Cooperation and Collaboration in Vicenza before Palladio: Jacopo Sansovino and the Pedemuro Masters at the High Altar

of the Cathedral of Vicenza Author(s): Manuela Morresi and Dorothy Hay Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Jun., 1996), pp. 158-177 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society of Architectural Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/991118 . Accessed: 18/10/2012 08:02
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in and Collaboration Cooperation

Vicenza before

Palladio

andthePedemuro Sansovino Masters Jacopo at theHigh Altarof theCathedral of Vicenza

Venice diArchitettura, MANUELAMORRESI,IstitutoUniversitario

Andrea Palladiocreatedhis ownmyth,and the Quattro Libri,

published in 1570, was his first step.' It was as if publication waited only for the death ofJacopo Sansovino, the last of those masters whom Palladio regarded with great interest during his formative years, and from whom he derived much of his inspiration.2 But in the Proemioto the QuattroLibri there is no mention of Palladio's own formation. Moreover, the exclusion of contemporary or immediately preceding sources leaves only a parsimonious sprinkle of names of the major architects from the earlier half of the sixteenth century.3 In short, the image that Palladio passes down to the judgment of posterity is that of a born architect. In calling upon a natural inclination toward architecture, the only guides he recognizes are the ancient buildings of Rome and the writings of Vitruvius: Palladio sets aside those sixteen long and obscure years spent as Andrea di Pietro della Gondola, in the Vicenza workshop of the Pedemuro masters, Giovanni da Porlezza and Girolamo Pittoni da Lumignano. Palladio the architect seems to spring, with his epic name, like Pallas Athena from the head of Zeus, armed to win a place among the immortals on Olympus. By 1570, moreover, no one was left to contradict him-neither the Vicenza craftsmen nor the early patrons, not even Giangiorgio Trissino, who doubtless played the part of midwife at the mythical birth. Thus, just as the plans presented in the Quattro Libri are free of "such incidents as will happen," so he presents himself without historical lineage, unmarked by his own time and his own experience.4 Thus sown, the myth of Palladio's self-invention has found fertile ground. Among its products, nurtured by Vicenza's own status as subject state to Venice, has been the so-called vicentinitas of Palladio.5 The earliest stages in this version of the myth can be seen in Paolo Gualdo's biography of Palladio and in Ottavio Bertotti Scamozzi's collection of Palladian buildings.6 It is also to be seen in the belated Palladianization of Vicenza undertaken by Ottone Calderari (1730-1803). In obliterating the Gothic past, Calderari's buildings helped reinforce the role of Palladio himself in the invention of an image of Vicenza
158 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

estranged from its roots.7 Later, alterations were also carried out on sixteenth-century buildings to give them a Palladian veneer. Giangiorgio Trissino's villa at Cricoli, for example, was altered at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century so that today it bears false witness to a precocious and autonomous design by the young Andrea. This operation has complicated any attempt to establish a more plausible design history for the classical facade of this suburban dwelling. One school of contemporary criticism, nurtured by the myth of Palladio, has sought to find his hand in works from the workshop of the Pedemuro masters-works datable between the end of the 1530s and the early 1540s. This school of criticism has attempted to attribute designs for the doorway of the Servite Church in Vicenza, for example, and for the immediately subsequent doorway of Girolamo Trissino's house in Contra' Santo Stefano, to Palladio, crediting only their execution to the Pedemuro workshop.8 This effort to identify the heroic figure of Vicenza's architect in these modest works flies in the face of sixteenth-century shop practice; it would have been very unlikely for an apprentice, even one as gifted as Palladio, to have provided the design. More probable in both cases is the participation, more or less directly, of Michele Sanmicheli, already in Vicenza to advise on the reconstruction of the loggia of the Palazzo della Ragione at the beginning of the 1540s. Ties between Sanmicheli and the Pedemuro masters are well documented. He was their guest during his stay in Vicenza in 1542, and the young Andrea di Pietro showed him the respect owing a master. In one instance, he copied an invention "after that which Messer Michele has drawn."9 For the Servite doorway, more rugged in both its proportions and its details, attribution to Sanmichele is less certain; at best it may be a none-too-faithful copy based on his model. But in the elegance of the Trissino doorway Sanmicheli's hand would seem to be at work. The fluted, tapering Doric pilasters, surmounted by capitals with rosettes, and the entablature with a smooth frieze and guttae on the lintel follow the anticanonical model of the Balbi Crypt in Rome [Figure 2]. Sanmicheli's predilection for compressed Doric entablatures, used repeatedly in the Palazzo Roncali, Rovigo, in the inner part of the

65i

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under the influence ofSanmicheli.1l Puppi sees specific similarities between the triumphal arch form of the altar and the monumental doorway of the Palazzo del Podesta, Verona, which is composed of a combination of pilasters and half columns, and in whose attic story there is a triangular pediment. Documentation of the Dall'Acqua altar abounds, but the evidence has not been adequately discussed and evaluated, and so far the altar has not been submitted to any close architectural analysis.12This kind of analysis is essential to reconstructing the Palladian curriculumvitae. In fact, in seems unlikely that Palladio at the time this design was presented, would have been able to handle the classical idiom with ease. He was young and far from his first encounter with Rome. Yet it should also be noted that the altar is a work that calls on so much experience of classicism that it is difficult to think of it as an independent creation of the Pedemuro masters, who were not completely familiar with this architectural language. Finally, how can we reconcile this work with Vicentine taste at the time? It may be useful to submit the Dall'Acqua altar to a test, to separate Vicenza from the Palladian hegemony and to construct a scenario in which the dominion of an individual is replaced, at least for the historical period we are referring to, by a more plausible and possibly more interesting range of trends and protagonists. On 17 March 1534, Aurelio Dall'Acqua, doctor of law utriusqueiure, knight and count palatine, signed a contract with the Pedemuro masters to build a monumental altar, dedicated to Corpus Christi and intended for the cathedral, for a payment of 400 gold ducats.'3 On the altar there was to be a dedication to Dall'Acqua, who would be buried at its foot. This donation of a magnificent object of the Christian rite combined religious celebration with celebration of the fame and virtues of the donor. This is made evident by the position and the size of the family coats of arms, which filled the spaces between the pairs of pilasters. In other words, Dall'Aqua was demonstrating that he had the mentality of the humanist aristocrat, indissolubly binding public patronage and private exaltation.14 The contract contains a series of stipulations about the form and decoration of the altar. It was to be realized "following the form of the model or the drawing on parchment by them [the Pedemuro masters] that has been given to the above-named Signor Aurelio."15 But this drawing was not sufficient basis to start work. The contract continues: "not having been able to put in the drawing the valuable stones which are to be set, they have agreed that great care has to be taken in setting them, and that beforehand they should be set on large panels of wood or cardboard. The arrangment of the stones should be drawn on these sheets under the eye of the aforesaid master."16 The drawing, then, seems to involve only an architectural structure, and as of 17 March 1534, no proposal seems to have been

2: Doorway of the house of GirolamoTrissino,Vicenza,attributed FIGURE to Michele detailof the Doric capitaland lintel Sanmicheli;

Porta Nuova, and in the Porta Palio, Verona, is well known. There is one further proof, albeit indirect, of contact between Sanmicheli and Girolamo Trissino, in a document dealing with the reconstruction of the loggias in the Palazzo della Ragione. In 1541, on the occasion of his earliest consultation with Sanmicheli, it was Girolamo Trissino who, with Vincenzo Garzadori, superintended the building, and thus was responsible for paying the architect his salary. 0 Palladio's part in planning the high altar in Vicenza cathedral, awork begun in 1534 on commission ofAurelio Dall'Acqua, represents another problematic issue [Figure 1]. The structure of the altar itself is that of a triumphal arch, with pairs of Composite columns, freestanding and fluted, on high pedestals. Behind them, pilasters flank a central arch over the tabernacle, while the altar table itself is an extension of the upper level of the pedestals. The entablature juts out considerably along its entire length, corresponding to the columns, and is crowned at each extremity with a golden ball. Above the single central sector is an attic story corresponding with the arch immediately below. It is bounded by a hybrid order and terminated by an attic-story crown. The articulation of the architectural structure is unclear; it seems suffocated and weakened by excessive ornament. Fine marbles and semiprecious stones cover the entire surface, apart from the columns and the altar table. Even the pilaster shafts are covered. This is a true example of architectural horrorvacui. The distinctive form of the architecnovel in Vicenza at that time-becomes a ture-something sort of framework for the decoration in an inversion of the usual relationship between structure and ornament, to the advantage of the latter and the decided disadvantage of the former. Giangiorgio Zorzi and Franco Barbieri have both attributed the Dall'Acqua altar to Palladio, and their attributions have been upheld by Lionello Puppi and Renato Cevese, who suggest that the planning of the altar may have come about
160 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

prepared for the ornamentation which is, as we have seen, an integral, not to say predominant, part of the composition. Here it should be pointed out that the marbles and the stones that ornament the altar all came from the personal collection ofAurelio Dall'Acqua. Worried about damage during the construction work, he gave precise instructions that they were to be transferred to the site only at the last moment and that they were to be applied "withglue or with plaster as they do in Venice with similar works."17This specification calls to mind, for example, the scroll-facade of the church of Sta. Maria dei Miracoli by the Lombardo, or the facade of Ca' Dario, both in Venice, but also later works, such as the high altar of the church of San Rocco, Venice. The "wood or cardboard" (tavoloniover cartoni)required of the Pedemuro masters could be 1:1 scale drawings suitable for studying the placing of the stones. And, in fact, on the actual altar, they do appear to have been arranged with an extremely acute sense of composition and color symmetry. Nonetheless, the decorative design seems to be independent of the architecture. This explains the separation of design phases in the terms of the contract.18 The wording suggests a break between preliminary studies for the architectural structure of the altar and the Pedemuro masters' decorative work: "Desiring, in order to finish this work, stoneworkers of worth who know how to lay and distribute the precious stones to be set on the altar, in an orderly manner, and having heard that in our city master Giovanni and Girolamo, stoneworkers living in the contradaof Pedemuro, are the best...."19 So it would seem likely that Aurelio Dall'Acqua was looking for experts in decorative stonework for his altar, not an architect. What also seems to emerge is that he did not know the two Pedemuro masters directly, but that he had been told of their qualifications. The Pedemuro masters, therefore, could have acted as executors of someone else's concept, intervening only at the stage of applying the surface ornament and overseeing the execution of the work. To proceed from this to identifying who might have been responsible for the architectural design, however, it will be necessary to focus on specific points of architectural language in the altar and to try to define the vocabulary with which they have their greatest affinity. The proposal for a classical triumphal structure, though it would have been known in Venice, was a great novelty for Vicenza in the 1530s. Works such as the monumental entrance to the Arsenal, dating from as early as 1457, had no visible repercussions in Vicenza, resistant as it was to new architectural ideas.20 The only earlier work in Vicenza that is in any way comparable is the Garzadori altar in Sta. Corona. This altar was erected in the early years of the century on commission of Battista Gratiani, newly returned from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The likeness with the Dall'Acqua altar is only superficial, however, residing in the colored stones and marblework; the

elements of the Sta. Corona altar do not belong to the orders.21Richness legitimate vocabularyof the architectural and varietyin the compositionare obtained here through a deformed, and deforming, vision, apparent in the columns, which are interruptedtwo-thirdsof the way up their shafts by a sort of swollen cushion, and, in the squat proportions of the pilasterswith their widened capitals.The overall effect is undoubtedly a pastiche, late medieval in flavor, and makes improbableany directassimilation of a triumphalarch motif. The Dall'Acquaaltar, on the other hand, speaks a language that is completely Roman, and a series of stylistic signs allowus to identifyits classicalmodels. Let us begin with the unusual articulation of the bases, which Cevese describes as "abnormal and to tell the truth,not beautiful, [being]without anything comparable in classical architecture"[Figure3].22 These are formed by a successionof torus, scotia,and double cavetto, then a large cyma reversa,torus, and plinth. In fact, an example from classicalarchitecture, different only in the form of the cyma, is seen in the kind of base Giuliano da Senese and in Sangallodrawsrepeatedly,both in his Taccuino his LibroGrande 4].23This is the base called a termine [Figure ("atthe baths"),referringprobablyto the Bathsof Diocletian. The form and position of the moldings in Giuliano'sbases differfrom those of the Dall'Acqua altaronly in havinga cyma
recta.

The basesof the columnson the Dall'Acqua altarreappear, obviously, on their corresponding pilasters and these are furtherconnectedby an extension of their moldingsalong the wall (see Figure3). This motif derivesfrom the triumphalarch repertoire:it is to be seen in the Sergi arch at Pola, in the ArgentariArch in Rome, and at the Arch of Trajan at Benevento. It gives a dignity to neutralexpanses of wall which is order.The same element can be necessaryto an architectural seen also in the atriumof the Pantheon in Rome, where the wallsbecomelegible,throughextensionof the pilasterbases,as a kind of "triumphalized" wall. This motif was also used throughthe MiddleAges.Joinedpilasters appearin facton two of the major Romanesquemonuments in Florence-in the second order on the facadeof S. Miniatoal Monte and in the and the outer partof the atticstoryin the Baptistery scarsella of San Giovanni,proof of the tangiblelink betweenFlorenceand the Roman model of the Pantheon.24 Linkingup the bases of pilasterswas common in the fifteenthcenturyin Tuscanyand Tuscan-influencedworks.25Leon Battista Alberti used this techniquein his Doricorderin PalazzoRucellai,Florence,thus showinghow well he understoodthe Tuscan characterof the It is not surprisingto find the same solutionused by motif.26 BernardoRossellinoin the PalazzoPiccolomini, Pienza,and to come across it time and again in the work of Giuliano da Sangallo,who employed it in his designs for the facade of S.
Lorenzo in Florence.27 But before Giuliano took up this motif,
MORRESI:VICENZABEFORE PALLADIO 161

andthe pilasters of Aurelio detail ofthe basesof the columns FIGURE 3: Altar Dall'Acqua,

it was being used in the Veneto. Mauro Codussi used it on the facade of S. Michele in Isola (1468), probably deriving it, along with the entire organization of the facade, from the Palazzo Rucellai or its Rossellino interpretation in Pienza. From that date on, it becomes a typical element in Venetian architecture of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and appears in buildings in the style of Mauro Codussi and Pietro Lombardo alike, as the stonemasons of the time migrated from one workshop to another.28 The Composite capitals on the Dall'Acqua altar have only one row of acanthus leaves below the echinus with ovoli from which the volutes spring [Figure 5]. This was not a common practice, although not unknown, in Florence. One of the half columns in the apse of S. Miniato al Monte has a capital of the same kind. Composite capitals with one row of acanthus leaves were also part of the Venetian repertoire, or at least dating from the example realized by Tullio Lombardo in 1512 on the wall altar in the Zen chapel in S. Marco.29 The treatment of the entablature of the Dall'Acqua altar, projecting markedly over the columns, is an all but standard example of triumphal arch architecture and, more generally, it approaches those classical prototypes of structures with freestanding colonnades exemplified by the Septizonium, as repre162 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

sented by Giuliano da Sangallo, or the so-called colonnacceof the Forum of Nerva.30The balls above the terminal sections of the entablature and of the attic story hark back to the architectural dialect of the Veneto. A similar decoration makes Gugliemo de' Grigi's interpretation of the triumphal arch in the Portello Gate in Padua uncertain. It is used once again and by the same Bergamo master in the Emiliani chapel in S. Michele in Isola, Venice. More problematic are the sources of the crown of the attic story [Figure 6]. Something similar to this Vicenza attic story is found in a late medieval precedent, Lorenzo Ghiberti's martyrs' sarcophagus, now in the Bargello Museum, Florence, and thus another Tuscan element is added to this visual catalogue. A drawing in the taccuinoof Oreste Vannoccio Biringucci further confirms the Florentine character of this motif. Starting from what is probably an Albertian idea for the tribune of the church of SS. Annunziata in Florence, he in fact gives a triumphal structure to the whole, which, as Puppi rightly points out, is very near to that of the altar in Vicenza cathedral. The crowning piece of the central sector actually forms a termination similar to that of the altar in Vicenza.31 The same motif appears, still in Florence, in the crown of the Borgherini chimneypiece, the work of Baccio d'Agnolo and Benedetto da

Rovezzano.32 But a classical origin, or, more correctly, an origin in some classical fantasy, is to be seen in the drawings of Giuliano da Sangallo, who adopted a similar form in representing the temple of Augustus at Pozzuoli, where he superimposed an acroterium in the form of a mixtilinear scaly crown.33 Even the elevation of the attic story in the center section is a Sangallo trademark. Starting from the model for U 281A, for the facade of S. Lorenzo in Florence, this idea can be seen time and again in Tuscany, from Jacopo Sansovino's version of that same fa?ade to Michelangelo's preliminary studies.34 Preliminary analysis of the Dall'Acqua altar, then, has revealed that classical references are linked to elements from Florentine architectural practice. Some elements, however, derive from Venice and the Veneto. Thus, given these mixed origins, it would be as well to examine what might have been the channels of diffusion that led to Vicenza. The most problematic of these elements is the termination of the attic story. In the 1530s, in the same decade as plans for

detailof capital 5: Altarof Aurelio Dall'Acqua, FIGURE

this altar, the mixtilinear form of truncated triangle appears repeatedly in Spain, and particularly in association with the imperial figure. Pedro Machuca alternates triangular pediments with attic crowns over the windows of the piano nobile on the western facade of Charles V's palace at Granada. The same form is taken up by Diego de Siloe for the windows on the side of Granada cathedral. One significant precedent for both Granada examples is the crown of the chimneypiece in the Sala di Psiche in the Palazzo Te in Mantua, decorated 1526-1528. What is curious about the Mantua example is that, above the crown, as a support for the gigantic feet of the figure of Polyphemus, is a scaly element which recalls the motif adopted, or invented, by Giuliano di Sangallo in his drawing of the Pozzuoli temple.35 Finding this solution in both Mantua and Granada lends strength to Manfredo Tafuri's hypothesis that Giulio was involved in the design of Charles Vs palace.36 Furthermore, the interpretation of the raised crown as an imperial symbol seems to be confirmed by a singular coincidence. Drawings for the temporary triumphal structures set up in Bruges in 1515 for
FIGURE4: Giuliano da Sangallo,sketch of a base in the Baths of Diocletian, Rome. Latino4424, f.70v. BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,Codice VaticanoBarberiniano

the entry of Charles V into the town show steep, truncated roofs with windows on one single arch and one triple one. These echo the kind of roof typical of residential building in northern
MORRESI:VICENZABEFORE PALLADIO 163

6: Altarof Aurelio Dall'Acqua, FIGURE entablatureand atticzone

All in all, Europe, blending in with the local architecture.37 therefore, these roofs are legible as arches with attic crowns, where the pitch of the roof occupiesthe space of the atticstory. in which this Let us considerthe places and the circumstances type of attic appears and reappears.Triumphal arches with atticcrownswere designedby Perinodel Vagafor the firstentry of CharlesV into Genoa in 1529, and these wererepeated,with for the entryin 1533.38 Twoyearslater,at Messina,the variants, formedarch,designed emperorwas to pass beneath a similarly Polidoro da and the archfor PhilipII 7], by Caravaggio[Figure at Ghentwas of the same type.39 The codificationof this motif and its diffusion on a larger scale was to come only with the of Sebastiano Libro Serlio'sQuarto (1534).40 publication The element thatcrownsthe high altarin Vicenzacathedral wasnot entirelynew to the Veneto.The chapterdoorwayof the Ioniccloisterat S. GiorgioMaggiorein Veniceis crownedby the sameelement,probably designedin the 1530sand of uncertain A similarmotif suggestsauthorshipby Guglielmo attribution.41 de' Grigi. It appears no less than three times in the Emiliani chapel in S. Michelein Isolain slightlydifferentversions,and it comes up again in the high altarof S. Salvadorand in the side door of S. Francescodella Vigna in the form of counterposed, elongated volutes, converging upward.42These are typical cases of the easy and evasivemannerof this Bergamo master,
164 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

blandly dissolvingclassicizingelements into joking linguistic distortions.But the thinnessof the moldings and the proportions of the decorativeelements make crowns of this kind withthaton the altaratVicenza.A formsimilarto incompatible that of the Vicenzaaltar,on a granderscale,is to be found on the upper levelsof the facadeof Vicenzacathedralitselfand, in of the fact,constitutesthe crown[Figure 8].43 The termination altarwould seem to reiterate,on a smallerscale,the upper part of the facadeof the cathedralthat houses it and thus might be But its association ascribedto a specification from Dall'Acqua. with a triumphalarch is unlikelyto be casual.An exploration into the character of the patronand recognitionof the program thatunderliesthe altarwillyield furtherclues. The Dall'Acqua family,which probablyoriginatedin Lodi, appearsin Vicenzafromat leastthe thirteenthcentury.Daniele withhumanistinterestsof Aurelio's father,a lawyer Dall'Acqua, his own, possessed a considerablelibrary,according to an inventorytaken at the time of his death.44His son Aurelio studiedlawat Paduaand then set to buildinga modest political of the Podesta career.He officiatedseveraltimes as the vicario of Paduaand of Veronaand repeatedlyas deputy ad utiliain is a post Vicenza.Whatseems to be missingfromhis curriculum that would have given him a position within the Vicenza In 1509 he took part in the procession to greet oligarchy.45

Emperor Maximilian in Vicenza, but during the war of the League of Cambrai, he fled with his wife, Lucia da Schio, to Venice and settled in the area ofSta. Gustina (in confinioSanctae Justinae). It is there that Lucia wrote her will, dated 20 October 1513, asking that her mortal remains be kept in the church of S. Francesco della Vigna while waiting for a final burial, after the war, in her native city.46In 1523 Andrea Grittiwas elected doge. He had been capitanoda terra in the years in which Venice won back her dominion, and in the delegation sent from Vicenza to pay him homage were the orator Giangiorgio Trissino and the knight Aurelio Dall'Acqua. These two must have been more than casual acquaintances because in 1534 they were sent once again to Venice to represent Vicenza. In fact often through the 1530s we find Aurelio Dall'Acqua on missions to Venice.47 These are the years of the design and construction of the altar in the cathedral. Little has come to light about Dall'Acqua's Venetian contacts, but the names of Pietro Bembo, the Franciscan Francesco Zorzi, and Andrea Gritti crop up in his letters. Bembo had shown Dall'Acqua approval and esteem in a letter of 1529.48 Zorzi, in a long and impassioned letter of December 1532 to Dall'Acqua, commented on the latter's magnum opus, the CatenaEvangelica,written for his two sisters, nuns in the convent of Sta. Chiara.49This work is a synchronic rewriting, in Latin, of the four Gospels. It is organized into 234 misteria (lengthy

analogical chapters, literally "mysteries")in which the prophecies of the Old Testament are called upon to confirm the New Testament. Zorzi, the Franciscan humanist who also wrote the memoriale for Jacopo Sansovino's design for the church of S. Francesco della Vigna in Venice, read Dall'Acqua's text at the order of the government of the Serenissima. It was thus a matter of an official duty, perhaps solicited by the doge himself.50 Zorzi's commentary on the Catenais warm and enthusiastic. He writes that this reunification of the four gospels is legitimate in that they all come from the one source, as indeed is true of the four rivers of Paradise; and the theme of the water of salvation, the fount of eternal life, is taken up again and again as a tribute to Aurelio's surname, Dall'Acqua. "With this reunification," Zorzi writes, "even if others at various times have attempted it, nonetheless they did not reach that same concord (concinnitate) that you, inspired by the Holy and Harmonic Spirit, have reached." The result "eliminates the apparent contradictions in the Gospels... [and] in its resonance is a perpetual concert to the ears of all who read and listen."51 References to "harmony," or concinnitas,in the Catena are typical parts of Zorzi's vocabulary and found their way into the inspirational language of Andrea Gritti as well.52 It was Gritti who granted the text its printing rights and, in doing so, commented favorably on its structure and content. The patriarch of Venice, Girolamo Querini, too, when asked for an opinion on the text, came forth with a positive judgment.53 Around the modest figure of this Vicentine patrician, therefore, we find outstanding exponents of the Venetian humanistic and administrative oligarchy.54 The provisional burial of Lucia da Schio in S. Francesco della Vigna in fact shows that a link existed even then with the Minor FriarsofVenice, and these are just the years in which Aurelio, exiled in Venice, began to set out the elements of his Catena Evangelica; Zorzi could hardly not have had something to do with its creation, above all in the The preference accorded to organization of the work in misteria. the observant Franciscans, after all, is confirmed not only by Dall'Acqua's two sisters' taking the veil in the order of Saint Clare, but also his being first among the founders of the convent at S. Francesco Nuovo in Vicenza.55 Lionello Puppi has associated Francesco Zorzi's alchemical interests with Aurelio Dall'Acqua's extraordinary collection of stones-an insight supported by Manfredo Tafuri, who suggested that the collection was organized following Zorzi's De Harmonia Mundi Totius.56In such an environment, then, it is not surprising to find, in the 1539 inventory ofAurelio's library, not only this work but also Zorzi's In Sacram ScripturamProblemata. Moreover, Dall'Acqua's library, in addition to predictable works such as OperaPlatonis and De Christiana Religioneby

7: Polidoroda Caravaggio,studyfor a triumphal FIGURE archfor the entry of CharlesV into Messina

Marsilio Ficino, contained books by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and by Giovan Francesco Pico. Further, he possessed
MORRESI:VICENZA BEFORE PALLADIO 165

FIGURE8: Vicenza cathedral,upper levels of the facade

works by the Dutch humanist Erasmus, including one on the Gospels.57 His interest in Erasmus's interpretations of the Scriptures, censured by the Sorbonne in 1529, was strong. No other contemporary writer in this inventory has four tites to his name, and among the classic authors, the most mentioned is St. Augustine, a significant choice as he is also one of Erasmus's most important sources.58 Even though the Catena Evangelica was written in Latin, Dall'Acqua had a keen interest in vernacular translations of sacred texts. He owned what the inventory describes as liber actium apostolorumvulgaris (The Acts of the Apostles in the vulgate) and Evangelia vulgaria (Evangelists in the vulgate) perhaps the earliest Italian translation of the Gospels published in Venice by Antonio Brucioli in 1530. This is one of the texts which, along with his translation of and commentary on the Bible, led to Brucioli's denunciation in 1548, his trial for heresy in 1555, and his imprisonment in1558.59 The title that follows in Aurelio Dall'Acqua's inventory is Annotationes Antonij brutioli (Annotations ofAntonio Brucioli), a scriptural commentary and not, as Giovanni Zaupa suggests, a juvenile philosophical work.60 Brucioli's work relies heavily on Erasmus's published translation of Scripture.61 One last book in the Dall'Acqua inventory should be mentioned: this is the Conclusiones Vincentij Querini(Conclusions ofVincenzo Querini) which comes near to the core of Venetian reformational culture, of which Querini was one of the most significant representatives. Thus, Aurelio Dall'Acqua stands at the outer limits of heterodoxy, rather than tending towards heresy, and particularly close to Catholic Reformation evangelism, with its devotion to Erasmus. Did Dall'Acqua actually belong to such circles? The best evidence is found in two lines from the letter sent to him by Francesco Zorzi, lines which make clear his position on these matters: "Because the only announcement (the Gospel) has
166 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

been harshly turned into a prescriptive and punitive law, with neither salvation, norjustification: as Paul says in Romans 3, no one is justified by the law."62These words recall the issue of justification by faith, a doctrine at the heart of Reformation polemics. The letter ends with an appeal: "Thus, my dear Aurelio, I shall turn to all men of the Gospel, for whose consolation you have worked, and I shall say, 'Men of the Gospel, read the whole Gospel, brought into concerted harmony.' 63This insistent exhortation to the men of the Gospel (evangeliciviri) suggests that Zorzi, and with him Dall'Acqua, actually belonged to those groups of evangelical Catholics who were caught up in Erasmian speculation.64 Finally, there is a long letter of 1532 from Francesco Marino Veneto, a Franciscan theologian, in praise of the CatenaEvangelica.Veneto expressed approval for the work and sustained its arguments with further philosophical references.65 Between 1543 and 1550, Veneto, the so-called Erasmian Inquisitor, took part in the Venetian Court of Inquisition, even intervening in the Brucioli case in an attempt to acquit him. That he formed part of the Venetian Court of Inquisition, however, did not save him from coming under inquisition himself. In 1555 he would be called to answer to the charge of having authorized publication of one of Erasmus's works.66But in the early 1530s, many varieties of religious practice and opinion were still permitted.67 Despite the ruling nulla osta ("no opposition") from the Republic, from the papacy, and from the Emperor between 1532 and 1533, the CatenaEvangelicawas never to be printed, though this cannot be explained completely by Dall'Acqua's death in 1539.68 Perhaps its mystical (and mysterious) interpretation of Holy Writ made publication inadvisable, or perhaps there was a shift in Dall'Acqua'sreligious interests from the text to the altar of the Sacrament. From 1534, Dall'Acqua seems to have favored the altar, laden with the stones from his collection,

to perpetuate his memory and testify to his faith. And the dissonance between Aurelio's self-celebratory program and the condemnation in which the adherents of reform culture held sumptuous funeral monuments in the churches once again brings out the ambiguity of his religious persuasions. No reconstruction of the personality of Aurelio Dall'Acqua can leave out his repeated appearance by the side of Giangiorgio Trissino, and, as a signal example, his part in the delegation from Vicenza on the occasion of the congratulatory oration to Gritti in 1523. This relationship could be seen as expressing a pro-imperial political tendency on the part of Dall'Acqua and one which he had in common with this great humanist. In fact Vicenza's choice of the once-exiled Trissino as orator to a doge, someone who was to distinguish himself for his centralizing and imperialist policies, was well-calculated politics. Furthermore, the guiding role of the Trissino family, part of the Vicenza heterodoxical group, and in particular of Giulio Trissino, Giangiorgio's Lutheran son-associated with Brucioli in the diffusion of heterodox literature and archpriest in the cathedral from 1525-made the association one to which Dall'Acqua would certainly have been attentive.69 Starting from the documented relations between Dall'Acqua, Gritti, and Zorzi, and alluding to the affinities of style between the high altar in Vicenza cathedral and the work of Jacopo Sansovino, Tafuri cautiously advanced the hypothesis of an attribution of the altar to Sansovino.70 In fact the closeness of the Proto of S. Marco to Catholic Reformation circles would appear to be demonstrable.71 And it could have been Zorzi, guiding spirit of the church of S. Francesco della Vigna, who was given the task of mediation between architect and patron. One further circumstance might give us another reason to think that Aurelio and Sansovino knew each other. From 1534 Aurelio Dall'Acqua was a superintendent of the Palazzo della Ragione in Vicenza, together with Giovanni Trento.72 On 28 September 1535, he was reconfirmed in this post with Francesco Gualdo and they were given the job of "finding a way, using expert workmen, of repairing the aforesaid imminent ruin and working upon it."73Thus a request for consultation over the restoration of the palace was given impetus. The arrivalofJacopo Sansovino was announced for 25 November of the following year. The possiblity that he was called under the auspices of Dall'Acqua cannot be excluded. Sansovino, however, did not come to Vicenza until 1538, two years after Dall'Acqua'sappointment as superintendent ended. The circumstances we have examined up to now would appear to have some relevance to an attribution of the Dall'Acqua altar to Sansovino. None of them is conclusive, however. What becomes necessary at this point is to see whether or not such a hypothesis will stand up to a detailed formal interrogation, and to do this it will be necessary to determine whether there are any equally cogent reasons for taking the

attribution away from Palladio. If, in fact, stylistic analysis remains one of the fundamental procedures in an inquiry such as this one, it becomes even more pertinent when documentary proof is neither exhaustive nor irrefutable. In such a case, it is the architecture itself that has to be closely questioned and examined. Structures inspired by or deriving from forms of the triumphal arch are common enough in Sansovino's work, and it has often been pointed out how his predilection for this form reflects on the designs and works of his two masters, Andrea Sansovino and, more so, Giuliano da Sangallo. The young Jacopo Sansovino worked alongside Andrea on the two funeral monuments in the choir of the church of Sta. Maria del Popolo, during his first stay in Rome, from about 1506.74 In these funeral monuments, the structure of the triumphal arch seems to have been designed to be dressed with rich decorations; the forms flimsy, the structural elements weakly reflected in the arch itself. But it is in the design for the temporary fasade of Sta. M. del Fiore in Florence, prepared by Sansovino with Andrea del Sarto for Pope Leo X's entry into Florence, that this motif was reworked more vigorously. Wolfgang Lotz and, later, Arnaldo Bruschi have pointed out the debt that Sansovino's facade owed to Giuliano da Sangallo's designs for the facade of S. Lorenzo in Florence.75 The line of continuity between Giuliano's model and Sansovino's replicas, following his cathedral faSade of 1515, leads to the latter's designs for the facade of S. Lorenzo (1515-1516) and the Loggetta of the campanile of S. Marco in Venice (1538-1540).76 But before the Loggetta, Sansovino was a protagonist in a frustrated attempt to give a noble and triumphal character to the facade of the Scuola Grande della Misericordia, using freestanding columns. Sansovino's initial project for this facade turned out to be unusable because of previous agreements by the brothers of the Scuola and the Moro family, to exclude columns from the facade of the Scuola. Sansovino was asked to eliminate the columns in 1532, and construction began on the final design in 1535.77Tafuri has suggested that it was Sansovino who showed Antonio Abbondi, lo Scarpagnino, a triumphal arch model from which to complete the facade of the Scuola Grande di S. Rocco in 1536. That Sansovino had a marked tendency to enter into collaboration with other artists might support the likelihood of this connection. The altar of the Scuola Grande di S. Marco, of around 1533, in whose design both the Proto and the humblest stonemasons were involved, has paired freestanding columns.78 The date is important. In the early 1530s the three scuole grandi of Venice competed on many levels, and the adoption or rejection of the triumphal arch motif was part of this competition. In 1534 the same motif makes its appearance in the high altar ofVicenza cathedral. Structures deriving from the triumphal arch also characterize the later work of Sansovino. There are pairs of freestanding
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columns on the Loggetta in the piazza of S. Marco (1538-1540), on the funeral monument to Doge Francesco Venier in the church of S. Salvador (c. 1555-1561), on the Podocataro monument at S. Sebastiano (1557), and on the monument for Giovanni da Lezze and his family, now on the inner facade of the Gesui (after 1560).79 On the facade of S. Giuliano, though, these take the form of paired half columns, shields with the coat of arms of the patron filling the spaces between them, as do those between the pilasters on the Dall'Acqua altar. In the Doric, or first, order of the San Giuliano facade, we find another of those elements that also characterize the Dall'Acqua altar. This is the joining up of the moldings at the bases of the half columns along the intervening wall. Without a doubt, Sansovino knew both the Roman origins of such a solution and its Tuscan Romanesque version-no less classicizing than the former in the opinion of fifteenth-and sixteenth-century architects. And the attention that he paid to the forms of fifteenthcentury Venetian sculpture and architecture in the works of Mauro Codussi and of Pietro Lombardo and his sons must have revealed a style that he already knew well. Jacopo would more than oncejoin up elements of the base of an architectural order along a flat space of walling. This technique was used on the facade of the church of S. Geminiano in Piazza S. Marco, now demolished (1557); on the organ screen of S. Salvador (1530); in the pilasters of the Lezze monument mentioned above; and in two other works of problematic Palladio-Sansovino attribution, the two Gritti monuments in the presbytery of the church of S. Francesco della Vigna (after 1536) and the project for the facade of the Scuola Grande della Misericordia (after 1535).80 The anomalous Composite capital on the Dall'Acqua altar is to be seen again, albeit with different proportions, on the first order of the S. Salvador organ screen in Venice, realized for Girolamo Priuli by Sansovino's workshop in 1530.81 But, as already noted, this capital motif had made its appearance in Venice by at least the second decade of the century. A search for the motif of the attic-story crown within the workshop ofJacopo Sansovino also brings some very interesting results. Over the doorway of the church of Sta. Maria Formosa a crown of this kind supports a funeral monument celebrating the martial virtues of the Capitan da Mar Vincenzo Cappello, who died in 1541 [Figure9]. The statue of Cappello is by Domenico di Pietro Grazioli da Salo, one of those sculptors who gravitated to Jacopo's workshop, but it seems likely that the doorway is by Sansovino.82 The pulvinated frieze, in fact, together with a variation of the Vitruvian Ionic base in the columns that frame the doorway, suggest his hand. Other variants of this base appear on the second order of the Marciana Library(1536-1537), in the loggia ofVilla Garzoni at Pontecasale (1540s), and in Palazzo Comer at S. Maurizio (end of 1530s and later). One further proof that the entire altar is Sansovinian in conception can be seen in the notable motif of
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9: Monument to the Capitano da Mar,VincenzoCappello,Sta. Maria FIGURE Venice Formosa,

whichturnsup inJacopo'slaterwork.It the crowntermination is there,withthe additionof twovolutes,on the side door of the church of S. Giuliano (1554), and it appears, with sculpted figures over one of the chimneypieces of Villa Garzoni at betweenthis chimneypiece Pontecasale(1540s).The similarity and the one paintedwithAndreadel Sarto'sBirthoftheVirgin, in Florence,could in the Chiostrinodei Voti of SS.Annunziata be anotherpointerto the Florentinenatureof the motifand to decoraa splendidversionwithnaturalistic Sansovino.83 Finally, door of S. Marcoitself[Figure tionscrownsthe sacristy 10]. This was begun in 1546 but completed only much later.84The altar,finally,brings us back once again to Jacopo Dall'Acqua Sansovino. The structurecontaining the tabernacle,placed beneath the large central arch, is remarkablysimilarto that on the monumentfor CardinalFrancisco Quinoarrangement nes in the church of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme,Rome (c. monumentintended altara funerary 1535),like the Dall'Acqua in a church of considerable altar to functionas a sacramental importance [Figure11].85 In Rome, as in Vicenza, tripartite structureswith flanking niches are surmounted, over the central part, by a triangularpediment whose jutting base is continuouswith the cornice.Nonetheless,in Quinones'stomb,

there are half columns, whereas in the Dall'Acqua altar there are only two pilasters to contain the central part of the composition [Figure 12]. Here, too, the niches seem to have slipped downwards to accommodate two finely inlaid marble roundels which are set between the tops of the niches and the entablature. It is almost as if the need to find a proper place for these precious decorative elements had tempted the designer to sacrifice the visibility of the niches. Sansovino designed the Quifiones monument in the mid-1530s, while he was working on the Loggetta, with which it shares not only its overall articulation but also the Venetian taste for color. This is also the period of the design for the church of S. Francesco della Vigna. Quinones, probably through the mediation of his friend Francesco Zorzi, had the design for his own memorial sent to Venice. Bruce Boucher suggests that the small round temple in the center of this composition, along with the kneeling angel statues on either side of it, were made in Venice in Jacopo's workshop and subsequently sent to Rome with the drawing for the altar. The Quifiones monument would, therefore, not only be an interesting example of long-distance planning, but would be compatible with the hypothesis of a two-part design process for the Dall'Acqua altar. Though there is much that recalls Sansovino's language in the Dall'Acqua altar we must still ask how it relates to the language of the mature Palladio. In general, Palladio preferred engaged columns to free-standing columns. One significant

exception is the Fregoso altar (1565) in the church of Sta. Anastasia in Verona, claimed by the sculptor Danese Cattaneo, but attributed to Palladio by Howard Burs.86 It is known that Cattaneo knew Palladio and that his formative years were spent in Sansovino's workshop in Venice. As the three versions of Sansovino's will show us, relations between Danese Cattaneo and Sansovino were at times stormy. In one of these wills, Cattaneo was left a sum of money and a share in the drawings in the workshop; later he was disinherited, only to be reinstated in a third version of the will.87It is interesting, in the context of the Dall'Aqua altar, to see pairs of freestanding columns in a work possibly by Palladio, perhaps as a result of a sculptural intervention by a pupil of Sansovino. This issue becomes more complex when we take the wall connections of the base moldings of any one architectural order into consideration. Palladio prefers to connect these elements using abstract strip-forms on the wall areas. There is, however, one series of examples in which sequential half columns are joined along the wall only by a prolongation of the first torus and the upper cavetto molding as, for example, in the Palazzo Chiericati and the Palazzo Barbaran da Porto, Vicenza [Figure 13]. At first sight this type of solution would seem to come from a reduction of the Roman and Florentine motif adopted by Alberti, Giuliano da Sangallo, and Sansovino. Its real origin, however, is elsewhere, as Palladio himself points out. In his commentary on the Pantheon in the QuartoLibro,he voices his appreciation for "the finejudgment of the architect... who, to bind the architrave, the frieze, and the cornice of these tabernacles (the pilasters of the chapels not being as much out from the wall as was necessary to contain the projection of that cornice) he made only the cyma recta, and the remainder of the member he converted into a fascia."88 Palladio, then, while recognizing the origin of his abstract connecting strips in the Pantheon, praises a well-known motif. The connection of the cornices over the aedicules in the Pantheon also occurs in the form of a flattened strip or band in the upper level of the Trajan market hemicycle. Such molding, adopted, almost simultaneously, by Giuliano da Sangallo, Raphael, and Sansovino in Rome, can be seen in sheets U 276A and 281A for Giuliano's facade of S. Lorenzo in Florence, in Raphael's faCadeof Palazzo Branconio dell'Aquila in Rome, and in Sansovino's for Palazzo Gaddi at Canale di Ponte. The same motif is used again by Sansovino in the Veneto, in the Villa Garzoni at Pontecasale and the side of Palazzo Comer in Venice.89 Palladio, in his Quarto Libro, gives us his personal and theoretical interpretation of this solution as seen in the Pantheon: The piers do not project sufficiently to allow complete extension of the moldings along the wall behind. This would seem to be the reasoning followed for the half columns in Palazzo Chiericati and Palazzo Barbaran da Porto, where only one of the elements of the base continuing along the wall, in order to keep the effect from
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FIGUREI0: Jacopo Sansovino, door of the sacristyof S.Marco,Venice

FIGUREI I: Jacopo Sansovino, monument to cardinalFrancescoQuinones, Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, Rome

being too weighty and horizontally confined, as it would be if all the base elements were involved. And if this is true for half columns, it is all the more so for pilasters, which by definition protrude very little. Though appreciating the solutions arrived at for the aedicules of the Pantheon, Palladio declares that he is against continuing the lower elements of pilasters; that is to say, against precisely what happens in the Dall'Acqua altar. And, though thirty-six years separate the design for the altar and the publication of the QuattroLibri,the fact is that there are no cases in which Palladio employs this motifwhen he uses pilasters.90 To complete our comparison, let us turn to the motif of the attic crown. This, likewise, is not a motif Palladio used. That it is used in the dovecote of Villa Trissino at Meledo is of little significance; this work was removed from the Palladian catalogue some time ago.91 For the same reasons, we can eliminate a similar crown on one of the chimneypieces of Villa Barbaro at Maser, now attributed to Alessandro Vittoria or alternatively to a design by Marcantonio Barbaro.92The questions surrounding Burns's attribution to Palladio of the Leonardo da Porto
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monument in S. Lorenzo, Vicenza, are rather more complex [Figure 14]. This composition has two motifs in common with the Dall'Acqua altar. These are the crowning element above Leonardo's sarcophagus and the very similar Composite order of the capitals. Burns dates the da Porto monument to the mid-1540s, after the death of the patron, and the beginning af actual construction as 1563, which is the date on the epitaph. This helps explain the anomalous form of the capitals, nothing like the work of the mature Palladio.93 The crown could support a hypothesis that the Dall'Acqua altar was Palladio's, but it seems more likely that the young Andrea looked upon the cathedral altar as a model, perhaps even at the request of the da Portos. In conclusion, the mixed nature of the architectural elements on the Dall'Acqua altar and their recurrence in the language of both Palladio and Sansovino tends not to favor Palladio as the designer of the cathedral high altar. Yet we must still reexamine the documentary evidence concerning the tortuous matter of the positioning of this altar in Vicenza

of Aurelio detailof FIGURE 12:Altar Dall'Acqua, thetabernacle

about to collapse.... I am taking master Jacopo Sansovino with me, and all will be done for the best, and with the greatest possible savings."95So Sansovino went as a consultant, for a second time, with the cardinal to Vicenza. He had been there in January of the same year to give his advice on the loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione. Giovanni da Montepulciano stayed in Vicenza for only three days on this March visit but he left Sansovino behind, to come to an agreement over the details of the work to be done. On 2 April Rossi wrote a letter to Farnese: "and having taken maestro Jacopo Sansovino architect with me, it was decided... that the work should be given out on a
FIGURE 13: AndreaPalladio, PalazzoBarbaran da Porto, Vicenza; facadedetail basesof half Note thatPalladio extends the first torus. columns. connecting showing

cathedral. And in that matter the protagonists were Jacopo Sansovino and the Pedemuro masters. In the early months of 1538, Pope Paul III was preparing the inauguration of the Council in the city of Vicenza, and sent Giovanni Rossi, Cardinal of Montepulciano, to hasten work on roofing the tribune of the cathedral.94 On 28 March 1538, Rossi sent a letter to Cardinal Farnese saying that he was leaving Venice immediately to go to Vicenza, but not alone. He wrote, "This night I shall leave for Vicenza, to look to the repairing of the cathedral tribune, which, as I understand, is

daily basis, to some Vicentine masters, who will do the wholejob for 730 ducats. And so I am waiting for the aforesaid maestro Sansovino to come back to me tomorrow with the agreement."96 And these Vicenza masters, who were to come to an agreement with Sansovino, were "Giovanni lapicida et m.o Iseppo de Lantiis marangono... et m. Guglielmo marangono," that is to say, Giovanni da Porlezza, one of the two heads of the Pedemuro workshop (a stonecutter) and two carpenters. A notarized agreement was made with them on 5 April for the works in the cathedral.97 Sansovino clearly had confidence in this workshop. In a letter from Vicenza in May 1538, Girolamo Gualdo informed Giangiorgio Trissino, then in Ferrara, that work on the cathedral was progressing. Even at such a distance from
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-W-

FIGURE 14:Andrea monument to Leonardo daPorto,S.Lorenzo, Vicenza Palladio,

Vicenza, Aurelio Dall'Acqua'sgreat friend wanted to know about a project that represented such an investment. From Gualdo'sletter it is clear that one of the questions that had come up during discussion of the roofing was the actual position of the high altar,which, as outlined in the agreement of 1534, had been placed at the head of the aisle, that is, the space to be set aside for the college of cardinalsduring the inaugurationceremony. Gualdo says that the altar was still standing there, but was in danger because "thosemost reverend nuncios have a mind to remove it."98That there was argument about the placing of the altar is confirmed in the actual contract with Giovanni da Porlezza, which declares, "hereabouts... there is no discussionto dismantlethe altarof MisserAurelio,"which suggests that the question had been broughtup but that no definitivesolutionhad been reached.99 Giving a literal reading to these two documents, one could hypothesize that in spring 1538, with the opening of the Council imminent, one of the matters considered was the removalof the altar,as being too cumbersomeand inhibitingat a time when work on the completionof the tribunehad been startedonce again. A documentof 1 December1536raisessuspicionsthat,even
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at that earlydate, the altar'spositionwas causingtrouble.The altar, so the document reads, was complete except for "the upper part of the back, called the back of the crown."100 Separatedesignsfor this parthad been presentedin 1534, but the cathedralclergy opposed their execution, sayingthat this had not been stipulated in the contract of 1534. Despite protestsfromAurelio,theyrefusedto modifythe agreement.It maybe that theirdecisionwas based on a previousone, that is, to place the altarwithits backto the perimeter wallof the apse, once thatwas ready.In that case no backto the upper levelsof the altarwould have been necessary.It was only afterAurelio's deathin 1541 thatthe argumentsaboutplacingthe altarbegan in earnest,even though the chanceof a meeting of the Council in Vicenzawas alreadynearlynonexistent.Thus the excuse of the Council visit does not supply a reason to keep the aisle space free and to place the altaragainst the back wall of the apse. In factthe verypresenceof the altarin Vicenzacathedral seems to have been a subjectof discussionat the time.And it is difficultnot to connect these questionsaboutthe altarwith the failure of the Diet at Ratisbon and the general change in religious climate that took place between the third and the fourthdecadesof the sixteenthcentury. The contractof 1541 coveringthe altar's change of position was also made with the Pedemuromastersand stipulatedthe removalof two "perguli" for the readingof the Epistleand the elements mentioned in the agreement of 1534.101 It Gospel, was also the intention to remove what was referredto as the the atticstorycrown,"because it blocksthe windowstoo cimiero, much."'02 thiswasnot carriedout. Obviously What did Sansovinocontributeto the decision of spring 1538?His participation as Protoof S. Marcois explainedby the importanceof the event for whichVicenzacathedralhad to be ready. Those involved in the negotiations assure us that a meeting betweenGiovannida Porlezzaand Sansovinodid take place. And Sansovino,in arrangingthe kind of work and the methods to be used on the tribune with master Giovanni, alsohad his sayaboutthe placementof the altar.They probably becausehis may even have turnedto Sansovinoas a consultant was needed in both these and matters, opinion perhaps, too, there was some personal interest on Sansovino'spart in the altar,especiallyif he had been involvedin its design phase. In thishypothetical cooperationbetweenSansovinoand the Pedemuroworkshop,a traitofJacopo's emerges, one that his earliest biographersbring out. According to Vasari,Jacopo made a wax bozzetto for a Depositionsketchfor PietroPerugino, now in the Victoriaand AlbertMuseum:a model, then, for his Vasarialso points out the strongrelationship painterfriend.'03 of reciprocity beween Sansovinoand Andrea del Sarto in the design of the temporaryfacade for Sta. Maria del Fiore in Florence:"conferringtogether about their uncertainties, Jawould make of models the and thus copo figures, they helped

one another enormously.104 Finallythere is Vasari'sanecdote that attributes to the young Sansovinothe design of a wooden model for the king of Portugal'stomb. This model was decorated with wax figures and reliefs by Tribolo, yet another Vasari's precedentfor the Vicenzaaltar,ifwe could substantiate account.105 Even after his move to Venice,Jacopo preserved this propensityfor collaboration. CharlesDavies,in attributing three smallreliefson the PaschalCandlestandin the churchof S. Spiritoin Isolato Sansovino,also suggeststhathe workedon this object with others.106 Scholarshave often discussed the collaborative relationsamong Lorenzo Lotto, SebastianoSerlio, and Sansovinoand their exchange of artisticand religious ideas.107 And the albeitunequal collaboartion between Sansovino and Scarpagninoon two occasions has also been commented upon: in the commissionfor the altar of the Scuola Grande di S. Marcoand the completion of the facade of the Scuola Grande di S. Rocco.108 These two designs were presented within three years of each other (1533 and 1536), and the model of 1534 for the Dall'Acqua altarprovidesan example thatwould confirmSanosovino's decided interestin triumphal structures. In this same time period Sansovino's design for the columnarfacade of the ScuolaGrandedella Misericordia was rejected. True, even Palladiomay have been involvedin a collaboration. He may have helped his friendDanese Cattaneowith the architectural drawingfor the Fregosomonumentof S. Anastasia in Verona.All this proves,however,is that artisticcooperation and the separationof architectural design and decorative were not unusual. projects Who conceivedthe Dall'Acqua altaris stillopen to question. But it is clear that Sansovino was completely familiarwith classical forms,as well as with medievalFlorentineand Renaissance ones. In some way he reveals his Venetian roots, too, given that some of the forms on this altar had precursorsin Venice. Sansovino certainly cannot be excluded. What this inquirysets out to do, however,goes beyond the question of attribution.It tries to reconstructarchitectural trends in Vicenzain the yearsimmediately the arrival of Andrea preceding Palladioon the scene. GiulioRomanois knownto havebeen of considerableimportancein the Vicenza of the time, both as author of the earliest plans for Palazzo Thiene and as the designer of Lavinia Thiene's monument in the cathedral. MicheleSanmicheli wascertainly in Vicenzain the early 1540s: attributionof the doorway to Girolamo Trissino'shouse in ContraS. Stefanoand possiblythe ServiteChurchadds him to the architectutalscene in Vicenza at that time. Sebastiano Serlio,while at GiangiorgioTrissino'sside, gave him ideas for the loggiaof hisvillain Cricoli,thusseparating Trissinofroman exclusiverelationwithAndreadi Pietrodella Gondola.109 And in so doing, this "architecture as he called himself, professor,"
made his influence felt on the humanist and amateur architect.

Each of the great architects in Vicenza from the 1530s to the early 1540s, then, leaves his mark in the form of a collection of texts, a sort of architectural library, to be consulted and developed. It is the influence of that extraordinary Roman workshop of the first quarter of the century that appear in the late Gothic architecture of a province of the Serenissima. Around the not yet emancipated Palladio, then, there is a constellation of characters connected, in one way or another, with his apprenticeship. At the same time the presence of famous architects in Vicenza also prevented Palladio from finding the patronage he was later to have. The Vicenza of these days was in search of an identity to allow it to compete, culturally and politically, with Venice, and no one of those master architects whose participation it invited was willing to settle there, none was willing or able to help change its image. Sanmicheli and Sansovino had official posts in Venice, the one as the military architect of the Republic, the other as Proto of S. Marco. Neither could be the interpreter of any collective reevaluation of Vicenza. Serlio's unstable architectural language, too, must have raised doubts in the minds of Vicentines about his abilities: documents relating to the Palazzo della Ragione make no comments on Serlio's design. Giulio Romano, in the end, was too busy with work for the Gonzagas, even though he does seem to have been the architect who held the most interest for Andrea Palladio's future patrons. The assignment of work on the Palazzo della Ragione loggias seems to foreshadow the competition for the fa;ade of the Louvre, one century later. Among all the well-known foreign architects who were called to Paris, it was the Frenchman Claude Perrault who carried the day as being most able to interpret the national identity in architectural terms. If Palladio transformed Vicenza, it was the Vicentines who created their architect, in order to establish their own political and cultural emancipation. To return, then, to the question of attribution, the proposal of Sansovino as the author of the Dall'Acqua monument seems to allow a plausible historical scenario for the period of work on the cathedral tribune, between 1534 and 1541. It could be that Francesco Zorzi, in close contact with Sansovino in 1534 over the design of S. Francesco della Vigna, suggested him to Aurelio as the designer of his monument. This would have come about when, through Zorzi's mediation, Sansovino was designing Francisco Quifones's altar-monument. For Vicenza, Sansovino would have been capable of interpreting the desire for an image of triumph, as well as the religious and political interests of the patron. In the Dall'Acqua altar classical motifs are linked with the familiar forms of the Veneto and the Vicentino. In this way, the design is actually a work of mediation, among Jacopo Sansovino, the Proto of S. Marco and "sculptor florentinus," as he signed himself to the last, and the Pedemuro masters. And they, using the stones from Aurelio's
MORRESI:VICENZABEFORE PALLADIO 173

collection, took the Roman and imperial architectural structure and muted it, almost to the point of removing its true identity. But in Jacopo's tendency toward a linguistic hybrid-if, indeed, this intervention of 1534 intervention was his-we perceive the beginnings of those elements that, much later, were to lead him to renounce his "Venetian epilogue."'ll (Translation by Dorothy Hay, Venice)

Notes Bolletdi AndreaPalladio," libridell'architettura ' LionelloPuppi,"Gli'altri' Palladio22, part 1 Andrea di Studidi Architettura Internazionale tino del Centro (1980): 65-83. In the opinion of ManfredoTafuri, Palladiolost interest in obtaining public employment in Venice after the negative outcome of the competitionsfor the proto of the Sal in 1554 and for the Scala d'Oro in the e Doge's Palace in 1555; see Tafuri, "I1pubblico e il privato:Architettura al Barocco, ed. Gino Dal Rinascimento Storia di Venezia: a Venezia," committenza Benzoni(Rome, 1994),6:440 and n. 87. 2 See Amaldo Bruschi,"Bramante, delCentro Bollettino Raffaelloe Palladio," AndreaPalladio15 (1973): 68-87; idem, di Studidi Architettura Internazionale "Romaantica e l'ambienteromano nella formazionedel Palladio,"ibid. 20 and of the greatdistancebetweenBramante (1978):9-25, fora reconsideration Palladioand a discussionof the relationbetweenPalladioand Sansovino.See di Palladio," also ChristophL. Frommel,"Romae la formazionearchitettonica ed. Andr6Chasteland RenatoCevese(Milan, Palladio: Nuovicontributi, inAndrea 1990), 146-165. LibriBramante is mentioned twice (1: 64; 4: 64) and 3In the Quattro Sansovino twice (1: 5; 4: 64), and Serlio, Sanmicheli,Peruzzi,Antonio da arementionedonlyonce (4: 64).There Sangallothe Youngerand Michelangelo from the Venice is no mentionof eitherRaphaelor GiulioRomano(references editionof 1570). 4 This accountof Palladio's giftshas been treatedwithsome suspicion.In the havenoted the handsof at leasttwo caseof the Palazzo Thiene,Vicenza,scholars Thiene to Giulio of the firstprojectfor the Palazzo Forthe attribution architects. Palladio(Turin 1966), 94-98; KurtForster Romano, see James S. Ackerman, Romanoe le primeopere vicentinedi Palladio," and Richard J. Tuttle, "Giulio 15 (1973): Andrea Palladio diArchitettura di Studi Interazionale delCentro Bollettino 107-119; Howard Bums, "I progetti vicentinidi Giulio Romano,"in Giulio Romano (Milan,1989):502-509. 5 ForPalladio's Zorzi,"Laveraoriginee la giovinezza origins,see Giangiorgio ser. 4, 2 (1922): 120-150; di Andrea Palladio,"ArchivioVeneto Tridentino, GiangiorgioZorzi, "Ancoradella vera origine e della giovinezzadi Andrea 3 (1949): 140-142; Antonio ArteVeneta Palladiosecondo nuovi documenti," MariaDallaPozza,Palladio (Vicenza,1943);LionelloPuppi,"Laveranascitadi ed. Neri Pozza illustrata, Palladioe la 'vita'scrittada Paolo Gualdo,"in Vicenza di Andrea delPalladio: (Vicenza,1976):222-225, and GiovanniZaupa,L'origine veneto e il Rinascimento a Vicenza daPadova dellaGondola Pietro (Padua,1990). 6 Paolo Gualdo, "Vitadi Andrea Palladio"(Venice, BibliotecaNazionale Codice ItalianoX, 73, cc. 157), ed. GiangiorgioZorzi,"Nacqueil Marciana, a Vicenzal'annodel Signore1508alli30 del mese di novembre," Palladio Saggie Scamozzi, 2 (1959):93-94; OttavioBertotti di Storia memorie dell'Arte, Lefabbriche and 2 vols. (Vicenza, diAndrea e i disegni 1776-1783). GiacomoMarzari Palladio, to be a Vicentine. alsowantedPalladio Imperiali 7 For a reconstruction of Vicentinebuildingtypes in the years of Palladio's attraverso i libri di Andrea Palladio al tempo see DonataBattilotti,Vicenza activity, del1563-64 (Vicenza,1980). dell'estimo 8 See, among others, ErikForrsman, uberden Studien Palladios Lehrgebaude: bei AndreaPalladio(Stockholm, 1965); von Architekturtheorie Zusammenhang delCentro Bollettino "Palladio FrancoBarbieri, Lehrgebaudedi E. Forrsmann," Andrea Palladio di Studidi Architettura 6, part 2 (1964): 323-324; Internazionale Franco Barbieri,"IIprimo Palladio,"ibid. 9 (1967): 24-36, now in Franco Architetture Barbieri, (Vicenza,1992), 47-55; GiangiorgioZorzi,Le palladiane e i pontidi AndreaPalladio(Venice, 1966), 11; Lionello Puppi, Andrea chiese Palladio,2 vols. (Milan, 1973), 2: 237; Renato Cevese, "Andrea Palladio di Studi delCentro Internazionale Bollettino nella bottegadi Pedemuro," architetto 174 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

of diArchitetturaAndrea Palladio 22, part 1 (1980): 159-66. On the identification Andrea the Girolamo Trissinohouse in ContraS. Stefano,see GiovanniZaupa, del Cinquecento Denaroe architettura nella Vicenza Palladioe la sua committenza. (Rome and Reggio Calabria,1990), 49, where the Pedemuropresencein the is documented. workshop 9 On Sanmicheliin Vicenza, see alla stora GiangiorgioZorzi, Contributo e i prepalladiani, vicentina neisecoliXVe XVI.Ilpreclassicismo 2 vols.(Venice, dell'arte a Vicenza,"Vita 1937), 2, II, 143-144, doc. 18; Lionello Puppi, "Sanmicheli di Verona architetto Sanmicheli Veronese (Padua, (1958): 449-453; idem, Michele 1971), 83-85. For the Palladiancopy after Sanmicheli,see WolfgangLotz, delCentro di Internazionale Bollettino intomo ai disegnidi Palladio," "Osservazioni 4 (1962):61-68. Andrea Palladio Studi diArchitettura 10 BibliotecaCivicaBertolianaof Vicenza(hereafterBCB),ArchivioTorre, 143, doc. Provisioni, VI, p. 316, 15 November1541,quotedin Zorzi,Contributo, of the doorwayof the 17. HowardBums has alreadyproposed an attribution del PalazzoTrissinoto Sanmicheliin "Le antichitadi Verona e l'architettura ed. PaolaMarini(Verona,1980): 112 and in Palladio e Verona, Rinascimento," n.29. 11 e i ponti,12-13; FrancoBarbieri, 70-72; Zorzi,Lechiese Zorzi,Contributo, "II in II Duomo di Vienza(Vicenza,1956): 138-142; Barbieri, "Leopere d'arte," archi2: 237-238; Cevese, "Palladio 26-27; Puppi,Palladio, primo Palladio," tetto,"160. 12See Antonio di Vicenza Cattedrale dellachiesa descrittive Notizie storico Magrini, sul conciliodi Vicenza," "Nuoviparticolari (Vicenza,1848);Berardo Morsolin, 138-41 (doc. NuovoArchivio Veneto, 4, part I (1892): 12-14; Zorzi,Contributo, 35), 159-161 (doc. 140); Giangiorgio Zorzi, "L'absidedella cattedrale di di in Studi in onore al suo compimento," di AndreaPalladio Vicenza e il contributo documentsnos. Federico Mistrorigo (Vicenza,1958):271-310, and in particular 9,12,20. 13VicenzaStateArchives (hereafter ASVc),17 March1534, quoted in Zorzi, 153-156 (doc. 35) withan erroneousdate. A contemporary Contributo, copy of of the is in BCB,Archivio thiscontract Torre,Comune,vol.51, n. 50. Concession site intendedby the cathedral chapterfor the altaris in ASVc,Notarile,Bortolo b. 6134, 18 March1534,withcopyin BCB,Archivio Torre,Comune, Piacentini, dellachiesa storiche vol. 51, n. 51: the latterquotedin GiovanniMantese,Memorie 3 vols.(Vicenza, vicentina, 1964),3: part2,934-5 witherroneousreference. 14 Manfredo betweenpublicand private Tafurireexaminedthe relationship e committenza a in sixteenth century commissions. See his "Architettura Venezia" (see n. 1). 13 la formadel modelo over desegno in cartade cavretoper essi "[S]ecundo b. dato al prefatoDominoAurelio." ASVc,NotarileVicenza,BortoloPiacentini, 6134, 17 March 1534. See also the concession contractwith the cathedral modellumsivedesignumin capretodesignatum chapter,18 March1534:"iuxta modelor parchment et ostensum" (afterthe displayed drawing). 16 "[N]onessendosipotute metternel desegno le prede de precioche vanno e se debiausarogni diligentia che circataleincassatare sono convenuti incassade far consulti che siano ben composte et incassade,et che prima si facciano tavoloniovercartoni... soprali quali... se habianoa presentarle prede et far le composizione de esse prede secondo el bon consulto et parere de dicti Ibid. maestri."
17 "[C]um le cole over gesso come se usa in Venezia in simil opere che al meter

in li loro fori overcassele prede fine a quelilochidestinatese reservaa quando appareraal prefatoD. Aurelioper fugirel periculode esserrobateoverrote da tristi"(We shall wait to put the stones in their designated places until the LordAureliowants,not to run the riskof havingthem stolenor aformentioned brokenby ignorantpeople). Ibid. 18 The incompletestatusof this design on 17 March1534 also emerges in another phrase in the contract:"Perch6non si ha potuto poner el tuto nel dessegnoprometenodictimaestrili gradide l'altardel corpo minutamente has not been put in minutedetailinto de Cristo" (Forthe reasonthateverything the design, the aforesaidmasterspromisethe steps of the altarof the body of Ibid. Christ"). 19 ad tantumet tale opus perficiendum prothoset lapicides "Desideransque distribuere ordinatim et et sciant valeant habere componere qui peritos preciososlapidesapponendosin ipso altareet habitanotitiaquae in hac nostra in contracta civitate lapicidehabitatores magisterioanniset magisterhieronimus pedemuri ceteris prevaleat...." BCB, ArchivioTorre, Comune, vol. 51, 17 March1534;quoted in Mantese,Memonie, 935, with erroneousreference.The passagequotedis not in the copyat the ASVc.

20On the Arsenal arch, see Ennio Concina, L'Arsenale di della Repubblica Venezia (Milan,1984),51-73. 21Attribution of the Garzadori altaroscillatesbetween the names of Tommaso and Bernardinoda Milano and that of Rocco da Vicenza. See Zorzi, "L'abside," 279-80; FrancoBarbieri,RenatoCevese, and LiciscoMagagnato, Guidadi Vicenza 3: 961, storiche, (Vicenza,1953), 146-147; Mantese,Memorie with a document which would have the altar designed by his patron "in Hierosolimitana peregrinationedum in beatisJordani fluvijripis consisteret" banks). (duringhis pilgrimagetoJerusalem,sittingon the riverJordan's 22Cevese,"Palladio 161. architetto," 23Siena,Biblioteca Comunale,S. IV.8, fol. 15v.(hereafter Siena,BC);Rome, BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana(hereafterBAV),Barb.Lat. 4424, fol. 70v. See da Sangallo. I disegni di architettura e dell'Antico Stefano Borsi, Giuliano (Rome, 1985),245, 271. 24GabrieleMorolli's recentreadingof the architectural between relationship and Pantheonis flimsy.The articleitselfhas no firm basisin either Baptistery philologyorwrittensources,and itsproposalforvariousphasesin the buildingis fanciful. See Morolli,"L'architettura del Battistero e 'lordine buono antico'," in di S. Giovanni a Firenze,ed. Antonio Paolucci(Modena, 1994), II Battistero 102-105. 25 The connectingof pilasterbases along the wall-especially in Bramante's work-has been analyzed DenkerNesselrath, DieSdulenordnungen byChristiane beiBramante of sixteenth-century (Worms,1990), 18-19. For a recapitulation Tibaldi Schofield,Pellegrino examples,see also StefanoDellaTorreand Richard architetto e il S. Fedele di Milano.Invenzione e costruzione di una chiesa esemplare (Como, 1994),288. of baseelementsalongwallareascanbe seen in the firstorderof the 26Joining Ferrara The debateaboutits attribution to Leon Battista Alberti campanile. goes on. No clarification comes from the recent contributionby Joseph Rykwert, "LeonBattista Albertia Ferrara," in LeonBattista exhib. cat., ed. Joseph Alberti, and Anne Engel (Milan,1994): 158-161. The absenceof footnotesin Rykwert his text is particularly vexing. 27At San Lorenzoit of the capitals. appearsin thejoining up of the astragals It is a recurrentfeatureof triumphalarchesand also presentin the Pantheon. See Uffizi U 177A, 278A, 281A. On the subjectof joining column capitalsby Tafuri,"Raffaello, prolongingthe astragals along the wall,see Manfredo Jacopo Sansovinoe la facciatadi S. Lorenzoa Firenze," AnnalidiArchitettura 2 (1990): 26-27 and n. 11. 28See the upper partof the facadeof S. Zaccaria churchin Venice,withpairs of freestanding Crisostomo columns;the firstorderof the facadeof S. Giovanni (onlythe upper partcan be seen, the lowerbeing buried);the facadeof Palazzo Loredan-Vendramin of the ScuolaGrandeof S. Giovanni Calergi;the stairway the Lombardesque entrancehall in the samebuilding;the choirof Evangelista; S. Mariadei Frari; and otherexamples. 29Bertrand de l'ordrecompositea Venise,"in L'emplois Jestaz, "L'apparition desOrdres dansla Renaissance, (Paris,1992): 163. ed.Jean Guillaume 30BAV,Barb.Lat.4424, fol. 30; Siena, BC,cod. S. IV.8, fol. 10. 31 238 and ill. n. 274. Siena,BC,cod. S. IV.I, fol. 142v.See Puppi,Palladio, 32See AlessandroCecchi, "Percorso di Bacciod'Agnololegnaiuoloe architettofiorentinodagliesordia palazzoBorgherini1,"Antichita Viva29 (1990):41,
n.1.

33BAV,Barb.Lat.4424, fol. 6v. 34For the Sansovino istoriche dellechiese project,see Giuseppe Richa,Notizie 10 vols. (Florence, 1757), 5: 1; Raffaelloda Montelupo,copy of a fiorentine, draftby Michelangelo for the S. Lorenzofacadein Florence:Lille, preliminary Museedes Beaux-Arts, 722; anonymoussixteenth-century copy of Michelangelo's firstplan for the S. Lorenzofacadein Florence,Casa Buonarroti, A 45 (c. 497r). 35Konrad Oberhuber,"La sala di Psiche,"in GiulioRomano(see n. 4), 343-346. 36See Manfredo 'a Tafuri,"Elpalaciode CarlosV en Granada: Arquitectura lo romano'e iconografia delaAlhambra 24 (1988):77-108; Quademos imperial," HowardBurs and Manfredo Tafuri,"Lafortunadi GiulioRomano.Da Serlio in GiulioRomano, delRinasciall'Escorial," 575-581; ManfredoTafuri,Ricerca mento. architetti citta, (Turin,1992),282-293. Principi, "Panorama des Feteset Ceremoniesdu Regne,"in Fetes et 37JacquesJacquot, Ceremonies au temps de Charles V, ed. JacquesJacquot (Paris,1950), pls. XL, 1 and 2.
38See Elena Parma Armani, Penn del Vaga. L'anellomancante (Genoa, 1986),

83 and pl. 82; 84, pl. 83, withtwosemireclining figuresin placeof the twolateral connections. 39See PierluigiLeone de Castris, Polidoro da Caravaggio traNapolie Messina Staatliche Museen,Kupferstichkabi(Naples,1989), 132-4 andn. XI a.2 (Berlin, and n. XI a.3 (Kupferstichkabinett, inv. K.d.Z. nett, inv. K.d.Z.26451.79.D.34) 26450, 79.D.34r.) See also illustration59, p.134, from Berlin, a study by Polidoro of variantsof the same arch. For the Philip II arch, see Jacquot, "Panorama," pl. XXIII. 40See Sebastiano dell'architettura Serlio,Isettelibri (Venice,1584),4: 158,with a Doricdoorway withtrigliphated bracketand a crownwithlateralvolutes.This same motif is takenup again in his Libro Extraordinario: see ibid., 7: 14. A later variantof the raisedcrownterminationsurmountsthe centralwindowof the triadon the flank of the Torre del Tormento at Vicenza(noted by Cevese in "Palladio architetto"). 41 Venetian Architecture Renaissance John McAndrew, of theEarly (Cambridge, Mass.,1980),504 and pl. 31.18. 42 In the Emiliani the decoration, Chapel,thisis seen in the internaldoorway altar,and the crownof the wallbetweenthischapeland the Codussi Assumption church.Forthe attribution of the S. Salvador high altarto Guglielmode' Grigi, see VeniceStateArchives(hereafter tomo 50, b. ASV),Conventodi S.Salvador, dellachiesadi S. 25, p. 91. B. Cecchetti,"Documenti per la storiadellafabbrica della cappella Emiliananell'isoladi S. Michele e della chiesa di S. Zaccaria; Veneto Archivio 31 (1886): 496, connectsthis documentto the High Salvador," Altarof S. Salvador. PietroPaoletti,L'architettura e la scultura delRinascimento a 2 vols. (Venice,1893),I, part2: 243, connectsit to the S. Girolamo altar Venezia, in the samechurch.Forattribution of the side door of S. Francesco dellaVigna to Guglielmode' Grigi, see Luigi Angelini,Bartolomeo d'Alzana Bon, Gugliemo architetti a Venezia bergamaschi (Bergamo,1961), 138-9; ManfredoTafuriand Antonio Foscari,L'armonia e i conflitti. La chiesa di S. Francesco dellaVignanella Venezia del '500(Turin,1983),88-89. 43The crowntermination of the Vicenzacathedral facadewasrebuiltin 1950, forms,as maybe seen by comparingthe using the originallatefifteenth-century viewof the cathedralas seen in the background of Bellini's Pietain the Venice and in Madonna delle Accademia, Stelle, paintedby Fogolinoaround1520. 44GiovanniMantese,"Labiblioteca di DanieleDall'Acqua nel secoloXV,"in in onore Studi diAntonio Bardelle (Vicenza, 1964): 109-117. 45For the biographyof AurelioDall'Acqua, see Fedele Lampertico, "Aurelio e l'istituzionedotale detta mensa aureliana," ArchivioVeneto 20 Dall'Acqua cavaliere vicentinoe (1880):255-273; GiovanniMantese,"Aurelio Dall'Acqua la sua 'Catena Evangelica,"' in Studi in onoredi AntonioBardelle,85-107, scelti di StoriaVicentina (Vicenza,1982), reprintedin GiovanniMantese,Scritti delPalladio 85-107; Giovanni (see n. 5), 65-69. Zaupa,L'origine 46ASV, Notarile, Girolamo de' Bossis; quoted in Lampertico,"Aurelio 266. Dall'Acqua," 47 See Lampertico, "Aurelio 269-270. In 1533 Dall'Acqua went Dall'Acqua," on a mission to Venice for fifteen days:having spent only thirteendays in his city'sservice,he gave back the paymentfor the remainingtwo days. In 1534, after his missionwith Trissino,we find him in Venice yet again, with Pietro from5 Octoberto 3 Novemberand,once again,from20 November Valmarana, to 22 December.He was in Venicein 1535 from 15Januaryto 18 March,from 19 Aprilto 21 May,and from20June to 16July. 48PietroBembo,IIterzo volume delle lettere (Venice,1562),210. 49BCB, Manoscritti, 474. Mantese,"Aurelio 91, points to the Dall'Acqua," Diatesseron byTazianoas a possiblesourcefor the Catena Evangelica. 50BCB,Manoscritti., 474, c.4r.,"Vidioptime doctor,et eques opus mihi per ill.mumDucaleDominiovenetiarum traditum examinandum" (Mosthonorable doctor and knight, I have seen the work that the most illustriousducal government gaveme to examine). 51Ibid., c. 4v., "Circa quam (unionem) conducendam, etsi alii diversis non tamen eadem concinnitate elaboraverint, temporibus perduxerunt qua tu, (Asa resultof Aurelio's spirituillo sanctoet harmonicote afflante,perduxisti." removetevangelistarum contraria"- afterall "intoachievement-"apparentia net concentusperpetuusin auribus omniumlegentium,et audientum." 52See Tafuriand Foscari, L'armonia (see n. 42), 23, and chapters1 and 3 with relevantbiographical notes dealingwithFrancesco Zorzias a figureandwithhis connections withthe Venetianand Italianhumanistic milieu. 53BCB,Manoscritti, 474, c. 2r.;cc. 2v.-3r. 54Among the many interests of FrancescoZorzi were his political and in the mainlandcitiesduringthe WarofCambrai. Asa partof diplomatic activity MORRESI:VICENZABEFORE PALLADIO 175

this activityhe came to Vicenzain 1510. See MarinSanudo, Diarii,Bologna and the Zorzican be betweenDall'Acqua 1969-1970,58 vols, 11:224. Relations datedbackto at least 1513. 55 39. "Aurelio Lampertico, Dall'Acqua," 56 111, n. (see n. 8), 237-238; Tafuriand Foscari,L'armonia, Puppi,Palladio 126. 57"Annotationes rerum... erasmiopuscula/aliaerasmi erasmidiversarum (Notes by Erasmuson diverse things/ super Evangeliis" opuscula/questiones pamphlet by Erasmus/furtherpamphlet by Erasmus/questionsabout the b.6230, 15 March1539. Gospels)ASVc,NotarileVicenza,BenedettoCastellini, 58 "Augustinus de civitatedei/liber primusretracsuper psalmis/Augustinus sancti Augustinicoperte coreo rubeo/alia tionis divi Augustini/meditationes opuscola sancti Augustini"(Augustineon the psalms/Augustinethe city of of SaintAugustine of SaintAugustine/meditation God/firstbook of retraction coveredwithred leather/another pamphletby SaintAugustine). 59Those who denounced Bruciolias a Lutheran living in Venice included of 1551, but Brucioli's Constituti Don PietroManelfi,in his well-known religious emerges as rather an position, like that of most of the Venetian "heretics,"
ambiguous one: see Carlo Ginzburg, I Costitutidi don Pietro Manelfi (Florence,

in his will.However,a closerexamination aboutits publication exact directions of the willitself,drawnup on 1 August1531, showsthatAureliohad eight years to changehis mind;he died in 1539. i Trisfamiliari' 69AchilleOlivieri,"'Microcosmi e trasmissione'ereticale': di Studi ed. Neri Pozza(Vicenza, su Giangiorgio sino,"in Convegno Trissino, 1980): 175-179. 70Tafuriand Foscari, 44-45. L'armonia,
71Tafuri, Venezia,90-101.

di Erasmoin Italia," clandestina 1970);SilvanaSeidelMenchi,"Lacircolazione

Annali della Scuola Normale Superioredi Pisa 9 (1979): 573-601; idem, Erasmoin

di Italia(Milan,1987), passim;Aldo Stella,"Leminoranzereligiose,"in Storia 3 vols. (Vicenza,1989) 3/1: 199-219; AdrianoProsperi,"Ortodossia, Vicenza, diversita,dissenso.Venezia e il governo della religione intorno alla meta del
ed. Andre Chastel and Renato Cinquecento," inAndrea Palladio. Nuovi contributi,

Cevese(Milan,1990):27-31.
60Zaupa, L'originedel Palladio, 68. The title "annotationes" also occurs in the

inventoryto identifyErasmus'commentaryon the New Testament. On the

figure of Brucioli, see also Giorgio Spini, Tra Rinascimentoe Riforma. Antonio

Brucioli(Florence, 1940); Theodore W. Elwert,"Un umanista dimenticato:

Antonio Brucioli, veneziano di elezione," in RinascimentoEuropeoe Rinascimento

ed. VittoreBranca(Florence,1967), 75-96; GiovanniRomano,"La Veneziano, Bibbia di Lotto," Paragone317-319 (1976): 82-91; Seidel Menchi, "La 573-601. circolazione," 61SeidelMenchi,"Lacircolazione"; 89-90. idem,Erasmo, 62BCB, Manoscritti, 474, c.4v., "Quodunicum enuntiatun(Evangelii)fuit citrasalutem,et iustificatiduriusculein lege preceptoriaatque comminatoria one, dicente Paulo ad Romanos III nemo iustificatur per legem." Explicit referencesto the Paulinetheologyofjustification by faithand premisesthat are not compatiblewith Lutheranones were also expressed in the Veneto by who lacked religiousconservatives, GasparoContariniaccusingthe "zelanti," scientia, "who,becauseLuthersaidthingsaboutGod'sGraceand aboutfreewill, are against anyone who preaches and teaches the greatnessof Graceand of Luther and thinkingthat in so doing they are contradicting human infirmity, ... actually deviate from Catholic truth." See Aldo Stella, "La lettera del
cardinal Contarini sulla predestinazione," Rivista di Storiadella Chiesain Italia 15

(1961):412. 63 BCB,Manoscritti, 474, 5r., "Hincdomine mi Aureliad omnes evangelicos viros pro quoque consolationeadeo laborastime convertam,dicamquelegite deductum." concentium virievangeliumtotumin harmonicum evangelici
e del 64 See Cesare Vasoli, Profeziae ragione. Studi della cultura del Cinquecento in Italia nel XVI Seicento(Naples, 1974), 124; Aldo Stella,Anabattismoe trinitarismo secolo. Nuove ricerchestoriche(Padua, 1969), 114; Tafuri and Foscari, L'armonia

e il Rinascimento: (see n. 42), 10, 15 and n. 6, 22; ManfredoTafuri, Venezia 29 and n. architettura "Ortodossia," scienza, (Turin,1985),92; Prosperi, Religione, 145. 6; SeidelMenchi,Erasmo, 65BCB,Manoscritti, 474, cc.5r.-6v.
66 Seidel Menchi, Erasmo,279-280.

67InVeniceand theVenetotherewasa well-established of humanists network mattersand religiousreform.It wasdestinedto fallapart interestedin spiritual for which,in his turn, Cantimori becauseof that graveinefficacy reprovedthe who did not preventthe failureof the CatholicReformation. heretics" "Italian della vita culturaleitaliananel secolo XVI di Delio Cantimori,"Atteggiamenti Italiana 53 (1936):41-49, reprintedin Delio Rivista Storica fronteallaRiforma," Cantimori, Umanesimoe Religionenel Rinascimento(Turin, 1975), 3 ff.

68BCB, Manoscritti,474, cc.lr.-lv.; 3r.-4r. Both Mantese, in "Aurelio delPalladio,175, n. 319, state that the 95, and Zaupain L'origine Dall'Acqua," was not publishedbecauseof Aurelio'sdeath, since he gave Catena Evangelica

72Zorzi, Contributo (see n. 9), 149-50, doc. 29: the Provveditori paid the stonemasonAlvise Sbari for supplying the stone to build shops under the (nearthe prisons). palazzovaults,"propecarceres" 73"[I]nveniendo imminenmodum,medioperitorum, praedictae reparationis Ibid. tis ruinaeac tractandi cum ipsiproposita." 74See BruceBoucher,TheSculpture 2 vols. (New Haven Sansovino, ofJacopo and London, 1991),I: 5. 75See WolfgangLotz,"L'eredita veneziarchitetto romanadiJacopo Sansovino Palladio 3 di Studidi Architettura Andrea del Centro Internazionale ano,"Bolettino Venetian (1961): 82-88; WolfgangLotz, "The Roman Legacyin Sansovino's in Italian 22 (1963):3-12, reprintedin WolfgangLotz,Studies Buildings,"JSAH Renaissance Architecture (Cambridge,Mass., 1977): 140-51; ArnaldoBruschi, del deiMedici in Firenze e la Toscana "Unatendenzaartistica medicea," nell'Europa '500,3 vols.(Florence,1983),3: 1005-1028. 76 On this subjectsee Boucher,Sculpture 150-155. 1: 22-23; Tafuri,Ricerca, 77DeborahHoward,Jacopo in Renaissance andPatronage Architecture Sansovino. 145. Venice (NewHavenand London, 1975), 102-103; Tafuri,Ricerca, 78See PietroPaoletti, in Venezia Rinascimento (see n. 42), 2: 107. 79Scholars In the Da Lezzemonumentto Sansovino. disagreeon attributing does Sansovino of DeborahHoward, favorare DouglasLewis, bookreview (which 121 (1979):38-41; Tafuriand not discussthe matter),TheBurlington Magazine monumentofunebreai L'armonia Foscari, (see n. 42), 86; and MarisaDario,"I1 per procuratoriPriamo,Giovannie Andrea da Lezze. Nuove considerazioni ArteVeneta 46 (1994): 62-69. Boucher, a Jacopo Sansovino," un'attribuzione 2: 370, has excludedthe monumentfromthe Sansovino catalogue. Sculpture, 80The Grittimonumentin S. Francesco to della Vigna has been attributed Scamozziby Deborah Howard,Sansovino, 173, n. 36; to Palladioby Franco Bollettino "Lechiesee i ponti di AndreaPalladiodi Giangiorgio Zorzi," Barbieri, Palladio diArchitetturaAndrea di Studi delCentro Internazionale 8, part2 (1966):35, n. 28; to Sansovino 87, (see n. 8), 273-274. Tafuri,L'armonia, by Puppi,Palladio The planforthe ScuoladellaMisericordia nor Sansovino. favors neitherPalladio facadeis now in the MuseoCivicoin Vicenza,fol.D.18.A copy of the upper part of the drawingis kept at the Royal Instituteof BritishArchitects,London, VIII/12. Concerning attributionof this plan to Sansovino, see Lotz, "The del veneziana e l'architettura Sansovino RomanLegacy," 7; Manfredo Tafuri,Jacopo della '500 (Padua, 1969), 13 and nn. 27 and 29; ManfredoTafuri,"Facciata Da Palladioa Le in Le Venezia Scuola Grande della Misericordia," possibili. ed. Lionello Puppi and GiandomenicoRomanelli (Milan, 1985), Corbusier, For the 146 and n. 51, with the earlierbibliography. 28-29; Tafuri, Venezia, to of the plan for the facadeof the ScuolaGrandedella Misericorda attribution delCentro Bollettino InternazioPalladio see HowardBurs, "Idisegnidi Palladio," Andrea Palladio15 (1973): 180; idem, "I disegni,"in naledi StudidiArchitettura for the facadeof the Palladio (Milan,1973), 152-153; HowardBurs, "Project andthe ThePortico Palladio: inAndrea ScuolaGrandedellaMisericordia, Venice," Linda and Fairbairn Bruce Howard ed. Boucher, (London, Burs, Farmyard, 395; Douglas Lewis,TheDrawings ofAndrea 1975): 154-155; Puppi,Palladio, dei Palladio(Washington, D.C., 1981), 182; Lionello Puppi, Palladio.Corpus di Vicenza Civico al Museo (Milan,1989), 112, n. 49. disegni 81 For the statueson this screen, documentsfurnishthe names of Danese at Cataneoand Jacopo Fantoni:see CarolineKolb Lewis,TheVillaGiustinian 1: 144 and n. 16. Roncade (NewYorkand London, 1977),90; Boucher,Sculpture, 46 (1993): 358, CharlesDaviesin a reviewof Boucher'swork.inKunstchronik the S. Salvador attributes organscreento Gugliemode' Grigi.See also Zorzi,Le chiese(see n. 8), 13, who points out the affinitybetween the capitalson the in Venice. of S. Sebastiano altarand thoseon the side doorway Dall'Acqua 82See Boucher,Sculpture, 1: 114. 83See Charles of the Memorials and the Engraved Sansovino Davies,"Jacopo CappellaBadoerGiustinianin S. Francescodella Vigna in Venice,"Miinchner 45 (1994): 161, n. 10; 162, n. 38. derbildenden Kunst Jahrbuch 84 Bruce Boucher, The "JacopoSansovinoand the Choir of St. Mark's:

176 JSAH / 55:2, JUNE 1996

Door and the Altarof the Sacrament," TheBurlington the Sacristy Evangelists, door 121 (1979): 155-168, makesa connectionbetweenthe sacristy Magazine and the inversely curved doorwaydesigned by Pirro Ligorio (Windsor,n. to Sallustio Peruzzi. See Boucher, 10797),and also found in U 106A,attributed 2:311-312. Sculpture, 85Attribution to Sansovinois based on the famousletterof PietroAretinoof November 1537, in Lettere, 5 vols. (Paris,1609), I: 190-191; on the Quifiones altar see GustavoGiovannoni,"Un'operasconosciutadi Jacopo Sansovinoin d'Arte 3-4 (1917): 64-81, which,besidesthe generalconcepRoma,"Bollettino tion of the monument,ascribes and only the twoprophets'statuesto Sansovino, holds that the design was executed in Rome;VincenzoGolzio and Giuseppe in RomadalXI al XVIsecolo Zander,Lechiese (Bologna, 1963), 262; Tafuriand Foscari, L'arnonia, 54, 61; Boucher,Sculpture, 1:52-53; 2:325-326. 86 de'piu eccellenti e scultori architetti, italiani,ed. GiorgioVasari,Le Vite pittori Gaetano Milanesi,9 vols. (Florence, 1906), 7: 524-525. See HowardBurs, "Danese Cattaneo e Andrea Palladio,Altare Fregoso. Verona, chiesa di S. e Verona, ed. PaolaMarini(Verona,1980), 165-166. Palladio Anastasia," 87See the two will in Boucher,Sculpture, remainingcopies of Sansovino's 1:233-234. 88 TheFourBooks Andrea Palladio's Architecture (London, 1738),4:101. The of bel giudicio,c'hebbel'Architetto, il qualenel farrecingere originaltext reads:"I1 il fregio & la cornicedi questiTabernacoli,non essendo i pilastri l'Architrave, delle cappelle tanto fuori del muro, che potesserocapiretutta la proietturadi quellacornice,fece solamentela Goladritta,&il rimanentedei membriconverti' in unafascia." I quattro libri dell'architettura Palladio, (Andrea [Venice,1570]4: 74. 89 Forthe diffusionof thismotifsee Tafuri,Ricerca (see n. 36), 151-152. 90Half of theirmoldingsalong the intervencolumnsjoinedby continuation of DanieleBarbaro's and in some Vitruvio ingwallmaybe seen in the frontispiece Palladian worksof the 1560s.See the facadeof S. Francesco dellaVigna,that of S. Giorgio Maggiore, and the drawing for a funerarymonument today in Budapest(ArtMuseum,n. 1989),whosefigurative partis by PaoloVeronese. 91 architetto" (see n. 8), 386; Cevese,"Palladio (see n. 8), 164, Puppi,Palladio n.9. 93HowardBurs, "Le Bollettino delCentro Internaopere minoridi Palladio," di Studi diArchitettura Andrea Palladio zionale 21 (1979): 19 and n. 31. Attribution of the da Porto monument to Palladio,despite the absence of documentary di Andrea evidence,had alreadybeen made by GirolamoMuttoni,Architettura Vicentino Palladio (Venezia,1760),and by OttavioBertotti-Scamozzi, Lefabbriche (see n. 6) I, 113-115 and plates XLI-XLII, where the form of the capitalsis discussed.In contrastto the Dall'Acqua altar, however,the volutes here are parallelto thewallbehindthem,and the da Portocapitalshaveno abacus. 94See Morsolin,"Nuoviparticolari" (see n. 12), 12; Mantese,Memorie (see n. 13),89 95"Questa nocte mi partoper Vicenzaper andaraad remediarea la Tribuna de la chatedrale, ruina ... Meneromeco el m.o che, secondointendo,minaccia Jacopo Sansovinoet si dara tutto a bon recapitoe con piu sparagnoche sara [see n. 12] 13, n. 2), who possibile,"quoted by Morsolin("Nuoviparticolari," found the letterto the Archivio di Stato,Parma.Zorzi,havingsearchedfor it in vain,reportsit as havingdisappeared("L'abside" [see n. 12],281, n. 45). 96"Et avendo menato con me el m.o Jacopo Sansuvino architetto, fu che farannoel tutto vicentini, appuntato... che si dessea cottimoa certimaestri el predicto per 730 ducati.Demodo ch'ioexpecto che domaneme manderanno maestrocon la conclusione": Zorzi,"L'abside," 14, n. 1. Accordingto Zorzithis documentis missingfromthe Archivio di Stato,Parma. 97ASVc, NotarileVicenza,BortoloPiacentini, b.6138, 5 April1538;quotedin Notizie (see n. 12)withoutreferencenumbers. Magrini, 98 Reverendissimi nunzisono in animoal tuttodi levarlo"; "[Q]uesti quotedin
92 Puppi, Palladio, 317, figs. 414 and 415.

Notizie (see n. 12),67. Magrini, 99"In questo merchadonon... se parla de desfarel'altarede M. Aurelio." NotarileVicenza,BortoloPiacentini, ASVc, b.6138, 5 April1538. 100 "[P]arte superiorea tergo, dictamel roversodella cima."ASVc,Notarile MatteodegliOrsi,b.6718.Thereis a copyof thisdocumentin Vicenza,Giovanni BCB,Archivio Torre,Comune,vol. 51, n. 49: quotedin Mantese, Memorie, 936, with erroneousreference.See also ASVc,NotarileVicenza,BortoloPiacentini, b.6134, 17 March 1534, "el roverso della cima facto sopra un'altracarta pegorinaminore"(thebackof the crown,done on another,smaller parchment). '10ASVc,NotarileVicenza,BortoloPiacentini, b.6134, 17 March1534:"dui perguliuno per leger la epistolal'altrolo evangeliosecundola formade dicto dessegno"(twoperguli,one for reading the Epistle,the other for the Gospel, to the formof the saiddrawing). according 102 Torre, Provisioni, "[P]erche ocuperiatroppo le finestre."BCB, Archivio VI, cc. 221 ff.; quoted in Zorzi,Contributo (see n. 9), doc. 15-20, with the paymentsmade to the Pedemuromasters. 103Vasari, 7: 490: "glifu da Bramante trovata una camerapure in Borgo Vite, vecchio... dove ancora alloggiava Pietro Perugino... perche, avendo visto Pietrola bellamanieradi Sansovino, gli fece fareper se' moltimodellidi cera;e fragli altriun Cristodepostodi croce." 104"[P]erch6 conferendo insieme i dubbi dell'arte,e facendoJacopo per Andreamodellidi figure,s' aiutavano l'un l'altrosommamente." 7: Vasari,Vite,
488.

'05 6: 58. UlrichMiddeldorf, "Sull'attivita dellabottegadiJacopo Vasari,Vite, Rivista 18 (1936),260, recognizesU 142Aas Sansovino's d'Arte Sansovino," plan for the king of Portugal's tomb. This hypothesishas found supportwithJohn see hisAndrea delSarto Shearman; (Oxford,1965),25, n. 4. 106 Sansovinoand the ItalianPlaquette," See CharlesDavies,"Jacopo in The Italian ed. AlisonLuchs,Studies in theHistory Plaquette, ofArt22 (1989):278-279. Sansovino's attitudetoward withotherartists is discussed cooperation byCharles Daviesin "Lagrande 'Venezia' a Londra.Ancoranote in marginedella mostra Antichitd Viva23, 6 (1984):32-44 and "Jacopo (con alcuneschedeveneziane)," Sansovinoand the EngravedMemorials" (see n. 83), 137-140. Concerning collaborationduring this period, see Wendy Stedman Sheard and John T. in theItalian Renaissance Paoletti, eds., Collaboration (NewHaven, 1978). 107See LuisaVertova, "LorenzoLotto:collaborazione o rivalita tra pitturae in Lorenzo scultura?" Lotto,ed. Pietro Zampettiand VittorioSgarbi(Treviso, Lottodal politticodi Ponter1981):401-414; FrancaCortesiBosco, "Lorenzo anicaallacommissione dellaSantaLuciadi Iesi,"in Omaggio a Lorenzo Lotto (Jesi, da Palazzo Albani13, 1 (1984): 56-80; BruceBoucher,"Sansovi1981),Notizie no's MediciTabernacleand Lotto'sSacramental Allegory:New Evidencefor their Relationship," L'armonia Apollo114 (1981): 156-161; Tafuriand Foscari, 279-282. (see n. 42), 90-101; Davies,"Italian Plaquette," 108 Tafuri,Venezia (see n. 64), 147. '09ManuelaMorresi,"Giangiorgio Trissino,SebastianoSerlio e la villa di Cricoli:ipotesi per una revisioneattributiva," Annalidi Architettura 6 (1984): 116-134. 10 Tafuri,Ricerca (see n. 36): 305-346.

IllustrationCredits Figures1,2,3,5,6, 8,9, 12, 13. M. I. Biggi,Venice di Storiadell'Architettura,Venice Figure4. Dipartimento inv.K.d.Z.26451, 79.D.34 Figure7. Berlin,Kupferstichkabinett, Figure10. Bohm,Venice Figure11.A.Jemolo,Rome e i disegni diAndrea Lefabbriche Palladio, I, tav. Figure 14. 0. BertottiScamozzi, XLI

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