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Europeanization or Globalization? : A Framework for Empirical Research (with Some Evidence from the Italian Case)
Paolo Graziano Global Social Policy 2003 3: 173 DOI: 10.1177/1468018103003002006 The online version of this article can be found at: http://gsp.sagepub.com/content/3/2/173

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Europeanization or Globalization?

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A Framework for Empirical Research (with some Evidence from the Italian Case)

PA O L O G R A Z I A N O Centre for Comparative Political Research, Bocconi University, Italy

a b s t r a c t Globalization and Europeanization have been increasingly fashionable terms in the past years. Nevertheless, often their use has been somewhat loose and they have been considered as equivalents in exerting external pressures on national welfare states. Moving from the definition of the two processes, the article illustrates the different features of globalization and Europeanization, and provides and tests an analytical framework for the understanding of the institutional effects of the processes. In the first part of the article, the two political phenomena are defined and an analytical framework based on three dimensions (market orientation, mode of governance and decisionmaking style) is offered. In the second part, a closer look at the Italian case is provided. The empirical analysis shows that Europeanization might act as an antidote to globalization: not only does it promote different policy goals but also it displays institutional effects that globalization is not able to determine. k e y wo r d s cohesion policy, Europeanization, globalization, Italy, social policy

Introduction
In order to attempt to compare and to assess the nature of globalization and Europeanization in European countries, it is important to provide clear and potentially solid definitions that will enable us to verify on the one hand the adequateness of the concepts used, and on the other the links between global pressures and domestic policy changes. In general, in the literature the political effects of Europeanization and globalization have not been
Global Social Policy Copyright 2003 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, ca and New Delhi) vol. 3(2): 173194. [1468-0181 (200308) 3:2; 173194; 034078]

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distinguished very clearly; furthermore, both the globalization literature (see Globalization section below) and the Europeanization literature (see Europeanization section below) have not been in communication very much. Also focusing more on the social policy research area, the distinction between the two above-mentioned phenomena has not been very clear.1 Therefore, the main aim of this article is to provide an analytical framework that enables a distinction not only between such phenomena but also between the institutional effects of globalization and Europeanization, offering a first empirical test with respect to a specific social policy (cohesion policy) in a specific European Union country (Italy). The article is organized in the following way. In the first part, the two phenomena (globalization and Europeanization) are defined, and the need for a conceptual clarification is stressed. In the second part, a closer look at the Italian case is provided, with the attempt to highlight the dimensions of political globalization and Europeanization. The Italian case shows that Europeanization might act as an antidote to globalization: it not only promotes different policy goals but it also displays institutional effects that globalization is not able to determine in the EU member states. Evidence from cohesion policy illustrates that Europeanization is contributing to strengthen the national government vis-a-vis other political institutions (parties and parliament) and frame policies that aim to counter the negative integration pursued by globalization. In the last part of the article, the implications of the empirical findings are discussed, the basic argument being that Europeanization operates as a rationalization factor in those countries (i.e. the Southern member states of the EU) that have been latecomers to building both the nation state and its democratic foundations, while globalization mainly has an indirect effect limiting both the cognitive and normative orientations of national policy makers.

Definitions and Comparing Concepts

G L O B A L I Z AT I O N

Globalization has been used as a buzzword ... reflecting an important if yet poorly understood reality (Rhodes, 2000). It is by now common knowledge that over the past 25 years the network of trading relations, the globalization of production (in particular, multinational corporations) and the growth of foreign direct investment (FDI) have grown to unprecedented levels (see Held et al., 1999). There has been much debate concerning the apparent or real novelty of such profound internationalization, as some authors have pointed out that the degree of global economic and financial interactions was quite similar in the late 18th and early 19th centuries (Hirst and Thompson, 1996). Nevertheless, if we consider the dimensions of economic globalization (extensity, intensity and impact; see Held et al.,

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1999: 1501) it is difficult to disagree with scholars who say that although there exist important continuities with previous phases of globalization, contemporary patterns of globalization constitute a distinctive historical form which is itself a product of a unique conjucture of social, political, economic and technological forces (Held et al., 1999: 429). For other authors writing in a more sociological perspective, globalization has mainly involved a cultural dimension and the work of Robertson (1992), Beck (1997) and Bauman (1998) moves rather in that direction. Robertson (1992) focuses mainly on the cultural influence of the transnationalization of communications and its impact on national societies, individuals, the world system of societies and mankind as a whole.2 Much less attention by far has been given to the political dimension of globalization. In fact, very few have focused on the internationalization/ globalization of politics whereas much attention has been devoted to the internationalization/globalization of national economies.3 But as Michelle Beyeler has rightly pointed out: Globalization ... clearly involves a political institutional dimension, which is often hidden behind the economic outcomes that are measured (Beyeler in this issue, p. 159). In broad terms, political globalization can be seen as a process of construction on a supranational level and diffusion in national political systems of global policies and institutions. It is a quite general but useful definition because it enables one to focus on the politically salient elements of the even broader process of economic and cultural internationalization that often goes under the globalization. Taking a closer look at the nature and the globalization politics within Europe, it is possible to realize that what is often considered as deriving from global political trasformations might very well originate instead from European political trasformations, which have been increasingly important over the past two decades.4 In fact, for most European countries, the changes related to globalization cannot be considered apart from those related to the regionalization represented by European integration (Schmidt, 1999a: 174). This does not imply that European integration was strengthened in order to oppose and confront globalization. In fact, there does not seem to be much evidence of a voluntary and acknowledged acceleration of European integration as a response to globalization; as Ross puts it globalization issues, when present, were usually combined with other priorities and concerns (Ross, 1998: 174). From a more legal perspective,
... europeanization and globalization are both friends and rivals. EU law is an expression, a means, and an outcome of europeanization. At the same time certain aspects of EU law ... respond to and encourage the development of global economic networks, which are among the basic features of economic globalization. EU law thus is an integral part of global economic networks. But these networks have contradictory effects on the EU ... Europeanization and

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Global Social Policy 3(2) globalization thus are complementary, partly overlapping, mutually reinforcing, but also competing processes. (Snyder, 1999: 59)

Nevertheless, looking at the processes and their political effects, one can realize that during the 1990s Europeanization has increasingly meant, from a public policy perspective, trying to control and respond to globalization. As Schmidt has pointed out, more recently Europeanization has acted both as a conduit for global forces and as a shield against them, opening member states up to international markets and competition at the same time that they protect them through monetary integration and the single market (Schmidt, 1999a: 172). In other words, the intensification of the political dimension of the European integration process has brought European decision makers to integrate the EU in the world economy (promoting competition and therefore acting as a facilitator of globalization) but also to design new policies (such as cohesion policy and the European Employment Strategy, and therefore acting as an antidote to globalization) aimed at the protection of what is perceived as a growing European social model.
E U R O P E A N I Z AT I O N

The debate on Europeanization is much more recent (mid-1990s). Until the early 1990s scholars focused more on the process of European integration. Even if Anderssen and Eliassen had already talked about europeification in 1993, it is only in recent years that the national dimension of European integration and the differences of national,5 and regional,6 responses to this integration have been given greater analytical centrality. In this literature, the unit of analysis are not European institutions and the European political space but rather European domestic policy and the relationship between EU policies and national institutions and policies. The first definition presenting some empirical orientation has been provided by Risse, Cowles and Caporaso (2001). These authors consider Europeanization as the emergence and development at the European level of a distinct political system, a set of political institutions that formalizes and routinizes interactions among the actors, and the growth of policy networks specializing in the creation of authoritative rules (Risse et al., 2001: 1). Such a complex definition is not completely satisfactory. As Radaelli rightly points out, policy networks are taken as a matter of faith. [Instead] their existence and influence is a matter of empirical (not definitional!) analysis (Radaelli, 2000: 3). Furthermore, there are non-European political institutions that formalize and routinize the interactions among actors; for example, national institutions (for the Italian case, see Ferrera and Gualmini, 1999) play a role. Following the analysis provided by Morlino (1999) and Radaelli (2000), I argue that in order to unpack the concept, the dimensions of Europeanization need to be stated clearly, as have been the dimensions of globalization (Held et al., 1999).

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Europeanization, therefore, can be broadly defined as a set of two intertwined processes: the first one is a process through which national political, social and economic forces give birth to a new European supranational political and institutional setting; the second one is a process through which EU political, social and economic dynamics become an increasingly important part of the domestic political system. In other (and simpler) words, Europeanization can be defined as a process of construction and diffusion of European institutions and policies in European countries. Furthermore, it is important to distinguish the processes from their effects. Looking at the effects, and discussing the Europeanization of cohesion policy in Italy in more detail, I will show that there is a strong potential for institutional transformation linked to such process, whereas globalization acts in a much more automatic, uncontrolled and indirect manner. For the sake of conceptual clarity, I shall use a comparative framework that should provide a better, well-grounded analytical comparison between the two processes. The dimensions of comparison, based mainly on secondary literature, are the following: market orientation (market making vs. market correcting), modes of governance (multilevel vs. hierarchical and intergovernmental) and decision-making (open/closed). I will discuss the three dimensions separately. In the next section, I shall test the hypothesis that such a difference empirically exists with respect to a selected policy area (cohesion policy) and EU member state (Italy).

The Dimensions of Comparison

M A R K E T O R I E N TAT I O N

As pointed out in the previous paragraphs, Europeanization must not be confused with European economic integration (Radaelli, 2000).7 Nevertheless, one should point out the different types of integration which constitute the core of globalization and Europeanization.8 In the case of globalization, the process involves mainly an example of integration provided by the building of a global market; in fact, due to global constraints, governments [are] pressured to ease restrictions on foreign trade by slashing protectionist tariffs and non-tariff barriers ... Past requirements, such as local equity participation, employment creation, capital reinvestment, the use of local resources, or the transfer of technology, [are] replaced by generous incentives to attract foreign capital (Gupta, 1997: 4). In fact, the most important components of IMF programs are fiscal and monetary austerity and exchange rate adjustment (Pieper and Taylor, 1998: 39). Furthermore, International Monetary Fund (IMF) policy recommendations focus on labour tax reduction and they do not provide a broader policy context where incentives and subventions for losers are taken into account. In addition,

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the World Bank in the 1980s moved alongside the IMF into the business of providing balance-of-payments support to countries afflicted by the debt crisis and falling export prices, adding newly invented structural adjustment loans to its project credits (Pieper and Taylor, 1998: 40).9 Also, one of the main explicit goals of the WTO is to help producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct their business (WTO, 2000: 1). Therefore, the WTO aims explicitly at lowering tarifs, regardless of setting rules for the social dimension of integration. Consumers and social interests, moreover, are not even mentioned in the various working papers of the WTO. On the other hand, Europeanization has meant and still means more than what has been described as negative integration or market making. Already in the Preamble to the Treaty of Rome there is a clear statement that the EC considers social and economic cohesion among its most important goals. The Structural Funds have represented a distinguished form of relevant positive integration offering consistent financial resources aimed at that goal and representing a first step towards the building of a social dimension of European integration (AA.VV., 2002; Anderson, 1995). Although positive integration, consisting in redistributive policies and the promotion of a social dimension in the EU treaties, is very difficult to implement (Scharpf, 1994), the Maastricht Treaty, the Amsterdam Treaty, the Luxembourg Special Council on Employment in 1997 and the Structural Funds strategy within Agenda 2000 pay much more attention to socio-economic development and to the need to implement socio-economic cohesion: in short, to the correction of market failures. In a recent document of the Commission it is stressed quite clearly that the EU aims for full employment as an objective of economic and social policy with the mediumterm target of cutting unemployment to levels in the best-performing countries and that the EU must catch the wind of economic upturn and generate substainable growth over a long period. To achieve this the EU must pursue a systematic policy of modernisation that delivers structural reforms, accelerates absorption of new technology, improves European research, promotes the reform of social welfare, health and pensions, and creates e-literate workforce whose ideas find faster expression in the marketplace (European Commission, 2000b: 1; see also European Commission, 1997, 1999). In summary, although there is broadly speaking a growing awareness of the need for a social pillar in the global economy (ILO, 2000: 1), and there are signs of such awareness among global institutions (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 1999), the primary global institutions are still mainly focused on a market making strategy, whereas there is an increasing salience of the social dimension through which European institutions are confronting global pressures and enhancing the elements of market correction (see also Ferrera et al., 2000).

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The predominant pattern of governance within the global setting is intergovernmental and scarcely institutionalized. Scholars of international relations who have done research on this matter are very clear on this point. As Krasner puts it: the international system is weakly institutionalized (Krasner, 1999: 49). Furthermore, according to one of the most important research projects on decision-making in international organizations, the latter could provide only the services that governments would accept, and the levels were determined by the decisions of a few of the most important powerful states (Cox and Jacobson, 1973: 434; see also Reinalda and Verbeek, 1998). (A few) national governments are still the main actors of the international political arena, although they are not capable of keeping growing economic globalization under control (Voronkov, 1995: 12). Until recently, subnational actors and several weak national governments have been neglected both in the North and in the South of the world (Adams and Gupta, 1997: 12). Moreover, international institutions are quite fragmented, since there is very little coordination among the different institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank, the OCDE, etc. (Held, 1999: 260, Italian translation). Finally, there is no global democratic representation: in fact, the UN and other international organizations are formed by representatives of national governments who show quite uneven statuses and are not directly elected by world population (Bourantonis and Weiner, 1995). Therefore, representation is indirect and far from the electorates. Instead, the recent evolution of EU institutions has made the European political organization more and more similar to what has been termed a Europolity (Marks et al., 1996), or, a particular political system where European institutions have started to erode the sovereignty of the nation state within a multilevel pattern of governance (Hooghe, 1996; Marks, 1992, 1993; Marks et al., 1996), giving birth to a system of shared sovereignty (Wallace, 1999). Although intergovernmentalist bargaining is quite important in Europe (Milward, 1992; Moravcsik, 1998), evidence from policy analysis has shown that Europeanization implies an increasing sharing of sovereignty and competencies which takes place in a quasi-federal institutional setting where horizontal and vertical networks have been established and more recently reinforced (Kohler-Koch and Eising, 1999; Marks et al., 1996; Temmel, 1998). Over the past 20 years, decision-making in Europe has not only been an outcome of a two-level game between supranational and national actors (Putnam, 1988), but it has also given birth to a multilevel governance system (Hooghe, 1996; Marks, 1992, 1993) where subnational actors have begun to play a significant role. Furthermore, recent documents of the European Commission DG Employment and Social Affairs are explicitly devoted to the building or consolidation of a local dimension of development and employment (AA.VV., 2002; European Commission, 2000a); this particular attention to the subnational levels of

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governments shows that the EU institutional system takes much more into consideration the political preferences of local territories than global institutions such as the IMF, WTO and the World Bank.
DECISION-MAKING

As Susan Strange pointed out, globalization all too often ... is a polite euphemism for the continuing Americanisation of consumer tastes and cultural practices (Strange, 1996: xiii; see also Latouche, 1996) and the capacity of governing global transformations democratically is very weak (Held et al., 1999). At the international level, not only are governmental actors from poor countries of minor importance, but also social actors who are far from being taken into consideration in the decision-making process. WTO decision-making is considered particularly closed and nontransparent not only by anti-globalization activists (see Public Citizen, 1998) but also by member states such as Canada and the EU. In a recent Joint Statement on the WTO, the EU and Canada stressed the importance of transparency inside and outside of the WTO and the need for a dialogue with individuals and organizations outside of government ... in order to ensure its efficient operation, [and] the effective participation by developing countries (EU/Canada Summit, 2000: 1; see also European Commission, 2000a). Turning to how public policies are formulated and implemented at the European level, one sees that the process consists in general of a procedure involving many governmental and non-governmental actors, with different degrees of influence (see Bomberg, 1998; Moravcsik, 1998). Although, as has been stated above, this does not imply that all actors have similar powers, it does imply instead that the decision-making arena is more open, fluid and transparent than the decision-making arena of global institutions. In fact, exerting influence is much different from playing a role within the decision-making process. Nevertheless, influence has to be built on voice opportunities provided (although sometimes weakly) by the procedure of policy formulation at the European level, whereas very few actors are involved in both policy formulation and implementation within global decision-making. Furthermore, at the EU level there are important policies that are developed through the negotiations of both horizontal (social actors governments) and vertical (supranational national subnational governments) actors and which involve implementation guarantees of local bureaucracies (an important example which will be discussed in more detail is cohesion policy). On the contrary, within the WTO/General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the IMF and the World Bank i.e. the global institution decision-making is strongly influenced by few countries representing specific interests promoting free trade around the globe (Curzon and Curzon, 1973: 3301; Reinalda and Verbeek, 1998). But how can we test the hypotheses derived from the previous paragraphs?

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Are there in the EU market correcting policies? Is multilevel governance present? Is the decision-making mode of governance more open in the Europeanization process than in the globalization one? Let us test our hypotheses with respect to cohesion policy in Italy during the 1990s. Cohesion policy is not a purely European policy: member states had in the past different social development policies that have been challenged by the emerging relevance of European cohesion policy. Such a policy has been chosen because it shows very well where the (part of) bulk of the differences between Europeanization and political globalization lays. The idea is that if we do not find any difference (or only a minor one) in redistributive policies, then the Europeanization vs. globalization argument would a fortiori not be sustainable with respect to other policies. Moreover, Italy is a particularly interesting case study since it has performed badly in the implementation of EU cohesion policy: the assumption is that if there are pressures from (and institutional answers to) Europeanization in Italy, then it is even more possible that there will be in other member states more compliant to or in line with EU policy or institutional constraints.

Empirical Insights from the 1990s: Europeanization and Globalization in Italy10

T H E I TA L I A N P O L I T I C A L S Y S T E M I N T H E 1 9 9 0 S : T H E R O L E O F EXTERNAL PRESSURES FOR CHANGE

Broadly speaking, Italy witnessed a great transformation during the 1990s and several scholars have pointed out that Europe has played an important role, although not decisive, in this transformation (Di Palma et al., 2000; Ferrera and Gualmini, 1999). The general features of the transformation of governance can be summarized as follows: at the national level, after a political earthquake (Cotta, 1996) caused by the discovery of mass political corruption, Italy has moved from a centralized party government pattern to a broader multilevel governance system in which new actors at the national level and also at the subnational level have emerged. Within this more general framework, how did the two processes manifest themselves? What has been the specific political impact of globalization and Europeanization? Such questions are impossible to answer in statistical terms by attributing precise weights to different explanatory factors. Nevertheless, it is possible to capture relevant impulses and to assess their direct or indirect impact on specific policy domains. I shall focus on cohesion policy, which is the most important policy aimed at socio-economic inclusion. I will illustrate the Europeanization of socio-economic cohesion policies and its fostering of a multilevel governance system aimed at a positive rather than simply negative integration, characterized by an increasingly open decision-making process.

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Moreover, I will try to demonstrate the relevance and particularity of such a process by contrasting it to the purely normative and cognitive constraints derived from the globalization political discourse (Schmidt, 1999a), which have been relevant within the arena of Italian cohesion policy.
T H E G L O B A L I Z AT I O N O F C O H E S I O N P O L I C Y

To capture the relevant dimensions of the ideological forces of globalization one might, to begin with, simply look at the IMF Staff Country Reports. The Year 2000 Report on Italy states quite clearly the socio-economic priorities that should be encouraged and sustained by the national government. Acknowledging that unemployment must be reduced, especially in the South and among the young (IMF, 2000: 24), the IMF staff also state that future steps should be targeted at lowering the tax burden on labor income, with a particular view to easing job market entry (IMF, 2000: 24). The only way to enhance competitiveness seems, therefore, to be by cutting labour taxes and not by implementing a new corporate income tax or promoting new forms of sustainable development. As far as the Italian case is concerned, however, globalization is often invoked as a new vincolo esterno (even more than Europeanization) which limits the cognitive and normative behaviour of national decision makers. Instead, cohesion policies are instrinsically distant from the neoliberal creed (Pieper and Taylor, 1998) fostered by international organizations such as the IMF, which, as implicitly highlighted in the Annual Country Report, is more interested in the creation of a free market. This does not mean that certain aspects of negative integration policies are not relevant to Southern European Members states, which benefit from the rationalization impulse deriving from such policies (Ferrera et al., 2000b). Nevertheless, it demonstrates how market correcting policies are not promoted by global institutions. In addition to not containing a market correcting dimension, global institutions are not led by a consolidated and structured executive comparable to the European Commission. The IMF and the World Bank in particular are not responsible before an elected body such as the European Commission is; instead, both institutions are intergovernmental bodies elected by governments. Finally, the decision-making process of such institutions is closed and focused exclusively on labour cost and tax reduction reforms. Typical policies promoted by institutions such as the IMF include cuts in public spending, high interest rates, and credit restraints (especially for the public sector) (Pieper and Taylor, 1998: 41). The IMF technical staff annually delivers a country report which is based on the importance of market-friendly policies and is written by a staff of autonomous experts who are only accountable to the IMF Board.

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To a certain extent, cohesion policy is the most important market correcting policy implemented at the EU level. First, because it is targeted explicitly at regions that are lagging behind and are in need of financial resources in order to catch up with other more advanced regions in Europe, and, second, because it redistributes resources to peripheral territories that are having trouble with the liberalization and deregulation process (building an increasingly more free market) taking place in Europe (Marks, 1993). The objective of social and economic cohesion has already been addressed in the Preamble to the EEC Treaty of Rome, even if the propositions that it spelt out were not immediately met with the adoption of a comprehensive cohesion policy framework.11 It was in the 1970s (and more markedly in the 1990s) that the territorial dimension and the weight of European institutions gained relevance. In regulation 2088/85 mainly inspired by the Greek and French governments the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes (IMP) were brought to life. These programmes represented a clear and decisive attempt to correct and rationalize European cohesion policy. The IMP introduced principles (concentration of resources, partnership among institutional and societal actors, programming and additionality of resources), consolidated by successive structural fund reforms, which promoted the emergence of a multilevel pattern of governance. In 1988 this policy was reinforced by the approval of the first reform of the financial instruments of cohesion policy, which witnessed a substantial increase in funds allocation. Essentially, within the course of the 1990s the resources made available by the EU have increased significantly, accounting for 35.2 percent of the EUs budget, and absorbing just under 0.5 percent of the average GDP of the member states.12 The increase of the funds available for cohesion policy and the implementation of the concentration, partnership, programming and additionality principles contributed to the building of a multilevel system of governance that differs significantly from the traditional pattern of top-down local development policies that constituted the Intervento Straordinario per il Mezzogiorno (Extraordinary Intervention for the Southern Italian Regions).13 In fact, since 1975 Italy has been confronted with a new and important actor in the administration of socio-economic disparities: the EU institutions. At a European level, Italy was particularly weak in making her voice heard in international bargaining.14 In this new European arena national interests were not well defended. Italy has benefited from EU subsidies in large part due to the pressure of other member states (Greece and France first, then Spain and Portugal respectively) interested in the adoption of measures favouring areas considered to be underdeveloped. Italian indifference influenced the two Structural Funds negotiation rounds at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, which demonstrated the scarce attention paid by Italian decision makers to vital

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European financial matters. In contrast, the new round for the period 200006 has shown a strong potential prompted by Treasury Ministry (Ministero del Tesoro, del Bilancio e della Programmazione economica) already during the policy formulation phase. First, from a top-down perspective, the Treasury Ministry has underlined the centrality of the regions, insisting on one of the cardinal principles of the structural funds programming and founding, alongside national horizontal negotiations, a board for regional horizontal negotiations. With the adoption of the new Community Support Framework (CSF) there is a consistent move towards a regionalization of the management of Structural Funds. During the period 200006 more than 70 percent of the total resources available will be managed by the region compared to less than 50 percent in the previous CSF. Second, there has also been a bottom-up dynamic. The intense concertation at both national and regional levels contributed to increasing the number of social actors involved in the decision-making process, facilitating the formation and promotion of a regional interest during the programming of EU cohesion policy. Therefore, the Italian government was operating in an increasingly open and institutionalized decision-making environment.
T H E P O L I T I C A L E F F E C T S O F G L O B A L I Z AT I O N A N D E U R O P E A N I Z AT I O N

I have sought to demonstrate the progressive assertion of a Europeanization of cohesion policies: the traditional Italian policy of assistance for the Mezzogiorno is aligned with an EU policy that has challenged and changed the national policy. But what are the political effects of the Europeanization of cohesion policy in Italy? And what has been the role of globalization? The earthquake that rocked the Italian political arena in the early 1990s also affected the policy area under examination. The persistence of wide territorial differences has favoured the consolidation and spread of a negative evaluation of the entire 40-year span of the Intervento Straordinario. In 1991 a referendum to abrogate it was proposed and, successively, L. 448 was adopted in December 1992. In this context of institutional uncertainty, Europe has become an increasingly important political and legislative point of reference for national and regional governments. Europeanization has had substantial repercussions on relations between the centre and periphery, between the executive and legislative, on national and regional bureaucracies, and on patterns of interest representation. First, with regard to executive and legislative relations, the role of national government was increased on all fronts. At this time the Treasury Ministry plays the coordinating role and is the driving force behind cohesion policy, while Parliament, traditionally a key figure for national cohesion policies, has a rather weak controlling function. At a regional level it is still the

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Government that exercises key functions. For example, responsibility for EU policies in Apulia is under the President of Regional Government (Giunta), while the regional Assembly carries out only a marginal role. Furthermore, a reorientation of centreperiphery has taken place, the most substantial effect being the increased resources available to regional government institutions. With the new programming for the period 20002006 in particular in which centreperiphery negotiation was quite intense the regions will have the exclusive management of 70 percent of the total resources allocated to Italy at their disposal, whereas, for the other two CSF periods, they had managed less than 50 percent of the available budget. Moreover, the tools of the negotiated programming anticipate an increase in territorial centralization and in the power of regional (and to a certain extent sub-regional) governments. Such expansions, which contextually involve the transfer of authority to the transfer of resources, are even more relevant seen in the light of other forms of jurisdictional (but not resource) decentralization anticipated by some recent legislative provisions. The effects of Europeanization have also been significant on bureaucracy. It is necessary to pause, above all, on the bureaucratic machinery in order to understand the amount of change triggered by the implementation of EU cohesion policy. Over the past years, to meet the challenge of the new procedures introduced by the Community bureaucracy,15 a process of rationalization has been put in motion that continues to affect a deep change on the nature of administration in national and regional bureaucracies. Such a process implies a progressive independence of the bureaucratic machine from political parties and an adherence to the regulatory principles that limit the discretionary powers and steer administrative behaviour towards a problem-solving approach. Such rationalization occurred (and still occurs) at the centre while it is often determined by an incentive derived from the centre when it occurs at the periphery. Finally, interest representation has been strongly influenced by Europeanization. At a national level the influence of the parties has been one of the reasons for the progressive clientelististic degeneration of the Intervento Straordinario. On the other hand, EU decision-making has always been less open to party influence concerning national policy-making. At a regional level the tools of the negotiated programming and EU programmes have widened the circle of the interests taken into account during the preparatory phases, including players who were not previously on the scene at a regional level (e.g. minor business associations and representatives of Third Sector associations). In this new context, regional government institutions take on a central role as coordinators and as a driving force mainly controlled by social actors and, in a much diluted role with respect to the past, political parties. In contrast, the political effects of globalization for cohesion policy in the

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Italian case have not been very relevant. In general, the political effects of globalization on socio-economic policies and institutions have been less relevant than those provoked by European integration (Ferrera and Gualmini, 1999: 6074). From an institutionalist perspective, in the area of cohesion policy globalization seems to have manifested itself as a political discourse (Schmidt, 1999b) constraint, affecting both domestic and European policy-making by limiting the possible policy options, but has not acted much as a motor for domestic institutional and policy change. It has, of course, modified the investment preferences of some investors, whose interest are no longer anchored to the national economic interest, but such changes have been filtered or made possible primarily by European institutions and policies.16 In particular, the development of cohesion policy in Italy shows that globalization has not been able to avoid the continuation of market correcting policies in EU member states, and that the strengthening, with respect to cohesion policy, of both the executive and bureacracy in Italy can not be considered as an effect of globalization. In other words, whereas Europeanization has had a strong direct impact on the development of cohesion policy, globalization has played a weaker indirect role that was somewhat contrasted by Europeanization itself.

Globalization or Europeanization? Some Lessons from the Italian Case

Over the past years, after the failure of the Structural Adjustment paradigm of the 1980s (Pieper and Taylor, 1998), global institutions have also begun to change towards a more bottom-up approach to development (see World Bank, 2002). At the same time, Europeanization, until the end of the 1990s, has also meant a build-up to the EMU and, therefore, the setting and implementing of harsh budget deficit reducing policies, sharing common features with the call for sound budget policies promoted by global institutions. Therefore, are Europeanization and political globalization processes becoming increasingly alike? It would be rash to draw conclusions in the case of Italy on the basis of a single area of policy study, however significant it may be, since the majority of cohesion policy actors are involved in horizontal and vertical negotiations, and the policy concerns the development of the territory as a whole and not just of specific sectors, thus representing an emblematic case of policy aimed at market correction. That notwithstanding, the above analysis provides a more general reflection of the transformation of Italian governance particularly in the social and economic policy sectors.17 In the first place, along with a consolidated influence of EU law, the Europeanization of national policies has recently, over and beyond cohesion policy, reached other policy domains (for example monetary and labour

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policies). After 1992 this process accelerated, following the consolidation of policy learning processes derived from the innovation of EU policies. Such an acceleration confirms that the intensity of Europeanization varies on the basis of the previous paths followed by its member countries: the greater the discrepancy between EU and consolidated national policies (the socalled goodness of fit: see Risse et al., 2001), the greater the necessary timespan in order to adapt the national policy setting to EU requirements. Furthermore, Europeanization seems to lead to a restructuring of centreperiphery relations in a manner that is more favourable to the periphery than before. Naturally, this does not imply that such central government institutions are obsolete and excessively weakened by the strengthening of regional governments. Rather, it seems that there is an induced redefinition of the role of national government led by the government itself, which takes place in a context where processes are occuring on which the national government exercises an almost irrelevant (globalization) or reduced influence (Europeanization). Such processes reduce the traditional sovereignity of western governments entailing a greater distribution of power among the various government institutions and a widening of the number of actors that have access to the decisionmaking process, thus giving birth to what has been defined as multilevel governance. Nevertheless, since national government has the most difficulty in controlling the economy for exogenous reasons, the sharing of its weakness is a demonstration of its strength: the government decides to decentralize responsibility and authority knowing very well that in the new world economy the state-driven methods of intervention would prove of little use. Europeanization therefore is not in itself automatically effective; it is the behaviour of national government that makes Europeanization display, or not display, all its effects. Finally, the concept of Europeanization shows a remarkable descriptive validity enabling us to better understand the interaction between EU and national governments. The recent reorientation of European studies towards policy analysis can be seen as favourable for its characteristically strong empirical component. Nevertheless, a large amount of information is currently available on how community policies are enacted on a European level, but less is known about the specific patterns of the preference formation of national and regional governments and the implementation of EU policies in member states. To gain a better understanding of EU policymaking in its entirety it is necessary to examine the member states more closely and to empirically analyse, on the one hand, the results of Europeanization and, on the other hand, the links between national governance and supranational governance in order to also capture the patterns of policy learning and policy feedback processes. This is certainly not an easy task but it is a necessary one in order to acknowledge not only the impact of Europe on its member states but also the evolution of EU integration.

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The political effects that have been discussed might also somehow be influenced by globalization pressures, but the argument developed in this article demonstrates that all possible pressures are filtered and accompanied by other policies at the European level, which are trying to incorporate the constraints and opportunities of an increasingly open world within the socalled European social model. In the next few years we will see if there are chances (quite weak for the moment) for a Europeanization of globalization thanks to the creation of a more or less homogeneous European social model which might become a model for other countries, or set of countries, or if Europeanization will refer only to a defensive strategy undertaken by European countries trying to protect and consolidate national or a European social model(s) in an increasingly integrated world.
a c k n ow l e d g e m e n t s I would like to thank all the participants to the COST A15 WG1 meeting in Florence (1112 October 2002), where a longer version of this article was presented, for useful suggestions. I owe special debts to Eero Carroll, Maurizio Ferrera, Nick Manning and Bruno Palier for their very useful comments and suggestions. notes 1. For a partial exception, see Hay et al. (1999); Scharpf and Schmidt (2000). 2. In fact, these authors do not provide a definition based on clear criteria; they conceptualize rather broadly the phenomenon of globalization. 3. Among few other exceptions we find Held et al., 1999; Keohane and Milner, 1996. 4. This article considers the institutional implications of both political globalization and Europeanization, leaving aside the economic consequences that are assessed with a large degree of uncertainty by economists (for the Italian case, Barba Navaretti, 1999; Faini et al., 1999; Milone, 1999). For a similar institutionalist perspective on globalization and its impact on European welfare states see Hay et al., 1999. 5. Anderssen and Eliassen, 1993; Bulmer, 1983; Ladrech, 1994; Mny et al., 1996; Olsen, 1995; Radaelli, 1997; Risse et al., 2001; Schmidt, 1999a, 1999b; Wallace, 1996. 6. Conzelmann, 1998; Hooghe, 1996; Jeffery, 1997; Keating and Hooghe, 1996; Keating and Jones, 1995; Le Gals and Lequesne, 1997. 7. As Beyeler points put in her contribution to this issue, both economic (market) integration and political integration are part of Europeanization. In other words, Europeanization includes economic integration but it is more than economic integration. 8. Radaelli rightly points out that Europeanization would not exist without European integration (Radaelli, 2000: 6), implying, therefore, that such integration is a prerequisite (or part) of Europeanization. 9. Only more recently the World Bank has gone back to its initial goals: poverty alleviation and (micro)credit measures (World Bank, 2002). 10. The research was carried out in a three-year period and regarded both the

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Graziano: Europeanization or Globalization? national and the subnational dimension. About 60 interviews with top bureaucrats and governmental representatives were performed. For more detailed accounts see Armstrong (1995); Pollack (1995); Staeck (1996). For the data see European Commission (1998: 34). For further details see Graziano (2003). See Ferrera (1991); Giuliani (1992). See Franchini (1993) and Dente (1999: 1234). In a research project on Social Integration in Europe, interviews have shown that national and local elites perceive the constraints of globalization as not as relevant as the opportunities and constraints posed by European institutions and policies. No global actor enters into their day-to-day political life. For the preliminary findings of this research, see Ferrera et al., 2000a. For similar conclusions regarding the scarce influence of international organizations (such as OECD) and the relevance of European institutions on the reform of Italian welfare, see Bertozzi and Graziano in Armingeon and Beyeler (2003).

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11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

17.

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LEuropanisation ou la Globalisation? Une Structure pour les Recherches Empiriques (avec de lvidence de lExemple Italien)
Leuropanisation et la globalisation sont des termes qui sont, depuis quelques annes, de plus en plus la mode. Nanmoins, lemploi de ces termes a souvent t de manire approximative et on les a considrs comme quivalents en termes dexercer les pressions externes sur les tats providence nationaux. Aprs avoir dfini les deux processus, larticle illustre les diffrents lments de la globalisation et de leuropanisation et donne et met lpreuve une structure analytique pour la comprhension des effets institutionnels des processus. Dans la premire partie de larticle, on dfinit les deux phnomnes politiques et on propose une structure analytique base sur trois dimensions (lorientation du march, la mode de gouvernement, et le style de prendre les dcisions). Dans la deuxime partie, on fournit une tude plus en dtail de lexemple italien. Lanalyse empirique montre que leuropanisation peut agir comme antidote la globalisation: cela ne promeut pas seulement des diffrents buts de politique, mais cela montre galement les effets institutionnels que la globalisation ne peut pas dterminer.

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Global Social Policy 3(2) resumen

Europeizacin vs. Globalizacin? Un Marco de Investigacin Emprica (con Algunas Muestras del Caso Italiano)
La globalizacin y la europeizacin se han convertido en trminos en boga en los ltimos aos. Sin embargo, a menudo son utilizados sin rigor, considerndolos como equivalentes en el ejercicio de presin externa sobre los estados de bienestar nacionales. Tras definir ambos procesos, el artculo ilustra los diferentes rasgos de la globalizacin y la europeizacin, brinda y pone a prueba un marco analtico para comprender los efectos institucionales del proceso. En la primera parte del artculo, se define los dos fenmenos polticos y se ofrece un marco analtico basado en tres dimensiones (orientacin del mercado, modo de administracin y estilo de toma de decisiones). En la segunda parte, se revisa con mayor detalle el caso italiano. El anlisis emprico muestra que la europeizacin podra actuar como un antdoto para la globalizacin, ya que no slo promueve polticas diferentes sino que tambin muestra efectos institucionales que la globalizacin no puede determinar. biographical note
PAOLO GRAZIANO ,

PhD in Political Science at the University of Florence, currently teaches Political Science at Bocconi University of Milano. He has recently published The Impact of OECD Guidelines on Italian Welfare State Reforms (with F. Bertozzi) in the book edited by K. Armingeon and M. Beyeler, OECD and Welfare State Reforms in Europe. He is also working on a volume for the Italian publisher Il Mulino dedicated to The Europeanization of Italian Public Policies: the case of Cohesion and Labour Policies. ADDRESS : Centro Poleis, Istituto di Economia Politica, Universit Bocconi, V. Sarfatti, 25, 20136 Milano, Italy. [email: pgraziano@yahoo.com]

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