the Bamboo Chronicles. This passage has often been misunderstood. It should be read nection with Bk. XXVII 1.
1 2
:
in
con
141
and refused to be hound by the things in the He made no distinction between right and wrong, universe, Above. so that he lived in peace with the common crowd.
and the
Spirit,
who
the reality of
life
This seems to be
of
Chuang Tze.
In Part
men who
in
"fled
the
world"
and
and retirement.
if
of "other-world-
was
rarely,
ever,
prominent
Tze thought of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C. Even Lao whom the latter Taoists claimed to be their founder, was intensely
interested in the problems of this world and sought their solution
and individual perfection. The tao which Lao Tze and Confucius sought was nothing but a "way" for the of the ordering of the world. But in their unreserved exaltation natural as the ideal over against the real as unnatural and corrupt,
in political laisscz faire
both Lao Tze and Confucius were unconsciously sowing the seed
for a totally other-worldly philosophy of life,
which found the most and Tze which, since the Han Chuang
Chuang Tze
Logic
The
Hui Sze
Sze,
as
fact that
is
a friend
had maintained that all things in the one universe are one, and that they are at the same time similar to the called he This another and different from one another. But Hui Sze was a of Great-Similarity-and-Diflerence.
we have
principle
and delighted iu great dialectician of the Neo-Mohist school, the dialecticians with discussions carrying on endless debates and
of his time.
skeptical.
For them,
of contradiction was the canon of argumentation: one In arguing, may hold this to be a cow, and another may hold this to be no cow. It is impossible that both are right
the
11
principle
142
(Moh Tse, Therefore either the one or the other must be wrong To say that there can be no winner in a debate is Bk. 34:74)
*
.
"
wrong
of argumentation
"If there can be no winner, what is the use (Bk. 33:33). In a debate, one says aye and another says nay. ?
says
it
right will
win
"
(Bk. 35:33).
It
was
this faith
the ultimate
and
to carry
on discussions
But Chuang Tze could not see the consistency in thus holding the principle of Great Similarity-and-Difference and at the same time seeking to distinguish truth from falsehood by means of
argumentation.
led
And
his
catholic
sympathy with
all
schools of
thought between the Confucians and the tion between right and wrong,
him
says
the
epilogue of the
Chuang
Tze.
In brief,
and
false
True knowledge
all
sees
such distinc
Argumentation only shows that men have not seen the (Bk. II 2). This logic is contained chiefly in Book II of
:
the
Chuang
1
Tze,
substance
of
the
present
chapter.
little
comprehensive; Great speech is noncom mittal; small speech makes clever distinctions." "How is Tao (no longer *a way/ but cosmic reason ) so obscured that it is spoken How is speech so obscured that it admits of as true and false ?
"Great
knowledge,"
is
says
Chuang Tze,
"is
knowledge
always particular.
wrong?
Wherein
petty
is
biases.
flowery appendages.
1 All quotations in the present chapter, except those otherwise indicated, are from Book II of the Chuang Tze.
143
and affirming what the other denies. In order to affirm what each denies and to deny what each affirms, the best way is to understand the one in the light of the other (y HJj). Nothing is not not-itself, nor is anything itself. Only one refuses to see what proceeds from the other man one only sees what he himself sees. Therefore I say, The Net- Itself comes from the Itself, and the Itself
affirms
:
is
This
is
(ft
ft
H,
Jg-
ft
ft.
-Jj
di
is
Not-itself
also the
The Itself is also the Not-itself. The Itself. Here is one controversy. There is
.
another.
Is there
any
real distinction
between the
Itself
and the
Not-itself?
Or
is
When
Not-itself are no longer opposites, then one may be said to have attained the axis of reason (tao) It is this axis alone which com
.
mands,
as
it
is in
a position to
For
it
both sides of a controversy, the true and the false, are infinities. Therefore I say, the best way (to reconcile the opposites) is to
other."
is
significant in that
it
shows Chuang Tze s logical theory as a reaction against the heated discussions that had been carried on by the controversialists of the time. That there is much justification for this weariness of
controversies
can
easily
be established.
When
Mencius,
the
Confucian, was
"Sir,
first
received by
King
Htii of Liang, he
was asked:
now that you have come to us from such a great distance, may we presume that you have much to give us for the benefit of our country?" To this Mencius replied: "Why must you say
3
benefit,
my
sire?
Again, when
that he a
not say benevolence and righteousness? told by a pacifist (probably of the Mohist school)
Why
was going to persuade the rulers of Chin and Chu to end war between them on the ground that it was not profitable to either of them, Mencius said: your object is a noble one, but
"Sir,
he suggested that he should base his argument not on profit but on benevolence and righteousness. This attittidinarianisni is characteristic of the Confucian school.
your argument
is wrong."
And
Yet,
the
work
of
Mencius, one
for
is
"
struck by his
benefit"
numerous economic
policies
designed
the
or
144
of the people, policies such as the national distribution of land, the reform of taxes, the encouragement of the culture of
"profit"
fish
of national
conservation, etc.
It is natural that
such controversies should come to be regarded as It was natural that Chuang Tze should
own
biases
them all to a higher unity. "The not-itself comes from and the itself is also caused by the not-itself." What to be the true and the false are in reality tw o correlatives, appears only viewed from two different standpoints. If we can only look upon them, not as opposites but as correlatives which supplement
the
itself,
7
each other,
"axis
of
reason"
around which
differences
The
his conception of
It consists of
an automatic
to this
According
is
reason of being,
"adapted"
achieves
its
work.
The tao goes on and and environment. Things receive names and are what they are.
Affirm what
is so.
What
shall
we
is
affirm?
What
shall
we deny?
peculiar
Deny what
not
so.
For
all
own
own
peculiar potentialities.
of
of the
rational."
"Therefore,"
"viewed
from
this
standpoint, a
are the same.
tion there
is
beam and
So are
and
perversities.
is
integration.
In construction there
this
unity of all
things."
diversity
Chuang Tze
who
"wear
145
without recognizing
likens
its
all
others.*
He
very angry when keeper that they were to have three rations of acorns in the morning and four at night, but who were all pleased when told
them
to
told by the
at
night.
monkeys have been appeased. True knowledge, therefore, transcends all logical distinctions. "Nothing is greater than the tip of an autumn hair, while a vast
mountain may be
than the child
a small thing.
No
who
personage who is said to have lived over 700 years) may yet be considered as having died young. The universe came into being at the same time with me, and I and everything therein are one."
"All
"
know that what I call is not ignorance? And how do I know that what I call ignorance is not knowledge? Here is Chuang Tze s skepticism, which is based on his theory
"How
do
knowledge knowledge
is
incomplete.
*
of evolution,
through Let me try to adapted to its particular place and environment. 1 if a man sleep in a damp ask you," said a speaker in Book II, and dies. But how about an eel? If he he lumbago gets place,
"
variation
on the theory that all species are naturally evolved in forms and that each form or species is
"
live
up
monkey ?
Which
man,
monkey
has the right habitat? Again, men feed on meat, deer on grass, Which of the centipedes on snakes, and owls and crows on mice.
four
knows
Chiang or a Li Ki (famous beauties of Ancient China), the mere sight of whom would cause fishes to plunge deep down in the water, birds to soar high up in the air, and deer to run away in great speed.*
iMost of Chuang Tze s sayings were in the form of dialogues, sometimes between historical personages such as Lao Tze and Confucius, soineiimes between mythological figures. The world delights in arguments ad verecundiam. 2 Giles "For shame at their own inferi (p. 27) adds a most stupid note:
ority."
146
Which
As
far
impossible
me
to discern
which
notion is most eloquently expounded in Book XVII, another of the genuine chapters of the Chuang Tze. there are no such "From the point of view of cosmic reason, It is only from in things. distinctions as value and worthlessness
The same
is
the point of view of things that each regards itself as valuable and considers all others as worthless. From the point of view of social conventions, value and worthlessness do not lie in the evaluated
all things things themselves. From the point of view of relativity, of greatness or are great or small merely because of one s criterion If one only knows that the universe is but a tare seed smallness.
and the tip of a hair is as large as a mountain, then one may be And from the point of said to have seen the relativity of things. view of function, all things exist because of that for which they
are existent, and
all
which
East and West are opposites, the one cannot exist without the And the function of things. other, then one may be able to know
view of individual inclinations, things are with approved or disapproved, called good or evil, in accordance a that knows If one individual only of judgment. the criterion of a Cheh and (the symbol Yao (the symbol of wise kingship) that of and conduct own their disapprove will approve tyranny) each other, one will see the individual interests and biases of
of
things.
Of
old,
the
their
thrones in favor of their chosen successors (instead of their own but when heirs) and they were both regarded as sage emperors
,
Yen, B. C. 320-316) abdicated his throne in favor of his Minister Tze Tsi, he ruined his kingdom by this imitation of Yao. King Tang (B. C. 1783-1754) and King Wu (B. C.
King Kuei
(of
1122-1116) founded their dynasties by revolutions, but the Duke of Peh (d. 479 B. C.) also started a revolution which cost his life. Therefore, voluntary abdications and revolutions, the virtue of a
Yao and
the vice of a Cheh, were valuable or disastrous according to their respective times, and none of them is to be regarded as the
147
standard for
follow
the
all
times.
right and
Why not always never the wrong, the just and never the
. .
Therefore,
to say
unjust? indicates a failure to apprehend the principle of the universe and the nature of all things."
a great pity that a fruitful theory like the one contained in the passages quoted above which denies the absoluteness of truth
It
is
and morality, was mutilated by Chuang Tze s conception of the process of natural evolution and human history as purely an
automatic unfolding of the Tao or cosmic reason,
or,
to use a
phrase of Hegel, as a process of development and realization of the world spirit. Chuang Tze was so overwhelmed by the conscious ness of the infinity and all-sufficiency of the process of nature that he looked upon all human effort and endeavor as not even of
infinitesimal worth,
and upon
all
human knowledge
as hopelessly
Therefore he counsels men to incomplete and inadequate. surrender this hopeless quest for knowledge and for accelerating How do I know that what 1 call knowledge is not change.
*
"Plow do I know that what I call human effort is ignorance? "Life is finite, and knowledge not in reality the work of nature?"
1
is infinite.
To
"
is
fatal
What man knows is not to be compared with what (Bk. he does not know. The span of his existence is not to be compared with the span of his non-existence. To strive to exhaust the
iii:l).
infinitely great with the infinitely small, therefore, necessarily lands him in confusion and causes him to lose his self "(Book xvii).
which
in
all
and
illusory.
Viewed
their
and the
Chin (in the extreme northwest) is from the state of Yueh (in the Viewed in their underlying identity, all extreme southeast).
All disputes about things in the universe are one" (Bk. v l). truth and falsehood, right and wrong, therefore, are needless and
:
"
gratuitous.
had an argument
in
which you
won and I lost, are you necessarily right and I necessarily wrong? Or if I won and you lost, am I necessarily right and you neces Or are we both partly right and partly wrong? Or sarily wrong? If we ourselves are we both wholly right and wholly wrong? cannot understand each other, so much the more will the world be
148
our arbiter? If we one who agrees with your view, then he is already in agreement with you, how can he arbitrate between us? And if we
in
whom
shall
we
set
up
as
appeal to
my
side,
arbitrate
between us?
differs
agreement or
arbiter?
how can he
shall
and
all
Upon whom
rhythm
we depend
"
for a
difficulty:
Reconcile
all
in the
Take no
heed of time, nor of right and wrong. Infinite, and take refuge therein."
Aspire
to the
realm of the
149
Chapter
III
Hsun Tze
I
Biographical Note
The determination
Shiang
of the dates of
of
Hsun Tze
works
in the Imperial Library, said that at the age of fifty, Hsun Tze came to Chi during the reign of King Wi (d. B. C. 333) or King
Huen
alive
(B. C. 332-314).
when
it
Others sought to prove that he was still became Prime Minister of Chin in
is
B. C. 213.
The discrepancy
so great that
many
critics
have
found
is
that all
divergent views. My own belief the controversies have been due to an erroneous punctua
Hsun Chun
Chien
says:
s "Records of
"Hsun
Historian."
Chun was
Chao.
It
was not
1
came
to
Here follows an
either a
words which
is
wrongly transposed paragraph properly belonging to the preceeding biography, or an interpolation by a later hand (for such interpolations are common in the "Records of a Historian ).
The
"Tien
(who had, by their philosophical speculations, made the Chi famous as a cultural center) had been dead during
of
the reign
then regarded as the foremost teacher (literally, the oldest master) The early critics have made the most unpardonable mistake by reading the phrase "during the reign of King Shiang," as part of the next sentence, thus making the text mean that Hsun Tze (or
(B.
."
King Shiang
C.
283-265).
at the
age of
fifty
come
to
See Appendices
Ize, Vol.
I.
and
II to
Hsun
150
was regarded
This mistake
"
is
unpardon
able, because it is impossible to separate an adverbial phrase from its main sentence by the conjunction "and (rfn).
According
to
my
fifty
years old
reading of Sze-Ma Chien s text, therefore, when he first came to Chi some time
B. C. 260-255.
in accord
to,
Chu where he was appointed Magistrate of Lan Prince of Chun Sun, and that after the latter s death he retired and made his home in Lan Ling where he
to at the
age of
about seventy.
human
him.
Moreover, his conception of human nature as essentially wicked and of all human goodness as entirely the result of nurture, had great influence on the political and educational theories both
of his
his
disciples,
exponents of were put into actual practice under the First Emperor of Chin and brought about the general persecution of all schools.
II
Han dynasty. Furthermore, two of and Li Sze, became two of the chief the Legalist school, whose philosophy and policies
Han
Fei
said
Hsun
"
Tze,
man"
tion of nature,
and
failed to see
is
{Hsun
7ze^
XXII).
not onl3 r the keenest and the most concise criticism of the philosophy of Chuang Tze, but also furnishes what
This sentence
to
seems
me
Chuang Tze
denies
It
all
philosophy of evolution, as
himself.
resulted
and
in a logical theory
all reality of
which
logical distinctions
this
was against
and thereby
151
directed his attack in his attempt to rescue philosophy from skep ticism, and mankind from fatalism and transmundaiam ss.
As
the
Hsun
criticism of
Chuang Tze was that the latter had exaggerati-d tl L of Nature and ignored man. Nature (^) hud been so process much personified by him that evolution had actually come to be
Against this
all-sufficient
and
all
human
volition
and
iffort is
nil.
To
this
humanists,
philosophy, the Confucianists, who were always could not possibly acquiesce. Confucius, to whom
"
Hsun Tze acknowledged allegiance, had said, We have not been able to serve men, how can we serve the gods and spirits?" Hsun
The wise men," said he, never seek to know Heaven (or Nature)" (XVIl). The superior man is reverent with regard to what lies in him, and does not care for w hat lies with Heaven. The little man, on the contrary, is care less with regard to what lies in himself, but cares for what lies with Heaven. Reverent with regard to what lies in himself, and unmindful of what lies with Heaven, the superior man therefore progresses every day. Careless of what lies in himself but anxious about what lies with Heaven, the little man therefore degenerates
Tze went even
r
"
further.
every
day"
(XVII).
"
have seen how the Tao which originally meant chiefly a of Taoists" the ordering the world came to mean in the way cosmic reason which underlies all change. And as all change was
regarded as the automatic working out of the cosmic reason, the w ord soon became synonomous with "Divine Providence."
r
We
"Tao"
Hsun Tze
the
its
humanistic
In
the
Tao
is
not the
way
it it
of
Heaven, nor
another
to rule
way
way
the
of
man
I I
(VIII).
say say
is
is
place,
a
he says:
What
to
"
is
Tao?
the
way
state.
What
is
rule
a state?
to organize the
people"
Heaven has its reasons, earth has its produces, (XII). and man has his ordering activity. It is by this ordering activity To forget that man forms a trinity (|) with heaven and earth.
what makes him a member of the trinity and to be anxious about that is stupidity" those with which he forms the trinity,
4
(XVII).
The course
of nature is constant.
It
152
cease to operate for the sake Yao, nor does it * to with the ordering activity of man, it If responded to with neglect and will produce beneficial results. Nature cannot impoverish cause disaster. it will maladjustment, those who strengthen their own being and know how to be
for the sake of a of a
Cheh.
If
responded
economical.
It
who
it
nourish them
work
regularly.
Nor can
cause misfortune
those
who
act properly
right
course"
:
(XVII).
and do not deviate from their Therefore, sings Hsun Tze (for he was
also a poet)
*
You
glorify
Why
"
Why
*
You
Why Why
*
You depend on
You
meditate on what makes a thing a thing: Why not so order things that you may not waste them?
vainly seek the cause of things:
"
You
Why
"
Therefore,
say
To
neglect
man and
speculate about
Nature
Is to
universe"
(XVII).
Hsun Tze
attack on the evolutionary view of the origin of species, the view which maintained that species develop into one another through Hsun Tze seems to have the process of variation in forms.
What appear
"Among
to be signs
:-aid
things,
he,
when occupying
the
same spaces.
Two
153
places,
Without chang together, should be regarded as two substances. ing the substance, a thing may undergo formal changes and appear
to be a different thing: that is called
formation.
Two
This
forms
statement seems to contain a very important It seems to have a doctrine in regard to the evolution of species. direct bearing on a still briefer statement found in Book V which
(XXII)
brief
"
says.*
The
The
species are
not mutable
how
^
after
!&.& :*
1$, SB
El
31-)
This seems
once originated
at
some
immemorial time and in some unknown manner (concerning which the pragmatic Confucians took no interest to speculate) are All phenomena of apparent transformation are more immutable.
,
apparent than
into the old
real.
They
embryo
man. Each of such transformations is limited to the which it occurs. Such transformations do not produce new species. As is said above, the two forms which a thing has assumed without changing its substance are to be regarded as
species in
"
one
substance."
ones.
of progress?
He was
If you want to know a thousand and the present are the same. If to know a million or a ten thou this wish see you day. years, If you want to know the one and the numbers two. see sand, antiquity, examine the conditions of the present dynasty." And
he
criticizes
"
the advocates
words:
Some
of the theory of progress in these deceptive people have said that the conditions of
own
are greatly fascinated by this theory. can readily be deceived even in regard to what they personally observe, not to say with regard to things of a thousand
generations ago. And deceptive people are always capable of deceiving others even within their own households, not to say
154
such a theory is because he is able to the his Therefore he judges man own past by judge experience.
be deceived
by,
man cannot
The by man, conditions by conditions, species by species. past and the present are the same (V). While thus denying the difference of the past from the
.
"
present, he
of
model
"
sage-kings"
(^
&
3).
Said he
"
go
I
to those
detail.
mean
To
leaving one
other people.
We
of
s own ruler to serve the king of have seen that the Neo-Mohists had criticized
Golden Age in the remote past on the ground that it had no means of verification. Perhaps it was such criticism that had forced Hsun Tze to modify this Confucian tradition from which even a radical like Moh Tih was not entirely
the advocates
the
modeling after the on the ground that the too remote past left too "No name is left to us of the scanty a record for our study. rulers before the Five Emperors (ca. B. C. 2600 to 2200), not
latter-day
sages"
liberated.
Hsun Tze
"
justifies his
theory of
too
because there were no worthy kings, but because their time was Nor were the policies of the Five Emperors them.. remote.
had no
policies
was
also too
King Yu
left to
(B. C. 2205-2198)
(B. C.
783-1754)
have
as
we
B. C. 1122).
time.
This, too,
is
due
to the
Chow dynasty
remote past contain merely general outlines, and only recent ones have the details. For that reason, civilizations fade away and
. .
.
institutions
become extinct
in the course of
time"
(V).
155
remote past does not necessarily imply a belief that the present is richer than the past, but only the belief that, the past be-in- the same as the present, one may know the remote antiquity by
examining the works of the present dynasty. In this sense, 1 sun Tze s philosophy was a denial of the theory of evolution and progress. Throughout his writings we find an explicit belief in the
1
uniformity of nature.
the uniformity
progress.
of
conception of
to
bility of species,
Commenting on the sentence referring to the immuta Yang Liang (whose editorial preface to the Hsun Tze was dated A. D. 818) said The oxen and horses of our own
"
Why
should we
it
to
men
"
This remark
is
instructive in that
a fruitful theory like that of organic evolu tion should have been so easily rejected by a thinker like Hsun
its
why
Tze, and for that matter by most of the Chinese thinkers until
revival in our
speculate about it, the chief weak ness of the evolutionary theory in Ancient China lies in its lack of
age.
I
own
As
modern geology and archaeology have rendered Darwinian theory. These modern sciences have enabled men to think in terms of millions of years, whereas the men of Hsun Tze s time could not think beyond the Five Emperors. So
the support which
to the
marvelous theory like the theory of the origin of species contained in the Chuang Tze could at best remain as a very bold
a
hypothesis, not sufficiently established by scientific evidences. As such, it was easily dismissed by the common-sense view that the
horses and oxen of the ancients do not apparently differ from those of our own day. Thus the iheory of the immutability of species
was
reestablished.
"modeling after
the latter-day
sages"
how
far
unconsciously, if not consciously, implies the idea that, as far as historical evidences are concerned, the present is richer than the past. This notion is more clearly implied in his
philosophy of education.
man
156
over nature, his educational theory begins with a conception of human nature as of no consequence, and of nurture as all impor Man is by nature wicked, his goodness is tant and powerful.
the result of
nurture"
(XXIII).
called
That
in
be learned or
made
is
human
nature
which can be acquired through learning or making is called nurture (^, ^)." Under nature are classed all instincts, hunger, and all native faculties, sight, hearing, taste, thirst, anger, etc., A curved twig needs straightening and heating and smell, etc. bending in order to become straight. A piece of metal needs And man who is forging and polishing in order to become sharp. needs and nature wicked teaching discipline in order to be by of // and the influence and vi (flit f%, Sittlichkeit ) requires right,
"
in
order to be good.
The
viciousness of man, ... and therefore created morals and laws and
institutions in order that
human
instincts
disciplined and
transformed."
The
gave
human
account of
human
nature and
rise
yi"
(XXIII).
is
that,
all
the
early begin
primitive,
its
means of nurture or education. Potentially, man has remained the same throughout the ages. But actually he
has improved greatly over his primitive self. That is progress. has come not fundamental mutation about, Progress through any
of
human
nature
"
accumulation
(jg)
of
Mountains are formed by accumula tion of earth, seas by accumulation of water, and years by accumulation of mornings and evenings. The ordinary man in
acquired characteristics.
.
the street
and accomplishments, do, and you shall succeed accumulate, and you shall achieve the heights endeavor to perfect yourself, and you shall become a sage. A sage is there
become
a sage.
of virtues
shall
find
a farmer by accumulated experience in farming or a carpenter, in cutting and carving or a merchant, in buying and selling or a
;
;
man who
has accumulated.
Man becomes
:
157
gentleman in practicing the moral laws and customs. ... A man becomes a Clm by living long in Chu, a Yueh by living long- in Yueh, and a Sha by living long in Sha (i.e., central
China)
the
.
All
this
is
so,
but because
has
gradual
so"
influence
accumulated
experience
made
him
over
has
It
(VIII).
then,
Progress,
of
accumulated nurture
aimless
nature.
But
the
not has
come from
been
blind,
of
automatic,
outcome
conscious- effort,
and
direction,
and is always dependent on leadership and ideas. After describing the essential sameness of all men with respect
to
instincts,
impulses,
all
desires,
and
native
capacities,
Hsun
are
and honor,
so
peril,
and
dishonor,
why
then
many
people bent on becoming hard laborers, deceptive money makers, and dishonored rulers, and so few have become sages The answer was: Because of short and virtuous men?"
evil "Shortsightedness is the most universal sightedness (PE). Yao "A in the world and the greatest disaster to mankind." or a Yu is not born in perfection, but is one who begins under
difficult
circumstances and has succeeded in so improving himself All men are born common men. that he finally attains perfection. Without teachers and ideals (ffi &), they can only see the
immediately gratifying things. ... He who has never seen fine and delicious food, will always be contented with his swine When some one shows him some best food, he may even rations. But when he has once experienced stare at it in astonishment. effects of the new food, he will never again be the
truly gratifying
satisfied
It is
the benevolent
By tell delight in telling and in enlightening people. and them, influencing ing and enlightening people, by gradually the make to able be will by constantly reminding them, they the and ignorant biased people open-minded, the shortsighted wise,
sages
who
"
intelligent
(IV).
lies
Herein
cian
Hsun Tze
method
of
158
past.
ideals.
Progress
.,
is
and
Nurture,
learning
the
chief
factor in
human
aim of
is
race,
all
must not be
is
aimless.
to
know
ideal perfection,
found in the sages and sage-rulers (XXI). Mencius, another Confucian, had said, "As the compasses and the carpenter s square are the ideal circles and ideal squares, so are the sages
to be
,
ideals of
human
relationships."
ideal duties
supply the world with an elaborate set of and relations and rules known under the vague name of Li. The Li comprises what the Confucians considered the best standards of conduct and relationship which the sage-rulers of the Hsun Tze regarded the Li as the best past had left to mankind.
Confucians, sought
to
for the
guidance and
wicked nature
2 Said might become right and good. desires which they seek to gratify. This seeking
"
desires,
strife.
if
not kept within definite limits, will of necessity lead to Strife will lead to disorder and poverty. The sage-rulers,
to forestall
wishing
the
desires
might be
1 The Chinese were not the only people that were fond of appealing to the remote past for authority and support of their present advocacies. One can easily recall the numerous theories of "the state of nature" which European thinkers have invented in support of their own divers political ideals.
2 Mencius, who came shortly before Hsun Tze, and whose philosophy r not treated in this essay, had greatly modified the rigidity of Confucianism by his conception of human nature as essentially good. Because man is bv nature good and rational, Mencius s theory of education is opposed to discip line and emphasizes the importance of self-acquisition in learning. Hsuu Tze, whose influence on the period immediately following was very great, reestablished the importance of discipline in education by his tlieo-y of the innate wickedness of mao.
159
Chapter
IV
Hsun Tze
{Concluded}
III
His Logic
*
of
Hsun Tze
philosophy in general
is
intended to facilitate an understanding of his logical theory. His exaltation of man over Nature, and of nurture over human nature,
of social his denial of the theory of the evolution of species, his conception progress as the result of accumulated experience, his
remote antiquity, and his institutionalisni which upholds the rites and customs and precepts of the past sage-rulers as ideals and as
effective
state,
instrumentalities
all
for the ordering of society and the these are necessary preliminaries to our study of his
it,
is
greatly modified
under the
influence
of
and
non-
Confucian schools.
In our study of the Confucian logic, we have seen that names were regarded as having originated in the transcendental ideas (hsictng) which the ancient sage-rulers have made into names by
some legislative command; that the doctrine of "rectifying names consisted in making things and institutions mean what their names indicate they ought to mean and that names were to
"
historical evidence,
Hsun Tze
for
it
names
from sense experience and mental activity. But he retained the view that names were first instituted by acts of governmental
*
"
power, although he did not deny that the later governments had
same power to institute new names and to ratify and rectify names that had arisen from time to time without governmental sanction. Against tl^e old view of upholding the original and
the
the
ideal
meaning
of
name
is
160
correct
tions or by
which has become current either through social conven government ratification. The names that the govern ment should ratify are those that have already become current by
a sort of tacit convention.
is
to be
forbidden by
law..
And
the
rectification
of
names
simply
means the maintenance of the established usages against corrup tion by time and innovation by the cunning dialecticians.
that
The value of names," said Hsun Tze, when a name is heard the substance
1
"
understood
(Book xxii).
It is
because
Hsun
recognized in names an indispensable instrumentality of knowledge and social intercourse, that he was so anxious about their rectifica
tion.
They
are
the
sole
means
of
and the
Therefore, said
Hsun
fixed
"
Tze,
When names
were
and substances were distinguished, when speech could become current and men s motives mutually understood, then the people could be sagaciously guided and unified. Therefore any
attempt to create unratified names, thereby causing corruption of
the established usages and confusing the minds of the people, was regarded as a crime as great as the private manufacturing of Therefore the official seals and weights and measurements.
.
people of those times were honest and simple and capable of being Now that the sage-rulers have been long dead and wisely led.
.
.
the guarding of
When
there
even teachers of truth are in a state of confusion. Should some sage-ruler rise to power to-day, I am sure he would institute a set
of
new names
ones."
In
of
penalties of the Shiang dynasty (B. C. 1783-1123), those. of titles Chow dynasty (beginning B. C. 1122), and those of rites
in the
books of
Li.
As
to the
names
of
Quotations in the present chapter, except where they are otherwise Book xxii of the Hsun Tze.
161
the other things in the universe, they should adopt those which
have already received the customary sanction and mutual agree ment of the civilized peoples of the Middle Kingdom." Hsun
Tze then proceeds to consider the three things essential to the rectification of names: (l) Wherefore there snould be nanus, (2) Why there are agreement and difference in names, and (3) What are the fundamental principles on which names are made. These constitute the essence of Hsun Tze s logic.
First,
why
from the mind, may be understood to be their opposites and different things may be called by the names of one another." That is, before names become current, there is no reason why
"
"
large
"
small,"
white.
tion
Under these circumstances, "there would be no distinc between what is valuable and what is worthless, nor between
If so.
there
s
of
another
also the impossibility of having any Therefore the sages sought to establish distinctions,
and instituted the names to indicate the various substances. First of all. names are means to show what is worthy and what is worthless. Secondly, they distinguish the like from the unlike. When worth and worthlessness are indicated and similarity and difference are distinguished, then men will not misunderstand one
another
s
intentions
and human
activities
will
be
successfully
carried on.
That
is
why
word
it
there should be
of
names."
In this account,
First, the use of the
two points
"
shih
"that
"
"
as
importance may be noted. (yO is worth noting. The Neoabout which something is said."
name
in a proposition, and anything or any a subject. It is not necessary that become may substance and is that to which something predicated must be a with all have existential reality. With Hsun Tze, and probably
It is
simply the
subject
or predicable
"
"
;i
Confucians, the
existence before
its
sink"
is
is
it
has
name
imply ethical
judgment, is retained by Hsun Tze in his theory that the first use That is to of names lies in indicating worth and worthlessness.
162
names which signify worth and thereby and endeavor, while there are others which are always associated with vice and disgrace and which therefore call forth disapprova,, honor, and avoidance. Names should be such as to make men shun a vice or a dishonor as promptly as they
say, there are certain
inspire emulation
avoid a fire r The other use of names as means for poison. distinguishing thi like from the unlike, which the logicians of the
?..
is
considered by
names?
Hsun Tze
senses of those of
react in the
come from the senses. The the same kind and having the same feelings
said:
"They
things.
So by comparing among
themselves, they are enabled by this approximate similarity to understand one another. Thereupon the}- come to agree on the several names as means for mutual expectation (But) size,
shape, color, and texture differ with different eyes; sounds and tones differ with different ears: sweet, bitter, saltiness, sourness,
etc.,
with different tongues; fragrance, odor, flavor, etc., with different noses; pain, itchiness, heat, cold, etc., differ with different bodies; and joy, anger, sorrow, love, hate, desire,
differ
differ
etc., differ
(ili)
It is also the
It is
mind which
receives
knowledge that we may depend on the ear for sounds and the eye for forms. But the reception of knowledge must also depend on the senses for the cataloguing (n $0 or classifying of the
objects perceived.
If
the
to receive
is
no knowledge.
names."
That
why
it
The language
point in
seems
regarding
all
That this is probably what is meant in this passage, may be seen from collateral passages from Book xxi, where the mind, the king of the body, which issues commands arid is
naming
as subjective.
"
never commanded by other things," is nevertheless regarded as capable of being deceived by external detractions if it is not so trained as to be always in the state of receptiveness, concentra
"
tion,
and tranquillity/
When
the
mind
is
disturbed,
then
163
external objects will not be clearly perceived. When we are in such a state of mind, then we are not in a position to affirm or
deny
is a
He who walks in darkness sees a rock and thinks it things. sleeping tiger, or meets a tree and thinks it is a man. It is because darkness has blinded his sight. A drunken man crosses a
wide stream and thinks it is only a little ditch; he bows his head on entering the city gate, thinking it was a small side-door. It is because wine has confused his soul. Looked at from a hilltop,
. .
.
cow appears as small as a lamb, the size. Viewed from the valley,
like chopsticks,
.
all
altitude having distorted their tallness. No flowing water can be used as a mirror, because the image will be
.
.
Nor do we go to a blind man to find out whether there shifting. are stars in the heavens, because he has lost his faculty of seeing. Now, if any man should affirm or deny anything on the testimony
abnormal conditions, surely he fool in the world. Only fools settle a doubt by such doubtful means, and their decision will The human mind is like surely lead them into errors" (xxi). a basin of water, which when undisturbed, will leave the mud and sand at the bottom and clear water on the top, so that one may see one s image clearly mirrored in it. But let it be agitated, and you will see the clear, mirror-like water beclouded by the mud and sand stirred up from the bottom, and no longer will you find your image in it. The same is true of the mind. Guide it with reason, nourish it with purity, and allow nothing to disturb its equi librium, and then it will be able to decide on right and wrong or solve difficult and doubtful problems. But if you allow it to be detracted by petty externalities, then its balance will be upset and its judgment will become selfish and will never be competent to
of the senses under the aforesaid
decide upon
things"
(xxi).
in the last quotation, it may be noted in passing, has had a tremendous influence on subsequent Chinese It finds expression in such Confucianist texts as the Ta thought.
Hsuoh
ning of
in
which the
rectification of the
1
mind
is
made
its
the begin
all
human
perfections,
rectification
iSce Introduction to this essay, p. 1. The 7a Hsiioh begins with the extension of knowledge through the investigation of things; but because no method of procedure for such investigation was given, the Sung philosophers, as \vell as the Ming, found it more convenient to start from the rectification of the mind.
164
from anger, fear, joy, and During the Han dynasty (B. C. 206-A. D. 219), when grief. Confucianism or pseudo-Confucianism was ascending to absolute of the time, supremacy, Tung Chung-shu, the greatest Confucian advised his he when doctrine same the was merely echoing
is
it
mind in order emperor that a ruler should first rectify his own to rectify in order court his rectify his court, and then rectify
the
officials,
to
all
and then
all
all
the
people.
ered by the
when the Ta Hsuoh was rediscov Hsi (1129-1200), who lived in Chu Sung Confucians, the hands of the King Tartars in was an age when half of China and when the country was in constant danger of foreign invasion,
Many
centuries later
all
own mind
The remedy for error, the method for rectifying the mind, according to Hsun Tze, consists in following expert opinion,
is
man
known.
it is
nature to know, and it is the nature of things to be When the knowing nature seeks after that whose nature
known, the pursuit will never end even after generations and ages if it does not set up something as the final goal. One the may know a million things and yet be unable to comprehend
to be
To complex changes in the universe, just like an untutored mind. in end to and being spend one s whole life in pursuing knowledge
no wiser than an untutored mind, that is stupidity. Therefore, Where, then, in learning one must know where the final goal is.
is
It is in perfection.
Where
is
perfection?
It is
in the sage-rulers.
human
relations,
and
human
institutions.
The
combination of the two highest qualities will surely be sufficient to Therefore all who learn become the final goal of mankind.
should make the sage-rulers their teachers, and model after their (xxi). institutions as the ideal forms
"
The
first
are
that of similarity
all
Here follows
165
name.
"
we may group them together under tin- name thing, which is the most inclusive name (^c ^ An inclusive name comprehends
everything that can possibly be included therein. \Ve may also set apart a portion of things and call them animals which is one
*
of the
exclusive
names (^
Jjij
fc).
An
exclusive
name
all
distin
guishes one group of things from another and excludes possibly be excluded therefrom."
that can
"Names have own, but are applied to things by con When conventions and customs have been formed on ventions. them, they are called correct names. Those which are contrary to conventions are called incorrect names. Nor are names absolutely
no correctness
their
The various named by conventions. When conventions and customs have grown up on them, they are the names of such-andsuch substances." These principles gave a new meaning to the
substances are so
They recognize
the
origin
"ideas,"
names, thus rejecting the Confucian theory of and also the theory that names should always be under
of
According
is
new
view,
the
the
correct meaning.
The
tightness"
act by names.
After this act of ratification, any attempt at innovation of names as criminal as the private manufacturing of official seals,
It is necessary to note that in this weights, and measures. doctrine are contained two dangerous elements. In the first place, there is implied the spirit of conservatism which upholds the con
In the second ventional and customary as the morally right. there is the of intoleration which condemns all place, spirit
innovators as disrupting the harmony and tranquillity of the exist ing order of things. This latter element of intoleration, as we
comes out most conspicuously .in the policies of Hsun Li Sze, which culminated in his persecution of all the schools that were adverse to the government.
shall see,
Tze
s disciple,
These three considerations, namely, the use of names, the cause of agreement and disagreement, and the principles for
166
were applied by Hsun Tze to test the several He doctrines that had been advanced by thinkers of the time. classified these doctrines under three principle fallacies, (l) There
instituting names,
is
the fallacy of
names."
using names as to cause the confusion of The examples he mentioned are "it is no disgrace to
"so
:
"
"
The sage does not love himself; and The first is a doctrine of "To kill a thief is not killing a man." of non-resistance the doctrine Sung Tze, a pacifist who taught the second is now found in Book 36 of the Moh Tze; and the last is also a doctrine of the Neo-Mohists which we have already discussed in an earlier chapter. To these Hsun Tze applied the first of the
be insulted or
assaulted;"
;
The value of names, as we have seen, lies first in and worthlessness, and secondly, in distinguishing worth showing Hsun Tze did not, however, tell us how the like and the unlike. To kill a It seems that the doctrine this test should be applied. thief is not killing a man," would probably be rejected by him on
be names?
"
it
of
names
as the
"
means
no
to
The
is
doctrine,
It is
dis
elsewhere
"
(Book
xviii)
The main argument against this doctrine is that it is against common sense. Now," said Hsun from men cannot Tze disliking an insult, but prevent Tze, "Sung
discussed
in
greater
detail.
endeavors
to
it
as a disgrace.
Is
not
that a futile
means which enables the sage-rulers to If this sense is eliminated, the government the people by means of rewards and punish
the
"so
There
is
the fallacy of
names."
cause confusion cf
*
Mountains and
rivers are
on the same
the nature
man to seek only a minimum gratification of his desires," etc. The first we have seen, to be one of Hui Sze s paradoxes. The second is also Sung Tze s theory. These Hsun Tze subjected to
of
whence
have come the agreement and disagreement of names. This, as we have seen, comes from the senses. If common sense agrees to
167
regard a mountain as something high and rivers as something low, then it is useless to argue that the}- are on UK- same K-vel. T In-
minimum
"
gratification O f
<K.
s i;
i-
Book
xviii.
that
it
nature of the eye not to desire beauty, of the ear not to desire fine music, the tongue not to desire good taste, the body not to desire comfort? ... If he thinks that, while men do desire these things,
they do not want a maximum gratification of these desires, then his argument amounts to saying that it is the nature of man to desire
wealth but not great wealth, beauty but not great beauty. The sage-rulers knew better. Realizing that men always want a maxi mum and not a minimum gratification of their desires, they therefore
rewarded them by increasing their means for such gratification, and punish them by decreasing these means. ... If Sung Tze s
theory be true, shall we say then that the sage-rulers reward people with what they dislike and punish them with what they desire?
(3)
Finally, there
is
the fallacy of
"so
cause confusion of
so corrupt that
substances."
textually
we
wording was.
that a white
this doctrine
From
horse
to
principles on which
names
made?
seen
to
be the principles of
what are the These principles we have similarity and difference and of
Hsun Tze holds that such perverse doctrines should be rejected on the ground that they are contrary to what social conventions have accepted. That is to
social conventions as the sanction of names.
say,
all
if it is
arguments
In
is
a horse,
summing
Hsun Tze
said:
"All
know
IThe The
text
is
ft
jffj
ft ft
]$ ft
&
^.
for
j
sixth
word
is
(white).
168
but cannot be expected to reason about things in the same manner. Therefore a wise ruler establishes authority over them, guides them by truths, reminds them from time to time by
ordinances,
makes truth
clear to
can be converted to truth as readily as if by the aid of the gods. What use is there for arguments and debates?
In these words one
of the
may
most glorious era of Chinese thought. Chinese philosophy, as I have tried to show in the earlier chapters of the present essay, arose as the outcome of an age of intellectual emancipation, of vigorous thinking, free discussion, relentless criticism, and bold
hypotheses. Confucius, who was profoundly impressed by the chaotic conditions of the thought of his time, sought the means for an intellectual reorganization in the rectification of names.
But the
efforts of
vital
check the
thought-systems which
fifth,
fourth,
and
Mob
and phi
losophy, of which the Neo-Mohist texts give us abundant though only fragmentary evidence. But the vitality of philosophical and scientific thought was undermined, on the one hand, by the
skeptical thinkers such as
Clmang
Tze.
the
truly
anarchistic
conditions of
numerous
to the
rival schools of
thought produced by the the time, had once more brought home
and standardization. Hence the revival of the doctrine of the rectification of names by a Confucian like Hsuii Tze who, in his dislike for the various perverse and heretical doctrines of his time,
set
"
up
as
the
ideal
of
social
ordering
the
wise
tuler
who
establishes authority over the people, guides them by truths, constantly reminds them by ordinances, makes truth clear to them
by expository treatises, and forbids their deviation by penalties." By these means he expected to convert the people to the royal as readily as if it were by the aid of the gods." What way is there for arguments and debates? use/ asked be.
"
"
"
"
"
"
169
Another element
in the
to the
philosophy of
development
contained
in his exclusively humanistic conception of philosophical specula have pointed out that his humanism has rendered a tion.
We
fatalism and other great service in rescuing philosophy from the worldliness of the Taoistic school represented by such thinkers as Lieh Tze and Chuang Tze. But in his exaggerated exaltation of
man
over nature, he has in effect excluded natural science from It is very well to say, the realm of philosophy.
41
You
glorify
Why
"
Nature and meditate on her: not domesticate her and regulate her?
sing her praise: not control her course and use it?
"
Why
But
it is
*
exceedingly dangerous to say, You vainly seek the cause of things : Why not simply appropriate and produce?
I
enjoy
what
they
"Therefore
say:
To
neglect
man and
speculate about
Is
facts of the
universe."
This means that the proper study for mankind attempts to understand "the cause of things
a
thing what
it
is,"
relation to
man,
"
are
all
man, and that the what makes and immediate no have to seem which problems Hsun Tze find we Thus to be discouraged.
is
"
declaring that
mankind, are things the concern knowledge of which does not benefit men, and ignorance the to specula They belong ing which does no harm to men.
ment
ways
.
.
age"
(xxi).
Again,
as
whiteness
difference, they
ear,
of body and empty space, or the separation and of agreement distinction the and solidity, or the are things beyond the powers of the eye and
and are inexplicable even by the most eloquent dialecticians. Even the wisdom of the sages does not always comprehend them. know Not to know them does not make one less of a gentleman Without man. them, little a of them does not make one less
;
And
wJvhout
them"
(viii).
170
Chapter
V
of
The Logic
I
Law
Introductory
In an earlier chapter 1 it was pointed out that Ancient Chinese society was divided into two general classes: the "privileged"
class
and the
ing
all
The privileged class, compris "unprivileged" class. the classes from the knights upward, was exempt from the
as the
Li.
known
upper
Any
to
offense
committed by members
of this
be punished by the penalties provided in the penal codes, but left to the sense of honor of the offenders themselves which, as history abounds in examples, in most cases
class
was not
compelled them
blotted honor.
to resort to suicide as
It
is
means
of restoring their
various degrees
of
penalties,
from money
fines
up
to
capital
punishment. This was probably true at least of those centuries when feudalism was at its height, and when the class-distinctions
were not obliterated by the rapid changes of political allegiances and family fortunes brought about by the rise of the newer nations and by the frequent wars of conquest and rivalry. But the tradi
tion of a dualistic division of society outlived feudalism for a long
indeed we may say it has survived until this day. Any time, student of the literature of the Confucian school will readily recall
the rigid distinction between the
lt
"
"
gentleman
"
or,
"
literally,
the
lordly
man
"
and the
"little
man
"
or
mean man
the
(%
of
J-
/>
A)-
memory
men, the
distinction such as
we
find in the
those
the intellect as
"
and those
little
men."
"
class from the penalties exemption of the formerly privileged of the law was retained more or less by the Confucians throughout
Part
II,
Chap. V,
i.
171
the ages.
officer
The
jfc)
i),
that
r.<>
gi
:
Oc
was
was
prat
extent by some later dynasties. During UKdynasty (B. C. 206-A. D. 219), for instance, practically all the Ministers who died under legal sentences (and there were hundreds
to a certain
of
of
to be
governed by
traditional
laws,
was
probably
unconsciously
underlying
the
Confucian opposition to all advocacy for government by law. Confucius wanted government by virtue Mencius wanted govern ment by benevolence; and Hsun Tze wanted government by the
;
them wanted government by sage-rulers or, as But all this opposition "philosopher-kings." did not succeed in preventing China from developing a philosophy of law and a legal system which forms one of the most important
L,i.
And
all
of
systems in the world. The conditions of the States demanded some form of written law, and law grew up in Ancient China in
and opposition by the conservatives and by the extreme individualists of the type of Lao Tze.
spite of all adverse criticism
The first published codes of law in Ancient China of which we have authentic historical mention, were those of the sixth 2 In the Tso Commentary on the Chun Chin, we century B. C.
read that in the year 536 B. C., Tze Tsan, the great statesman of Chen, published a code of penal law by engraving it on a great
This act was severely criticized by the con servatives of the time as tending to encourage lawsuits and the quarrelsome spirit of the people. In defense of his policy, Tze
sacrificial caldron.
Tsan
said,
did
it
to
of the
time."
In
Ching
engraved on
a great caldron.
This
Confucius, was
criticized
which occurred in the lifetime of him as unwise and tending to cause by In both instances, the published law was
See note 2
in Tart II,
Ch. V.
is
The Chow Li which purports to be the laws of the early Chow Empire, purely a Utopian scheme written in a much later age, probably rs late as
2
the
first
centurv u. C.
172
confined to a penol- code, and was called Hsin Shu or (ffij |) Code of Penalties. Neither of these codes has come down to us,
"
**
however.
must have been many attempts made in the various states to codify and publish the laws. It was not until the latter half of the fourth century, however, that there were
that time, there
From
government About the middle of the fourth century, there arose two statesmen Wei Yong of Chin (d. 338) and Sun Poh-hai of Han All the later exponents of the philosophy of law went (d. 337). back to these two men as their starting point. Of the two men, Wei Yong was the more important. It was he who made the vstate of Chin a great power which a century later conquered all the contending states" and founded the first Empire of China. Both statesmen effected many reforms by means of new laws, and
by law.
:
"
thereby first demonstrated the efficacy of law as a constructive instrument of government. Both Wei Yong and Sun Poh-hai are said to have written books on law and polity. The work now
known
as the Book of the Prince of Shiang (i.e., Wei Yong), in twenty-six chapters, seems to be a later compilation at best based on a few fragmentary chapters or sayings of his own. The Book
is
now known
only through a
development of radical
political
thinking, arid the latter half of the fourth century and the first three quarters of the third century witnessed the rise of numerous
thinkers
polity
attention to problems of
"
law and
(jfc ftr).
thinkers
In the state of Chi, there was gathered a group of as the Masters of Kih Sha of (jg ~f .),
&
whom
Wen
is
Tze, has
left
us a
little
work
of
two
not free from later interpolations. A chapters which, however, few fragments are preserved of another of this group, named Shen
of
Dao, whose forty-two books mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue Han have been lost. From these fragmentary works and from
the
summary
of the teachings of
Yin
tl
$!l,
Wen
ffl
Mung (^
J-,
&
epilogue of the Chuang Tze, we may still get a glimpse of their speculations on the problems of law and government.
173
In the northwestern states, there arose another school of politi cal thought which continued the tradition of \Vt-i Yong .-md Sun
and which had great influence on the practical politics The best representatives of this school were Han Fei and Li Sze. Both of them, according to tradition, were once pupils of Hsun Tze, the Confucian. But they taught and practiced a philosophy which would most probably have been repudiated by Hsun Tze had he lived to see its culminating success during the
Poh-liai,
of the time.
Han
of
time,
"conditions
change with
time,
and
conditions."
He
criticized
was no longer adequate to meet the needs of the time, and that there was no means of enforcement of the rules of propriety which in consequence were applicable only to the few who would always
it
He championed the use of be good even in the absence of law. law both as an effective check against the caprice of personal
government and
reforms.
as a progressive instrument for effecting timely
Han
Fei
fell
victim
to
the jealousy of
Li Sze and
collected
committed suicide
under his name
in the
year 233
B. c.
is
in fifty- five
books
and includes many books which could not have been his own But his theories, which were probably shared by Li Sze, writing.
were effectively carried out by the latter statesman, who, after the conquest of all the other states, became the first Prime Minister to
the First
Emperor
of the
new Empire.
I
have drawn
my
The Book of the Prince of Shiang the ;g ^ ^); the fragments of Sun Poh-hai (# ?-) the Yin Wen Tze (f* Shcn Tze (of Shen Dao, t ?); and the Han Fei Tze. In addition to these, I have made use of a work entitled Kwan Tze, purport ing to be the writings of Kwan Chung (d. 643 B. c.), which was
They
are:
( IBS
probably a compilation of the third century B. c. with even much later additions and interpolations, but which seems to contain
and
political
174
the
theories,
not of
Kwan Chung
unknown
statesman
of
the
of
seventh
the
third
writer or writers
Another book which is made use of, is a collection of fragmentary sayings of Sze Kiao (j3 f), who is said to have been a friend and adviser to Wei Yong. His works, said to have been in twenty books, have been lost, and the present collection of the numerous fragments quoted in the various early works, was made
century.
by
Wang
II
The Logic
"
"
of
Law
is the same word which in the The word law (fah v It originally chapters on Neo-Mohism I have rendered as mold" and, when used as a verb, meant a model or
)
"form."
"
"
"a
"to
"
imitate"
or
related to
"
"
it
"
is
and
had defined as that according to which something becomes the "form form In their theory of deduction, the becomes the formulated cause or the "because" from which the conclusion follows. In form stands for all the attributes scientific classification, the essential to a class of things, and is the same as the archetype
to
imitate."
The Neo-Mohists,
as
we have
"
seen,
"
so."
"
"
after
far
which a
class of things
may
to
be formed.
It is
not certain
"
how
thus
law,"
meaning of a mold." One thing is clear: the fah was first used to mean the standard forms such as weights and measurements. It was in this sense that Moh Tih spoke of the
"
standard forms
"
(^
$|) of
reasoning.
In the
is said to include
"foot-rules,
tape-measures, compasses, carpenters squares, weights, dry meas In the Yin Wen Tze (Part II, 2), ures, and liquor measures."
we
is
broadened
to include four
kinds of standard
forms:
ruler
subjects, between a superior and a subordinate (2) the conventional forms, such as capability and incompetency, wisdom and ignorance, similarity ancl difference (3) the forms (laws) for
;
and
175
punishments. honors and penalties; and (4) the standards of imasimnienl, such In another chapter as the measures of area, weight, and volume."
that by ir.euns of which Kivan Tze the fah is defined as activities are promoted and aggressions prohibited (Book 52).
of the
t
"
"
That
is
this definition
published laws of the state. A law is that which has been enacted into statute
:
In form, the fah refers only to the Thus in the Han Fci Tze, we find
books, kept in the government offices, and proclaimed to the In another place we find a slightly different people" (Book 38).
"
definition
There
is
when approbation
its
is
attached to
"
its
awaits
violation or disregard
(Book 43).
it is
development
of a
law such
was
a great
time of Confucius whose political philosophy is he who rules by means of his statement that
the North Star which holds revolve upon
1
it,"
in the
is
like
its
of stars
"In
to the time of
Han
Fei
who
declared:
governing a state, the wise ruler does not depend on the people s becoming good for his sake, but oil their necessity not to do evil. ... If arrows are to be made only from self-straightened bamboos, there will never be an arrow made in a hundred genera
tions;
and
if
Even
though there
7
be self-straightened bamboo or self-rounded w ood, the wise artisan does not set a high value on them, because he does not make arrow and wheel for any one man alone. And
may
even though there may be people who will be good of themselves without the stimulation of reward and punishment, the wise ruler does not set a high value on them, because he does not rule over
alone"
(Book
50).
The
it
difference between
seems
to
me, has
See note
1 in
Part
II,
Ch.
I.
176
largely been due to a change in the logical method in the philo sophical schools. This is not denying the influence of the actual
But the
fact
seems
remain that the conscious and losophy of law and polity such as that of Han Fei, would be impossible without the gradual change in logic which had taken
articulate formulation of a phi
it
seems that
theories
may
development
The Confucian
doctrine of
as
have
elsewhere incidentally pointed out, contained in it certain elements which could be made the beginning, if not the foundation, of a This doctrine, as we have seen, had held that philosophy of law.
if
names be incorrect nothing will be established and penalties will be unjust and the people will not know where to lay hand and This doctrine seems to have influenced some of the early foot. exponents of the philosophy of law. The Sze Tze, which came
nearest to Confucianism, says:
is
"That
right and
because there are natural relations which always obtain. That wrong can be distinguished is because there are names
fixed."
which are
"That
commands
obeyed without much ado, is because he has rectified the names. If a ruler can rectify the names, ... he will have grasped the one
for the ordering of the
many.
and
let
Let the names rectify themselves own course, but let approbation
to the
names.
Then no people
"
will be
"Speech,"
is
the trigger*
of all activities.
The wise
and
Therefore the four corners of his country will be well governed. it is said, Rectify the names in order to remove falsehood, and all
activities will be achieved as
if
their substances,
we can
see
The
ideal
which is able to standardize the names in that, in the words of the Sze Tze, "right and wrong naturally follow from the relation between the name and the substance, and approbation
is
that
177
and punishment naturally follow upon right and wrong.** This seemingly subtle theory is in reality very simj le. It means that right and wrong depend upon whether or not the names agree
with the substances.
"unfilial
A
all
son
who
neglects his
"filial"
duties,
is
an
son,
and
punished automati
cally.
The name
itself
panied by condemnation or punishment. It is just as much a wrong for a son to be "unfilial" as for a square not to be square or a foot-rule to measure only half of its nominal length.
In Yin
Wen
Tze,
we
find a
more
fully developed
and more
clearly stated theory of the relation between names and substances. a name of a substance, and Yin Wen Tze, "A name," says the
"is
a substance
is
that
which answers
(t&
to a
name."
"There
must be
names
to
check
or
ft)
the
And
there
must be names
names."
to
is
determine
a
and
activities to
check the
This
summary
statement of the relation between names and substances and The underlying principle may be stated as a desire to activities.
make names
men
a proper response in
the form of approbation or condemnation, pursuit or avoidance. "Names belong to things, but our attitudes toward them are
subjective.
I
dislike exciting tunes, enjoy sweet things but repel bitter tastes. White and black, quiet and exciting, sweet and bitter, are names
But the loving and detesting, the enjoying and between repelling, are our subjective attitudes. When the relations the names and our attitudes toward them are determined, then there will be no disorder among the things and activities in the
of
things.
universe."
So
far
we
are
still
rectifying names.
begins with
attitudes
toward
them."
moralizing influence of personal virtue and institutional control. From this the advocates of law differed. "Therefore," says the
178
mankind has sought to determine length, quantity, Yin Wen weight, and tone by means of rulers, bushels, balances, and tonal
Tze>
regulators, respectively.
of
It
It tests reality and unreality by means and determines order and disorder by means of the law. names, controls the complex and the perplexing by means of the simple,
difficult
of the easy.
Therefore the multifarious activities are comprehended in the one, and all standards are standardized by the law. To comprehend
the manifold in the one,
ardize
all
is
by the law
is
by
this
means
as well as the
clever
and the
first
intelligent."
element in the logic of law, therefore, is the The law is no longer to be the ideas or even the ideal relations held up for the admiration and
"
The
principle of universality.
"
approximation
"molds"
of the world, but the standard "forms" or out of which a uniform class of particulars must
He who has the balances cannot be deceived with regard to weight he who has the footrule cannot be deceived with regard to length and he who has the
necessarily result.
As Shen Dao
"
says:
laws and standards cannot be deceived by craft and dissimulation." The laws are to be applied to all classes without distinction, the
rich as well as the poor, the virtuous as well as the wicked.
"
The
iron-barred cage
not intended to keep rats, but to enable even the timid and feeble people to control the tigers. The laws are not
is
intended to interfere with the virtuous, but to enable even a mediocre ruler to control the outlaws" (Han Fei 26).
Tze>
is
the principle
As
government. Moreover, government by law relieves the ruler from the grave responsibilities of personal government. If the ruler abandons the laws and rules by his own personal will/ says
Shen Dao,
then
all
all
promotion and
those
If so,
who
though justly rewarded, will always hope for more and greater honors; and those who are punished, though justly punished, will always plead for more leniency. And if the ruler
179
rew
and punishments,
it is
may
unequally rewarded, or of equal offense unequally punished. That is the cause of hatred and discontent among the people. The
common practice of men drawing lots in dividing certain things among themselves is not because lottery is wiser or more just than human judgment, but because men wish to avoid any complaint of
partiality
for discontent.
Therefore
it
is
said that
by
all
it reward or punishment, is accepted without any grudge toward the ruler. In this way all
discontent
is
eliminated and
is
harmony
is
maintained"
(Frag. 5).
It
seeks to safeguard the nation from the personal caprice of the ruler and at the same time to shield the ruler from popular
But the most important point in the logic of law, it seems to me, lies in the insistence on consequences which is implied in the The Confucian doctrine of names idea of enforcement of the law.
was seriously marred by the traditional disregard for results, and the theory of government by L,i was futile because the Li, being a loose and vague collection of traditional riles and rules, has no means of enforcement. The exponents of law, on ti?e other hand,
always emphasized results. Consciously or unconsciously, they were under the influence of the logic of Mohism and Neo-Mohism. was the same as the As I have already pointed out, the word
"law"
form
are the
of the
Neo-Mohists.
The
"forms,"
as
we have
seen,
and deduction, the generalizations of induction are to be tested by of deduction. becauses their fitness to become the premises or It is the same logic which underlies the familiar formula of the Hold the name and demand the substance exponents of law:
" "
(3? %* it $?)
Names and
they are the instruments for the control of the manifold particulars.
Laws
consequences.
And
if
such
180
foreseen consequences fail to realize, as in the case of failure of enforcement, then they are no longer laws. For that reason, the exponents of law in Ancient China incurred much unpopularity
anc} opposition
of
the law.
History
us that,
new
laws, he wanted
first to
when Wei Yong had completed his prove to the people that he meant to
at the
enforce them.
So he erected a pole
ordered that anyone who moved it to the North Gate would be rewarded with a certain amount of gold. The order appeared so
that the people ignored it. The government continued to increase the reward, until finally some bold citizen moved the pole and received the reward. This sensational adver
unreasonable
government s intention to enforce its laws had the desired effect, and the new laws when proclaimed were obeyed. But there were many complaints about the severity of the law. These Wei Yong silenced by punishing the Crown Prince who happened to violate one of the new laws. After that, he had histising of the
own way.
But the most eloquent teacher of the doctrine of emphasizing practical consequences was Han Fei, whose theory went beyond It seems that, ever since the the notion of enforcement of laws.
time of Lao Tze, the political thinkers of Ancient China were
more or less influenced by the ideal of government by non-assertion which I^ao Tze so enthusiastically preached. Confucius referred to this ideal more than once in the Lun Yu, and his own ideal like the North Star which holds its place and the ruler who
"is
it,"
is
who
Even
were not
free
from
They
realized that
by
Accordingly, they sought first to perfect a system of laws, which, when once perfected, is expected to go on automatically for the permanent direction and ordering
That they seem to have sought to realize the ideal of government by non-assertion by this means, may be seen in such familiar expressions as "Let the names rectify themselves and let the activities take their own course," or "Rectify the names in order to remove falsehood, and all activities will be achieved as if
of the state.
181
"When
names
are rectified
"
and laws are perfected, the sage-ruler will have nothing to do It was the common ideal (K wan Tze, Book 38). among the advocates of law that through the instrumentality of law a stage
will be reached
when
"laws
people"
(K wan
Tze,
Book
53).
to
apparent that such a static conception of law would lead a kind of conservatism equally dangerous as that of the institu
It was against this that Han Kefs Han Fei was greatly inspired by theory was especially valuable. the notion of progress which, since the latter half of the fourth century, had long been influencing the thought of the time. In a
tells
the history of
"early antiquity,"
had constantly to combat against the wild beasts and a cruel nature; of "middle antiquity," when the founders of the Shia
dynasty had to fight against the great deluge; and of "late antiquity," when dynasties were founded and ruined by armed revolutions. He points out that each stage of development accom
plished the
work most necessary to the life of that period; that for a later age to repeat the crudities of an earlier age
commit
a folly
and
is
to
which would surely have been ridiculed by our primitive forefathers had they lived to witness it. "Therefore,"
says
Han
Fei,
"a
wise
man
up any principle for all time. He studies the conditions of his time and then devises the remedies
the ancients, nor does he set
therefor."
"Conditions,"
said he,
"differ
ingly preparations differ with the change of conditions." It was because he believed in the notion of progress that he could not 2 There is no constant accept the static conception of law. Said he
:
method
*Han
for
the
government
of
men.
is
the
Fei also had a very interesting theory of the "economic interpreta which attributes most of the social evils to overpopulation and the limitation of economic supplies. His ratio for the increase of popu
tion of
history"
is
in several chapters of the Fei Tze. But I believe they are most probably later interpolations, because they not only differ from the best chapters of the book in point of style, but are contradictory to them
is
This view
found
Han
in point of content.
182
law.
When laws are adjusted to the time, there is good govern ment. When a government is adapted to the present generation, When laws are not modified to meet the it. will succeed.
.
is
misrule
"
(Book 54)
The
test, therefore, of a
law
or inability to
meet the practical needs of the time. This is Han Fei s experi mental method. It is not confined to the realm of law. "All theories and all practices should aim at practical utility (#j JfO. Now any man may take a bow and arrow and shoot at random. But we It is quite possible that he may by chance hit a hair-tip. no constant has he because a target do not call him good archer,
to
aim
at.
Now
if
a small target
is
set
up and
a distance of ten
yards is fixed, then no one can with certainty hit the target every Now if we do not set up time except the trained archers. of the as theory and practice, then a theory target practical utility
. . .
may may
may
both belong
chance"
who
hit a certain
(Book 41; cf. Bk. 32 ii, 3). Han Fei never was point by of tired emphasizing and illustrating this method throughout those chapters which are undoubtedly the genuine writings of his own.
"If
all men,"
if all
said he,
"are
in sleep,
no blind man
will be noticed.
men remain silent, no dumb man will be detected. But man to see, and let every man speak, and then the Therefore, when blind and the dumb cannot escape detection. him to practice of a wise ruler hears one man talk, he demands what he talks about. When he sees one man act, he seeks to find
And
"
(Book 46).
This doctrine had far-reaching effects. In the first place, as have we already pointed out, it has made law and government the of living and progressive instruments for the better adjustment it In the second repudiated place, social and political conditions.
the conservative and reactionary doctrine of "modeling after the that these rulers sage-rulers of the past" on the ground not only
lived in ages radically different from our own that their policies which the conservatives
historical evidence to prove their reality.
(Book
championed had no
be sure of anything
"To
is
stupidity.
To
base
is
one s
perjury.
183
Therefore, those
who openly
are
of
the age of
perjury"
men
This view, as we have seen, goes back to advocated the theory of modeling after the latter50).
the
ground that the remote past left too little evidence study the details of its works and policies.
pragmatism
to enable us to
But the pragmatic method of Han Fei, which harks back to the of Moh Tih as well as the exclusive humanism of Hsun
it
Tze, contained in
This cause, as
have repeatedly
Han
Fei, as in
Hsun Tze
and even
in
Moh
This
spirit
Han
Fei
when he
declares:
What
are
To reward those who mutually incompatible, should not coexist. kill their enemies in battle, and at the same time praise the acts of mercy and benevolence to honor those who capture cities, and at
;
to
improve
and
at the
in flowing robes
ture for
same time admire the deportment of those who go about and ornamented girdles to depend upon agricul supplying the nation and upon the army for national
;
of letters:
how
can an
acts?
efficient
and strong
The
state feeds
it
the
scholars
Those
and
those
is
whom the government benefits are not those whom it uses, those whom it uses are not those whom it benefits. Therefore
serve the state have gone to the schools.
are in such disorder.
.
That
called
What
is
now
wisdom
even
the wisest
men do
not understand.
When you
When you
have
184
And
in ordering a state,
to
when the most urgent needs are not met, undertake things which have no immediate
Nothing
is
is
more detrimental
sense.
to
to
when
common
There
"
(Book
I
49).
He was
own
of his country
was
and
itself to
be an indispensable factor in
and
social
well-being.
were truly those of a patriotic statesman, seeking to save his country from humiliation and ruin. Unfortunately his advice for
consistency and efficiency was ignored by his
if
own
country, but, as
by
enemy of his fatherland, the King of Chin, who What Han First Emperor of the Chin Empire.
became the
a weakened and decaying nation, was actually carried out with a vengeance by the newly founded Empire under the First Emperor and his iron-handed Prime Minister, Li Sze, the one-time pupil of
fellow student of
Han
Fei.
of
most natural
and
the First
"
Emperor
literally
Han
Fei
doctrine
that
is more detrimental to good government than to what even the wisest do not quite understand when the encourage and that therefore "subtle and actual need is common sense,
nothing
"
"
And
this led
135
EPILOGUE
I quote the following from Book VI of Sze-Ma Chien s Recor Is a oj Historian as the epilogue to my brief history of the developmeiit of logical method in ancient Chinese
philosophy In the thirty-fourth year of the First PCmperor (B. C. 213), the Emperor held a feast in the Hsien Yang Palace. Huen-Yu Yueh, one of the seventy Doctors of the Imperial Court, said to the Emperor That the and
:
"
dynasties lasted over a thousand years, was because both had created their generals and members of the royal family as vassal lords who acted as the outposts and sup
porters of the central government. Now that your majesty has united the whole empire, your children and members of
Chow
Shiang
your household possess no titles nor land. 1 In case of usurpa tion of power by some of the ministers, how can the dynasty maintain itself without outside help? Actions which are not modeled after the wise ancients, can never last long. ..."
this advice to be
con
I,i Sze presented this reply: "The Five did not exactly copy one another, nor did the Three Emperors
Prime Minister
Dynasties mold their policies each after its predecessor. Yet each dynasty achieved its own success, not because they wanted to differ from one another, but because they had to deal with entirely different times and conditions. What Huen-Yu
.
the Three Dynasties, and may not necessarily be worthy of imitation by the present dynasty."
to
Yueh
said belonged
In the former days, the several contending states greatly encouraged private teaching and traveling scholars. Now that the Empire is
to say
:
"
settled
a unitary
source, the
commou
new empire had put an tnd to the feudal system by dividing the empire into thirty-six departments, and by abolishing the claw of nobility with land possession!.
186
farming and the crafts, and the scholars need only to know the laws and government orders in order to avoid things that are forbidden. But the scholars of to-day refuse to study the
present
to
the
ancients
on
whose
authority they dare to criticize the government and mislead the people.
Your majesty
ventures to say
this.
s servant,
In olden times
when
great disorder, and without a unifying authority, there arose numerous schools of thought, each upholding the ancients to block the policies of the present, each cunningly adorning its
empty speculations
praising
its
to the
confounding of
reality,
and each
own
Now that your majesty has united the whole and established a unitary authority for the judgment empire, of right and wrong (literally, of black and white), therefore,
the government.
all
those
who uphold
their
criticize
the
laws,
entertain secret opposition to the government and even openly deliberate upon its acts and policies, who take
who
pride in disobedience and rebelliousness, who lead the people in creating complaints against the government, all these, if
ment and
It is
among
the people.
Your majesty
histories not kept
all
by the Imperial Historian be burned; that, outside of the documents in the Imperial Doctorate College,
literature and all books of the various schools in the possession of private individuals should be delivered to the magistrates of the several localities to be burned in their
all
presence that hereafter all those who dare to hold open dis cussions on the forbidden books should be held liable to
;
capital
punishment
that all who uphold the ancients to government should be punished by death whole family that all officers of the law
;
;
who
fail to
should
report any such offense-, within their knowledge be punished with the same penalty as the offenders
who
falls
to
187
within thirty dr.ys after the date of the ordinance, should 1e sentenced to periods of hard labor. Only books on medicine, divination, and horticulture are exempt from this law. Here
people who wish to know the laws and orders of the government, should go to the officers of the law."
after, the
And
the
"
Emperor decreed:
Let
it
be
done."
THE END,
D
EL
JH
is
.-v*
Itta
Hu
Shih (Suh
Hu
in
an
earlier
and
less
standardized form
of transcription) was born in Shanghai, China, on Decem ber 17, 1891. In 1894, he returned with his mother to his
ancestral village in Chi Ki, in the southern mountains of Anhui. He began his Chinese lessons at home, and in 1895
entered a school conducted by his uncle. 1904, his studies were entirely Chinese.
From 1895
to
In 1904, he was sent to seek a "new education" in Shang hai, where he went through three native schools without
In 1909, he did some teach In 1910, he ing and magazine-editing to support himself. took the American Scholarship Examination in Peking and
He studied five years at Cornell University, took the de gree of B.A. in February, 1914, and was in the Graduate School of Philosophy from 1913 to 1915. He was elected
to the
in 1913
of
In
Philosophy Defence of
Hiram
In 1915, his essay Browning Optimism was awarded the Corson Prize for the study of the poetry of Robert
for the year
s
1914-15.
Browning.
From 1915
to
He
returned to China in 1917 and was appointed Profes sor of Philosophy at the National University of Peking.
Before the publication of this dissertation, he published the following works in Chinese:
History of Chinese Philosophy, Vol.
I. (1919); Experi and Collected Essays,
126 H8
cop. 2
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