Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by
the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
(Anthropology)
at the
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON
2003
An Investigation of Late Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic Hunter-Gatherer
Subsistence and Settlement Patterns in Central Portugal
Jonathan Adams Haws
Under the supervision of Professor T. Douglas Price
At the University of Wisconsin-Madison
and settlement patterns in central Portugal. The primary research goal is to test the Broad
intensification as the extraction of greater amounts of energy from the same resource.
Specialization is seen through the occurrence of sites whose function centers around specific
The goal of this dissertation is to show that the main components of the Broad Spectrum
Revolution model, resource intensification and diversification, did not suddenly appear
at the beginning of the Holocene, but that they have a much greater time depth. It is
argued here that dietary diversity is part of our evolutionary heritage as omnivorous
primates and shifts between generalized and specialized diets reflect local climatic and
To test this model, archaeofaunal assemblages from two Late Upper Paleolithic caves
in central Portugal were analyzed. In addition, plant exploitation was addressed by using
represent the best samples that date to the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. Each site
has multicomponent occupations allowing the study of diachronic trends in resource use
across the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. Results show that intensified use of small
game animals, especially rabbit, occurred much earlier than the end of the Pleistocene. In
addition, no discernible trend towards dietary diversification was found. Diets were
diverse during the entire Upper Paleolithic sequence in Iberia. It is argued that the
appearance of marine resource use at the end of the Pleistocene reflects changes in sea
level that have severely altered the archaeological record. The transport of marine resources
inland during the Early Upper Paleolithic shows that coastal resource use occurred much
earlier.
iv
It is not the critic who counts; not the man who points out
how the strong man stumbles, or where the doer of deeds could
have done them better. The credit belongs to the man who is
actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat
and blood; who strives valiantly; who errs, and comes short
again and again; because there is not effort without error and
shortcoming; but who does actually strive to do the deeds; who
knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions; who spends
himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end
the triumphs of high achievement and who at the worst. if he
fails, at least fails while daring greatly, so that his place shall
never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither
victory nor defeat.
Many people inspired, assisted and facilitated this dissertation. It really began with
Arizona. The classes I took from Arthur Jelinek, John Olsen, Stanley Olsen, and Mary
this period of human prehistory. I never wavered too far off course despite numerous
Wisconsin-Madison. A wise man once said to me that choosing the right graduate school
was as important as choosing the right woman to marry. I have no doubt that I made the
correct decision. The influence of all of my faculty was most rewarding and I wish to
thank all of them: T. Douglas Price, James Stoltman, Mark Kenoyer, Henry Bunn, Gary
Feinman and Herb Maschner. They exposed me to the fascinating world of past human
extremely grateful to them for passing on their knowledge and appreciation of the past.
Unfortunately, I never had the pleasure of taking courses from Sissel Schroeder and Jason
I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for all of the
time they put in to reading and commenting on a previous draft. T. Douglas Price, Mark
Kenoyer, Henry Bunn, Sissel Schroeder and William Aylward helped make this a better
work with their kind, thoughtful and creative suggestions. They made what might have
There are numerous institutions who helped make this work possible by giving me
opportunities and funding to continue research. The University of Wisconsin and its
of Lapa do Picareiro through its grants to Nuno Bicho, without which most of my research
would not have been possible. Geochron Laboratories supported the radiocarbon dating
for the site, Lapa do Suão. The National Museum of Archaeology in Portugal kindly gave
permission to study materials and to take samples for further analyses. I thank all of these
institutions.
A long time ago I begged on to the final year of a project on Upper Paleolithic
archaeology directed by Anthony Marks and João Zilhão in Portugal. It changed my life
immeasurably. Without that first opportunity to work in Portugal, none of this would
have happened and I am greatly appreciative. I thank Jeff Shokler for encouraging me to
contact Tony Marks to get started. While on that project, I met Nuno Bicho whom I have
had the greatest pleasure of working with ever since. The subsequent project he began
led to this dissertation. Many rewarding personal and professional contacts were
On a more personal level I wish to thank many people whom I worked, played and
became friends with. I am not really sure where to begin because there are so many to
thank. I would first like to acknowledge and thank all of my graduate school colleagues
and friends.
Jeff Shokler and I shared many conversations on Portugal, archaeology and food. I
viii
thank him and Sherrie for feeding me wonderful food over the years.
Brian Hoffman and Matt Thomas have been great friends. I always enjoy our lunches
I would like to give special thanks to my advisor, Doug Price for allowing me to grow
into the person I am. Without your support and guidance through the years I would
Nuno Bicho and I have worked and played together in Portugal for over 10 years. It
has been one of the most unimaginably wonderful experiences to explore Portugal with
him. I cannot possibly thank you enough and look forward to what I know will be many
I also thank Byran Hockett for what has turned out to be a beautiful professional and
personal relationship. Much of the intellectual quality of this dissertation is due to him.
Our collaborative work has been extremely rewarding. I value our work and friendship
immeasurably.
I would also thank Maria João Valente for her generosity in allowing me to study part
of the Lapa do Suão collection. It has led to a warm and enduring friendship. Much of my
work in Portugal was made possible by Maria João and her in-laws, the Martins family.
In addition Antonio Faustino Carvalho and Francisco Almeida became good friends and
colleagues over the years. João Zilhão and Katia Araújo helped me in many ways and I
consider them friends and colleagues. I would also thank Paul Thacker for numerous
It seems like Chris Fisher, Kiki Gilderhus, Mike Galaty, Caroline Funk and I have
ix
been the best of friends forever. We have shared so many warm and fun experiences and
stimulating intellectual conversations. Since they have moved on I made fast friends with
David Meiggs, Susan Reslewic, Shawn Murray, Brad Chase and Kelly Knudson. I love all
of you and thank you from the bottom of my heart for being my friends and helping me
Lastly, I would like to thank my entire family for their love and support. If not for
them I would never have done this. My sister Ann and my parents, Bob and Penny, gave
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction
This study utilizes archaeological data to test the efficacy of the Broad Spectrum
Revolution (BSR) model in central Portugal during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene.
optimal foraging theory and nutritional ecology. The Late Upper Paleolithic and
Epipaleolithic diet, subsistence and settlement patterns of central Portugal are examined
through taphonomic lenses. The goal of this dissertation is to show that the main
diversification, did not suddenly appear at the beginning of the Holocene, but that they
have a much greater time depth. It is argued here that dietary diversity is part of our
specialized diets reflect local climatic and environmental conditions, not a directional trend
in human adaptation.
boundary across which human societies underwent dramatic changes that ultimately led
to the transition to agriculture. These include the intensification and diversification of the
human subsistence base and increased sedentism, seen by greater logistical mobility, larger
residential site size and the appearance of cemeteries. The most significant aspects of pre-
agriculture human subsistence diversification are the worldwide increase in the exploitation
2
of small game and aquatic resources and more intensive use of plant foods, especially
seeds and nuts (Binford 1968; Flannery 1969; Hayden 1981; Bailey and Parkington 1988;
Kuhn and Stiner 2001). Flannery (1969) characterized this global trend as a ‘Broad Spectrum
Revolution’ in human diet. Ultimately, this dietary shift is thought to result from human
were forced to incorporate new food items into their diet that were previously ignored.
Increasingly, archaeologists are pushing the exploitation of small game, aquatic resources
and plants further back in time (Erlandson 2001; Stiner 2000). Recently, Stiner et al. (2000)
have modified the Broad Spectrum Model to account for the discrepancy between the
explanation to the nature and timing of small game, aquatic and plant resource exploitation
has been offered by Hockett and Haws (2002, in press). In this approach, dietary diversity
is seen as a hallmark of human adaptation not the result of progressive trends due to
order to better understand them (Straus 1996). The focus here is on the Iberian Peninsula
(Figure 1.1).
settlement patterns during the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene comes from Cantabria
and Mediterranean Spain (Aura Tortosa & Pérez Ripoll 1995; Bailey 1983; Bailey and
Davidson 1983; Clark 1983a, 1983b; Conkey 1980; Moure-Romanillo 1995; Straus 1986,1987;
Straus and Clark 1986; Villaverde and Martinez Valle 1995; Villaverde et al. 1998). This
3
France
Asturias
Cantabria
Galicia
Andorra
N
Aragón
Catalunya
R Ebro
R Douro
Spain
Atlantic Ocean
Portugal
R Tejo València
Estremadura
R Júcar
Alentejo
Mediterranean Sea
Murcia
Algarve
Andalucía
Gibraltar
km
Morocco
research was facilitated by good faunal and other organic preservation in caves and
by gradual diversification and intensification of the subsistence base from the Solutrean
through the Mesolithic (Clark 1987; Clark and Straus 1986; Clark and Yi 1983; Straus 1992).
Clark and Straus (1986) explained subsistence change as a result of demographic expansion
and resource stress, largely based on the faunal record of red deer specialization and the
increase in shellfish use at La Riera cave, thus supporting the ‘population pressure’ theory
and the ‘Broad Spectrum Revolution’ model for the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene
(Binford 1968; Clark and Straus 1986; Cohen 1977; Earle 1980; Hassan 1981; Neeley and
Clark 1993). In Mediterranean Spain, researchers have observed a similar Late Pleistocene
trend of intensified rabbit, red deer and ibex exploitation (Aura and Villaverde 1995; Aura
and Pérez Ripoll 1992, 1995; Aura et al. 1998, 2002; Villaverde and Martínez Valle 1992,
1995; Villaverde et al. 1997, 1998). In this region however, there is evidence of plant and
(Finlayson et al. 2000). Coastal and plant resources are also apparent in the Upper Paleolithic
levels of the Cueva de Nerja. This suggests the Broad Spectrum Revolution model may
One of the areas of visible post-Pleistocene shifts towards coastal resource use is
the central region of Portugal (Binford 1968; Clark 1952). Large shell middens dated to
the Early Holocene near the Tejo estuary have been known for almost 150 years. Their
appearance is thought to result from human dietary and settlement shifts coinciding with
the global pattern described as the Broad Spectrum Revolution. However, Portugal has
5
received comparatively less attention, yet remains the most appealing sub-region on the
peninsula to study the long-term changes outlined above. Initial investigation into the
Paleolithic of Portuguese Estremadura began in the 19th century by the geologists, Carlos
Ribeiro and Joaquim Filipe Nery Delgado (Bicho 1993; Zilhão 1993). Their work, and that
of the Serviços Geologícos, resulted in the discovery and excavation of many Upper
Paleolithic sites (Zilhão 1993). Numerous caves were excavated around the turn of the
century by Vieira Natividade and others from the Serviços Geológicos in the area between
the coast and Serra de Candeeiros. The region was then largely ignored until the 1930s
and 1940s, when Manuel Heleno excavated sites near Cambelas (Torres Vedras) and in
the Rio Maior valley. Perhaps the greatest impact on Portuguese Paleolithic archaeology
came from the work of George Zbyszewski and Henri Breuil. Using the fossile-directeur
approach to typology and chronology, Breuil classified the Portuguese Upper Paleolithic
in the same terms as the classic French core area. Despite differences between the two
regions, the sequence of Aurignacian (33-25,000 bp), Gravettian (25-22,000 bp), Solutrean
(22-17,000 bp), and Magdalenian (17-10,000 bp) is used to the present day to organize the
Upper Paleolithic. Epipaleolithic (10-8,000 bp) has been added to this repertoire to classify
sites dated to the Early Holocene which are still characteristic of the Final Upper Paleolithic
(Bicho 1996; but see Vierra 1995 for a different scheme). The regional cultural chronology
Interest in the Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic waned until the 1980s, when
research begun by João Zilhão, José Morais Arnaud, and David Lubell contributed
significant information on the prehistory of central Portugal (Arnaud, 1993; Bicho, 1993b;
Table : Cultural divisions for Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene southwest
Europe
Southwest France Northern Spain Mediterranean Spain Portugal
(VascoCantabria)
Lubell and Jackes, 1985; Marks et al. 1994; Zilhão, 1992,1993). Most recently, research has
focused on chronology, lithic typology and technology (Bicho, 1992; Marks et al., 1994;
Zilhão, 1990, 1991, 1995). This work resulted from a collaborative project between Anthony
Marks and João Zilhão, funded by the National Science Foundation. The Upper Paleolithic
(33,000-10,000 years ago) sites near the research area (Marks et al 1994).
Over the last fifteen years new syntheses of old information and results of new
excavations have been used to develop explanatory models for Late Upper Paleolithic,
Epipaleolithic and Mesolithic human adaptation in central Portugal (Arnaud 1986, 1989,
1993; Aura et al. 1998; Bicho 1993, 1994, 1996, 1997; González Morales and Arnaud 1990;
Zilhão 1990, 1992, 1995; 1997). Several recent studies focused on hunter-gatherer mobility
and movement by studying lithic technology, raw material procurement and limited
information on subsistence (Bicho 1992, 1993, 1994, 2000; Shokler 1995; Thacker 1996, 2000;
Zilhão 1990, 1992, 1995). Vierra (1995) attempted to link changes in lithic technology to
material procurement, lithic assemblage variability, and site location. Each of the models
outlined suffers from the fact that they lack crucial data on subsistence and coastal site
location.
Preliminary faunal analyses from Lapa do Picareiro and impressions from other
sites resulted in a model of intensified rabbit and red deer procurement and a broadening
of the diet to include aquatic resources and possibly plants at the end of the Upper
8
Paleolithic in central Portugal (Bicho and Haws 1996). However, subsequent work suggests
that these resources were part of the diet for the entire Upper Paleolithic and may date to
the Middle Paleolithic (Hockett and Haws 2002). In fact, little is known about human
subsistence during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene in Portugal. The visible changes
in the archaeological record have been interpreted without the benefit of careful taphonomic
and behavioral studies of the faunal assemblages. Only recently have systematic and
al. 2002; Bicho et al. 2000; Davis 2002; Haws 1998; Hockett and Bicho 2000; Valente 2000).
These studies, and the analyses presented in this dissertation, are used to reevaluate the
validity of the proposed models for the region centered on the larger question of Late
nutritional ecology approach have already been proposed (Bicho et al. 2002; Hockett and
sites indicating it was an important focus of prehistoric human occupation in Iberia. Other
areas were probably occupied but systematic surveys to discover sites outside Estremadura
have only begun in the last five years. Recent models of Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene
subsistence and settlement patterns in central Portugal are based on the BSR model, namely,
that resource intensification and diversification took place because of population pressure
in the patterning of food refuse in archaeological sites. To test the general model, this
study uses faunal analyses of two Late Upper Paleolithic sites, Lapa do Picareiro and
9
Table : Components of the BSR model and its manifestation in Iberian prehistory followed by
a contrasting interpretation using a nutritional ecology approach
Stiner modifications Introduced new version of the model to account for the
early appearance of small game and shellfish
Periods of low population characterized by the use of
slowmoving ‘sessile’ resources like tortoises and shellfish
Size diminution in the slowmoving animals indicates
overharvesting due to population pressure
Diet breadth model accurately predicts a shift from
tortoises and shellfish to ‘quick’ hard to catch lagomorphs
and birds
Nutritional ecology model Dietary diversity in the Paleolithic predates evidence for
population increase It is an inherent feature of human
dietary evolution
Human populations increase because balanced essential
nutrient intake leads to lower infant mortality rates and
better reproductive success
Population increase is not a constant feature of human
demography
Dietary shifts are responses to changing resource
availability and the need to maintain balanced nutrient
intake
Dietary shifts in the Late Pleistocene correspond to
changing environments
Increases in the numbers of sites in the Late Pleistocene
are a function of rising sea level and site visibility
10
Lapa do Suão, paleoenvironmental data from deep sea cores, pollen diagrams, charcoal
analyses and inferences about human behavior derived from evolutionary ecology. The
faunal assemblages from the two sites form the best source of data because the ones from
the other previously excavated sites were either partially recovered or the collections do
not survive. One site, Gruta do Caldeirão, has recently been analyzed and these results
are discussed along with others under excavation that have not been fully reported. Because
order to better understand variability in human dietary choice and subsistence behavior
on the Iberian Peninsula. It will be shown that while some of the Estremaduran caves
contain well-preserved faunal remains, they are not fully representative of the full range
of subsistence behavior. This has important implications for each of the models for Portugal
Table 1.2 shows some expectations of the original Broad Spectrum Revolution model
and recent modifications along with the archaeological manifestations. It also lists the
conclusions based on previous application of the model to the Iberian Peninsula. Lastly,
the explanation for subsistence change in prehistory, it is clear that detailed taphonomic
studies must be done before higher level explanatory models can be critically evaluated.
Less than systematic recovery and curation of faunal and floral remains from archaeological
sites can lead to erroneous conclusions about human behavior. Unfortunately, many of
11
the studies designed to test ideas about past human behavior are based on such faulty
records.
The organization of this dissertation is two fold. The first part concerns theoretical
The second part is an exploration of the archaeological record of Late Upper Paleolithic
hunter-gatherers. It begins with the work of Grahame Clark and the rise of the Cambridge
paleoeconomy school from the 1950s to the 1980s. Site catchment analysis is specifically
subsistence and settlement patterns, which illustrates the level of analytical intricacy that
introduction to the models collectively known as optimal foraging theory under the larger
nutritional ecology recently offered by Hockett and Haws (2002, in press). This approach
is also appropriately placed within evolutionary ecology. Though discussed later in more
detail, this model was proposed to account for non-energetic nutritional concerns in human
dietary choice that were raised by linear programming proponents in the late 1970s and
early 1980s.
12
The purpose of this discussion is to provide a framework for the analyses and their
interpretation, not to expicitly test each model. Many of these are untestable using the
archaeological record but have been useful heuristic devices to make inferences about
Explanations for diachronic subsistence change and the merits of each are discussed
in the second part of chapter 2. The discussion centers on the Broad Spectrum Revolution
model and the nutritional ecology approach. The BSR is essentially the same as the diet
breadth model in foraging theory. Both are used by archaeologists to understand human
dietary choices based on the capture of energy from the environment. The nutritional
ecology approach expands the currency to include essential nutrients required by the
approaches to the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene of the Iberian Peninsula. It begins
with a brief review of the models of subsistence and settlement patterns developed by
Spain includes a review of the application of site catchment analyses by Geoff Bailey and
exploitation was highly specialized during the Late Upper Paleolithic. In both regions
Anglo-American archaeological thought has had a powerful influence. Many of the ideas
concerning trends in Paleolithic societies stem from the theoretical approaches outlined in
chapter 2. These are evident from the works of Valentin Villaverde Bonilla, Rafael Martínez
13
Valle, Emili Aura Tortosa and Manuel Pérez Ripoll. They have all done extensive research
into the long term trends in subsistence and settlement strategies throughout the Paleolithic
The last part of this chapter introduces the models developed by archaeologists to
Portugal. The most comprehensive models were proposed by João Zilhão and Nuno Bicho
in the last decade. Their approaches reflect differences in European (mainly French) and
American perspectives on the past. Both note the intensification and specialization of
resource use along with diversification at the end of the Pleistocene. Their models are
hunter-gatherer diets through time. This section includes chapters on plant and animal
exploitation in central Portugal. Chapter 4 begins with a regional survey of the evidence
for plant exploitation from Pleistocene and Early Holocene sites in the Mediterranean.
of some edible wild plants that were economically important in the past. Understanding
the availability of plant resources for Upper Paleolithic people in central Portugal requires
detailed paleoenvironmental reconstructions. Data from deep sea cores, pollen cores,
from ethnographic observations and foraging models are used to interpret the available
Portugal during the Late Upper Paleolithic. It begins with a brief introduction to the
previous research on animal bones from Upper Paleolithic sites in Portugal. A brief
help understand prehistoric decision making and assemblage composition in each site.
Faunal analyses of two sites, Lapa do Picareiro and Lapa do Suão, are discussed in detail.
These are the best sources of information for Magdalenian subsistence in all of Portugal.
The analysis focuses on the taphonomy and skeletal element representation of key taxa in
order to explain the assemblage composition. For each site the role of carnivores and
potential effects of other agents of density-mediated bone loss are discussed before
interpretations concerning human treatment of animal carcasses are made. After these
assemblages are discussed, they are compared to other sites in Portuguese Estremadura.
The Caldeirão Cave assemblage is given special attention. The last section of chapter 5 is
data from Portugal against the Broad Spectrum Revolution model and others presented
subsistence in central Portugal is presented. Finally, some directions for future research
are outlined.
15
Peninsula
pattern studies
patterns (Bettinger 1991; Binford 1980, 1982; Gamble 1986; Jochim 1976, 1998; Kelly 1995;
(faunal and floral remains), technological organization and raw material procurement
environment. Most models incorporate modified versions of site catchment analysis (Vita-
Finzi and Higgs 1970), the collectors vs. foragers model (Binford 1980), or optimal foraging
theory (Winterhalder and Smith 1981). Although the primary focus for study is the
include the social and ideological realms. However, these issues are difficult to address
due to the lack of material preservation (but see Gamble 1999 for an alternative view).
subsistence and settlement patterns. These approaches have been used to interpret the
Upper Paleolithic archaeology of the Iberian Peninsula and to explain diachronic trends
Beginning with the seminal paper by Vita Finzi and Higgs (1970), site catchment
paleoeconomies. The method was designed to “study the relationships between technology
and those natural resources lying within economic range of individual sites” (Vita Finzi
and Higgs 1970: 5). It assumes that humans will exploit “those resources in its territory
that are economic ... and that are within reach of the available technology” (Vita Finzi and
Higgs 1970: 2). Territories are considered to be limited by space and time in that there is
an average threshold in the distance and length of time people will travel from home
bases in their daily quest for necessary resources. In hunter-gatherer societies it has been
observed ethnographically that people tend to stay within 10 km or 2 hours walking time
of their home base. Bailey (1983a) has made an important, if somewhat confusing,
distinction between site catchment analyses and site exploitation territory analyses. The
former represents an “empirical statement of the site exploitation territory, while the site
(p.61). According to Bailey and Davidson (1983), what is commonly thought of by most
archaeologists as ‘site catchment analysis’ is called ‘site territorial analysis.’ In other words,
the vicinity of the site. The site catchment is then argued by Bailey and Davidson to be the
actual area from which resources found in an archaeological site are procured.
Bailey and Davidson (1983) state six objectives of site catchment analysis. These
include:
1) to define the area habitually used by the occupants of a site for their daily
subsistence;
2) to trace to their points of origin in the surrounding landscape materials and resources
whose archaeological remains are present on-site;
3) to reconstruct the microenvironments around a site as a clue to variations in the
environmental data present on-site;
4) to reconstruct the food resources potentially available to the occupants of a site
and hence, by further inference, the subsistence economy actually practiced by them;
5) to reconstruct the function of sites (as home-bases, temporary camps, etc.);
6) to reconstruct the social and economic relationships between sites as members of
regional settlement systems (p.88).
Forager/Collector Model
Binford (1982) later modified the simplistic site catchment model. He wrote:
It is unrealistic to view the potential zonation around a residential camp as simply a
series of concentric circles where the use which is made of each area is exclusively
conditioned by the transport and labor costs of exploiting resources at differing
distances from a locus of consumption (see Jochim 1976: 51-56). The situation is
more realistically visualized as a residential camp at the hub of a foraging radius
and a logistical radius (Binford 1982: 8).
In Binford’s scheme, there are two end points along a continuum. Collectors employ
a settlement strategy of low residential mobility with a high degree of logistical mobility.
In this case, people live in relatively large residential base camps and foraging would take
place in the immediate zone around the camp, usually within a 2-hour walk. Task groups
make logistical forays into areas at greater distances requiring overnight or longer stays
away from the main camp (Binford 1982). Several site types should be archaeologically
tend to live in smaller groups and move their residence often. This usually occurs before
resources in the immediate vicinity of a camp are depleted. Ultimately, length of stay in a
residential camp will be dependent upon the availability of resources within the logistical
radius of the site. The two general site types created are the residential camp and location.
The former is where the majority of daily tasks are undertaken and the latter are specific
points on the landscape where foragers go to obtain certain resources and return within a
few hours. In this case overnight stays are considered rare. Generally, resource distribution
conditions whether groups adhere to the forager or collector pattern. Foragers usually
are found in environments with even resource distribution, while collectors typically inhabit
patchy environments, although these are not mutually exclusive divisions (Binford 1980).
Binford (1978) proposed methods for identifying settlement types based largely on
faunal remains. His ethnographic work on the Nunamuit and subsequent experimental
work resulted in utility indices for understanding observed skeletal element patterning.
The Modified General Utility Index (MGUI) is an economic measure of body part value.
Butchering strategies are conditioned by supply and demand. In cases of high supply/
low demand the higher utility body parts will be consumed or transported to a residential
gourmet curve. When supply is low and demand high, a more intensive utilization of
Predictive models
Predictive models of hunter-gatherer behavior have been used in the past three decades
efficiency and risk from economic anthropology and built a decision-making model using
ethnographic observations to predict prehistoric land use. His model involved three main
patterns. Choice requires decisions made to allocate time and energy for resource
acquisition and utilization as well as group size and spacing; (2) choice usually is based
on long range, goal-oriented decisions and rarely is opportunistic (immediate); (3) people
uncertainty’ since the exact probability of the outcomes of economic choices can be known
only from previous experience (p.5). The main goals in a hunter-gatherer economy are
minimizing effort and risk. With these principles in mind, the organization of hunter-
gatherer subsistence and settlements patterns are placed in an ecological framework using
systems theory.
need to be solved. These include: the resources used and the amount of each needed, the
timing and location of resource use, and group size and labor division. Three main
subsystems include resource use schedule, site placement and demographic arrangement.
The priority of the system lies with the resource use schedule, which requires the
and management considerations. The two main goals are providing enough calories to
sustain the population and exploiting the most reliable resources, those which provide
the highest return and least risk. Additionally, resources that can be procured through
20
the least amount of work are preferred. Often this is accomplished by exploiting easily
captured resources, timing the use to coincide with peak abundance of the resource, and
reducing the costs of travel, mainly just distance, but this point will be discussed later in
more detail. Effort placed into food procurement is also conditioned by the need for
population aggregation for mate exchange, food sharing, cooperative hunting, trade and
rituals. Of secondary importance are the desires for taste, variety, prestige and sex role
differentiation. For Jochim, taste is largely based on fat content of animals. Speth and
Spielmann (1983) consider fat a dietary necessity and this need may condition subsistence
and settlement strategies during stressful times of the year, mainly the late Winter and
early Spring.
The resource use schedule is largely determined by the behavior of the resource (Jochim
1976: 22-33). The key attributes are weight (w), density (d), aggregation size (a), mobility
(m), fat content (f) and additional nonfood characteristics. Of these, weight and density
are the two attributes considered in attaining the nutritional goals. The population density
and mobility of a resource determine the search and capture probability enabling risk
concentrated. This in turn is conditioned by the weight and nonfood yield, resource
cause variation in the resource use schedule. Seasonality is the most important because it
“induces a patterned variation of the resource attributes” (Jochim 1976: 24). Plants are
affected by the growing season. The weight and fat content of animals change with seasonal
21
availability of their food, and reproductive cycles lead to variation in group size and
mobility of animal populations. Nonfood attributes are also affected by seasonal cycles.
attributes in attaining the goals of the decision-making process. Each attribute is considered
equal.
Taste f
Variety
Prestige wnfm/d
Again, reliability and least cost are the two most important goals of resource use. The
common denominator of both is the resource mobility, either in absolute terms of distance/
time or the predictability in locating a resource as per its spatial behavior. In other words,
search and pursuit/capture costs. Seasonal changes in weight, aggregation and mobility
are corrected for by calculating resource use percentages in monthly time intervals. A
fairly good fit between the predicted resource utilization based on these measures calculated
22
from game in northern Ontario and actual resource use percentages by Round Lake Ojibwa
The second subsystem of the model concerns settlement location (Jochim 1976: 47-
63). The primary goals include proximity of economic resources, shelter, and view.
Generally, economic resources are food, although in arid or cold environments, water and
fuel may be of equal or greater importance. Jochim uses a gravity model to predict
formula I=M1M2/R2 measures the interaction (I) of two populations (M) and the distance
(R) between them. Then I= kp or the proportional use of a resource. The mass of a
population is a constant (K) whereas the resource mass equals wna. Therefore, kp= Kwna/
R2. Rearranged to solve for distance and dropping the constants gives R2= wna/p. The
location of a settlement is determined by the resource attributes and its dietary proportion.
location near less mobile, denser (more abundant) and less clustered resources. Preferred
site location is near low risk, low prestige food resources such as plants, small game or
fish with access to higher risk, higher prestige resources like big game. In Binford’s terms,
the more reliable resources would be found within the foraging radius of a base camp,
while the higher risk large game are within the logistical radius.
The catchment or exploitation radius needed to fulfill the caloric requirements for a given
length of stay is measured by resource potential. Jochim considers the harvesting efficiency,
dietary proportion and kilocalories per km2 provided for each resource to arrive at figures
23
slightly larger than those estimated by Vita-Finzi and Higgs (1970). However, the prediction
of a winter exploitation radius of 16 km2 based on moose fit the observed Ojibwa pattern.
Again, the seasonal availability of resources influences the decision to settle a particular
region. The pull of a resource in other areas and exhaustion of local resources will affect
the occupational duration of an area. This also is dependent on human and resource
and technology.
use schedule (Jochim 1976: 65-79). Population density and spatial distribution are not
determined by the environment but rather the human decision making goals of food
provision, minimizing effort and risk, reproduction and social interaction. The fulfillment
of the goals requires the calculation of carrying capacity, which is derived from the biomass
of each resource in relation to dietary proportion, and their abundance and spatial
distribution. Biomass is measured by the kilocalories per 100 km2 for each resource.
Dividing by its proportion in the diet gives the carrying capacity. The maximum
supportable population is calculated by dividing the carrying capacity by the yearly caloric
requirements for one person based on an average of 2,000 kcal/person/day. The lowest
maximum supportable population figure is the highest possible population density. This
part of the model assumes 100% harvest efficiency or cull rate which is unsustainable and
must be corrected for. A lower efficiency of 27% for moose (the lowest figure) fits the
Population aggregation and dispersal will depend on the resource use schedule as
24
well. In order to minimize costs, group size is determined by the abundance of resources
at any given time. Adding resource density to the measure for low-cost population
aggregation (wnad/m) for each resource allows the estimation of group size. The sum of
the values for each resource per season enables the prediction of hunter-gatherer
aggregations.
demography, Jochim’s model was applied to other archaeological cases. Although, the
basic concepts of efficiency (least effort) and reliability (risk minimization) remain central
to most models of prehistoric hunter-gatherer behavior, explicit use of his model has waned
Winterhalder and Smith (1992) as, “the application of natural selection theory to the study
of adaptation and biological design in an ecological setting” (p.5). The most commonly
utilized set of models applied to archaeology are optimal foraging models borrowed from
ecology (Broughton and O’Connell 1999; Winterhalder 1981). Like Jochim’s, these models
have their roots in economic theory (MacArthur and Pianka 1966). The main assumption
with maximum efficiency. The goal of behavior is to achieve maximum fitness. Adaptation
is measured in net energy capture, while success is determined by the net acquisition rate
(Winterhalder 1981). Though energy is the most common currency, others such as
25
nutritional quality, in particular fat content, can also be used although they almost never
are (Winterhalder 1981; Speth & Spielmann 1983; Jochim 1976). The three models of interest
here are the Diet Breadth Model, Patch Choice Model and Central Place Foraging Model.
Diet Breadth
to pursue and which to ignore. The Diet Breadth model predicts whether or not a resource
should be pursued after encounter. In the model, procurement costs of food resources in
a given environment are divided into search costs (time in locating the resource) and
handling costs (time in pursuit, capture and processing) (MacArthur and Pianka 1966;
Winterhalder 1981). Items are included in the diet as long as the handling costs are
compensated by decreased search costs. The main difference between the two is that all
prey are searched for, but only the higher ranked ones are pursued. Search costs are
based on the resource density and mobility. Handling costs are also affected by processing
technology. High search costs generally result in broad diet breadth whereas high pursuit
costs result in narrow diets. Search costs are often conditioned by the “patchiness” of the
or generalized diets while those in “coarse-grained” ones have narrow or specialized diets
The model assumes that the primary goal of foraging is the maximization of energy-
return rates (Kelly 1995). Resources are then ranked according to post-encounter return
rates, based on the energy (kilocalories in a single unit of resource multiplied by the amount
acquired) per unit time after encounter, usually kcal/hr. Despite long search time, large
26
game are usually the highest ranked resource because the caloric yield is great enough to
significantly offset handling costs. Small game are often more abundant and thus have
lower search costs, but pursuit costs are usually higher because more effort goes into
capturing and handling them. Also, their small package size results in a low post-encounter
return rate requiring a higher harvest rate to make it the worth the effort. Plant foods,
though abundant and often very reliable, rank even lower in post-encounter return due to
an even lower caloric yield per item, thus need to harvest and process large quantities
which increases the pursuit costs. Therefore, the abundance of a resource does not
determine its inclusion in the diet. Extremely abundant, low-ranked resources may be
resources will be added only when the highest ranked resources declines (Winterhalder
1981; Bettinger 1980; Kelly 1995). Ethnographic and experimental research provides general
support for the model (Hawkes, Hill and O’Connell 1982; Hawkes and O’Connell 1985;
Hawkes, O’Connell and Blurton Jones 1991). One disadvantage in applying the model to
order to predict which resources will or will not be used. Nor does it address the proportion
of a resource in the diet as Jochim’s model does. The highly ranked resource may not be
very abundant and encountered infrequently. Its high rank simply means that it will be
Kelly (1995) notes the reliance on energy as the sole currency in diet breadth models
may underestimate the value of many resources. Fat and protein content play critical
roles in hunter-gatherer food choices. For example, although the Diet Breadth model
27
ranks small game such as rabbits lower than deer, because of a lower kcal/kg yield, the
protein/kg of meat in rabbits is nearly equal (Erlandson 1988). Plants, too, may be sought
to provide carbohydrates and fat. In addition, return rates can change due to technology,
seasonal changes in animal behavior and nutritive value, or variations in forager skill
level (Kelly 1995). Seasonal changes in animal behavior and nutritive value are critically
Patch Choice
The Patch Choice model relies on the assumption that resources are distributed
and Pianka 1966; Winterhalder 1981; Kelly 1995). Patchiness can result from the structure
affect the number and types of habitats exploited and mobility patterns (Winterhalder
1981). As with diet breadth, in fine-grained environments foragers will use more patches
1981). This is due to increased travel costs between patches. In addition, patches are
ranked according to energy return rates, although in this model search times are included
(Kelly 1995). The highest ranked patch yields the highest energy return rate, but it may
not be the most abundant. Because the model considers search/travel times, widely spaced
patches will lower overall return rates thus resulting in the inclusion of more lower ranked
Ultimately, the time spent harvesting a patch is determined by the quantity and quality
of resources available (Bettinger 1991). Upon entering a patch the net harvest rate should
28
be high. As resources are harvested, the return rates decrease. Eventually, search and
pursuit costs outweigh the costs of moving and encountering another patch. Time spent
in a given patch is predicted by a marginal value theorem (Winterhalder 1981; Kelly 1995;
Bettinger 1991). Assuming that foragers will not completely exhaust resources in a patch,
when the return rate of a patch falls below the average for all other potential patches the
marginal value theorem predicts foragers should move to the next patch (Kelly 1995). If
the overall environment is highly productive, foragers will spend less time in a patch and
foragers will spend more time in patches searching for and pursuing lower ranked resources
(Smith 1983).
The model does have some inherent weaknesses. First, the assumption of random
patch encounter is often violated because foragers learn the location of favorable patches
and avoid unfavorable ones. Second, the model assumes travel between patches is
unproductive, which is often not the case. Furthermore, resource density may not fully
predict patch use because while some patches may be rich in certain game, they may be
avoided because vegetation cover increases the search/pursuit costs (Kelly 1995;
Winterhalder 1981). Unfortunately, the data required to test the patch choice model in
archaeology typically are not available. However, Bettinger and Baumhoff (1982) presented
a reasonably successful application that melded the patch choice model with Binford’s
Central Place
A third optimal foraging model relevant here is the Central Place Foraging model,
29
designed to predict the distance foragers will travel to procure resources (Orians and
Pearson 1979; Bettinger 1991; Kelly 1995). The distance is limited by the resource return
rate. Essentially, the model predicts the effective foraging radius based on resource return
rates and the dietary proportion (Kelly 1995; cf. Jochim 1976; Binford 1982). Resources are
ranked according to the ratio of energy to both search time, including round trip travel
time and foraging time, and handling time (Bettinger 1991). The optimal distance a forager
tangential to the expected energy curve. The relationship is similar to the departure time
in the patch choice model, but in this case the intersection is the optimal “energetic ‘cutoff’
point marking the minimal size prey, CI, that ought to be taken given the energetic content
of the patch and the round-trip distance between the patch and the central place” (Bettinger
1991: 93-94). As predicted by Jochim, smaller, easily gathered, reliable resources will be
taken near a camp, while mobile, larger, higher yield resources will be pursued much
farther away. The central place foraging model has the potential to enable archaeologists
to explore the relationships between resource utilization, site function and location as
outlined by Binford (Bettinger et al. 1997). This is important because “subsistence behaviour
at foraging locations cannot be predicted from the quality and abundance of prey alone,
which is assumed in the diet breadth model” (Bettinger et al. 1997: 888). So far, however,
paleoenvironments and the incomplete archaeological record. These models are currently
being developed and tested using ethnoarchaeological cases (e.g., Barlow and Metcalfe
1996; Bettinger et al. 1997; Bird and Bliege Bird 1997, 2000).
30
Discussion
For the most part, the economic tradition of the Cambridge school has been overtaken
by the use of optimal foraging models. The paleoeconomic models developed in the 1970s
and 1980s only considered the caloric yield of a resource. These calculations were based
primarily on meat weight or plant weight and did not take encounter rates or handling
costs into consideration. Site catchment analysis reached its peak in the 1980s when the
approach was largely abandoned due to criticism that landscape use is much more complex
and that use of uniform circles surrounding a given site to estimate an exploitation area
was inappropriate (Limp 1991). Certainly this is true for the early work, however Bailey
and Davidson (1983) took this problem into consideration and modified their territories.
Today, catchment analysis has been “reinvigorated” by GIS application (Limp 1991). GIS
provides a tool for more realistic landscape modeling as opposed to the uniform concentric
circle approach. The main emphasis has shifted from mapping resources near a given site
to estimate potential energy yield to modeling the environment of a large region to predict
is the norm. Optimality models such as Jochim’s and general foraging models are much
more difficult to operationalize, so their explicit use is rare. However, the underlying
assumptions are widely accepted despite existing problems. For instance, Bailey and
Parkington (1988) writing on coastal resource use observed, “(w)hat is at issue here is not
the inappropriateness of optimal foraging theories as such, but of relative cost: benefit
31
ratios measured under average conditions (or artificial ones), without regard to the
modifying effects of seasonal extremes” (p.6). Jochim’s model was an attempt to get around
the problem by calculating a resource use schedule. In addition, age and sex differences
among foragers need to be considered (Bird and Bliege Bird 1997, 2000; Hawkes et al.
1991, 2001).
Criticisms of the diet breadth and patch choice models focus primarily on the
making. Stephens and Charnov (1982) designed the Z-score model with the assumption
of risk minimization. The results were similar to the energy maximization except that
risk-minimizers would leave a patch sooner if the return-rate threshold is greater than the
maximum return-rate and stay longer if the opposite. Winterhalder (1986) applied this
approach to the diet-breadth model with similar results. In this case, diet-breadth should
be restricted when the threshold is greater than the expected return and broader when it
is lesser.
Moderate success in ethnographic cases has led to widespread use of optimal foraging
models in anthropology. Their lack of greater predictive accuracy is likely due to the fact
that they focus solely on energy as currency and consider human behavior in strictly
economic terms. Though optimal foraging models are often criticized by archaeologists
as difficult to operationalize, theorists argue that they are useful as heuristic models for
However, no purely economic model for human behavior can fully explain hunter-
32
While one could certainly agree with Jochim that human agency should be “given
paramount importance,” energy-based optimal foraging models simply do not allow it.
More recent evolutionary ecology approaches have recognized alternative reasons behind
subsistence decisions (Hawkes et al. 1991, 2001; O’Connell et al. 1998). For instance, Alcock
noted that “(a)lthough some animals do behave in ways that match predictions derived
from this hypothesis, many others compromise energy maximization to deal with such
things as the need for a balanced diet or the need to avoid predators while foraging”
(Alcock 1993: 350). Hawkes (1993) observed that hunters did not pursue large game to
provide food for their families but to acquire status. O’Connell (2000) discussed a similar
pattern among Australian aboriginal hunters. These share the fundamental argument
that natural selection acts upon human behavior that maximizes reproductive fitness, not
archaeologists cannot use these models in periods for which there are no modern analogs
because it is impossible to know what resource availability would have been. Without
this knowledge one cannot rank food items and predict what decisions would have been
33
made. Nor can archaeologists test hypotheses that require observations of subsets of a
given population such as gender or age groups. This is perhaps why most foraging models
have made a few attempts to build specific models for prehistoric cases. Most of these
economic models consider the potential yield of resources based on modern estimates
extrapolated into the past (e.g. Rowley-Conwy 1984; Straus 1986). More complicated
attempts at patch choice models have been made but they are highly speculative and
usually based on many weak assumptions (e.g., Sept 2001; Zeanah 2000).
Although specific models for the Paleolithic are rare, the underlying principles of
foraging models are commonly used in archaeological interpretation. The most commonly
held assumption concerns the choice of energy as currency. All paleoeconomic models
assume caloric yield of resources to be the basis for hunter-gatherer subsistence decisions.
A critical problem with the use of energy as the currency is that it ignores broader nutritional
needs. Energy-based foraging models have been criticized for two decades for this reason
(Hill 1987; Keene 1983). Many foraging theorists acknowledge the need to consider other
currencies but most continue to rely on energy because it offers “simplicity” over “reality”,
the latter being too complex (Jochim 1998; Kelly 1995; Sept 2001).
Recently, Kaplan and Hill (1992) ranked resources procured by Aché men and women
separately. Neither foraged according to the predictions of the diet breadth model. Men
ignored plants that offered higher caloric return rates in favor of meat resources. Women
ignored highly ranked animal resources altogether, instead focusing on easily gathered
34
Hockett and Haws (in press) have offered an alternative approach called ‘nutritional
ecology’ to understanding human dietary choice that does not rely solely on energy.
Nutritional ecology is defined as the study of the relationship between essential nutrient
intake and its effects on overall health, including growth and maintenance in individuals
and general demographic trends in human populations. This concept is a slightly altered
definition of that used by Jenike (2001). The nutritional ecology approach is not an
alternative to evolutionary ecology, rather it is based on the same assumption that natural
selection influences human dietary choices. In this case, successful adaptations are those
that ensure a balanced intake of essential nutrients leading to lower infant mortality rates,
greater life expectancy and reproductive success. Nutritional ecology does not measure
foraging efficiency in net energy return of calories from the environment. Instead it focuses
on essential nutrient intake. The model does not assume that foragers will stop to calculate
accepted: (1) that hunter-gatherers will make dietary choices that result in balanced diet
whether by accident or intention, (2) that balanced nutrient intake from a wide diversity
of food sources results in better health, (3) that better health leads to lower infant mortality
rates and reproductive success, (4) that lower infant mortality rates and higher reproductive
35
Some argue that hunter-gatherer diets are naturally diverse and they will consume
the necessary nutrients by default. Jochim has argued that foods high in energy are
naturally high in protein and fat and will also provide all of the necessary amino acids,
vitamins and minerals. In many economic models protein content of food items was
are necessary to supply the necessary balance of essential amino acids and vitamins and
minerals are often not available in adequate quantities in foods that are excellent energy
sources” (Stini 1971: 63). Others, such as Speth, have shown how consideration of
macronutrient (protein, fat and carbohydrates) requirements can alter perceptions about
prehistoric diet choices (Speth 1990, 1991; Speth and Spielmann 1983). From a nutritional
perspective, fats are the best sources of energy, supplying over twice the calories per gram
than protein and carbohydrates (Wing and Brown 1979). The body easily converts fat and
carbohydrates into energy. Protein, on the other hand, can be a potentially dangerous
source of energy. Speth and Spielmann (1983) documented numerous historic cases
will occur when people consume excessive amounts of lean meat in the absence of fat and
carbohydrate because the body will be forced to convert protein into energy to maintain
itself. Fat and carbohydrate are efficient energy sources because both have low specific
dynamic action (SDA). Protein metabolism is inefficient because the body has to break
the protein down and convert the amino acids to glucose to supply the energy it requires.
This leads to greater heat production and energy loss, which must be made up by
36
consuming even more protein. The SDA for protein is 30%, which means for every 100g
an additional 30g must be consumed. In addition, fat and carbohydrates have what is
called a “protein-sparing action.” When the body uses protein for energy, the first priority
is meeting energy needs, so body proteins are not replenished. In extreme cases the body
must rely on skeletal muscle proteins for energy which leads to dramatic weight loss,
organ failure and, eventually, death. Because protein has a high nitrogen content, this
also leads to increased nitrogen excretion from the kidneys in the form of urea, which also
causes loss of essential minerals and water. The liver can only synthesize a certain amount
of urea each day, and therefore an upper limit of about 50% protein can be safely consumed.
This figure, in fact, may be much lower (Noli and Avery 1988). The sparing action of fat
and carbohydrates reduces the loss of body protein and nitrogen. Studies show
carbohydrates exert a much greater sparing action than fats and thus may be a better
resource during periods of dietary stress ( Speth 1991; Speth and Spielmann 1983). As
Meehan (1977: 493) noted, ‘man does not live on calories alone.’
Besides protein, fat and carbohydrate, humans require many micronutrients such as
amino acids, fatty acids, vitamins and minerals. These are normally ignored in foraging
models but their consideration can also alter perceptions about the value of a resource
and its potential “rank” in prehistoric diets. For several years, paleonutritionists have
attempted to reconstruct the nutrient composition of the “average” Paleolithic diet ( Cordain
et al. 2000; Eaton et al. 1985; Eaton and Konner 1985; Eaton et al.1997). Their work provides
balanced diet was maintained by maximizing energy, their basic questions have been,
37
“what constitutes a balanced diet?” and “what would a balanced Paleolithic diet consist
of?” Using Lee’s (1968) compilation of hunter-gatherer subsistence, divided into % hunting,
fishing and gathering, Eaton and Konner (1985) and Eaton et al. (1997) produced estimates
for the ratio of plants to animals in Paleolithic diets. They suggest an energy contribution
of 22% fat, 37% protein and 41% carbohydrate based on a plant to animal ratio of 65:35.
Recently, Cordain et al. (2000) revised these figures to a 45:65 plant to animal ratio for
Atlas data in which hunting and fishing were lumped together. Their conclusion was
that, when possible, hunter-gatherers would maximize meat (balancing protein and fat)
but still represents 35-55% of overall diet. Although these ratios are based on recorded
may inflate the economic or dietary importance of certain food groups. Most of the data
come from historic and early ethnographic accounts which are notoriously biased towards
male hunting activities and limited seasonal visits by the observers (Hunn 1981; Milton
2000). In fact, Hunn (1981) shows that the diet among Columbia-Fraser Plateau hunter-
gatherers was around 70% plant foods gathered by women. This alone casts serious doubt
on claims that plants were not important dietary items above 40o latitude. In spite of this,
the ranges in estimated plant:animal ratios and average maconutrient intake show there
may be a fairly high degree of variability in what constitutes an average Paleolithic diet.
acids in human nutrition. Among these are the essential fatty acids, linoleic (LA), linolenic
38
docosatetrenoic (DTA) and docasahexaenoic (DHA) acid. The latter three are considered
“brain-specific,” that is, they are almost exclusively in the brain and are necessary for
Results of nutritional analyses suggest that optimal diets are not simply ones that
optimality models. Balanced diets lead to greater overall health and therefore reproductive
success. Inclusion of food items that may be “suboptimal” in that they lower overall
widening of the diet breath or addition of resource patches not previously exploited will
occur when the highest ranked resource or patch declines in abundance or productivity.
Though the Diet Breadth model can be used to determine whether hunter-gatherers are
using “sub-optimal” resources, indices of diversity and evenness are commonly used to
track change through time (Christensen 1980; Cruz-Uribe 1988; Grayson 1984; Kintigh
1988). For the Late Paleolithic and Mesolithic in Europe, Clark and Yi (1983), Zvelebil
(1990), Neeley and Clark (1993) and Bridault (1994, 1997) used diversity measures to argue
for and against increased diet breadth through time. Important factors determining dietary
shifts include climate, technology and demography (Earle 1980). General models for
subsistence change focus on population as the “prime mover” forcing change (Boserup
39
For the Late Pleistocene/ Early Holocene, Binford (1968) explained the apparent shift
from large game to small game, birds, fish, shellfish and plants as the natural result from
increased population pressure on food resources. As the available land filled with people,
groups were no longer able to move and were thus forced to exploit low ranked resources.
Flannery (1969) formalized this expansion of diet breadth into the ‘Broad Spectrum
Revolution’ to describe the trend in subsistence change in the Near East. He also used
Broughton and O’Connell (1999) offer a few methods for detecting resource depression
and subsequent diet broadening in prehistory. First, there is the changing relative
frequencies between large and small game. Second, the level of carcass processing that is
reflected in the damage inflicted on bones. Third, skeletal element representation in relation
to utility could be used “as an index of distant patch use and associated increases in resource
has been offered by Hayden (1972), who argued that hunter-gatherers maintain controls
to keep population well below carrying capacity so that resource imbalances do not occur.
He later characterized the trend from large to small game as a shift from K-selected to r-
) W hen a group expands into new ecological zone and territories population
pressure may be assumed
) When human populations show a shift toward more and more eclectic food
gathering patterns shown by reduced selectivity in t he foods eaten it may be
argued that they…need to obtain more calories from the same territory in order
to feed denser populations
) When a group shifts from eating large huntable land mammals to eating
smaller mammals birds reptiles and land molluscs demographic stress may
again be assumed
) When the size or quality of individuals exploited from a particular species
shows a steady decline through time (when for example when the size of
molluscs in one or more shell middens decreases)
) When an exploited species disappears from the archaeological record it may
be argued that the species was exploited beyond its carrying capacity
episodic periods of resource stress led to shifts toward more reliable r-selected resources.
Minimizing risk, not population pressure, is the driving force behind human decision-
making (Hayden 1981; Winterhalder 1986; Yellen 1986). However, Winterhalder (1986)
argued that food sharing is a more effective means of minimizing risk than changes in
diet breadth.
The population pressure model has recently been revised by Stiner et al. (2000). They
argue that instead of a constant population rise culminating in the broad spectrum
small game procurement from slow-moving prey such as tortoises and shellfish to fast-
moving lagomorphs and birds. Heavy predation due to population pressure led to over-
exploitation of tortoises and shellfish forcing people to invest more time and energy chasing
rabbits, hares and birds. Over-exploitation was based on size diminution in tortoise humeri
and limpet shells from 4 sites/9 levels in Italy and 2 sites/9 levels in Israel dated between
200-9kya. For Italy, Stiner et al. (2000) show a limpet average size reduction of 1 cm diameter
between the Gravettian (24-28kya) and Early Epigravettian (17-19kya) at Riparo Mochi
dated on lithic typological grounds. In Israel, tortoise humeri size reduction of 0.5 cm
occurs between ~150kya and 100-70kya at Hayonim. Further reduction by 0.2 cm occurs
with the Kebara Cave assemblage indicates size reduction (4.5-4.0 mm) took place between
the late Middle Paleolithic (60-48kya) and Upper Paleolithic (44kya). Stiner et al. (2000)
equate statistical significance tests on limpet and tortoise size reduction with human over-
While the tests reveal significant differences between periods they fail to answer the
question as to how “real” the differences are. Does an average size reduction of 1 cm in
limpet shell diameter or an apparent reduction in tortoise humeri of 3-5 mm reflect “over-
exploitation” or simply “exploitation” (cf. Jones and Richman 1995)? More importantly,
does size diminution reflect “human exploitation?” Claassen (1998) cites numerous
examples of size differences in bivalves, limpets and other gastropods due to natural factors
zone/site, and sampling. For instance, juvenile recruitment success and failure has lasting
effects on size frequencies of shellfish, where bad recruitment years can lead to aged or
large-sized dominated populations, whereas one good recruitment year can result in
smaller-sized profiles. Furthermore, many shellfish experience rapid growth over a few
months such that populations exploited during the early Spring may be on average
significantly smaller than those harvested in late Summer (Gordo 1982). Lasiak (1992)
and Meehan (1982) also noted size differences in shells of bivalves and limpets due to
Recently, Kuhn and Stiner (2001a & b) have pushed the BSR back to the beginning of
the Upper Paleolithic based on the presence of personal ornamentation, namely, the
perforated shells found in the earliest Upper Paleolithic levels of K’sar Akil in Lebanon
and Üçagizli in Turkey. They argue that the need for personal ornamentation was based
in the need for group identity and affiliation. Thus, the BSR and population pressure are
43
The tenets of the nutritional ecology approach lead to a very different definition of
dietary “diversity.” In the diet breadth model, taxonomic richness is used to measure
diversity. Diets based on red deer and rabbit would be considered less diverse than ones
based on red deer, ibex, horse, auroch and rabbit (Grayson and Delpech 1998). The values
in Table 2.2 show that terrestrial mammals have roughly equal proportions of
macronutrients. A similar pattern is seen across fish and shellfish species. Diets that have
one or a few terrestrial mammals provide the same proportions of essential nutrients.
They would not be considered diverse in terms of essential nutrient intake. However,
those that include taxa from the different classes of animals (and plants) provide a truly
Although terrestrial mammals are excellent sources of energy, they do not provide
all of the essential nutrients required by the human body to maintain itself. Though organ
meats can provide key vitamins not found in muscle tissue, they are often not in appropriate
proportions for human nutritional requirements. For instance, the liver contains vitamins
A, C and E but consuming enough liver to get the necessary vitamin C would lead to
consequence, foraging efficiency would not be measured by energy intake but by dietary
diversity measures across general classes, like mammals, birds, fish, etc. (Hockett and
Haws, in press).
NonCaloric
C (mg)
Thiamin (mg)
Riboflavin (mg)
Niacin (mg)
B (mg)
a
Based on average values of horse bison red deer rabbit wild boar and
reindeer
b
Based on average values of beef liver brains and kidneys
c
Based on Lamellibranchia
d
Based on average values of grouse/partridge and duck
e
Based on average values of Atlantic salmon sea trout and sardine
f
Based on average values of over edible plant foods found in the
Mediterranean region
g
g of liver alone provides nearly IU A single daily serving of
to IU may be lethal
h
Egg yolks contain significant quantities of vitaminD; one egg (the yolk) can
supply mcg of vitaminD almost as much as g of beef liver
45
dietary diversity through time is not explained by population pressure on resources forcing
mammal meat (typically argued for the Middle and Upper Paleolithic in Europe) would
be less efficient leading to less healthy populations, higher infant mortality rates and low
overall reproductive success. Hockett and Haws (in press) have argued that the ability of
was based on their more efficient, diverse diet. Instead of population pressure based on
some inherent capability to reproduce, anatomically modern humans were able to grow
their populations because their more efficient nutrient intake led to greater reproductive
success, lower infant mortality rates and better overall health (Hockett and Haws, in press).
46
settlement patterns in Iberia invariably take an ecological approach. The focus on techno-
environment is made explicit by most researchers (Clark 1991; Straus 1991). Even in the
social and ideological realms, numerous studies have attempted to explain the parietal
and mobiliary art found throughout the peninsula in an ecological framework (Barton et
al. 1994; Clark 1983, 1993, 2000; Conkey 1980; see Mithen 1993 for an alternative view).
Clark (2000) characterizes the portable art as manifesting “assertive” style while parietal
art is evidence of “emblemic” style (sensu Wiessner 1983). Conkey’s (1980) model of
prehistoric aggregation suggests the existence of bounded social groups in the Franco-
to ethnic groups within Levantine Spain or Portugal have been identified. Lithic studies
in each sub-region have also failed to discern sub-regional “isochrestic” style zones.
However, there are regional differences in art and material culture between the three sub-
regions that suggest social territories (Arteaga et al. 1998; Straus 1992; Zilhão 1995). The
main basis for delimiting “real” Late Upper Paleolithic culture areas has been the use of
Cantabria
Perhaps the best known archaeological sub-region in Iberia is Cantabrian Spain, located
on the northern coast in the provinces of Santander and Asturias (see Figures 1.1 and 3.1).
Bounded by the Cantabrian Cordillera on the south and Bay of Biscay on the north, the
region is divided by river valleys running into the sea and crosscut by rasas, or ridges.
Numerous archaeological investigations have been conducted over the past century due
mostly to the abundance of cave paintings in the region. Over the past thirty years Cantabria
subsistence/ settlement systems (Bailey 1983a,b; Bailey and Davidson 1983; Freeman 1973,
1981, 1988; Clark 1983a, 1983b, 1999; Straus 1986, 2000). By far, the works of Geoffrey
Clark and Lawrence Straus have had the greatest impact from a theoretical standpoint.
Their research has shed light on long term trends in subsistence/settlement patterns during
the Upper Paleolithic. Perhaps the most intriguing observation is the gradual diversification
and intensification of the subsistence base from the Solutrean through the Mesolithic (Clark
1987; Clark and Straus 1986; Clark and Yi 1983; Straus 1992). They argued that demographic
expansion and resource stress led to subsistence change as described in the Broad Spectrum
Revolution model. Their argument was based on the faunal record of red deer
specialization and the increase in shellfish use at La Riera cave, which gave support to
Cohen’s (1977) ‘population pressure’ theory (Clark and Straus 1986). In their test of the
Cohen model, the sole criterion met was size reduction of a particular species, in this case,
limpets. Subsequent research has continued the use of the BSR model (Straus 1991, 1992,
48
1995a, 1995b, 1996; González Morales 1995; González Sainz 1995; Aura et al. 1998; but see
diverse range of plants and animals coincides with the spread of forests back into the
region.
Cantabria was a fertile testing ground for site catchment analyses in the 1970s and
1980s (Bailey 1983; Bailey and Davidson 1983; Clark 1983; Clark and Lerner 1980). Clark’s
(1983; also Clark and Lerner 1980) work focused mainly on Mesolithic subsistence and
settlement patterns. Bailey and Davidson (1983) made explicit use of site catchment and
site territorial analyses for Cantabria between 20,000 and 15,000 bp, corresponding to the
Solutrean and Lower Magdalenian. Bailey (1983) grouped the Cantabrian sites into clusters
that share the same site exploitation territory based on 2-hour distance radii creating tightly
packed site yet mutually exclusive territories along the Cantabrian coast. The three main
site clusters, El Castillo, La Riera and Lloseta, are located in good positions to exploit
interior/upland ibex, coastal plain red deer, and coastal shellfish resources. Bailey argues
these three represent major site systems capable of providing resources year-round.
for this period is that the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) coastline would have extended
an additional 8-10 km, meaning a significant portion of the archaeological record is likely
submerged under the sea (Clark 1983; Perlman 1980). An alternative view proposed by
Straus and Clark (1986) used site catchment analysis and the forager/collector model
to reconstruct subsistence and settlement patterns. Straus’ (1986) model was illustrated
49
El Juyo
La Riera
N Altamira Rascaño
Erralla
L'Arbreda
Chaves
Cingle Vermell
Picamoixons
Atlantic Ocean
Cova Fosca
Buraca Grande
Matutano
Lapa do Picareiro Caldeirão Cova dels Blaus
Bocas Cueva de la Cocina
Lapa do Suão
Volcán de Faro
Les Mallaetes
Parpalló Santa Maira
Figueira Brava Tossal de la Roca Cova de les Cendres
Vale Boi
Nerja
Figure : Map of Iberia showing the main sites mentioned in the text
50
by drawing foraging radii around residential sites with arrows pointing to the hilly and
montane regions where ibex and other resources were exploited. Straus argues for a
logistical exploitation strategy due to “optimally situated base camps” and high resource
density (Straus 1986: 331). Site location seems best determined by ‘blocking’ locations in
river valleys where red deer can be effectively hunted suggesting a specialized adaptation
The best attempt to quantify the available or potential resources for Late Upper
Paleolithic Cantabria is Straus’ (1986) model, which sought to determine the number of
microbands supportable by red deer in the Solutrean and Magdalenian. His approach
was similar to Jochim’s in that it was based on the estimated red deer carrying capacity by
analogy with the present-day Scottish Highlands. Following Vita Finzi and Higgs, Straus
drew upon Darling’s “Herd of Red Deer” study from the Scottish Highlands in the 1930s.
In many ways , Darling’s study is more applicable to Upper Paleolithic northern Spain
than the Levant due to environmental similarities between present-day Atlantic heathlands
of Scotland and Late Glacial Maximum Cantabria (Straus, 1986). Darling gave an average
of one red deer per 40 acres for the Highlands, with a range of 1 per 30 acres to 1 per 100
acres. In total, he counted 1315 deer in the 52,000 acre area. Population balance was
maintained by a 20% annual cull combined with a 50% mortality rate in the first year. The
average weight of the adults ranged from 125-200 kg. After calculating the total land area
during the LGM (1600 sq. km), Straus estimated red deer populations for eastern Asturias
between 8-10,000 (80-100 herds of 100 animals). Assuming an average of 100 kg usable
meat per animal a 10% cull rate, red deer could have provided 8000 kg or 320kg/person in
51
a 25 person band. With a 1400 kcal/kg average venison yield and a cold-climate dietary
requirement of 3,600 kcal/day/person for the LGM (a person would need to eat 2.5kg per
day!), Straus proposed 8-10 bands of 25-30 people for eastern Asturias during the LGM.
Although overall population density may have been low, coastal densities were likely
much higher (Straus 1986). While this model assumes exclusive consumption of red deer
it serves to illustrate the potential resource availability. Straus rightly estimated the
extraordinary amount of lean meat that would have been required to avoid protein
However, several problems arise with these estimates. Straus uses plane surface area,
not taking into consideration topographic variation. As alluded to earlier, the topography
of Cantabria is cut by river valleys, hills, ridges, and mountains making use of planar
surface area suspect in estimating animal populations. Another problem is that in the
Scottish Highlands the herds of red deer are managed for sport hunting. All predators
except humans have been eliminated, as have competing animals. While it is true that
archaeofaunas are dominated by red deer and ibex, it is assumed that this represents the
natural background availability. This may be true, however it must be realized that site
location seems best determined by points on the landscape where red deer can be most
effectively hunted (Bailey 1983; Straus 1986). This suggests a specialized adaptation. What
catchment analyses (Davidson 1983). An additional problem is the use of meat weight
estimates for red deer in order to calculate the potential human population. No one,
including Straus, would argue that hunter-gatherers were consuming red deer meat
52
exclusively, but the model becomes inherently flawed when the assumption is made, in
spite of its simplicity. Even used as a heuristic this approach will not accurately estimate
Mediterranean Spain
The coastal strip of Spain from Catalunya down to Valencia and across Murcia to
Andalucía has been a focus of paleolithic archaeologists for decades (see Figures 1.1 and
3.1). This region is often referred to as Levante or the Spanish Mediterranean Region
the northern coast, the Mediterranean coast is characterized by a broad coastal plain which
extended 20-30 km further during the Late Pleistocene. This plain is bounded by mountains
Economic life in the Upper Paleolithic was described by Pericot (1968). He recognized
that Paleolithic hunter-gatherers depended heavily on meat from large game but also
consumed a wide variety of small game, birds, fish, shellfish and plants. He argued that
shellfish were as important to people who occupied Parpalló as abalone was to prehistoric
coastal peoples in California. For plants, the most likely ones included were hazelnuts,
acorns, walnut and chestnuts. Additionally, wild fruits, berries, roots, tubers, grass seeds,
fungi and even seaweed were likely important dietary items (Pericot 1968).
The earliest attempts to reconstruct subsistence and settlement patterns were done
53
by Davidson (1976, 1983) and Bailey and Davidson (1983). Both studies undertook site
catchment and site territorial analyses for the Late Pleistocene in this region. Both used
faunal and artifactual remains to estimate the site exploitation territories of Upper
Paleolithic sites in Valencia. In general, these sites, which contain deposits dated to the
Gravettian and Solutrean, are dominated by rabbit, red deer and ibex.
Davidson (1976) used the 2-hour and 1/2-hour walk radius of Vita Finzi and Higgs
(1970) to calculate site exploitation territories for the Upper Paleolithic sites Parpalló, Les
Mallaetes in the Mondúver massif and Volcán de Faro on the coast of València. Examination
of Parpalló and Les Mallaetes reveals some important differences between the two.
Although they share much of the same exploitation territory (79% overlap) they may be
different seasonal base camp locations. Parpalló, located at 450m asl, has a south facing
entrance whereas Les Mallaetes, 600m asl, has a west facing entrance, exposed to prevailing
winter winds. Parpalló has better access to low elevation flat pastureland in an area beyond
the overlap with Les Mallaetes. On the other hand, Les Mallaetes has better access to
higher elevation flat areas. Although the two certainly have access to ibex and red deer
habitats, Parpalló would have been better suited to hunt red deer in the winter and Les
Mallaetes to hunt ibex in the summer (Bailey and Davidson 1983). Indeed, Parpalló has
numerous hearths and an overabundance of antler while Les Mallaetes has little antler,
male ibex (presumably on their own during the summer), neonates, and few hearths
(Davidson 1983).
Davidson followed this line of thought further by experimenting with 1/2 hr mutually
exclusive site exploitation territories. Within this area there are seasonal advantages.
54
Parpalló, however, is not situated so much for access to grazing areas as it is advantageously
located in a valley corridor to hunt red deer on their migration to and from summer
pastures. Given the antler evidence for site seasonality, it may have been occupied when
red deer were leaving the upland pastures. Turning to the coastal lowlands, Davidson
suggests that the Maravelles and Porcs sites were nearer to lower elevation pastures that
may have been exploited in winter. Thus, there may have been a pattern of seasonal
transhumance between the coast and the upland interior. Marine shells have been found
at Parpalló and Les Mallaetes which were about 30 km from the LGM coast. It would
seem unlikely, based on this, that the economic catchment and the site exploitation territory
were the same during this period. However, similar red deer to ibex ratios for Les Mallaetes
and Parpalló led Davidson to favor the 2-hour radius for site exploitation territories, which
allows for access to both resources. He put forth climate change as a possible explanation
for why these two would have similar ratios. It seems unlikely that this could explain the
similarities since they were both occupied during the Last Glacial Maximum. The idea of
At Volcán, the 2-hour site territory contains both red deer and ibex habitat. Within
the 1/2-hour territory, ibex habitat dominates the area, but the abundance of red deer
contradicts notions that it was ideally suited for ibex exploitation (Davidson 1983). Summer
occupation might have reduced the likelihood that ibex were present near the site and
increased the availability of red deer. If this is truly the case, then a model of transhumance
may not be accurate. There may have been two groups living side by side, one in the
interior and the other on the coast with some interaction apparent between the two. Though
55
Davidson (1983) suggested this possibility his acceptance of the larger exploitation
territories for the two interior sites would make it unlikely. A third possibility is that the
resolution is too coarse-grained and that Parpalló and Les Mallaetes were occupied in
alternating years or generations. Such a case would not show up with the limitations in
As Straus did for Cantabria, Davidson used meat weight estimates to model the
subsistence economy for Mediterranean Spain. The main difference between the faunal
remains in the former. Rabbits have always been problematic in Iberian cave and
rockshelter assemblages due to their burrowing habits and deposition by predators such
as lynx, fox, and eagle owl. Recent taphonomic work by Hockett, Pérez Ripoll and Serra
Davidson (1976) assumed for the sake of modeling that people deposited most of the
rabbit bones in the caves and rockshelters of Mediterranean Spain. He then addressed the
problem of the importance of rabbit in the diet during the Upper Paleolithic. Using dressed
meat weight of rabbit, red deer and ibex he concluded 100-150 rabbits would be necessary
to equal the amount of meat from a single adult male red deer. Based on MNI estimates
from Les Mallaetes he argued rabbit comprised less than 3% of the diet. Furthermore,
using estimates of rabbit hunting rates from modern ecological studies he calculated a
hypothetical rabbit-based economy. Davidson used 1957 FAO figures of 2,750 cal/day as
the mean human requirement and an energy estimate of 120 kcal/100g for rabbit meat.
56
Using an estimate of 7.41 rabbits per hectare, based on modern Australian and British
rabbit densities, and a 30-40% cull rate, a 7,300 ha area would be necessary to feed 20
people per year. This area was within the 2-hour walk radius of both Parpalló and Les
Mallaetes. Unlike Straus, Davidson anticipated optimal foraging concerns over hunting
success rates. Again using modern rabbit control methods as a baseline, he estimated a
0.5 rabbits per hour procurement rate for the Paleolithic, which would mean the same 20
people would have to spend five hours per day hunting to subsist exclusively on rabbit
(Davidson 1976). Adding the 2 hours’ walk each direction this would actually require 9
hours per day! Given these estimates, Davidson dismissed the possibility that rabbits
Davidson, Bailey and Straus all calculated the necessary amount of meat from a single
species needed to fulfill daily caloric requirements. These single species-based hypothetical
economies were used to estimate human population and evaluate dietary importance of
resources. Each used FAO daily caloric requirement estimations. Straus modified these
to account for the rigorous climatic conditions of the LGM. Bailey (1978) and Davidson
(1976) used meat weight estimates to “test” small animal-based economies. These two
conclude that neither rabbits nor shellfish could have been important regular components
of prehistoric diets because to the extraordinary high numbers of each animal required to
feed a person. For rabbits, hunters would have to capture 100-150 to equal the amount of
meat from a single red deer. For shellfish, 1,000 cockles would be necessary to meet a
single person’s daily caloric requirement, 150,000 to equal the meat from a single red deer.
57
However, the assumption is that these single animals would be the sole food source.
Furthermore, if either resource cannot reasonably sustain people for a day or year because
the procurement costs would be too high or the sheer volume of meat necessary would be
unattainable then they could not rank very high. In that case, despite the apparent
These models are intended to serve as heuristic devices to understand past subsistence
behavior. Single resource dominance in human diet is rare and usually occurs in extreme
environments, if ever. Even in the French Upper Paleolithic reindeer did not comprise
100% of the diet. Its abundance may be a seasonal reflection, whether the “herd-follower”
model is preferred or not. Furthermore, even though Davidson and Bailey show low
meat weight percentages for rabbit and shellfish, ranking them low in the overall diet, the
undeniable fact is that their remains do not just dominate assemblages, they swamp them
in many cases. People went to some effort to procure them on a large scale. Why? Foraging
model expectations and the BSR model would imply they were under stress from
rank does not always correspond to dietary proportion (Hawkes et al. 1991, 1997, 2001;
Kaplan and Hill 1992). A broader nutritional perspective and/or one that considers women
and children would provide a different answer. Red deer and ibex may have been highly
valued resources for reasons other than provisioning hunters and their families. Rabbit,
plants and shellfish being more easily gathered may have constituted the ‘daily bread’.
continued the lines of research he set forth. The biggest revolution in Spanish archaeology
has been the widespread focus on taphonomy. This field has especially grown with the
excavations at the Sierra de Atapuerca where the largest collection of archaic human
remains in Europe were unearthed and the Orce basin where the oldest hominids in Europe
have been found. In addition the late dates for Neandertals in Iberia have necessitated
detailed taphonomic studies of the caves and rockshelters yielding Neandertal remains
and evidence of human behavior across the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition. Current
research suggests Neandertal and modern human populations lived in close proximity
separated by the Ebro River in northern Spain for 10,000 years before modern forms
replaced the Neandertals. The quality of these studies has led to an acceptance on the part
of most European prehistorians that the Iberian Peninsula is a critical area to study the
Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition and the dynamic interaction between two hominid
populations.
Emphasis on human behavior and taphonomy instead of typology and culture history
has carried over into all aspects of Iberian prehistory. However, the theoretical framework
for explaining past human behavior has not expanded beyond that provided by Vita-
Finzi, Higgs and Binford. General explanations of Upper Paleolithic subsistence and
settlement patterns since Davidson’s work are based on the fundamentals of site catchment
analysis, using meat weight as a measure of dietary importance and the Broad Spectrum
Revolution model. The Davidson (1989) model of seasonal coastal-inland movement for
Upper Paleolithic settlement patterns has been strengthened with data from additional
With regard to meat weight and estimating relative proportion of rabbit, shellfish
and medium ungulates, Villaverde and Martínez Valle (1995) reiterate Davidson’s (1976,
1989) point that to get the same amount of kilocalories from a single red deer or ibex, one
would have to procure 100-150 rabbits. Morales et al. (1998) provide a similar estimate as
Bailey (1978) did for shellfish. Villaverde and Martínez Valle (1995) also characterize
rabbit as a nutritionally poor resource for human consumption because of its low fat content.
However, as Table 2.2 shows, rabbit contains more grams of protein and fat than red deer
Binford (1981) have been almost completely ignored by most Spanish researchers. The
sole exception is the work of Maria Fernanda Blasco Sancho (1995, 1997). Almost all faunal
tables in site reports from the region present data in NISP. Occasionally, MNI are reported.
by NISP, not MNE. The problems with this approach are discussed in further detail in
chapter 5.
Following Davidson (1976, 1989) several authors have argued for a trend towards
Tortosa and Pérez Ripoll 1992, 1995; : Aura et al. 1998, 2001; Aura 2001a&b; Pérez Ripoll
and Martínez Valle 2001; Villaverde and Martínez Valle 1992, 1995; Villaverde et al. 1998;
Villaverde 2001). Aura and Pérez Ripoll (1992) initially argued that the high degree of
Villaverde and Martínez Valle (1995) pointed out this level of exploitation is apparent as
60
early as the Aurignacian in sites like Cova Beneito. Prior to Stiner et al. (2000), Villaverde
and Martínez Valle (1995) considered differences between small game types. The changes
in diet breadth at the end of the Pleistocene were not simply an inclusion of small game in
general. Rather, faster moving, harder to catch small animals such as hares and birds
were argued to signal greater dietary diversification as predicted by the Broad Spectrum
Revolution and diet breadth models (Villaverde and Martínez Valle 1995). Villaverde et
al. (1997) proposed a model for small game based on reduced mobility. Because rabbits
are abundant and territorial, hunter-gatherers could have economically exploited them
by reducing residential mobility. Thus, people may have become tethered to small game
Summary faunal tables for Cova de les Cendres based on NISP do show the rise in
frequency of hares and birds in the Late Upper Paleolithic (Villaverde and Martínez Valle
1995). However, the numbers are extremely low: NISP of 10 hare bones in the Upper
Cova dels Blaus, hare NISP increase from 122 (13%) in the early levels V & IV (Upper
Epipaleolithic) to 92 (16%) in levels II & I (Villaverde and Martínez Valle 1995). The rise in
the proportion of hares is very slight and does not appear to represent a significant dietary
shift across the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. Aura Tortosa and Pérez Ripoll (1992)
show an actual cumulative decrease in birds from the Upper Magdalenian to the Geometric
Epipaleolithic. Total NISP for birds in Mediterranean Spain is 537 (2% of the total) in the
Upper Magdalenian, 285 (2%) in the Microlaminar Epipaleolithic and 14 (0.7%) in the
61
Geometric Epipaleolithic. Again, this casts doubt on the use of hares and birds as indicators
of a diachronic trend towards diversification for this period. A longer perspective including
the Gravettian and Solutrean suggests some validity due to the absence of hares from the
sites in Mediterranean Spain. A variety of birds (at least 18 species) and fish are present in
the Solutrean levels of l’Arbreda (Éstevez 1987; García Petit 1995, 1997; Muñoz and
Casadevall 1997). The highest frequency and greatest diversity of fish were found in the
Gravettian and Solutrean levels. Fish numbers decreased significantly in the level dated
Morales et al. (1998) have succinctly characterized the consensus view of Late Upper
intensification and diversification began sometime during the Solutrean. In their study of
and undifferentiated Early Upper Paleolithic levels contained very few faunal specimens
62
(Jordá 1986; Morales et al. 1998). Therefore, conclusions about diachronic trends are
untestable at Nerja.
Despite the inter-site variability and the differences in the nature and timing of the
inclusion of small animal resources in the diet, a consensus has been reached among Spanish
Mediterranean Spain. In contrast with Straus and Clark for Cantabria, the suggested
mechanism for this development is not demographic pressure (Aura and Pérez Ripoll
1992; Aura et al. 2002). Higher regional population is hinted at by the expanded use of
upper elevations and increased number of sites, but it is not explicitly stated as a causal
mechanism. Instead, reduced mobility and an integration of rabbit, and presumably, other
resources into hunter-gatherer economic systems after the appearance of modern humans
The work in Cantabria and Meditearanean Spain has had an important impact on
research in central Portugal. Many of the assumptions from the meat weight studies and
the Broad Spectrum Revolution model have been incorporated into models developed by
archaeologists working in this region. These studies are discussed in the following section.
between 40° and 38°30' north latitude, encompassing the political provinces of Estremadura,
Ribatejo, and part of Beira Litoral (Figure 1.2). It is bounded to the north by the Mondego
63
River and to the south by the Tejo River, though some argue it extends to the Sado River.
On the eastern boundary lies the Serra da Estrela, a schist and granite mountain rising up
maquis or garriques vegetation and karstic caves (Zilhão 1990). Natural vegetation is a mix
interspersed with montane islands surrounded by plains and valleys, under continuous
cultivation of olive, wine grape, and fruit trees. Eucalyptus plantations are rapidly replacing
pine forests of the region. Deep plowing for eucalyptus has greatly benefited archaeological
Recent models
Table 3.1 shows the chrono-stratigraphic framework for the Portuguese Magdalenian.
of core types. The chronological divisions of the Magdalenian are based on differing
For the Upper Paleolithic of Portugal, Zilhão (1990, 1995), Bicho (1994, 1996), Thacker
(1996) and Shokler (1995) have proposed models based on lithic technology and raw
material economy, distribution of sites, and limited faunal data. Each model suffers from
a lack of crucial data on subsistence and seasonality. Until the excavation of Lapa do
collections, taxonomic lists from sites excavated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
and a few unpublished or partially published sites excavated in the last few decades.
Table : Late Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic chronostratigraphy after Zilhão (
ab)
Early Magdalenian Cerrado Novo bp Prismatic and thick endscraper cores near
(Cerrado Novo facies) Vascas absence of cores on burins; microliths
Dufour bladelets Areeiro bladelets and
marginally backed bladelets
hiatus bp no sites dated to the Middle Magdalenian
Upper Magdalenian Buraca Grande bp similar to CPM facies; microliths
CPM Caldeirão bladelets and backed points most on burin
Picareiro Vale da spalls
Mata Vascas Suão
Final Magdalenian Pinhal da Carneira bp cores mainly on burins; microliths
(Rossio do Cabo facies) Rossio do Cabo Dufour bladelets Areeiro bladelets and
marginally backed bladelets
Final Magdalenian Bairrada Bocas bp significant blade production; bladelet cores
(Carneira facies) Carneira Olival da mainly on burins; microliths geometrics
Carneira Picareiro (trapezes and segments)
Vascas
Boreal Mesolithic
bp cores mainly on thick scrapers; microliths
Dufour bladelets Areeiro bladelets and
marginally backed bladelets
64
65
Despite these limitations each model uses a Binfordian framework for describing the
nature of settlement patterns. Though few sites in Estremadura fulfill the expectations of
a residential camp based on size, studies of lithic assemblages by Zilhão and Thacker led
to the classification of a number of sites as ‘residential base camps.’ For the Magdalenian,
Zilhão (1997) considers the open-air sites Bairrada, Cabeço do Proto Marinho (CPM),
Cerrado Novo and Olival da Carneira to be ‘base camps’ (Figure 3.2). This was based on
their location in strategic places on the landscape and the occurrence of a high diversity of
tool types in all stages of manufacturing. Unfortunately, none of these contained preserved
faunal remains. In contrast, none of the fauna-bearing sites could be classified as residential
sites. All are in small caves or rockshelters that were likely used as hunting camps or
as a base camp throughout the Upper Paleolithic. The lack of long-term residences does
not mean that hunter-gatherers during the Late Pleistocene employed an exclusively
“foraging” strategy. Considering lithic raw material procurement and tool manufacturing
during the Magdalenian, Thacker (1996, 2000) argued in favor of a foraging pattern.
Whereas flint cores were prepared at lithic quarry sites during the Gravettian, whole cobbles
were brought to sites 1-2 km away during the Magdalenian. Furthermore, Thacker (2000)
argues that the decreases in local quartz and quartzite use suggests greater residential
mobility during the Gravettian than the Magdalenian since base camps would contain a
wider range of raw material if they were occupied for long periods. The fact that
suggest a collector pattern for the latter and a forager one for the former. On the other
66
N
Buraca Grande
Atlantic Ocean
Caldeirão
Picareiro
Costa do Pereiro
Lapa dos Coelhos
Bairrada
CPM
Vascas
Bocas O de Carneira
Lapa do Suão
Rossio do Cabo
Cerrado Novo
Vale da Mata
Lisboa
m
m
km
hand, Bicho argues for a collector settlement pattern during the Final Upper Paleolithic
and Epipaleolithic simply because specialized task sites appear more frequently. The
presence of specialized task sites may not necessarily indicate greater logistical mobility if
The analysis of CPM V and Carneira, two open-air sites in the Rio Maior valley, showed
variability in raw material use during the Late Magdalenian (Bicho 1994). Carneira, located
less than 2 km from flint sources contained 95% flint while CPM V, located 2.5 km from a
source, had about 75% with local quartz and quartzite making up the rest. This suggests
Carneira was probably an intermittent camp while CPM was likely a base camp. The data
on lithic raw material from each agrees with Thacker’s assertion that base camps should
Zilhão (1995, 2000) has drawn on the Selk’ nam or Ona of Tierra del Fuego as a source
of analogy for central Portugal during the Late Pleistocene. He argues that this is
Estremadura during the Last Glacial Maximum and a territory similar in size. They hunted
a medium ungulate and small rodent roughly equal in size to red deer and the European
rabbit, ubiquitous in the Upper Paleolithic of Portugal. The model uses carrying capacity
estimates derived by Straus (1986) for Cantabria and Bailey et al. (1983) for Epirus. Using
their estimate of 0.05 people/km2 and a minimum band size of 25, there may have been
Zilhão (1995) also noted a diachronic shift in settlement patterns between the
68
retouched microliths. The site types discernible in the Gravettian include specialized
workshop sites, specialized logistic sites and generalized residential sites. However,
forager settlement pattern was in place. This was also argued by Thacker (2000).
After 16,000 bp, when climate appears to have rapidly ameliorated, Magdalenian
hunter-gatherers began specializing on red deer and rabbit. According to Lee (1969), who
relied on Murdock’s Ethnographic Atlas, the Ona derive 80% of the diet from animals: 60%
terrestrial game, 20% fishing. Therefore, one could argue that while plants were utilized
in both cases, their overall dietary contribution was minimal and the appropriate focus
Zilhão (1997) has divided Estremadura into three hypothetical territories based on
river drainages, site clusters and symbolic differences. These are based on three (and
possibly four) site clusters in Estremadura: the Cambelas area immediately north of Lisbon
near the city of Torres Vedra including the Rio Maior area at the foot of the Serra de
Candeeiros, the Massif area encompassing the Serras de Aire and Candeeiros, and Mondego
river area on the northern edge of Estremadura and bounded by the Serra do Sico on the
east. Each area encompasses approximately 4,000 km2 which is roughly equivalent to the
Tierra del Fuego case. Each exhibit the same subsistence regime and technology during
the Upper Paleolithic. Perforated shell ornaments from Littorina obtusata are prevalent
and there is limited evidence for red ochre. The primary reason for the delineation, other
than the clustering which is almost certainly artificial, is the presence of perforated red
69
deer phalanges at Caldeirão in the Massif area an their absence to the south and north.
However, the bilaterally perforated red deer phalanges could be interpreted as examples
of carnivore tooth punctures. Thus, there may be no real basis for delineating cultural or
art.
Bicho model
Subsistence
Another model of subsistence and settlement during the Final Upper Paleolithic and
Epipaleolithic of Portugal comes from syntheses by Bicho (1993, 1994, 1996) and Bicho
and Haws (1996). Paleoenvironmental changes during the Tardiglacial were relatively
minor but still induced fluctuations in the availability of ibex, chamois and red deer.
Between 15,000 and 10,500 years ago, a general warming trend led to the replacement of
ibex and chamois by red deer, wild boar, aurochs, and rabbit in the faunal assemblages of
Caldeirão (200 m asl) and Lapa do Picareiro (500 m asl). The recovery of chamois at
10,500 bp, diversification is apparent in the addition of marine and estuarine shellfish
found in coastal middens as well as caves 35- 50 km from the coast. Shell middens are
known from Gruta do Casal Papagaio, Pena da Mira, Bocas, and Cabeço de Curral Velho
(Araújo 1995; Arnaud and Bento 1988; Arnaud 1993; Bicho 1993b, 1994b). Perforated
ornamental shells and edible species of bivalves have been recovered from contemporary
70
N
Buraca Grande
Atlantic Ocean
Casal Papagaio
Marmaleiro
Picareiro
Pena de Mira Pena d'Agua
CPM
Areeiro III
Bocas
Carneira
Lapa do Suão
Toledo
Ponte da Vigia
São Julião
Magoito
Quinta da Bicuda
Ponte de Cabadelo
m
m
km
levels at Lapa do Picareiro (Bicho and Haws 1996). Fish has been identified at Lapa do
Suão, Caldeirão, and Picareiro (Bicho 1994b; Roche 1979, 1982; Zilhão 1992a, 1992b, 1993).
The coastal shell middens of Toledo, Magoito, São Julião, located in sand dunes, have
been dated to the Pleistocene-Holocene boundary (Bicho 1994b; Daveau et al. 1982). A
surface scatter of Epipaleolithic lithics and mollusc shells has been documented at Quinta
da Bicuda, but the association is in doubt (Carvalho, 1996). There are also shell middens
known from Alentejo (Pedra do Patacho) and Algarve (Castelejo) that date to this period
(Bicho 1994b; Bicho and Haws 1996; Soares and Da Silva 1993; Vierra 1995).
In summary, dietary data suggested similarities between central Portugal and northern
(Hayden 1981). Specialization was based on the presence of hunting sites with faunal
assemblages dominated by red deer and aurochs (Bocas), and rabbit (Picareiro). However,
it is not likely to have been as important as it was in northern Spain (Bicho and Haws 1996;
Straus 1992, 1995). During the Preboreal and Boreal (10,000-8,000 bp), an increase in dietary
diversity is seen by the inclusion of birds and aquatic resources such as fish, cockle, oysters,
clams, mussels, limpets, and top shell. Besides animal resources, plant foods such as
fruits, nuts, seeds, and berries were likely used. The appearance of grinding stones in the
Gravettian and Magdalenian suggested that dietary diversity was an important component
of hunter-gatherer adaptations throughout the Upper Paleolithic (Bicho and Haws 1996;
Settlement
72
According to the model, there are two discernible phases of settlement patterns in
Portuguese Estremadura. The first phase corresponds to the Early, Middle and Late
Magdalenian, while the second phase corresponds to the Epipaleolithic, starting around
During the first phase, there were three major areas of occupation, two inland near
Rio Maior and Torres Novas, and one coastal near Torres Vedras. These are equivalent to
those outlined by Zilhão (1997). Sites appear to be preferentially located on the flat plains
found in the river valleys. These areas were likely a mosaic of forested and open woodlands
providing ideal habitat for large herbivores such as horse, red deer, wild boar and aurochs.
In the inland limestone Massif cave sites, Picareiro and Caldeirão, red deer, caprids and
rabbit were the main prey species (Bicho 1994b; Zilhão 1992). These are thought to represent
short-term logistical extraction sites used by small groups of hunters who made forays
from residential camps in the valleys, now mostly buried under Holocene alluvium and
colluvium.
An increase in the number of sites from 20 in the first phase (an average of 3/1000
years) to almost 40 in the second phase (an average of 16/1000 years) characterizes the
second settlement phase. Additionally, there was an increase in the number of primary
to the south of the Tagus and Sado Rivers in Alentejo. The types of sites found during this
period include the shell-bearing inland caves and rockshelters, coastal shell middens, and
open-air sites on the flat plains of the interior river valleys (Bicho and Haws 1996). The
maritime resources brought to the cave/rockshelter sites show clear evidence for trips to
73
suggested a rise in regional population. The sharp change in settlement system was argued
to be a result of demographic expansion similar to northern Spain (Straus and Clark 1986).
However, ‘expansion’ may not be the proper term. As Zilhão (1990) has pointed out, the
estimated 12,000 km2 area of Estremadura during the Solutrean was enough to support a
maximum band of almost 500 people if one accepts the proposed Upper Paleolithic
population density of 0.04 people/km2 (Cohen 1977; Wobst 1974). If this were the case,
then rising sea level in the Late Pleistocene may have had a significant impact on human
groups by shrinking the size of available land area by 25% to 8,700 km2 (Perlman 1980).
This, in turn, may explain the expansion of human occupation out of Estremadura into
Alentejo during the Epipaleolithic. Demographic expansion has also been put forth as an
explanation for the Mesolithic land use and settlement system (Straus et al. 1990). It is
unclear whether there were periods of punctuated population growth or a more gradual
trend of increasing population, that led to changes in settlement patterns. In fact, there
may never have been any significant increases in population (Hayden 1981a). The increases
in numbers of sites may have resulted from increasing logistical settlement patterns, which
would have simply created more types of sites (Binford 1980; Straus 1991c). It may also be
that the sites from earlier periods are simply buried in marine sediments off the coast or
were destroyed by wave action during the sea level rise. Until more sites are found through
systematic survey and more is known about the effect regional geomorphological changes
Discussion
The Cantabrian and Mediterranean cases have important implications for explaining
Late Upper Paleolithic adaptations in Portugal. The models for central Portugal discussed
Portugal (Zilhão 1992; Bicho 1993, 1994; Bicho and Haws, 1996). But when the Cantabrian
data are considered several questions become apparent. First, does the presence of marine
fauna and small game in the Late Upper Paleolithic of central Portugal mean that
populations were stressed and forced to broaden their niche? Alternatively, was it based
on choices made to exploit reliable resources and thus reduce risk as was implied for
Mediterranean Spain?
A second problem concerns plant consumption during the Upper Paleolithic in central
Portugal. The excavation of El Juyo in Cantabria and Nerja in Andalucía has shed some
light on this problem in Spain (Freeman et al. 1988; Badal 1998). However, the lack of data
has led to only brief remarks acknowledging the likelihood of plant consumption in central
Portugal (Bicho 1993; Zilhão 1997). No attempts have been made to understand the factors
involved in plant exploitation which, in the absence of substantial direct evidence, ought
various animal taxa in each site and preliminary indications from faunal analyses of key
sites such as Caldeirão and Picareiro. Detailed faunal analyses of assemblages from
Picareiro and Suão caves are presented in the next section for the first time. These data are
compared to the record from Mediterranean Spain where similar environmental conditions
and human adaptations occurred during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene.
Afterwards, the previous models are evaluated using the results presented here.
76
edible plants and animals and a means of estimating the proportions of these incorporated
into the diet. The former is usually accomplished by paleoecological studies, archaeofaunal
and archaeobotanical studies. The latter usually relies on ethnographic and experimental
data and theoretical models such as those discussed in Chapter 2. Essentially, archaeologists
have two major means of studying prehistoric diets: (1) archaeological remains, in this
case archaeofaunal and floral remains, and (2) human bone chemistry, mainly stable
Hobbes that hunter-gatherers worked exceptionally hard to eke out a living on wild plants
and animals. Lee and DeVore (1968) were successful in demonstrating how well hunter-
gatherers lived even in the most marginal environments on the planet. Even though it is
widely cited, to the point that almost every paper on hunter-gatherers begins with a
statement, “…ever since ‘Man the Hunter’…,” many of the important ideas from the volume
have been ignored or reinterpreted. Perhaps the main reason behind this is the adoption
of foraging theory in ethnographic and archaeological studies. The “affluent” San, who
77
spent very little time in the food quest are now “marginal” or “suboptimal” because they
are forced to subsist off of “low-ranked”plants for the majority of their diet with the
occasional large game animal. Hawkes and O’Connell (1985) “exposed” the mongongo
nut dilemma by pointing out the high processing costs involved. However, even with
high processing costs offsetting the caloric gain (thus resulting in lower return rates) the
fact remains that the San still do not spend much time gathering and processing food.
There must be some other reason behind this. As foraging theory is applied to
archaeological cases, large game animals are generally considered the highest ranked
resource.
Logical arguments suggest and empirical data from experimental and
ethnographic settings demonstrate (see Broughton 1994b for references and
discussion) that, for singly-handled animal prey, post-encounter return rates
are generally scaled to prey body mass. Among Holocene North American
vertebrates in particular, the larger the animal, the higher the post-encounter
return rate. This fact, combined with the proposition that overall foraging
return rates declined in the late Holocene, leads to the prediction that low-
ranked (smaller-sized) vertebrates should have become more important in
human diets at this time... (Broughton and O’Connell 1999: 155).
Accordingly, if people are subsisting only occasionally on large game and mostly
plants or small animals, then they are acting suboptimally or living in a poor environment.
as resource depression, or possibly some other feature that has lowered the return rate for
the highest ranked resource, thus forcing people to add a previously uneaten, lower ranked
resource. Theorists consistently make the point that no matter how abundant a resource
becomes a forager will not adopt it unless a higher ranked resource no longer provides
the high return rate. Therefore, regions with generalized hunter-gatherer diets probably
reflect low frequencies of highly ranked resources, most often large game. Either the
78
environment is ‘poor’ to begin with or resource depression has occurred due to climate
change or over-harvesting.
Europe take for granted specialized large game hunting economies in the former and the
generalized Broad Spectrum Adaptation in the latter. This is due to a number of reasons
past human diet, theoretical emphasis on energy-based foraging models and the intensity
of research in areas where glacial climatic conditions curtailed plant productivity. There
is an underlying assumption that holds human diet became much more meat-focused
early in human evolution arguably related to brain evolution and colonization of temperate
Eurasian latitudes (Isaac and Crader 1981; Milton 1987; Aiello and Wheeler 1995; Rolland
1998; Stiner 2002). This trend culminated in the hunting economies of Middle and Upper
Paleolithic peoples in Eurasia. Plants, aquatic resources and small game entered the diet
only after large game populations became depressed due to hunting pressures brought
element studies lend support to the idea that Neandertals were highly carnivorous while
early modern humans ate a slightly more diverse diet (Bocherens et al. 1991, 1995, 1999;
Richards et al. 2000a&b, 2001). The explanations for this difference include population
pressure forcing humans to expand their diets (Stiner 2001), niche differences between
two competing human populations (Smith 2002), and nutritional decisions resulting in
Southern Europe has been called a “refugium” for temperate-loving plants and animals
79
by many authors (e.g., Straus 1991). Because of the focus on the Franco-Cantabrian region,
researchers often follow the explanatory framework utilized for northern Europe (Straus
1996). Ironically, the Broad Spectrum Revolution of the northern European Mesolithic
occurred at the same time the climate improved, whereas it occurred earlier in southern
Europe and the Near East where Late Pleistocene climate was much less severe and the
scale of environmental change less dramatic. This is argued to reflect differences in the
timing of population pulses (Stiner 2001). However, low population densities were not
the reason Upper Paleolithic sites in northern Europe lack hazel nutshells. Hazel shrubs
simply were not present. In the south, especially Iberia, temperate and Mediterranean
plant and animal species were always present but in differing proportions.
Unfortunately, Upper Paleolithic people in Portugal did not bury their dead in geologic
contexts suitable to preservation making stable isotope and trace element studies
impossible. With the exception of a few isolated teeth and skeletal fragments from about
four sites, the only intact burial is that of the alleged hybrid child from Lagar Velho (Duarte
et al. 1999). Since this skeleton is of a four year old child it may not be representative of the
“average” person’s diet. That said, the nearby and possibly contemporaneous (at least in
gross terms), hearth contains abundant ungulate and even marine mammal (dolphin)
remains which provide glimpse of a diverse early Upper Paleolithic diet and coastal/
Given the lack of human remains, the only current approach to the direct study of
Upper Paleolithic subsistence in Portugal is the archaeofaunal and botanical record. The
record is biased entirely in favor of animal bones, so inferences about plant use can only
80
foraging theory and human nutritional ecology. Taxonomic lists of fauna from
archaeological and paleontological sites and plant inventories from pollen diagrams and
charcoal analyses can provide a potential range of available food resources to prehistoric
people. Seasonality studies do not simply tell when a site was occupied, but permit models
of seasonal mobility when combined with resource availability estimates and nutritional
yield data. Detailed taphonomic studies of faunal assemblages provide more accurate
pictures of resource use and site function. Together these approaches allow a better
record are used to evaluate plant resource use through the lenses of taphonomy, foraging
theory and nutritional ecology. Data on animal resource use from the faunal-bearing sites
in Estremadura are then used to understand the nature of large and small game utilization,
site function, and temporal trends from the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene.
81
consumption
David Clarke, in his essay “Mesolithic Europe: The Economic Basis” (1976), challenged
the “meat fixation” of archaeologists and highlighted the potential for intensive plant use
in Europe prior to the introduction of agriculture. He argued that plants likely made up
their diet (Kelly 1995). The only area where meat completely dominates is the Arctic,
where the lack of edible plants during much of the year leaves little choice. Even in this
extreme, people are known to eat the contents of reindeer stomachs and exchange meat
for seaweed with coastal peoples (Clark 1952). Even still, this may only reflect a seasonal
aspect of subsistence. The notion that meat would comprise 90% of the diet during the
Upper Paleolithic or Mesolithic seems unfounded given these facts about modern hunter-
gatherers and the nutritional problems associated with excess protein consumption. Recent
stable isotope analyses suggest such a meat-focused diet in Britain during the LGM
(Richards et al. 2000), although one could argue that this is merely analogous to the Arctic
case and is not the “rule” for all of Europe during this period. Much of Iberia, especially
Mediterranean Spain and Portugal, never experienced dramatically cold extremes except
exploitation in this part of Europe at least as far back as the LGM and likely farther. Even
82
at the Cantabrian Magdalenian site El Juyo, where climatic and environmental conditions
were cooler and less-vegetated, Freeman et al. (1988) reported plant macrofossil remains
from 21 families and 51 genera. These included acorn and hazelnut fragments, berry pits,
grass seeds and aquatic plants. During this same period, prehistoric Mediterranean hunter-
gatherers would have had access to a wide variety of plants including oak acorns, hazelnuts,
wild tree fruits, berries, edible bulbs, grass seeds, and legumes.
Interestingly, the potential for plant exploitation during the Upper Paleolithic has
never received due attention (Mason et al. 1994). The focus has always been on the animal
remains from archaeological sites. Most authors discussing Paleolithic subsistence either
do not mention plants or suggest they would have been eaten when available and then
dismiss the significance of their contribution to prehistoric diet and subsistence economies.
Many researchers have argued that plants were not regularly exploited because the Late
Pleistocene environments of Europe were too extreme to permit stable plant communities.
Richerson et al. (2001) have recently suggested that low global CO2 levels during the Late
Pleistocene kept plant productivity suppressed thus making plants unattractive to human
foragers. They further argued that plant-based diets would have taken a long time to
develop and that frequent climatic oscillations made long-term adaptations to plant
resources unlikely. Stiner and Kuhn (2001) have also argued that intensive plant
exploitation is only visible archaeologically at the end of the Pleistocene when stone
processing technology appears, namely grinding stones. This echoes Hayden’s (1981)
earlier claims.
Clarke’s (1976) model for the Mesolithic might have been more acceptable to
83
archaeologists working in that period because the Early Holocene was precisely the time
that the Broad Spectrum Revolution was said to have occurred. For the Upper Paleolithic,
the ‘meat fixation’ was unchallenged. The main obstacles are the acceptance of energy as
the appropriate currency to measure human subsistence choices and the invisibility of
plants and the technology used to process them in the archaeological record. As discussed
in chapter 2, Kelly (1995) and others have argued that animal resources are usually better
sources of energy than plants. In general, plants are viewed as low-ranked resources
because they often have high percentages of inedible cellulose and/or toxins that must be
removed prior to human consumption. The high processing costs outweigh their ease of
collection and natural abundance when caloric value is relatively low. Since most foraging
models consider all foragers equal, plants usually rank low. Some argue that any nutrient
value will be greatly diminished or lost entirely during processing. However, as Stahl
(1989) has pointed out, processing plants does not necessarily mean there will be nutrient
loss. In many cases, toxins must be removed, thus increasing the nutritional value. Cooking
may increase certain nutrient values in plants (Wandsnider 1997; Wrangham et al. 1999).
In some cases, the processing costs may be offset by the benefits of nutrient increase
although there is only qualitative data to support this because foraging modelers equate
Many authors have assumed that extensive and intensive plant exploitation began
with the appearance of grinding stone technology widely used to process seeds and nuts
(Hayden 1981; Kuhn and Stiner 2001). However, recent reports show unaltered stone
tools are used by chimpanzees in Africa to crack open nuts (Mercader et al. 2002). The
84
Lower Paleolithic site of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov has nut-cracking stones associated with
several species of nuts (Goren-Inbar et al. 2002). Thus, stone tools have been used to process
plants for a considerable time. Proponents would likely counter that these are simple
tools which require minimal labor input and that intensive plant processing, especially
seeds, was only made possible when grinding stones were invented. Still, this should not
be considered a requisite for intensive plant exploitation. The fact is that many recent
hunter-gatherers used perishable wooden implements to pound seeds and nuts (Lee 1979;
Stahl 1989). Even stone sickle blades are not necessary to harvest wild grains, as pointed
out by Madella et al. (2002) in their study of plant exploitation at the Middle Paleolithic
Another problem with plant visibility is the lack of preservation. Mason et al. (1994)
have called for greater attention to recovering plant remains from Paleolithic sites. The
main problem is that most plant foods would leave little trace in many sites. Preserved
plant food remains have never been found in Upper Paleolithic sites in Portugal, but they
have been recovered in archaeological sites around the Mediterranean. Numerous charred
pine nut cones and shells were found in Middle Paleolithic hearths at Vanguard and
Gorham’s Caves in Gibraltar (Gale and Carruthers 2000) and throughout the Upper
Paleolithic sequence at Cueva de Nerja (Badal 1998, 2001). Magdalenian and Epipaleolithic
levels of Nerja also contained acorns and wild olive pits (Aura et al. 1998). Also in Spain,
Freeman (1981) reported charred grass and vetch seeds from Abric Agut, which has now
Greece, Koumouzelis et al. (2002) found evidence for seed-bearing grasses including
85
Chenopodium and Polygonum, Silene and other typical Mediterranean plants in the
Aurignacian site, Klisoura Cave. Plant foods were recovered from Upper Paleolithic levels
at Franchti Cave (Hansen 1978). At Ohalo II in Israel, Kislev et al. (1992) reported acorns
Evidence for the consumption of hazelnut, wild fruit and several legumes in the Early
Holocene has been found at Balma Arbeurador in France, dated to 8,740 bp (Vaquer et al.
1986). In Catalunya at Cingle Vermell (dated 9,760 bp) numerous remains of hazelnuts,
acorns, pine nuts, chestnuts and wild fruits have been recovered (Vila i Mitja, 1985). Nearby,
at Roc del Migdia (7,000-9,000 bp), Holden et al. (1995) have identified hazel shell, sloe and
parenchymatous tissue of roots, tubers and edible aquatic plants. In the Basque country
of Spain, Peña (2000) has reported on Mesolithic and Neolithic wild plant gathering. In
several sites hazelnuts, acorns and wild tree fruits were common in both periods. Olària
et al. (1988) reported pine nuts, acorns and chestnuts at Cova Fosca (9,460 bp). At the
Mesolithic site, Grotta dell’Uzzo, in Sicily wild peas, acorns and arbutus fruits were
recovered (Costantini 1989). These examples illustrate the widespread prehistoric use
and richness of edible plant resources in the Mediterranean region. The rest of this chapter
focuses on the Iberian Peninsula with primary emphasis on Portugal. Again, the central
region of Estremadura is the center of attention as this area of Portugal is the best known.
Several forces determine the climate of Portugal and create its mixed Atlantic and
86
Mediterranean environment. In the winter, the Polar Jet descends into the North Atlantic
and brings storms across the ocean to Iberia. In the summer, the Azores High pressure
cell keeps moisture from penetrating southward, thus creating the summer dry season.
Annual rainfall varies from 1000-2000 mm in northern Portugal to 300 mm in the south.
The central coastal regions average about 600-700 mm annually. In most of the country,
the majority of the precipitation falls between October and March. Average winter
temperatures range from 8-12° C on the northern coast to about 16° C in the south. The
interior north and montane areas temperatures often fall below freezing in winter. Summer
temperatures range from average highs of 25-28° C near the coast to as high as 40° C in the
interior. In Estremadura, winters are cool and wet while summers are warm and dry.
occurs along the northern strip from the Basque country in the northeast to northern tip of
Portugal in the west. The rest of the peninsula is covered by Mediterranean-type vegetation.
Rivas-Martinez (1982) divided the Mediterranean vegetation into étages or levels based on
altitudinal zonation. Most of Portugal falls within the meso-Mediterranean zone, which
in its natural state is characterized by evergreen oak forest. The typical species are listed
in Table 4.2. In central Portugal, meso-Mediterranean tree and shrub communities are
intentional planting and timber harvesting over several millennia have dramatically altered
the natural vegetation communities. No truly wild places exist any longer. Some areas
have been protected for several centuries and their composition provides the best model
for the natural distribution of trees and shrubs. In these places, the evergreen oaks, Stone
87
Bioclimatic étages Average annual Average low Average high Thermic Index
temp winter temp winter temp
Altimediterranean ° C
° C ° C
Oromediterranean ° C
° C ° C
Mesomediterranean
° C ° C ° C
Thermomediterranean
° C ° C ° C
Atlantic
Ocean
Mediterranean Sea
EuroSiberian
km SupraMediterranean
MesoMediterranean
ThermoMediterranean
pine, privet, wild strawberry, wild olive, myrtle and Mediterranean buckthorn prefer the
sunny, exposed areas. The Portuguese oak, Montpellier maple, laurel and Maritime pine
are found in shadier areas. Along streams other trees and shrubs include alder, elm,
poplar, willow and elderberry. The deciduous oak, Quercus faginea, is often seen as a
transitional species occurring in the north and south (Vieira et al. 2000). In the north and
vegetation includes the deciduous oaks, chestnut, pine, birch, ash, elm, willow, and wild
fruit trees. Shrubs include juniper, yew, hazel, holly and heather.
In discussing southern Europe, Clarke (1976) wrote that the Mediterranean woodlands
offered 200-350 edible wild plant species. He suggested numerous wild grass seeds, roots,
bulbs, herbs and legumes were widely distributed and abundant on the Early Holocene
Mediterranean landscape. Examples of these native to the Iberian Peninsula are shown in
Table 4.3. Combined with fruits, berries and nuts, hunter-gatherers would have maintained
a diverse and nutritious diet when these plant foods were consumed with animal resources.
In particular, Clarke (1976) focused on the high protein, high yield seed of Pinus pinea,
the Stone pine. Pine nuts are well known as a food source in Europe. The Greeks considered
them (and acorns) ‘food of the gods’ (Howes 1948). Abundant remains are also known
from Roman camps in northern Europe, outside the ecological range of the species. As
noted above, their charred shells are found in Middle Paleolithic and Upper Paleolithic
contexts. Yet, despite their early use, pine nuts (and most other mast resources) have been
90
unreliable resource.
In western North America, much has been written on the subject since piñon nuts
were known in the subsistence of many Great Basin groups. Their widespread distribution
and abundance made pine nuts an important, and probably high-ranked food item in the
prehistoric diets of native peoples (Steward 1938; Thomas 1973). Simms (1987) calculated
a relatively low kcal/hr return rate for pine nut processing in the Great Basin. However,
among plants they ranked high and Simms predicted that they would be collected before
most other resources. Because the masts occur every 3-5 years, hunter-gatherers would
need to constantly monitor stands. Recently, Sullivan (1992), in challenging the maize-
centered diet for the Western Anasazi of the Grand Canyon area, postulated that prehistoric
hunter-gatherers with ample knowledge of the land in which they lived would have been
able to predict mast years and/or move to areas where piñon harvests would have been
roasting, although paleobotanical remains were lacking. In a recent paper, Mithen et al.
(2001) have interpreted similar features in Colonsay off Scotland as hazelnut roasting ovens.
record in Portugal, but these are not prerequisites as the charred shells from Gibraltar and
Several species of pines are found naturally on the Iberian Peninsula today. These
include Pinus pinaster and P. pinea in Portugal. In Spain these two exist along with Pinus
of P. pinaster and P. pinea for centuries and probably even millennia, it is virtually impossible
to know their natural ranges. It is thought that both evolved on the Iberian Peninsula
(LeMaitre 1998). Because the seed of P. pinea is the commonly eaten one, the focus will be
on this pine. However, this does not necessarily mean that P. pinaster seeds would not
have been exploited. Rhode and Madsen (1998) noted that the much smaller limber pine
Pinus pinea lives in sandy soils and podzols in sunny areas of Iberia up to 1,000 m asl.
This species does not thrive in highly calcareous soils but can tolerate a limit of 50%
regions and thrive in average annual temperatures 13-19° C. Their low temperature
tolerance is about -5° C. They can withstand annual rainfall as low as 250-300 mm but
prefer 400-1,000 mm. This species masts every 3-4 or 5-6 years but some seeds are produced
during non-mast years. In stands in southern Portugal, trees typically produce 250 cones
per year, but often 1,000 and sometimes 2,000 (Vieira et al. 2000). Seed production is
generally more reliable in P. pinea than pines of western North America (LeMaitre 1998).
Peak production occurs in November and cones remain on the trees until January or
February. Each cone averages about 100 pine nuts which is a tremendous contrast with P.
monophylla of western North America that typically produces 6-16 nuts per cone (Barlow
and Metcalfe 1996; Badal 1998). Similar yields were observed in natural stands of P. pinaster
(Miguel Pérez et al. 2002). Therefore, a single tree could produce 25,000-100,000 and even
200,000 pine nuts per year. In central Spain, where annual rainfall averages 450 mm,
natural pine forests contain about 100 trees per hectare (Miguel Pérez et al. 2002). Similar
93
conditions in the past would have presented prehistoric hunter-gatherers with a bountiful
harvest. Modern workers harvesting P. pinea with long pikes collect 400-600 cones per
day on average. Cones are left exposed to the sun to dry and open so that seeds can be
collected. One hundred kg of cones yields 15-22 kg of hulled seeds. For pine nuts in their
hulls, 1 kg equals about 1,400 seeds. For hulled seeds, 6,300 pine nuts weigh about 1 kg
(Badal 1998). With minimal time and labor investment, prehistoric hunter-gatherers could
Data from Howes ( ) Barlow and Metcalfe () and Lanner
( )
Table 4.4 shows the nutritional values for some of the varieties of pine nuts utilized
for food around the world. There is considerable variability in pine nut nutrient
composition between species. The most striking characteristic of P. pinea is the high
percentage of protein. It also has high percent fat but low percent carbohydrate. In contrast,
the values for P. monophylla in the Great Basin show it is poor in protein but high in
P. monophylla may have been a valuable ‘protein-sparing’ resource in the Great Basin.
However, in Iberia, pine nuts may have been more important as storable reserves of
balanced protein and fat in order to mitigate the drought stress of summer. Table 4.5
shows nutrient values for P. pinea measured in grams/100g by three different laboratories.
These results show that despite a high protein percentage, P. pinea seeds do constitute
Table : Comparative nutritional values expressed in g/g for selected nuts
from Mediterranean woodlands
Protein Fat Carbohydrate kcal
Pinus pinea
Q suber
Q ilex
Castanea sativa
Juglans regia
Corylus avellana
Data from USDA food composition database; Alce Ingeniería (Spain) Tabela da
Composição dos Alimentos Portugueses (Gonçalves Ferreira & da Silva Graça
)
Seeds of P. pinea have a high fat content and therefore need to be dried or roasted to
avoid spoilage. In controlled conditions, seeds dried at room temperature showed increases
in soluble protein content that peaked after 6 months (Fernández-García de Castro and
Martínez-Honduvilla 1982). Under low heat (47o C) seeds showed an overall increase in
protein and free amino acids but a slight decrease in lipid content (Martínez-Honduvilla
et al. 1974). Although no data were presented on changes in fat content in stored seeds it
may be reasonable to assume that low-heat drying would result in better fat-retention. In
95
addition, pine nuts can be eaten raw but their flavor and storability improves with light
roasting.
Acorns in Iberia
For almost a century, anthropologists have realized the importance of acorns as human
food (Merriam 1918). Anthropologists long held that the incredible natural abundance of
different acorns attracted human groups and led to their role as a dietary staple. Acorns
seem to have supported very large human populations in late-prehistoric and early historic
California. Until recently, acorns were viewed as a highly nutritious and productive
resource that could be easily collected and utilized. Basgall (1987), using principles from
optimal foraging theory, noted that acorns actually required significant labor investment
to leach the tannins that made them too bitter for immediate consumption. He argued
that the caloric return rates for acorns made them a low-ranked item because of the high
processing costs relative to energy yield. Among North American archaeologists, acorns
quickly became perceived as a marginal resource that only became economically important
when other resources were exhausted (Basgall 1987; Mason 1995a&b). However, this model
is based on the assumption that the appearance of grinding stones in California prehistory
was correlated with acorn consumption (Basgall 1987). Since acorns can be intensively
processed using perishable materials such as wooden mortars and pestles, earlier acorn
as soaking in water either in special pits or in streams, boiling and roasting might not
premature.
In his book, Prehistoric Europe: The Economic Basis (1952), Grahame Clark discussed
noted the Lusitanians, in what is now Portugal, were observed to eat bread made of ground
acorns for three-quarters of the year. Although in later times acorn flour was milled and
made into “famine breads” when grains were scarce, many people appear to have subsisted
off acorns for centuries (Jørgensen 1977). Numerous citations from classical sources suggest
acorns were viewed as the basis for all of civilization (Clark 1952; Mason 1995; Vencl 1996;
Sieso and Gómez 2002). In fact, the genus name “Quercus” is derived from two Celtic
words meaning “beautiful tree” suggesting its importance in early times (Sánchez Arroyo
1999). Vencl (1996) and Sieso and Gómez (2002) provide detailed summaries of the
archaeological evidence for acorn use through time on the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal,
Afonso do Paço (1954) reported concentrations of acorns at the Copper Age site Vila Nova
de São Pedro. Senna-Martinez (1994) reported carbonized acorns from the Neolithic site
of Ameal in northern Portugal. Bicho (1993) and Arnaud (1990) hypothesized that acorns
were eaten during the Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic though no direct evidence
has been recovered to date. Acorn-eating, or balanophagy, survives today in Iberia where
sweets are made from acorns. On Sardinia, local people still gather acorns and process
them using traditional methods. Acorns are mixed with a special iron-rich clay and boiled
to absorb the tannins (Johns 1998). In the western Rif of Morocco, acorns are eaten raw,
Mason (1995b) detailed the widespread use across space and time in her review of
97
the use of acorns as food in prehistoric Europe. She gave four reasons why acorns may
have played an important role in Mesolithic diets which are also applicable to the
Prior to the adoption of cereals, acorns may have been significant resources for
North America and Japan (Merriam 1918; Lewthwaite 1982; Mason 1995a&b). In the Near
East there is solid evidence that acorns were used as food as early as 19,000 bp at Ohalo II
(Kislev et al. 1992). At La Sarga, an Epipaleolithic site in València, a painted rock art scene
shows several figures collecting acorns as they fall from the tree (Fortea and Aura 1987).
understanding of the role acorns may have played in European hunter-gatherer subsistence.
The absence of acorn parts is made difficult by taphonomic factors such as possible small
mammal or wild boar feeding (Leiva and Fernández Alés 2003). Processing methods may
also disfavor preservation as most remains may never have been charred and thus
preserved more easily (Mason 1995). Field processing among stands near base camps
may also eliminate those parts of the acorn (or pine nut) so that the evidence for use is
98
discarded offsite. These processing locales would likely be archaeologically invisible since
they would not require the use and retouching of stone tools which would leave behind a
durable residue. If, however, processing included roasting and/or pounding with stones
a durable record might be left. In this case it is doubtful, in the absence of lithic type
fossils, that such scatters of unflaked, unretouched stones and charcoal would be reported
Iberia is home to several species of evergreen and deciduous oaks. Typically, evergreen
oaks are found in the thermo- and meso-Mediterranean vegetation zones. These include
Quercus ilex, Q. suber and Q. coccifera. Deciduous oaks are found in the meso-Mediterranean
zone but mainly in the supra-Mediterranean. These species include Quercus faginea, Q.
pyrenaica, Q. robur. The species most commonly used as food in Iberia throughout the
past is Q. ilex, but each can be consumed with some degree of processing. Q. ilex and Q.
suber produce sweet acorns that require minimal processing time, usually light roasting.
Q. coccifera has an astringent and bitter acorn and would require considerable leaching.
The deciduous oaks are slightly bitter compared to Q. ilex and Q. suber, however they
were consumed by people in the past (Mason 1995; Peña 2000; Sieso and Gómez 2002).
The Holm oak, Quercus ilex, today prefers calcareous soils and rainfall between 600-
1000mm. Holm oaks cannot maintain closed canopies with less than 400mm precipitation
(Terradas 1999). Below that, Mediterranean shrubs will dominate. Q. ilex is more cold-
resistant than other evergreen oaks in Portugal. Today it withstands temperatures as low
as -15° C and can live through short periods as low as –20 to -25° C. Young trees may not
survive below -10° C so that may be the low point for overall survival (Terradas 1999).
99
The Holm oak is a mast species in which high acorn production occurs every 4-6 years.
Acorns mature and fall between November and January. Data on Holm oak productivity
(1999) calculated ranges between 300 acorns per m2 to 25/m2. In dehesas, individual trees
produce an average of 12-18 kg of acorns per tree, but some may produce as much as 600
Quercus suber, the cork oak, prefers siliceous soils and 600-800m rainfall. It prefers
the lower elevations of southern Spain and Portugal but it is found at elevations up to
800m in northern Portugal. Cork oaks prefer mean annual temperatures of ~15° C but
will tolerate temperatures as low as -5° C. Acorns mature in autumn and drop between
October and March. Yields are slightly lower for cork oaks compared to the Holm oak.
The deciduous oaks are generally restricted to northern Portugal and upper elevations
in the central part of the country. Quercus faginea prefers the 600-1200 m elevation zone
but is still common in the lowlands. It will tolerate hot summers and temperatures as low
as -12° C in winter. Its acorns mature in September. Q. pyrenaica is mainly found between
400 and 1600 m asl, but can grow up to 2100 m asl. It prefers siliceous soils and annual
rainfall above 600 m. Its temperature range is -7° C in winter and 22° C in summer. Its
acorns mature in October and November. Q. robur is found between 0 and 1000m asl, but
as high as 3000m in northern Portugal and Spain. It requires at least 600 m annual rainfall
and is limited by winter lows of -15° C and summer highs of 25° C. Acorns mature in
Table : Macronutrient values for oak acorns from the Mediterranean and California
Species Fats Carbohydrates Proteins kcal/g
Eur ope
Quercus ilex
Q suber
Q robur
Ca lif orni a
Q lobata
Q garryana
Q douglassi
Q chrysolepis
Q agrifola
Q kelloggii
barley
wheat
Data from Basgall (
); FEDNA (Spain)) Tabela da Composição dos Alimentos Portugueses
(Gonçalves Ferreira & da Silva Graça )
Table 4.6 shows the nutritional characteristics of Q. ilex and Q. suber acorns compared
to the California oaks. In contrast to pine nuts, the acorns are poor in protein and fat, but
much higher in carbohydrate. Fat and protein content are comparable to the California
Recently, Harrison (1992, 1996) has brought attention to the highly productive and
“sweet” acorn of the holm oak. This species is widespread in Iberia due to the dehesa
(montado in Portugal) land-use system in which pigs are fattened on acorns prior to
slaughter. The two primary oak species in the dehesa/ montado are Q. ilex and Q. suber. For
Q. ilex, 9 kg of acorns translates into 1 kg of pork (Joffre et al. 1999). In some areas, pigs
and cattle will eat the acorns from Q. faginea, the Portuguese oak, however its acorn is
bitter compared to that of Q. ilex and Q. suber. The Pyrenean oak, Q. pyrenaica, is also
incorporated into the montados north of the Tejo. Pollen studies in southwest Spain suggest
the earliest physical record of such managed woodlands dates to about 6,000 bp (Stevenson
and Harrison 1992). While the dehesa/montado system is part of a pastoralist economy, it
does not necessarily require domestic plants or animals. The system enhances productivity
101
by encouraging oak groves as well as several other arboreal species in order to increase
browse for pigs, goats and cattle. In addition, these human-created ecosystems are home
to a wide diversity of wild animals including red deer, wild boar, rabbit, Iberian lynx and
pruning, burning or possibly intentional planting could have created improved foraging
areas for wild boar, deer, chamois and even wild aurochs. Spring pruning in the dehesa/
montado is the primary method for increasing acorn yields per tree however this would be
management of European woodlands by people during the Mesolithic (Mellars 1976; Mason
2000). Much of this burning has been perceived as a means of encouraging new growth
for browse to support deer and other ungulates. However, as Mason (2000) points out,
burning can encourage the proliferation of desirable forest species for human subsistence.
In this case, fire may have been used as a tool to manage oaks or other fruit/nut-bearing
vegetation. Fire may permit more light to reach the crown thus increasing acorn yield for
individual trees (Mason 2000). Comparisons between Holm oaks in managed stands and
natural forests showed that unmanaged trees are generally shorter, found closer together
Fire also benefits the cork oak which is used today to reforest fire-prone areas because
of their thick protective bark (Carrión et al. 2000). It also produces what is considered a
“sweet” acorn, meaning that they are low in tannin. These sweet acorns of southern Iberia
require minimal roasting time to make them palatable. It should be noted that the amount
102
of tannin does not correlate well with perceptions of edibility. Some aboriginal groups in
California preferred the most bitter acorns, possibly due to their higher fat content (Basgall
Lewthwaite (1982) has raised the possibility that humans played a deliberate role in
selecting sweet acorn varieties. This could have important consequences for lowering
processing costs to remove tannins prior to human consumption. On the other hand,
humans may have intentionally selected sweeter acorn varieties after observing that pigs
prefer the sweeter ones (Parsons 1962). Oak stands could have been managed to provide
carbohydrate and fat for human diets or to create animal fat and protein, ‘porridge or
The emphasis here on pine nuts and acorns serves to illustrate the productive yield of
plants and their nutritional value regardless of processing costs. Other productive and
nutritionally valuable tree nuts may have been available such as chestnuts and hazelnuts.
Table 4.4 also shows the nutritional values for each of these along with pine nuts and
acorns.
The examples noted earlier provide evidence that plants were available and utilized
by prehistoric people throughout the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene in Iberia. The
question arises with the timing of their availability and the antiquity of significant plant
evidence of plant use during this period. Instead, inferences must be made based on
103
technology, microscopic use-wear and recovery of starch grains. The last two are only
beginning and no definitive results can be presented here. Thus, the discussion will focus
tool technology and expectations derived from experimental and ethnographic studies of
Paleoenvironmental data for Tardiglacial and early Postglacial Portugal are extremely
and charcoal studies. Some of these data have been integrated into regional syntheses of
the Portuguese Upper Paleolithic by Bicho (1993, 1994) and Zilhão (n.d., 1997, 1998). The
standard interpretation was based on CLIMAP (1976), pollen diagrams from Lagoa
Comprida in the Serra da Estrela and nearby ponds in northwest Spain (Janssen and
Woldringh 1981; Turner and Hannon 1988; Mateus 1993, van den Brink and van Leewarden
1985, 1997), charcoal analysis from Cabeço de Porto Marinho (Figueiral 1993),
sedimentological and microfaunal evidence from Caldeirão Cave (Zilhão 1992; Póvoas et
al. 1989), and geologic context of open-air sites (Marks et al. 1994). New data published
The general circulation model of CLIMAP (1976) showed the Polar Front as low as
northern Portugal (42˚ N) during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), remaining there until
approximately 12,000 bp (Ruddiman and McIntyre, 1981; COHMAP 1988). The occurrence
of cold temperatures below 42˚ was also attributed by Bard et al. (1987) to the southward
104
Boreal
bp
Atlantic bp
105
movement of the Polar Front. However, summer sea surface temperatures (SST) were
only a few degrees lower than present between 18-14,500 bp off southern Portugal
(Duplessy et al. 1992). The discrepancy between these studies is therefore explained by a
steep thermal gradient caused by the southward position of the Polar Front and the
movement of warm tropical waters northward. On the other hand, Fatela et al. (1994)
used benthic foraminifera data to argue that this cooling was due to the influx of cold
glacial meltwater into the North Atlantic during Termination IA of Oxygen Isotope Stage
2 deglaciation (Table 4.6a). Furthermore, they argue that the Polar Front never penetrated
south of 42°N during the LGM or deglaciation (Fatela et al., 1994; Abrantes et al., 1998).
Zahn et al. (1997) estimated SST for the LGM (20-17k bp) of 18-23˚C for winter and 22-26˚C
for summer due to oceanic circulation patterns that brought warm waters to the Portuguese
correspond to periods of iceberg flow from the Laurentide and Fenno-Scandinavian ice
sheets into the North Atlantic between 40°N and 60°N where they melt and the dust that
was locked in the ice accumulates on the ocean floor (Abrantes et al. 1998; Baas et al. 1998;
Grousset et al. 2000; Chapman et al. 2000). The occurrence ofsuch “ice-rafted detritus”
(IRD) in cores off the coast of Portugal indicate the southernmost drift of icebergs during
Heinrich events (Lebreiro et al. 1996). Not surprisingly then, the deglaciation is marked
Duplessy et al. (1986) argued that continental deglaciation of northern Europe took
place in two phases, the first (Termination 1A) occurred 16,000-13,000 bp and the second
10,000-8,000 bp (Termination 1B), with no apparent melting 13,000-10,000 bp. Other studies
106
placed the initial deglaciation around 14,000 (Duplessy et al. 1986). Later studies of oxygen
isotopes and planktonic foraminifera from deep sea cores off southern Portugal by Bard et
al. (1987) show February sea surface temperatures (SST) as low as 4°C (15°C today) between
14,500-12,500 bp. Duplessy et al. (1996) show 11°C SST (21°C today) for summer. Both of
these studies would appear to agree that conditions were much colder during the
Termination 1A/H1/Dryas I in Portugal. The cause of the lowered SST and overall salinity
has been attributed to meltwater influx from the continental ice sheets. After Dryas I,
summer SST was as high as today during the Bølling/Allerød. In core SU 81-18 the Younger
Dryas is characterized by a rapid drop in SST and salinity (Duplessy et al. 1992).
(warm?) winds blowing across Estremadura some time after 16,000 bp and before 10,000
bp (Cruz, 1992). However, the lack of stratigraphic and chronological resolution makes it
impossible to know when this occurred. It may correspond to the Lascaux or Bølling/
the latter.
During the Last Glacial Maximum, sea levels were approximately 140m below their
current level (Dias 1985; Dias et al. 1997; Rodrigues et al. 1991). In some places along the
Estremaduran coast , the LGM shore was approximately 40 km east of its current position.
By about 16,000 bp, sea level rose to about -100m but large areas of land were still exposed,
steady until about 13,000 bp. Between 13,000 and 12,000 bp, sea levels rose to about 40m
below their current level, effectively shrinking the available land surface of Estremadura
107
by about 25% during the Tardiglacial (Figure 4.2). This corresponds to the beginning of
the Bølling/Allerød Late Glacial interstadial. During the Younger Dryas cold snap sea
level lowered again to 60m below present. Afterwards, between 10,000-8,000 bp sea level
reached 30m below present. This was followed by the Atlantic period transgression (7,500
bp) that created a large estuary in the lower Rio Tejo. By 3,500 bp sea level had stabilized
at its present level. While seemingly dramatic by geologic time, human groups would
probably not have faced crises in adaptation because the changes in sea level occurred
over hundreds of human generations (Waselkov, 1987). However, the lag between the
marine and terrestrial records of 180-350 radiocarbon years suggests more rapid shifts
(Boessenkool et al. 2001). Whatever the case, the submergence of about 40km of continental
shelf has, in all likelihood, drastically affected the archaeological record for the Solutrean
pollen studies in the Serra da Estrela and charcoal analyses from Cabeço de Porto Marinho
and Lapa do Suão (Van der Knapp & Janssen, 1991; Figueral, 1993; Haws and Valente,
2001). Pollen evidence from Charco da Candeeira, a pond located at 1400 m asl in the
Serra da Estrela, shows a rapid succession of steppe grasses and composites to herb and
Ericaceae near the pond in the early Bølling (Figure 4.3). The occurrence of pine, birch
and oak forest pollen suggests an expansion of forest refugia at lower elevations during
this interstadial, dated 12,600 bp (Van der Knaap and van Leeuwen 1997). Prior to this,
pollen was almost entirely absent possibly due to the outwash of montane glaciers.
Unfortunately, no other pollen cores exist in Portugal earlier than 12,600 bp. In fact there
108
El Juyo
La Riera
Altamira Rascaño
Erralla
N
Chaves
Atlantic Ocean
Cova Fosca
Buraca Grande
Matutano
Lapa do Picareiro Caldeirão Cova dels Blaus
Bocas Cueva de la Cocina
Lapa do Suão
Volcán de Faro
Les Mallaetes
Parpalló Santa Maira
Tossal de la Roca
Cova de les Cendres
Vale Boi
km
Figure : Map of Iberia showing the coastline (heavy line) during the Late Magdalenian
The faint line is the present coastline Note the amount of lost land in central Portugal
and Mediterranean Spain compared to Cantabria
109
Laguna Lucenza
Brañas de Lamela Quintanar de la Sierra
Mougás Sanabria Marsh Banyoles
N Lagoa de Marinho
MD
Charco da Candeeira
Lagoa Comprida
Chafariz do Rei
Atlantic Covão do Boieiro
Ocean
Navarrés
Fernão Ferro
B
SU
SU
El Asperillo
Padúl
San Rafael Mediterranean Sea
SU
km
Figure : Map of Late Pleistocene pollen core locations mentioned in the text
110
are no low elevation pollen cores for the Late Pleistocene. After the interstadial forest
the Older Dryas (Dryas II) phase in northern Europe. This was followed by an amelioration
correlated with the Allerød interstadial. In the nearby Covão do Boieiro deciduous and
evergreen oaks increase approximately 10,000 bp (van der Knapp and van Leeuwen 1997).
sylvestris/pinaster type pollen with a reduced but constant occurrence of oak and minor
contributions of birch, alder, sycamore, ash, hazel, olive and yew. The authors place these
deposits in the Allerød and Younger Dryas phases. Thus it appears that trees were
widespread in the mountains by 11,500 bp. A number of shrubs are also evident including
Calluna, Erica, Genista, and Juniperus. Their presence, along with grasses, suggests an open
woodland vegetation that reached a peak in density prior to the Younger Dryas. No
radiocarbon dates have been made, but the Chafariz do Rei sequence (1770m) shows Pinus
and Artemisia at the base possibly corresponding to the Bølling (van der Knapp and van
Leeuwen 1997). Oak and birch appear during the late Bølling/Dryas II/Allerød sequence.
At a slightly lower elevation (1150m), the Lagoa de Marinho sequence dates to the Allerød
phase. The arboreal pollen is dominated by deciduous oak with lesser amounts of evergreen
oak, hazel, birch, chestnut, holly, ash, alder, poplar, willow and myrtle (Ramil Rego et al.
1998).
From a regional perspective, additional pollen studies have been made in adjacent
areas in Spain, namely Galicia and Andalucía. Galicia is important because it (and northern
zones (Muñoz Sobrino et al., 1997). Cantabria is considered entirely within the Euro-Siberian
belt. Andalucía is fully Mediterranean today. The only pollen sample in western Iberia
dated to the Late Pleniglacial comes from Laguna Lucenza (1375 m asl) in Galicia (Muñoz
Sobrino et al. 2001). Cold loving and sun-loving plants dominate the period before 17,300
cal yr BP. Trees present include pine, birch and deciduous oak. Dryas I (here dated
17,300-15,300 cal yr BP) is marked by an increase in Artemisia indicating cool, dry steppe
conditions. However, tree pollen in low percentages includes pine, juniper, birch, hazel
and deciduous oak. Between 15,300 and 13,300 cal yr BP arboreal pollen expands to as
high as 80%. Added to the previous types are evergreen oak, chestnut, alder and ash. On
the coast at Mougás, tree pollen is low with dominance by humid-adapted heathers and
grasses (Ramil Rego et al. 1998). Additional pollen studies in the mountains of northwest
Iberia show a Bølling/Allerød vegetation composed of 40–60% trees, mainly pine and
birch with some deciduous oak, hazel and chestnut (Muñoz Sobrino et al. 1997). Grasses
and herbs made up the rest. The sequence from Brañas de Lamela (1280 m asl), a more
ilex). It would appear therefore, that climate during this period was very similar to today.
In southern Spain, pollen cores dating to the Late Pleistocene have been published
from El Asperillo (0-30m) near Huelva, Padul (785 m asl) near Granada, San Rafael (near
Almería (Pantaléon-Cano et al. 2003) and Navarrés (225 m asl) near Valencia (Stevenson
1984; Pons and Reille 1988; Carrión and van Geel 1999). The El Asperillo sample is from a
peat band dated to 13,000 bp. It shows a slightly cooler and wetter climate with a downward
elevational shift in forest cover of about 100 m compared to today. Several studies have
112
been conducted at Padul, the most recent supported by 21 radiocarbon dates (Pons and
Reille 1988). The LGM appears to be a time of widespread arid steppe vegetation with
grasses and some pine trees. Oaks and Ericaceae are present but in very low percentages,
indicating a nearby refugium of Mediterranean species. About 15,000 bp, pine pollen
Pons and Reille (1988) conclude that climatic amelioration did not take place until after
13,000 bp, when evergreen oak (Quercus ilex) pollen increases. The core from the Canal de
Navarrés (Valencia) shows high aridity at 18,000 bp with a gradual replacement of Artemisia
Its occurrence in several peaks suggests rapidly fluctuating climatic conditions during the
Tardiglacial (Carrión and Van Geel 1999). At San Rafael, the Upper Pleniglacial vegetation
is marked by a high arboreal pollen percentage (~75%) (Pantaléon-Cano et al. 2003). The
most abundant tree pollen comes from evergreen and deciduous oaks wild olive, with
mastic also evident. Grasses are fairly well represented indicating perhaps an open
woodland.
Recently, marine pollen records from deep sea cores have been published
(Hooghiemstra 1988; Hooghiemstra et al. 1992; Parra 1994- cited in Carrión et al. 2000).
Pollen diagrams from cores SU 8103 off SE Spain, SU 8113 off SW Spain and 8057B off SW
Portugal show interesting correlations to the terrestrial cores. In all three, pine dominates
the arboreal spectrum but other deciduous and evergreen trees are present from the LGM
onwards. After 14,900 in core 8057B, Pinus, Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae decrease sharply
at the expense of evergreen and deciduous oak (Hooghiemstra et al. 1992). In the cores off
113
Spain, there is a more gradual shift from the Artemisia and Chenopodiaceae to the evergreen
oaks around 12,000 bp (Carrión 2000). Sánchez Goñi et al. (1999, 2000, 2002), Boessenkool
et al. (2001) and Roucoux et al. (2001) have correlated the terrestrial pollen records with the
marine record from the Last Interglacial to present. Boessenkool et al. (2001) show the
spread of deciduous oak slightly later, around 13,000 bp, than the record from core 8057B
nearby. Turon et al. (2003) show the same pattern for core SU 81-18 to the west of 8057B In
core MD95-2039, a site 180 km offshore to the west of the mouths of the Douro and Mondego
rivers, arboreal pollen reaches higher than present levels after Heinrich I (Roucoux et al.
2001).
The general picture for the Last Glacial Maximum climate in Iberia is of aridity with
slightly cooler temperatures followed by instability between 17-14,500 bp. After a cold
event triggered by meltwater and iceberg rafting around 14,500 bp, temperatures and
precipitation increased by13,000 bp, allowing forests to return to the uplands. The lack of
low elevation pollen records for much of Iberia precludes a definitive paleoenvironmental
reconstruction. In all cases, except El Asperillo, Mougás and San Rafael, pollen cores
come from lakes, ponds or peat deposits in mountain zones. Most have no record of the
initial deglaciation or at best imply a cool arid steppe vegetation prior to the last glacial-
interglacial transition. In spite of this problem, warm adapted Mediterranean trees are
evident in these cores albeit in very low frequency. This likely reflects a regional pollen
input and that low elevation zones must have been refugia for these plants (Carrión 2002).
The enhanced aridity evident from pollen cores during the Heinrich events was likely
Table
: Pollen sites in Iberia with cores extending to the Late Pleistocene
NW Portugal
Charco da Candieira mountain pond
/
Lagoa Comprida mountain lake
/
Lagoa Clareza mountain lake
/
Covão do Boieiro mountain pond
Late Glacial
Lagoa de Marinho mountain lake
/
SW Portugal
Fernão Ferro coastal lagoon
NW Spain
Laguna Lucenza mountain lake
Queixa Sierra mountain
Sanabria Marsh mountain marsh
/
Laguna de la Roya mountain lake
Mougás coastal lagoon
/
Brañas de Lamela mountain bog Late Glacial
Lago de Ajo mountain
/
Southern Spain
Navarrés flat valley
/
Siles mountain lake
/
Padul mountain
/
El Asperillo coastal bog
115
climate regime is characterized by hot dry summers and mild wet winters. During the
LGM and Termination 1A/Heinrich 1/Dryas I the winter precipitation decreased because
and summer temperatures permitted forest expansion (Combourieu Nebout et al. 2002;
Sánchez Goñi et al. 2000, 2002). The slow rate of expansion of oak forests and the long lag
between the marine pollen and SST records suggest that warming began much earlier
Charcoal analyses at the Upper Paleolithic site of Cabeço de Porto Marinho provide
the only low elevation Tardiglacial paleobotanical data for Portugal. Figueral (1993)
pinaster/ pinea), evergreen and deciduous oak, birch (Betula pubescens), olive (Olea europaea
var. sylvestris), ash (Fraxinus angustifolia), wild strawberry (Arbutus enedo), tree heath (Erica
arborea) and Leguminosae in CPM levels dated 11,200 bp, corresponding to the Allerød.
Charcoal analysis of the Magdalenian levels of Lapa do Suão shows a similar composition.
Species identified include deciduous oak, pine, wild fruit (members of the Rosaceae family)
succession. Lapa do Picareiro has abundant charcoal in levels dated between 8,310-12,300
bp but it has not been fully analyzed. Preliminary analysis points to a similar vegetation
comprised of deciduous oak, pine, wild olive, willow, ash and Leguminosae typical of
Mediterranean garrigues. The majority of oak in the Late Magdalenian levels is a deciduous
116
oak, possibly Q. faginea. The dominance of this species in the Magdalenian levels indicates
warm, humid conditions as its highest densities in Iberia today occur along the
In Spain, charcoal analyses have been done on numerous sites in Cantabria, the
Pyrenees and the Mediterranean region. Late Glacial assemblages from Cova de les
Cendres, Cova de Santa Maira, Ratlla del Bubo, Tossal de la Roca, Cova Bolumini and
Cueva de Nerja in the Mediterranean region show a much greater abundance of trees
during the Dryas I phase 15,000-12,500 bp than pollen diagrams. This is likely due to
elevational differences between the montane ponds and lakes where the pollen cores were
taken and the archaeological sites. At Ratlla del Bubo, dated to the Solutreo-Gravettian,
juniper dominates but several other trees are present in low frequency. These include
turpentine tree and mastic (Pistacia terebinthus and lentiscus), wild olive (Olea europaea var.
sylvestris), fig (Ficus) and ash (Fraxinus oxyphylla) (Badal and Carrión 2001). Charcoal from
the preceding Solutrean levels at Cendres was predominately black pine (Pinus nigra),
with woody Leguminosae, juniper and small percentages of the evergreen oaks, Quercus
ilex and Q. coccifera (Villaverde et al. 1999). Herbs and shrubs were also identified. During
the initial warming, pine decreased as juniper, Leguminosae and evergreen oak increased.
Also identified during this period are Prunus sp., deciduous oak, heather (Erica multiflora)
and Ephedra. The Dryas I cold phase is marked by a sharp increase in juniper at the expense
of pine and Leguminosae. The evergreen oaks decrease but are still present. In the Upper
over 50% of the assemblage with juniper, Leguminosae and evergreen oak in low
117
percentages. At the end of the occupation deciduous oak, poplar and Pinus halepensis
appear. Villaverde et al. (1999) note that the environment surrounding the shelter was
probably as dry as today but slightly cooler due to the co-occurrence of black pine and
evergreen oak. At Tossal de la Roca the early occupation level dated 15,360 bp had charcoal
from pine (Pinus nigra), with low percentages of juniper and deciduous oak (Quercus
faginea), and box (Buxus sempervirens) (Cacho et al. 1995). This suggests a similar vegetation
to Cendres for the same period. In the Final Magdalenian level dated after 12,500 bp pine
still dominates but deciduous oak increases from 1% to 18%. Montpellier maple (Acer
Microlaminar Epipaleolithic level (10,500) pine drops to a low percentage while oak and
juniper dominate. In the Exterior section, the dated to the Geometric Epipaleolithic, here
dated 9,000-7,000 bp, there is a higher diversity of trees represented in the charcoal
assemblage. Evergreen and deciduous oaks comprise about 80% of the assemblage
followed by Prunus mahaleb, Sorbus sp.(another wild fruit tree), maple and pine (Cacho et
al. 1995). The Santa Maira charcoal assemblage shows a steady decline in juniper from
about 60% in the Upper Magdalenian levels to less than 10% by the Geometric Epipaleolithic
(Badal and Carrión 2001). During this time evergreen and deciduous oaks comprise about
50% followed by low percentages of Prunus, maple and poplar. Other Mediterranean
types include ivy (Hedera helix), Cistacae, Erica sp., Fraxinus sp., Buxus sempervirens and
Pinus pinea. The vegetation represented is similar to that identified at CPM in Portugal
during the same period with the exception of juniper. This may simply be due to elevational
differences between the two sites. At Bolumini, the brief Late Magdalenian levels show
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Together with pollen and charcoal studies, these data can help balance the biases in regional
pollen inputs and human selection of wood fuel. In Portugal, Póvoas et al. (1992) argue
for a shift to a Mediterranean climate during the formation of Level Eb at Caldeirão, dated
Mediterranean pine vole Terricola duodecimcostatus and decrease in the ratio of the voles,
Microtus arvalis to M. agrestis. Unfortunately the rodents are mixed in with ceramics and
fluctuations seen in the deep-sea record. At Picareiro, during the Upper Paleolithic
with Apodemus sylvaticus (field mouse) and Eliomys quercinus (garden dormouse) indicative
of Mediterranean forested environments and rocky habitats in Level J. This trio dominates
the entire sequence with subtle changes observed in Level I where the snow vole, Chionomys
nivalis, appears and Level F where Microtus agrestis occurs. Level I could date to either the
LGM, Upper Pleniglacial or Dryas I which would have been times of cooler and relatively
dry conditions. This is supported by the deposition of eboulis sec in the cave. Level F dates
almost entirely to the Dryas II climate phase which was likely more moderate (wetter)
than today as indicated by the presence of Microtus agrestis (Markova, n.d.). Indeed, Dryas
II barely registers in the deep sea core (SU81-18) off the coast of southern Portugal and is
absent in many regional pollen cores (Bard et al. 1987; Peñalba et al. 1997; van der Knapp
and van Leeuwen 1997; Carrión and Van Geel 1999). The presence of the water vole,
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Arvicola terrestris, in E Lower is not surprising given the radiocarbon overlap between this
level and Level F. In the Magdalenian levels of Lapa do Suão, dated to roughly 15,000-
10,000 bp, Haws and Valente (2001) identified Eliomys quercinus, Arvicola terrestris and
Microtus agrestis. The composition matches that of Caldeirão Eb and Picareiro E and F.
from archaeological sites (Bicho, 1993, 1994; Cardoso, 1993a &b; Zilhão, 1995). At Caldeirão,
the disappearance of ibex (Capra pyrenaica) and chamois (Rupricapra rupicapra) and
subsequent replacement by red deer, roe deer, wild boar and beaver has been argued to
indicate a change from cold, dry steppe to warm, humid forest conditions. Explicit in this
argument is the idea that the former animals are cold-adapted because of their presence in
alpine areas of Iberia today. However, researchers in Mediterranean Spain use chamois
as an indicator of warm, humid forest conditions in the early Holocene. Although chamois
today is usually found in higher elevations across Europe, Tosi et al. (1987) show it living
at 300m elevation in Italy. These facts support the idea that chamois have a much restricted
range than in the past. Indeed, Miracle & Sturdy (1991) presented evidence from the
Balkans that habitat alteration and human hunting pressures in the recent past have forced
chamois out of low-elevation karst zones. Therefore, the disappearance of chamois from
the Caldeirão assemblage likely represents a change in human selection of this prey, not
simply a change in climate. Its occurrence in Allerød levels at Picareiro provides further
Although data are scanty it is likely that the Younger Dryas impacted central Portugal.
Bard et al. (1987) and Duplessy et al. (1996) show cold waters of the coast of southern
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Portugal during the Younger Dryas. Magnetic susceptibility curves for Picareiro show a
sudden drop between 11,700 and 10,070 bp likely corresponding to the Younger Dryas
(Ellwood et al. 2001). An abrupt decrease in oak pollen from marine cores suggests a
rapid decline in temperatures on land. Pollen spectra from northern and southern Spain,
however, show a return of steppe communities indicative of dry but not very cold
conditions (Pons & Reille, 1988; Peñalba et al. 1997; Carrión and Van Geel 1999). Both
evergreen and deciduous oaks remain present in Padul and Quintanar de la Sierra (1470
m asl) but in lesser frequency. In Catalunya, the Lake Banyoles record shows a drop in
Pinus but other species remained constant (Pérez-Obiol & Julià, 1994). The molluscan
evidence from Pedra do Patacho dated 10,400 bp have been argued to indicate cold waters
off the southwestern Portuguese coast due to the presence of Littorina littorea. However,
these limpets are found today on the Algarve coast casting doubt on their use as
paleoclimatic indicators.
In the early Holocene, by 9,500 bp, a mix of Mediterranean and Atlantic species
returned to Estremadura. Pollen diagrams from the Lagoa Comprida (1400 asl) show
open forest (Jansen and Woldringh, 1981). Between 9,200-9,000 bp, there was a rapid
transition from the open pine forest to a more closed one dominated by oak. Shortly
before 8,300, birch pollen rises along with grasses. Between 8,300-2,600 bp, the pollen
record shows several oscillations of oak and birch with small percentages of pine. Ash,
willow, hazel, and alder are also present. On the coast, the earliest pollen record is dated
9,500 bp just south of Lisbon in the Lagoa do Golfo (Mateus and Queiroz 1997). Since the
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base of the core was dominated by pine, Mateus and Queiroz (1993) argue for extensive
Maritime pine (Pinus pinaster) stands on the coastal dunes. They extrapolate this hypothesis
further back to the Late Glacial and suggest the entire coastal strip from Sines in Alentejo
to Porto was covered by Maritime pine. Obviously, this requires data from offshore since
the Late Glacial coast lay 10-40 km west of its present location.
deep sea and ice cores with terrestrial records and subsequently argue for similarities
between the changes in northern and southwestern Europe (de Beaulieu et al. 1994; Lowe
and NASP Members 1995; Peñalba et al. 1997; Zilhão 1997;. Roucoux et al. 2001; Ellwood et
al. 2001). Indeed, there are agreements and disagreements between the different records.
However, the evidence from Portugal shows a much more moderate climate (similar to
today) during the last glacial-interglacial transition than in Northern Europe or even
northern Spain. While the Polar Front may have been situated off the coast of Galicia
during the Last Glacial Maximum and montane glaciers grew in the mountains of north
and central Portugal, climate was never severe enough to permit colonization by cold,
steppe-adapted mammoth and reindeer as in Cantabria. The plant and animal communities
in Portugal were flexible enough to adapt with some altitudinal and latitudinal shifts
represented. Thus, non-arboreal shrubs and sedges expanded their range in the mountains,
but trees were still present. Mediterranean types shifted downward in elevation and
possibly southward, while birch, pine and deciduous oak prevailed in montane valleys.
Horse and wild aurochs likely had increased area of grassy plains to grow their populations.
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Ibex and chamois may have been more numerous to the detriment of red deer and wild
boar populations. By 17,800 bp sea surface temperatures rebounded to those of the present
day. Unfortunately, there is no solidly-dated terrestrial record in Portugal for the period
between 18,000 and 12,500 years bp. One can only assume conditions on land also
improved. The first indications from charcoal analysis show this to be true at least by
14,000 bp. The composite magnetic susceptibility reference section for southern Europe
by Ellwood et al. (2001) shows the Lascaux interstadial followed by two warm oscillations
prior to the Allerød. It is likely therefore that the warm ocean temperatures dated 17,800
bp correspond to the Lascaux interstadial. The second oscillation reflects the onset of the
Bølling period. The Younger Dryas cold snap seems to have resulted in cooler and more
Reconstructing plant availability for Late Pleistocene Portugal is also made difficult
by the millennia of landscape alteration by people since the Neolithic. Recent planting of
Maritime pine (Pinus pinaster) forest since the 12th century has led to an artificial abundance
of this tree species in central Portugal (Vieira et al. 2000). This species has great economic
value for its resin and wood, which was used to build ships. Pinus pinea was also valued
in ship building and it was more widespread in the historic past. During the Arab
occupation, dense forests of P. pinea were cleared in order to export wood to North Africa
and the Middle East (Vieira et al. 2000). The planting of Stone pine plantations in the
south has also led to the common idea that they are better adapted to warmer, sunnier
climates while the former prefer slightly more temperate conditions. In protected natural
places in Estremadura like the Tapada de Mafra (the former royal hunting grounds) both
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pines are present. In general P. pinea outcompetes P. pinaster on the sunnier, south-facing
slopes of hills while on the northern face the opposite is true. Identifying their occurrence
in prehistoric archaeological sites can be problematic since ecologists consider them both
part of the meso-Mediterranean (Barberó et al. 1998). Charcoal studies are perhaps the
most common method used. Figueiral (1995), Schweingruber (1990), Jacquiot (1955) each
give criteria for distinguishing the two types based on wood anatomy. Mateus and Queiroz
(1997) identified Pinus pinaster charcoal from a single hearth at Ponte da Vigia and pollen
cores from Fernão Ferro, leading them to extrapolate a Maritime pine forest on the Late
Glacial coast of Estremadura. Given small sample size, single species dominance, and the
fact that both date to the early Holocene one has to wonder about the accuracy of this
reconstruction. Zilhão’s (1997) hypothesis that the Late Glacial coast was covered by sand
dunes is based on four lines of evidence: 1) the Solutrean site of Vale Almoinha, which
today is located near the coast in eolian deposits; 2) sedimentary analyses of submerged
landforms by Daveau (1980) that suggest desert-like condistions on the LGM coast; 3) the
pollen/ charcoal record from Fernão Ferro; and 4) the geochemical study of Caldeirão Eb
showing elevated Na, argued by Zilhão to indicate the persistence of cold, salty winds
blowing inland. Vale Almoinha is probably 40 km inland from the LGM coast and therefore
should not be considered a “coastal” site. Therefore conclusions about the origin of the
eolian deposits need to be reconsidered. The pollen record from Fernão Ferro is reported
badly mixed and the two radiocarbon dates are on bulk bone samples. There is no reason
to conclude from them that the deposit accumulated gradually over 5,000 years, nor that
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elevated Na in the deposit is due to salty winds blowing inland from the ocean, especially
given that the cave is located in a sheltered valley 60 km inland. Furthermore, Turner and
Hannon (1988) suggest that deciduous forest refugia during periglacial times were likely
As evident in the pollen and charcoal data, southern Spain and central Portugal
witnessed a much earlier expansion of warm, temperate and Mediterranean forests after
the LGM than in northern Spain and Catalunya. The Dryas I phase saw a regression of
forest species. In southern Spain and central Portugal the reappearance of mixed temperate
and Mediterranean vegetation took place in the Bølling/Allerød phase whereas in northern
Iberia it occurred in the Early Holocene. Rich plant communities were certainly available
utility of the available plants for Late Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers in central Portugal
and the factors that condition their deposition and preservation in archaeological sites.
among hunter-gatherers often implicitly ask the question, ’what are the costs relative to
the benefits of exploiting a given plant?’ With regard to many plants, especially tannin-
rich ones requiring high processing costs, the answer is usually that the costs often far
exceed the energetic benefits and that their inclusion in the diet must be due to some sort
question may be asked from a wider nutritional perspective: ‘what are the costs of not
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utilizing certain plant resources?’ Given the issues regarding human nutrition in chapter
2, all resources are not equal and probably should not be measured by a single variable,
energy, despite its appeal to simplicity (e.g., Jochim 1998). Non-energetic nutritional needs
can alter the perceived “value” of a food resource. Without relying on cumbersome linear
programming models that require extremely fine-grained data, plant (and animal)
resources can be evaluated with regard to nutritional quality for analytical purposes.
Most of the work on modeling prehistoric plant use has been done within a foraging
theory framework. The majority of these studies are centered in the Great Basin and
California, though models also have been developed for eastern North America (Simms
1987; Barlow and Metcalfe 1996; Gardner 1997; Gremillion 2002). Basgall (1987) considered
experimentally derived energetic return rates for wild plant resources utilized by prehistoric
Great Basin foragers. Note that Table 4.8 shows that plants and small game consistently
rank lower than large game. For Europe, Rowley-Conwy (1984) has also estimated return
rates for acorns and hazelnuts as well as other economic resources based on Perlman’s
(1980) figures for eastern North America (Table 4.9). However, neither Rowley-Conwy
nor Perlman considered handling times in their return rate estimation. Additional studies
focused on nutritional returns from wild plant collecting have been conducted in northern
Mexico and northwest Patagonia (Laferrière 1995; Ladio and Lozada 2000). These studies
show that energetic return rates are often not the primary factor determining plant food
and Europe that focus on acorns and pine nuts because these resources from different
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Table : Comparative return rates for plant and animal resources in the Great Basin
species common name/type kcal/hr
species of oaks and pines would have been present in the Late Pleistocene of central
Portugal. In fact, they are evident from Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene sites in
Mediterranean Spain.
For the Great Basin, Metcalfe and Barlow (1992) built a model for field processing
and transport of pine nuts from Pinus monophylla. This pine is widespread in the Great
Basin and was the most widely exploited variety in prehistoric and historic times (Rhode
and Madsen 1998). In the Metcalfe and Barlow model, field processing decisions are
conditioned by the travel time to the resource, its utility (edible: inedible portion) and the
time necessary to process it. Utility indices for pinyon pine nuts were then applied to a
central place foraging model to “explore relationships between the costs and benefits of
collecting, field processing and transporting loads …to base camps and the implications
for overall efficiency while foraging” (Barlow and Metcalfe 1996: 352). Bettinger et al.
(1997) also used a central place foraging model to explore acorn and mussel use in central
California. In each of these models, knowledge of distance and/or travel time to resource
location and the time needed to process are critical elements. The results of these studies
are used in this section to explore some of the factors that may have relevance to Late
know the locations of various resources in relation to an archaeological site. Often, site
types (i.e., residential vs task sites) are not easily determined. Given these problems the
central place foraging models cannot be fully utilized for most prehistoric cases. They do
however, provide some expectations concerning resource use that can be applied to Late
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Pleistocene Portugal. The Metcalfe and Barlow (1992) model predicts when resources
should be processed in the field prior to transport. The feasibility of processing is dependent
on the type of ‘package’ the resource is found, or the inedible fraction that must be removed.
Removing this portion increases the utility of a resource and allows more to be collected
and transported back to camp. For plants, the greater the processing time required the
less likely a resource will be field processed. Time and group composition also place
important constraints on the decisions. If women and children are collecting, they are less
likely to camp overnight than men, thus placing a time constraint on collecting. Weight is
also an important variable because of thresholds in the amount that can be carried.
Reducing or eliminating bulky, inedible parts lowers the weight and increases the overall
utility of a resource.
In their experimental model for pine nut and pickleweed exploitation, Barlow and
Metcalfe (1996) found that foragers could lower costs and raise return rates if they moved
residence to the resource location. For pine nuts, the cones represent a significant, space-
consuming fraction and should be removed to maximize the amount of edible nuts
transported. The hulls require more processing and it is not economical to remove them
prior to transport unless extremely long distances are involved (>100 km). Unless stands
are within a very short distance pine nuts should be transported to base camps in their
hulls. This means that cones should be rarely deposited in residential camps, but pine nut
hulls may be deposited in large numbers. Since they do not require heating to be cracked
open, these may rarely be charred and therefore not likely to preserve except in rare cases
of exceptional preservation. Based on the central place model, if pine nuts were a significant
129
resource then residential camps would not necessarily be expected in areas near stands
because pine nuts can be transported fairly long distances before it becomes unprofitable.
In the Great Basin example, significant weight differences were found in the amounts
of processed vs unprocessed pine nuts that could be carried using basket containers whose
function as pine nut carriers is known ethnographically. Barlow and Metcalfe (1996) report
nuts. Of course, carrying such a large load over long distances would be physically
demanding. Ethnographic data suggest women would carry 3-15 kg (Metcalfe and Barlow
1992). Based on this alone it would seem doubtful that prehistoric foragers would have
traveled long distances to carry heavy loads. However, Barlow and Metcalfe (1996) show
that return rates are higher for larger load sizes regardless of processing time and distance
to patches. This pattern appears to hold true in other regions such as northwest Patagonia
where the Mapuche make overnight trips to the forest 50 km away to collect seeds of the
Araucaria araucana. Ladio and Lozada (2000) do not report individual load size, numbers
of carriers or whether cones were discarded prior to transport but observed that Mapuche
families transport 100 kg of seeds per trip. Given the large size of the Araucaria cone, it
Pine nuts
For Portugal, the charcoal data are equivocal concerning the types of pine located
near the archaeological sites of the Bølling/Allerød phase. Figuieral (1993, 1995) has
developed some criteria to discern Pinus pinaster from P. pinea. Distinguishing these two
is important because P. pinaster has a much smaller seed than the ‘pignolia’ of P. pinea.
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Initial research led Figueiral (1993) to argue that both types were present in the charcoal
assemblage from CPM. Subsequent SEM analyses may suggest that much of the pine
charcoal from CPM was from P. pinaster but the assemblage was not systematically
reanalyzed (Figueiral 1995). The conclusion is based solely on impressions and the
methodology itself is new and so far has not been replicated by others. More SEM analyses
are needed in order to verify these criteria. Considerable variability and overlap in the
criteria offered by Jacquiot, Schweingruber and Figueiral makes it difficult to accept that
these pines can be reliably differentiated by their wood anatomy at present. In evolutionary
terms, the wood is under the least amount of selection and thus inter-species variation is
low. Most species within a given genus are only distinguishable by leaf structure and
Considering the preferred habitats of these pines, the calcareous soils of the limestone
uplands in Estremadura may have limited the spread of P. pinea. Thus, sites in Serras of
Aire and Candeeiros, where most of the fauna-bearing caves are located, would not be
expected to have evidence of pine nut consumption. As will be seen in the next chapter,
these sites are specialized animal carcass processing locations, not residential sites (Bicho
1996; Zilhão 1995). On the other hand, the low plains and valleys of Estremadura are
covered by Miocene sands and podzols which are well suited for P. pinea. The Rio Maior
valley would have been prime habitat for P. pinea. Its occurrence during the Tardiglacial
is confirmed by the charcoal record. Unfortunately, direct evidence of pine nut processing
the area. The absence of charred nutshells does not necessarily mean that pine nuts were
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not utilized. Although heating aids seed removal and thus may result in charring, it is not
required. Dried seeds could easily be cracked open to remove the seed from the hull. The
technology does not necessitate large slab grinding stones, common for plant processing
in later times. Small grinding stones have been found at CPM in the Rio Maior valley but
no residue analyses have been made on them. Grinding stones were also found in open-
air Gravettian sites in the Rio Maior valley and Vale Boi in southern Portugal (Thacker
pers. com; Bicho et al. 2000). Of course, the occurrence of grinding stones does not
necessarily mean they were used in plant processing. They could have been used in
pigment grinding or animal bone grease processing. Until residue analyses are made,
For Mediterranean Spain, Badal (1998, 2001) identified over 9,900 carbonized pieces
of pine cones and seed hulls from Pinus pinea in the Cueva de Nerja. Though natural fires
can ignite vegetation in caves, the association of these pieces with archaeological
occupations provides a reasonable basis for considering them human food refuse. The
majority were collected in three archaeological levels dated to the Solutrean, Upper
530 bp to 17,940+/-200 bp (Jordá Pardo et al. 1990), Badal (1998) reported 2580 fragments
of cones and 196 hull pieces. The occurrence of P. pinea indicates warm, humid conditions
near the cave suggesting an occupation during an interstadial following the LGM.
Importantly, it demonstrates substantial human use of pine nuts as early as the Solutrean
in the cave, although pine cones and hulls are found in the Early Upper Paleolithic levels
too. Equal frequency of pine nuts occurs in the Upper Magdalenian level 7 dated 12,130
132
and hull fragments are also found in the subsequent Microlaminar Epipaleolithic level
dated 10,860+/-160 bp. While this date falls within the Younger Dryas period, it overlaps
the end of the warmer Allerød. Based on faunal analyses, the Younger Dryas at Nerja is
characterized by cold-adapted birds and fish so it is unlikely that vegetation remained the
same. Therefore, the pine nuts in the Epipaleolithic levels were likely deposited prior to
In all levels containing evidence for pine nuts, the occurrence of cone fragments implies
a short distance to pine stands. According to the Barlow and Metcalfe (1996) model, these
would only be transported with pine nuts if round trip times to find and collect them
Acorns
According to pollen and charcoal analyses, both evergreen and deciduous oaks were
present in Late Pleistocene Portugal. Generally, only broad categories may be discernible
by wood anatomy. Oaks are divided by non-taxonomic categories, such as white oaks,
black oaks red oaks, etc., by North American foresters. Identification through wood
anatomy is more easily done for these categories than by species although there is apparent
disagreement on this between North American and European specialists. Carrión et al.
(2000) claim to have distinguished the pollen form of Q. suber from Q. ilex. Their criteria
have not been applied to other regional pollen analyses so the best hope for determining
which species was more prevalent during the Bølling/ Allerød phase is the modern ecology
and biogeography of the two species. Regardless of these problems, each of the species
133
present today would have been present in the Late Pleistocene. Because Iberia was a
refuge for many northern European plants, additional deciduous types may be present in
the pollen and charcoal samples from northern Iberian sites (Bennett et al. 1991).
During the cold periods of the LGM and Dryas I, Q. ilex was probably limited in its
biogeographic range. While it may have been able to withstand the lower temperatures,
the increased aridity would have precluded the formation of closed-canopy Holm oak
forests that characterize much of the natural areas of lowland central and southern Portugal
today. Charcoal analyses of LGM sites shows that Q. suber was present in Caldeirão,
located in a sheltered valley, but not in the upper elevation site of Anecrial or the open,
low-elevation site of CPM (Zilhão 1997). Thus, acorns from these species would not have
been available in large quantities to hunter-gatherers during cold, dry periods like the
Solutrean and Middle (?) Magdalenian. They would likely have been present during the
immediate post-LGM Early Magdalenian but more prevalent during the warm, humid
charcoal from CPM attests to its presence in the Late Magdalenian. The occurrence of Q.
suber in CPM and Caldeirão is likely due to their location near sandy Miocene sediments
At present there is no physical evidence of acorn use during the Upper Paleolithic or
Epipaleolithic in central Portugal. In Spain, acorn parts were identified in the Upper
Paleolithic levels of Cueva de Nerja and a few Epipaleolithic sites in Catalunya mentioned
earlier. Considering the Bettinger et al. (1997) model for acorn processing and transport,
unprocessed acorns should be transported from stands to residential sites. They found
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Table : Comparative nutritional values expressed in g/g; mg/g and µg/g for
selected nuts from Mediterranean woodlands
Niacin
Folate
µg
A
E
B
B
Data from USDA food composition database Alce Ingeniería (Spain) Tabela da Composição dos
Alimentos Portugueses (Gonçalves Ferreira & da Silva Graça )
Protein
Fat
Carbohydrate
kcal
Minerals (mg)
calcium
phosphorus
iron
magnesium
potassium
sodium
zinc
Vitamins
C
Thiamin
Riboflavin
Niacin
Folate µg
A (IU)
E
B
B µg
Data from USDA food composition database ; Alce Ingeniería (Spain)
Table : Comparative nutritional values expressed in g/g; mg/g and µg/g for
selected game from Mediterranean woodlands
Common Red deer Red deer Roe deer Wild boar Wild boar Rabbit Rabbit Goat Goat Horse Horse
name
Portuguese Veado Corço Javali Coelho Cabra Cavalo
name
Protein
Fat
Carbohydrate
kcal
Minerals (mg)
calcium
phosphorus
iron
magnesium
potassium
sodium
zinc
Vitamins
C
Thiamin
Table : Comparative nutritional values expressed in g/g; mg/g and µg/g
for selected fish and from Iberian waters
Common name Salmon Sardine Gilthead Shad Trout
Portuguese name Salmão Sardinha Dourada Sável Truta
Protein
Fat
() (
)
Carbohydrate
kcal
Minerals (mg)
calcium
phosphorus
iron
magnesium
potassium
sodium
zinc
Vitamins
C
Thiamin
Riboflavin
Niacin
Folate
A (IU)
E
B
B µg µg µ µg
Data from Nettleton ( ) Tables & ; Alce Ingeniería (Spain);
Tabela da Composição dos Alimentos Portugueses (Gonçalves Ferriera & da Silva Graça )
All analyses conducted on fresh fish
Table : Comparative nutritional values expressed in g/g; mg/g and µg/g
for selected shellfish and from Iberian waters
Common name Cockle Clam Razor clam Mussel Oyster Scallop Limpet Periwinkle
Portuguese name Berbigão Amêijoa Navalha Meixilhão Ostra Vieira Lapa Burrié
Protein
Fat
() ( ) () ()
Carbohydrate
kcal
Minerals (mg)
calcium
phosphorus
iron
magnesium
potassium
sodium
zinc
Vitamins
C
Thiamin
Riboflavin
Niacin
Folate µg
A (IU)
E
B
B µg µg µg
Data from Nettleton ( ) Tables & ; Alce Ingeniería (Spain); Tabela da Composição dos
Alimentos Portugueses
(Gonçalves Ferriera & da Silva Graça )
All analyses conducted on fresh shellfish
137
138
that cupule removal, cracking, winnowing and leaching or roasting are not economical in
the field unless acorns are transported over 125 km. Since no groups were ever observed
transporting acorns over such long distances it is assumed that this processing did not
take place in the field. Drying to reduce load weight may be the only economical field
processing but this is contingent on the amount of time spent in the field. Therefore,
evidence of acorn use should occur predominately in residential camps, not in logistical
task sites. Unfortunately, these are the sites in Portugal that lack organic preservation.
Nutritional utility
have shown that reproductive fitness, not energy maximization, is the primary factor
driving subsistence strategies (Hawkes et al. 1991, 1997, 2001; O’Connell 2000; Winterhalder
and Smith 2002). The nutritional ecology approach offers an additional perspective to
Tables 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13 and 4.14 show the nutritional values of food types that
were available to Late Pleistocene hunter-gatherers in central Portugal. Note that small
game like rabbits offer the same proportions of protein, fat and micronutrients as large
game if not higher. Birds are also high in protein and much higher in fat than terrestrial
mammals. Fish are also comparable sources of protein. Shellfish contain lesser quantities
of protein the proportions of various proteins are better suited to human metabolism (Wing
and Brown 1979; Nettleton 1985; Erlandson 1988). Plants on the other hand have a wide
range of nutrient values but are the best source of carbohydrate. In the case of tree nuts,
pine nuts and hazelnuts have high proportions of protein and fat and, consequently,
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immensely high caloric value compared to animals. Acorns and chestnuts are generally
good sources of carbohydrate. Detailed nutritional analyses of other edible wild plants
such as seeds, leaves, roots, bulbs and tubers are not available. However, some qualitative
information is provided in Table 4.2. For the most part, these would have provided
vitamins, minerals, fiber, essential oils and fatty acids. These types of plants would have
While post-encounter return rates for all the resources available to Upper Paleolithic
people in Iberia are not feasible, the conclusion reached by many that large game will
always outrank small game, aquatic resources, and plants in terms of caloric energy is a
useful starting point for discussing foraging efficiency in energetic terms (Kelly 1995;
Broughton 1995; Broughton and O’Connell 1999; Ugan and Bright 2001). Assuming the
larger the animal, the higher the rank, horse and aurochs should be the highest ranking
resource since they would arguably provide the greatest number of calories per animal
unit even though they might not be encountered frequently. Medium ungulates like red
deer, ibex, chamois and wild boar might be roughly equivalent in caloric value but much
lower than large animals and encountered more often. Small game such as rabbits and
birds would rank lower due to their smaller package size and despite their greater
abundance and encounter frequency. Plants and shellfish, while highly productive, would
rank lowest because they require higher labor investment for much lower caloric return
However, resource rank does not often predict the relative contribution to the diet. If
perhaps large game hunting was driven more by male status-seeking than subsistence
concerns (O’Connell 2000). In places like the temperate mid-latitudes and sub-humid
Mediterranean where plants and small animals were always present, large game hunting
might not have been as important to overall subsistence as in the polar regions where
there is little else to eat. Daily subsistence may therefore have been based on plant collection
On the other hand, if Jochim’s (1998) claim that hunter-gatherers will naturally choose
a balanced diet is a result of our evolutionary heritage as primates then meat would not be
the central focus of prehistoric diets given the problems discussed in chapter 2 (Speth and
Spielmann 1983; Eaton et al. 1997, 1998, 2002; Cordain et al. 2000a&b, 2002). Hockett and
Haws (in press) have argued that balanced essential nutrient intake through dietary
diversity enabled Early Upper Paleolithic humans to grow their populations and replace
archaic forms in Europe. In Iberia, diverse diets may have a greater antiquity due to
greater availability of plants and small animals. Given this it is more plausible to assume
that modern humans in Iberia were naturally acquiring a balanced diet during the Upper
In nutritional terms, the values for the foods in Tables 4.10- 4.14 show that plants and
small animals like shellfish offer many nutrients in better proportion than ungulates.
Hunter-gatherers would have achieved better overall health and greater reproductive
success by exploiting a wider range of resources. Nutritionally, tree nuts may have been
important substitutes for meat in lean seasons due to their storability. In the Mediterranean
region, including Portugal, the lean season would have been the summer dry season.
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Pine nuts would have maintained their fat stores for several months enabling hunter-
gatherers to offset the risk of protein poisoning if they were eating large amounts of meat
in the absence of plants. They could also have complemented meat during seasons where
both were plentiful. Stores of carbohydrates in the form of acorns and/or chestnuts would
also benefit people through their protein-sparing action. The leafy greens with their
essential vitamins and carotenoids would have been available for much of the year due to
4.5 Discussion
Where edible plants are found people will consume them. This is obvious from
edible portions of various plants in the Early Holocene sites of Catalunya, Andorra and
southern France tracks the changes in the environment. In these regions climate was
more rigorous during the Late Pleistocene as evident by charcoal analyses, pollen and
deep sea cores in the northwest Mediterranean. As forests spread so does evidence of the
use of their products. In areas such as southern Spain and central Portugal where climate
was less severe the pollen and charcoal record shows that the types of plants exploited in
later times were present in the same proportion as today by 12,500 bp. If the hypothesis
that humans will consume plants when they are available is true, then there should be
evidence of their use during this period. Sites in southern Spain do contain evidence of
plant exploitation before the Early Holocene. However, there is no such evidence of
and the non-use of techniques suited to recovering plant remains. Most sites were excavated
before modern techniques like flotation were developed. Research bias against the idea
that plants were important components of Paleolithic diets also made attempts at recovery
Using the expectations derived from analogous species of pine nuts and acorns in the
Great Basin and California, there would be little reason to expect either to have been
processed in Lapa do Picareiro, Caldeirão, Lapa dos Coelhos, Bocas or Lapa do Suão.
Neither require intensive field processing with the exception of removing pine seed hulls
from their cones. These would likely have been deposited in locations within pine stands
or in residential sites, not specialized animal carcass processing sites. Acorns would only
have been identified as leaching pits in the open-air Upper Paleolithic, Epipaleolithic or
Mesolithic sites of central Portugal. Charred nutshells of either pine nuts or acorns have
not been recovered. No site has been excavated using flotation or any other systematic
method for recovering these items. Recently, wet-sieving has been done using bulk samples
from a few sites but this has not been done for or by paleoethnobotanists. All charred
material is treated as charcoal and only recently has identification of wood species occurred
prior to sample destruction for radiocarbon dating (Figueiral 1993). No report on charcoal
It can be demonstrated that central Portugal was a refugium for Mediterranean and
temperate plant species during the Late Glacial. This mixed community existed in low-
lying plains and valleys until the Late Glacial interstadials allowed recolonization of upper
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plants were a substantial portion of the diet during the Late Upper Paleolithic and
Epipaleolithic. Current research projects in central and southern Portugal are utilizing
methods to recover such evidence. Preliminary data indicate the use of plants as early as
the Gravettian (Thacker pers. com.). Given these findings, it is likely that plant exploitation
was a regular and probably significant portion of the human diet during the Late Upper
Paleolithic. The implications from central place modeling drawn upon in this chapter
should serve to guide future research expectations concerning the types of plant materials
resources shows that certain plants can be economically exploited over long distances.
The Mapuche example cited above further illustrates the value of plants with regard to
macronutrient content. The nutrient values for the tree nuts of the Mediterranean are
resource stress, the prime motivation for subsistence change in the Broad Spectrum
Revolution model and diet breadth model, it is doubtful that people would have ignored
such an abundant and easily processed resource such as pine nuts. The labor inputs and
nutritional gains, whether energetic or marcronutrient, would have made pine nuts as
highly ranked and probably higher than those from the Great Basin. Although late fall
and winter would have been ideal collection times, immediate consumption would not
have been necessary. Cones or seeds in hulls could be stored for several months, increasing
Pine nut and acorns serve as examples of the types of plants that could have played
not they could have been staples is debatable. Additional nuts may not have been as
abundant as pine nuts and acorns in Estremadura. Walnuts are thought to have been
introduced to Portugal by the Romans. Chestnuts and hazelnuts occur naturally and
were evident from Late Pleistocene pollen diagrams in northwest Iberia. However, neither
Certainly, a wide variety of plants besides tree nuts were available as food. Many of
these, such as greens and tubers leave no durable remains. The pit of wild fruits and
berries are virtually unknown in archaeological sites from this period. Only a few seeds
from Rubus, probably blackberry, were recovered at Picareiro. Of the edible roots, tubers
and bulbs mentioned by Clarke (1976), there is no specific evidence to date. However, the
use-wear and starch grain analyses on Gravettian tools has produced some promising
results (Thacker pers. com.). The availability of these plants is unknown because there are
no pollen cores in low altitude locations in central Portugal that date to the Late Glacial.
However, the pollen diagram from San Rafael in Spain shows that coastal marsh taxa
were present as early as 16,000 bp. Even at Mougás, in Galicia, pollen from the Liliaceae
and Umbelliferae, two important families with edible taxa, were present in the Bølling/
Allerød. Since many of the plants Clarke discussed inhabit this zone, they may have been
available to Magdalenian people. The lack of human skeletal material on which stable
isotope and trace element assays can be made precludes a better understanding of the
sources of protein and calcium in the diet and the role of marine foods.
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In the next chapter, the representativeness of animal resources in the Late Pleistocene
and Early Holocene of central Portugal is addressed. Archaeological evidence for animal
taxonomic identification. Site function and formation processes are investigated through
nature of animal exploitation and the role of animals in prehistoric diet during the Late
Pleistocene faunas
The study of the Paleolithic in Portugal began in the 19th century (Bicho 1992, 1993;
Zilhão n.d., 1995). The initial goal of early studies was to confirm the coexistence of humans
and extinct Pleistocene animals in Portugal. J.F. Nery Delgado and Carlos Ribeiro, of the
Serviços Geológicos, were aware of work in northern France proving the antiquity of man.
Excavations by Delgado at the Gruta de Casa da Moura, just six years after the finds of
Boucher de Perthes in the Somme Valley were accepted, showed this to be true in Portugal
as well. His work was based on a consideration of the agents responsible for the animal
By the early 20th century, taphonomic considerations appear to have been forgotten
or ignored. Vieira Natividade and others from the Serviços Geológicos excavated numerous
fauna-bearing caves in the area between the Estremadura coast and the limestone massif.
Many caves were excavated without regard for taphonomy or stratigraphy as was common
in many regions during this period. Of these, Gruta das Alcobertas and Algar de João
Ramos contained Pleistocene fauna (Araújo and Zilhão 1991; Cardoso 1996). The former
has an undated Upper Paleolithic occupation while the latter is considered a paleontological
site which was recently dated to 14,170 +/-170 bp (Antunes 1989). Edouard Harlé (1910-
the fauna collected from all of the known Pleistocene sites. His work remained the primary
147
source on the subject until the 1970s. During the interim, Quaternary research flourished
under Henri Breuil, Georges Zbyszewski and Octávio da Veiga Ferreira of the Serviços
Geológicos but few Late Upper Paleolithic sites were excavated. Most of their research
focused on the period between the Last Interglacial and Last Glacial Maximum. Jean
Roche (1972) integrated the geologic work with a summary of Pleistocene faunas. This
was a descriptive paper that used the faunal record as a guide for estimating glacial climate
of fauna and the sites from which they came is a useful guide for comparative biometrics
but offers little in the way of understanding human behavior. No studies of prey mortality
profiles, skeletal element representation, or butchery patterns have been made on these
materials. In fact, the nature of excavation methodology and museum curation precludes
these analyses since the assemblages represent only a partial sample of the original site
contents. Most of the sites are caves that date to the Middle Paleolithic or Early Upper
Paleolithic and contained assemblages accumulated by humans and carnivores. Each are
characterized by the presence of numerous large and medium carnivores such as hyena,
cave lion, leopard, lynx, bear, wolf, cuon and fox. Herbivores include horse, aurochs, red
deer, roe deer, ibex, chamois, wild boar with some elephant, rhinoceros, and hippopotamus
prior to OIS 2 (Cardoso 1997). Hedgehogs, birds, tortoises, land snails, fish and/or shellfish
are listed in most sites but their presence is difficult to evaluate in the absence of taphonomic
studies.
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On the Iberian Peninsula, rabbits have been hunted for tens of thousands of years. In
fact, the name ‘Hispania’ or ‘España’, derived from the Phoenician word ‘span’, means
‘land of rabbits’ (Bocharti 1712). In Mediterranean Spain and Portugal, Upper Paleolithic
cave and rockshelter sites are usually full of rabbit bones. In Spain, researchers have long
held that humans deposited the large numbers of rabbit bones found in Upper Paleolithic
cave and rockshelter sites. Most researchers viewed rabbit as completely insignificant in
dietary terms despite their high frequencies in Paleolithic sites. In some cases, rabbit
bones were not kept by the excavator (e.g., Pericot at Parpalló). Estimations of dietary
contribution based on meat weight has left rabbit completely marginalized by most
archaeologists who have worked in Iberia. In Portugal, the first consideration of rabbit
taphonomy was Delgado’s (1867) study of Casa da Moura. The earliest description of
Pleistocene faunas listed “nombreux restes” of rabbits at Algar do João Ramos and Casa
da Moura (Harlé 1910/11). The latter was reported to have “rabbit bones layers” that
destroyed by fire in 1975. Systematic taphonomic studies of raptor, carnivore and human
damage to rabbit bones only began in the last 15 years with the work of Hockett, Perez-
Ripoll and Sanchis Serra (Hockett 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1999; Pérez-Ripoll
For the Late Upper Paleolithic the first site excavated with careful attention to
recovering faunal remains was Lapa do Suão or Suão Cave. Prior to this only Casa da
Moura and Bocas rockshelter, excavated in the 1930s, had indications of Magdalenian
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subsistence. The Bocas material is housed in the National Museum and is being studied
by Maria João Valente. This site is discussed below. Since the late 1970s and early 1980s,
the fauna from Suão served as the basis for interpreting Magdalenian subsistence in
Portugal (Roche 1979). Yet, strangely the assemblage was never analyzed and the only
information published was a list of the identified species, with the exception of the single
numerically dominate species, the European rabbit. Consensus was that Magdalenian
subsistence was characterized by a focus on red deer, wild caprids, horse, aurochs and
wild boar (Bicho 1993, 1994; Marks and Mishoe 1997; Roche 1979; Zilhão 1992, 1997).
Rabbits were not recognized as a significant economic resource until recently. The emphasis
on large game has a long tradition in European Paleolithic subsistence studies and this
deeply stratified multi-component sequence with faunal remains from the Neolithic to
the Middle Paleolithic. This record confirmed the general picture of Upper Paleolithic
subsistence with a further refinement of the Solutrean and Magdalenian. Zilhão (1992,
1997) argued that Solutrean subsistence was largely focused on horse, red deer, ibex and
chamois but that Late Pleistocene climate change eliminated ibex and chamois resulting
in a Magdalenian subsistence based largely on red deer and rabbit (see chapter 3).
To date, the most important Late Upper Paleolithic site with preserved faunal remains
is Lapa do Picareiro. This multi-component site represents the most fine-grained evidence
occupied between 8,000 and 12,500 bp. The deposits continue well below but are not well
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dated. The three sites and their Magdalenian levels are the focus of this chapter.
Modern prey population structure and reproductive and behavioral patterns have
been used for many years to interpret prehistoric hunting strategies. The animals hunted
in Portugal during the Late Pleistocene (after the LGM) are still present today in Iberia
with the exception of auroch and wild horse. Aurochs were hunted until at least the
Copper Age and perhaps into Roman times (Estévez and Saña 1999). Horse was hunted
by Magdalenian people but its wild ancestors disappeared from Iberia in Late Prehistory.
The relationship between the Iberian horse and modern domestic ones is subject of debate
(e.g., Uerpmann 1996). Ibex, extirpated in Portugal during the 19th century, and chamois
still live in protected areas in Spain. Red deer, roe deer, wild boar, rabbits and birds still
live in Portugal today. The carnivores wolf, fox, lynx , badger and otter are present in
very low numbers as their prey and habitat have been reduced for centuries. Of these,
only fox is known from Picareiro while wolf, lynx and badger are known from other
contemporary sites such as Suão and Caldeirão. Otter has not been identified in Upper
Because present habitats are substantially different than those of the Late Pleistocene,
little can be said of the animal biomass potential without making some speculative leaps.
The fact that many of the animals hunted in the Late Pleistocene are still present points to
their remarkable adaptability in the face of climatic and environmental change. Despite
these changes and the fact that past distributions may have been different, the modern
structure of the archaeofaunal record. Given the variability in social and feeding behaviors
observed within ungulate species occupying different habitats, modern studies should
not be used as rigid guidelines for interpreting the past. A brief discussion of each of the
Red deer in Iberia prefer open forests of oak. Comparative studies suggest higher
population densities for red deer in open versus closed forests (Straus 1981). Their diet is
mainly leaves, shoots and twigs of trees and shrubs but they will also eat acorns, chestnuts
and grasses. During summer, when rainfall is low they may inhabit piney areas. Given
the open-forested nature of Late Pleistocene Iberia it is not surprising that red deer is the
Male red deer can reach 180 kg while females are usually less than 100 kg. Males
shed their antler between February and April and they regrow around July or August
(Mathias et al. 1998). During most of the year males are solitary while females maintain
small groups of juveniles born the previous spring with a few 1-2 year old animals. Red
deer do not migrate long distances. Males usually occupy territories of 6-10 km2 while
females have ones ranging 2.5-8 km2 (Soriguer et al. 1994). Rutting season occurs during
fall. Males form harems that average about 10 animals. This represents the best time to
take large numbers of red deer in a single hunt. In spring, females break away to give
birth and rear young. Today this occurs between April and June in Portugal and May and
July in Andalucia (Mathias et al. 1998; Soriguer et al. 1994). Juveniles develop rapidly
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achieving half the body weight of an adult by the first year. Growth slows afterwards
with females reaching maximum size around 4-5 years and males around 7-8 years (Mathias
et al. 1998).
Wild boar are found in deciduous and evergreen forests and dense, low shrubland.
They are omnivores and eat mainly fruits, nuts, tubers and roots, but also insects, snails,
frogs, lizards, rodents, eggs and even dead birds (Mathias et al. 1998; Serôdio 1997). During
the fall and winter they fatten up on chestnuts and acorns which together can make up
about 60% of their diet. Wild boar never stray far from permanent water sources but will
walk several kilometers to find chestnuts and acorns (Serôdio 1997). Adult males can
reach 100 kg on average. Females are slightly smaller at around 80 kg. Generally, adult
males are solitary are stay in small groups of two to three during the year until the
reproductive season. Females tend to lead small groups of juveniles. Mating occurs
between November and April. After a gestation of 4 months, births usually range from 2-
4 animals but as many as seven are possible. Some females have been observed giving
Whether or not this occurred in prehistory is unknown, but it raises potential problems in
Little is known about the lifeways of the auroch. The last one was killed in the
early 17th century in eastern Europe. Based on biometric data, adult male aurochs are
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thought to have reached about 800 kg and heights of 1.5- 2 m (Guintard 1999). Biometrics
have also confirmed sexual dimorphism. Males are thought to have been solitary since
many isolated male aurochs skeletons have been found in bogs across northern Europe.
Some of these were wounded by hunters as in the case of the well known Prejlerup aurochs
that had associated microliths from 9-15 arrows (Aaris-Sørensen 1999). In Iberia, aurochs
were generally larger in the south than in the north, possibly due to the milder and more
humid climate (Estévez and Saña 1999). The aurochs may have been a very important
animal for Late Upper Paleolithic people as it is one of the best represented animals in the
Upper Paleolithic rock art of the Côa Valley in northwestern Portugal. At Domingo García
and Siega Verde in central Spain, La Pileta in southern Spain and Parpalló in eastern
Spain, images of aurochs were also a substantial proportion of the total number (Weniger
1999).
Ibex still lives in isolated mountain ranges all over Spain. They are gregarious and
prefer open areas above ~600m elevation. However, they easily adapt to more forested
Cazorla and Segura of southern Spain, ibex are found between 1300m and 2000m (Alados
1985). Mature males live in hierarchical groups of 20 or more animals. During the year
females form groups of mixed juveniles. In May when birthing begins, females rear the
newborns while 1-2 year-old males break away and form smaller groups. In August,
these animals rejoin the female groups. The fall rut occurs in November and December
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when prime-aged males drive away older and sub-adult males to join with females (Alados
1985). In January, the groups segregate again until the following autumn (Alados 1985).
Additional studies show that ibex move seasonally through altitudinal zones. During
winter ibex descend to low altitude woodlands and open valleys. Males may occupy
woodlands more than females (Alados 1985). During warmer months when males gather
increasing numbers, they ascend to shrubland pastures. In summer, the males are found
on steep slopes. This group dynamic probably relates to ibex forage quality, the ideal
being more shrubland type. In the Sierra de Cazorla, population densities are the highest
in elevations 1300-1400m. In this zone ibex is the most abundant ungulate and their diet
is also the most diverse, though the preference is for leaves and branches of Quercus ilex,
the holm oak (Garcia-Gonzalez and Cuartas 1992). Increased dietary diversity in the lower
altitudes is thought to result from competition with other ungulate species. “The increase
in diet diversity values in May could be explained by a wider availability of species and
by a nutrient balancing strategy” (Garcia-Gonzalez and Cuartas 1992: 169). This last
statement may have important ramifications for energy-based optimal foraging models.
indicator for cold dry conditions during the Last Glacial Maximum due to its greater
frequency in southern France during cold periods (Delpech 1978). Contrary to many
suggestions, chamois and ibex should not be used together to indicate certain
paleoenvironmental conditions. Though modern data show that chamois typically live in
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temperate montane areas of fairly low precipitation, their past distribution may have been
quite different (Miracle and Sturdy 1991). In Herzegovina, Miracle and Sturdy (1991)
found chamois bones in Late Upper Paleolithic sites that were located in paleoenvironments
similar to modern low elevation zones that chamois do not occupy today. This suggests
that chamois had a much wider distribution in the past. Tosi et al. (1987) have observed
chamois in protected zones in Italy regularly occupying chestnut and walnut forests as
low as 300m asl. Chamois exhibit a similar group structure to ibex in that the females
form large groups (over 100 animals) during spring and summer, while males form slightly
smaller ones (Berducou and Bousses 1985). The rut occurs in November and December.
Females give birth in June. In winter, chamois inhabit shady, forested areas while in
summer they ascend to higher altitude zones. In Spain today they migrate seasonally 600-
900m between summer and winter ranges. Territory is greatly restricted in winter
There are no living analogs for wild equid behavioral ecology in southern Europe.
Two distinct species of horse occupied Iberia during the Late Pleistocene: Equus hydruntinus
and Equus caballus (Cardoso 1995). Like its modern representatives horses are grazing
animals occupying grassy plains. In Estremadura, they are rare during the Late Glacial
and Early Postglacial, probably due to site location and increased forestation.
The European rabbit probably evolved on the Iberia Peninsula. These animals are
very abundant and territorial. They live primarily in burrows in densely packed warrens.
Rabbits are quite fecund, giving birth throughout the year with spikes in birth frequency
during rainy periods in Spain and Portugal (Garson 1981; Soriguer and Rogers 1981).
Therefore rabbits would have been regularly available throughout the year. Average size
is about 1-2 kg for an adult rabbit. With large numbers of rabbits living in restricted
territories, prehistoric hunters would have been able to easily collect sufficient quantities
With the behavioral ecology of Late Pleistocene prey in mind, the Late Upper
Paleolithic archaeofaunas can be interpreted. Attention now turns to the sites of Lapa do
Picareiro and Lapa do Suão, which contain the most reliable stratigraphic contexts for
Magdalenian subsistence. These sites are then compared to Caldeirão and other sites in
the region.
Lapa do Picareiro is a shallow cave located near the town of Covão do Coelho in a
small depression on the west side of the Serra d’Aire at about 500m above sea level (Figure
5.1-5.4). Gil Andrade first investigated it during the 1960s, when several human burials
associated with decorated pottery were found. The name ‘lapa’ was given to refer to the
shape of the cave. ‘Lapa’ means limpet in Portuguese and the cave is shaped like the
inside of a limpet shell. The site was ignored until 1988, when João Zilhão and members
Figure 5.2: Picareiro is at the top of the Serra d’Aire (above) and 5.3: entrance
158
Figure : Plan of Lapa do Picareiro
D
E
F
G
H
I
L
Entrance
Cave profile
m
159
Figure 5.5: Cave prior to excavation (above) and 5.6: after 2001 (below)
160
charcoal, flints, and animal bone suggesting an Upper Paleolithic component to the site.
In 1994, Bicho tested the site as part of a project to record all of the archaeological sites in
the region (Figure 5.5). This testing not only confirmed the suspicion that the site was
occupied during the Upper Paleolithic, but that it had at least two occupations, the
uppermost dated to 10,000 bp, and that the deposits continued deeper. As a result, Bicho
systematically excavated the site between 1995 and 2001 (Figure 5.6). Beginning in 1995,
visible archaeological materials were piece-plotted and the sediment fine-screened, washed
and sorted to recover small rodent bones, fish vertebrae, shell, charcoal, and numerous
F Charcoal
Wk
* noncalibrated results
The excavation revealed 19 stratigraphic levels labeled A-S, with the 6 dated
archaeological occupations occurring in D, E, F, and G (Figures 5.7 & 5.8). Levels I and J
have archaeological deposits but they are undated. Of the dated levels, D dates to 8,300, E
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Upper to 10,070 bp, E Middle to 11,700 bp and E Lower to 11,500 each with a standard
deviation of 120 years. Level F dates between 11,700 bp and 12,300 bp, while G dates to
12,300 bp. The large mammal remains from these six, plus I and J, recovered during the
1995-2000 excavations were analyzed and the results are presented here.
Figure 5.4 shows the site plan with the excavated area. Each 1 m2 unit was excavated
to Level K, an undated Early Upper Paleolithic level with few lithics and faunal remains.
The faunal sample discussed below is entirely Magdalenian and represents about one-
third of the cave deposits. The assemblages from the earlier levels are extremely sparse
and are not adequate to consider long-term diachronic changes in subsistence. The
Magdalenian ones are sufficient to discuss the nature of site function during the
occupations. However, they probably do not represent the full range of subsistence
During the excavations, several thousand bones were piece-plotted and many more
recovered through screening. Fauna include red deer, roe deer, wild boar, auroch, chamois,
rabbit, rodents, marine shellfish (mussels, limpets, and clams), sardine, and land snails.
The assemblage is dominated by rabbit bones, over ten thousand of which have been
studied by Bryan Hockett (BLM). There are a total of 1,837 medium to large mammal
bone specimens in the assemblage. Of these, 451 (25%) can be identified to specific taxa
(Table 5.2: NISP). After rabbit, the primary species in the assemblage is red deer, which
represents 65% of the identified macrofaunal assemblage. This is followed by wild boar
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at 30%, aurochs at 3%, and chamois and ibex each less than one percent. The rest are
indeterminate but can be divided into general size classes. Of the 1,360 specimens, 408
(30%) are Cervus-sized while the remaining 70% can be classified as small-medium
ungulate. This latter category probably includes bones from wild boar, caprids and
subadult red deer. However the pieces are either too badly preserved or too fragmentary
to permit species designation. In fact, 43% of the unidentified specimens are indeterminate
limb shaft fragments generally ranging in size from less than 1 cm to no more than 6 cm,
Level red deer wild auroch chamois ibex spindet fox Total
boar
D
E u
E m
E l
F
FA
G
I
J
K
Total
Table : NISP of macrofauna in the Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic levels of Lapa do
Picareiro
Methodology
The methods used in the analysis are based on those commonly used by
zooarchaeologists. Most of the recovered specimens were piece-plotted while the rest
were recovered in 4mm and 1mm mesh screens. Each piece-plotted bone is kept in its
own plastic bag so the entire assemblage was studied on a piece by piece basis instead of
sorting by part or size category. Identifications were made by comparisons with reference
skeletal material from the Zoology Museum at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Field
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identified specimen was recorded according to species or size category, element, portion,
side and age where possible. Limbs were divided into five portions: proximal end, proximal
shaft, middle shaft, distal shaft and distal end. Isolated teeth were recorded separately
from maxillae and mandibulae but all teeth including those still embedded were considered
for estimating MNI. Numbers of identified specimens (NISP) are shown in Table 5.2
In most cases, NISP was the only counting method employed due to small sample
size. The bones from Level F were counted by MNE, MAU and standardized to %MAU.
This level had by far the largest sample size, though it may still be too small for meaningful
statistical analyses. Despite the potential inadequacy, these measures do enable some
important qualitative observations. With regard to limb elements, MNE and MAU was
estimated for each portion. Had epiphyses been the sole portion counted, there would be
almost no limb bone representation. The methods used for counting limb element MNE
was a modified version of that used by Bunn and Kroll (1986) and Marean and Spencer
(1991) (Figure 5.9). Neither estimates of the percentage circumference nor overlapping
tracings of limb shaft fragments were done. The number of identified element fragments
was small enough to visually inspect and compare each piece to determine whether there
was any overlap of specific landmarks such as foramen or muscle attachments or whether
size differences precluded different specimens from originating from the same bone. For
example, as in Todd and Rapson (1988), the proximal humerus shaft is often, though not
always, identified by the presence of the deltoid tuberosity. However, the distal shaft
category would include the proximal-most portion of the olecranon fossa and the
165
Proximal epiphysis
Proximal shaft
Midshaft
Distal shaft
Distal epiphysis
Figures 5.10: encrusted red deer radii (above) & 5.11: Aurochs astragali (below)
167
Biometric measurements were taken on red deer and aurochs specimens according
to the method used by von den Driesch (1976). These measurements were made with dial
Faunal Remains
Level D
Level D is an Epipaleolithic layer that dates to around 8,300 bp. It was fairly
discontinuous and distinguished from Level E only by its light yellowish brown color.
Fifty large mammal bones were recovered during the excavation. Most were unidentifiable
to species. The few that were include red deer, wild boar and auroch.
Level E
The assemblage from Level E comes from 9 of the 13 excavated units. The level is
characterized by éboulis with whitish gray material that often bonds with the éboulis to
make a breccia. All of the bones from E are covered with a carbonate crust which can,
with care, be removed keeping the surface intact in many cases (Figure 5.10). Fragmentation
In E Upper, dated to 10,070 bp, 183 bones were recovered of which 34 were identified
to species. Twenty belong to red deer with an MNI of only 1, while the other belongs to
wild boar. Both MNIs are based on isolated teeth. Three aurochs specimens were also
identified. Two of these were astragali which were measured to confirm their wild stature.
Both fell well within the wild size range (Bd= 58; GLl= 83.8; Bd= 58.3) (Figure 5.11).
168
Twenty-six elements were identified as red deer, with an MNI of 1 and 15 were identified
as wild boar, which are represented by two animals, one adult and one juvenile with an
E Lower contains 107 bones, but this level is much more diverse. Of the 28 elements
identified to species, 19 come from red deer, with an MNI of 1, 7 from wild boar, 1 from
auroch (the sesamoid), and 1 from chamois. The maxillary fragment of chamois contains
Level F
Level F is by far the richest level, with some of the best-preserved specimens and
larger fragments. Much of this level is characterized by loose ebouli with little sediment.
169
A large hearth found in this level did, however, contain lots of sediment and charcoal
along with many burned and highly fragmentary remains (Figure 5.13). In the 8 units
excavated, 710 large mammal bones were recovered of which 229 were identified to species.
NISP for red deer is 161, followed by wild boar at 67 and one chamois specimen. MNI for
this level is higher, with 4 red deer, 2 wild boar and 1 chamois. The red deer are represented
by 3 adults and 1 juvenile and the wild boar by 1 adult and 1 juvenile (Figure 5.14).
Certain parts, the astragali and distal metatarsi , were measured for comparison with
other sites. Metatarsal distal breadth suggests the adult red deer may be represented by a
Figure 5.13: bunny pit (above) and 5.15: Level G/I interface (below)
171
Figures 5.16: refit red deer tibia (above) & 5.17: ibex teeth (below)
172
Level G
Level G is limited to the area of the large hearth in F. All of the bones are covered
with white, ashy and clayey sediment. Although many are burned or extremely
fragmented, it was rich in bone. Unfortunately, of the 288 recovered, only 47 were
identifiable to species. Twenty-seven of these were red deer and 20 were wild boar, both
with an MNI of 1.
Level I
The stalagmitic crust of Level H has effectively sealed off this level in units D6, D5, E6
and E5 providing the best preservation in the cave (Figure 5.15). There is almost no fine
sediment, only large-sized ebouli. In areas lacking the stalagmitic crust, Level I is in direct
contact with Level F from above. A refit was made of a red deer tibia from I and F (Figure
5.16). This is a reasonable occurrence given the fact that the two levels are distinguished
primarily by ebouli clast size. The large mammal assemblage includes 52 bones. Level I
has represented specimens of 2 red deer and one wild boar. Four ibex teeth and a possible
Level J
Level J contains 115 large mammal bones. Most of these come from a small hearth
excavated in 2000 and 2001. The assemblage contains 115 bones of which 26 were assigned
to species. They are predominately red deer with a NISP of 15 and MNI of 1. A few wild
Figure 5.18: Photos showing Åmose specimen (above) and Picareiro specimen (below)
174
Taphonomy
conclusions can be made regarding human subsistence patterns during the Magdalenian.
processes from the time of their deposition to the time of the excavation. In this case,
about 12,500 years has elapsed. The primary concerns here are the role carnivores played
in the assemblage formation and whether or not density-mediated attrition due to other
factors has seriously affected the bones. Among these are the chemical weathering of
bones due to exposure, water, root etching and cave geochemistry and the impact of post-
depositional trampling. Once these concerns are addressed, the human behavioral patterns
that led to the deposition of the bones in the first place can be discussed.
The weathering on bones in the assemblage is generally in the form of linear cracks
along the longitudinal axis of long bone fragments, small round pockmarks and eroded
surfaces (Figure 5.18). The weathering cracks point to slow depositional periods in the
cave with bones lying about on the surface for considerable periods of time. Éboulis and
other sedimentation in caves and rockshelters can be notoriously slow (e.g. Laville et al.
1980). The pockmarks seen on many specimens in the éboulis layers are most curious for
they often contain tiny, usually irregular striations running transverse to the grain of the
bone. Nanna Noe-Nygaard (personal communication) has raised the possibility that fungus
and land snails could be responsible for these erosional patterns. Snails have tiny sharp
tongues that could mark bones if they were eating fungus off of them (Miller 1994). The
cave does contain numerous land snails, both in the past and presently, and fungi are
175
present. The marks present on the bones from Picareiro Cave are very similar to those
Verges Bosch (1995). Another possibility is that some kind of acid solution dripping through
from above chemically weathered the bones (Figure 5.19). This is a likely explanation
given that most of the excavated squares are directly below a chimney with no apparent
opening. In addition, the stalagmitic crust forming Stratum H lies directly below the
chimney indicating the flow of carbonate in solution in this area of the cave.
Carnivore activity
they are almost entirely absent in the Picareiro assemblage. Only one small tooth, a
premolar of a very young fox was recovered. No postcranial elements are present, even
176
considering the unidentified specimens, which are all from ungulates of various sizes. A
few bones do show tooth marks, but none that penetrated through cortical bone. The
single auroch specimen in E Lower is acid-etched and could certainly have been passed
seen on many bones. There appears no doubt that, given the archaeological context of the
bones, that humans deposited most if not the entire assemblage at Picareiro.
The question arises as to whether or not the bones suffered from post-depositional
carnivore ravaging which would obscure human behavioral patterns of butchery and
transport. Bunn (1983, 1986) discussed observations of ungulate body part representation
after hyena ravaging. Hyenas have the ability to crush dense limb bones from most medium
and large ungulates resulting in highly fragmented bone assemblages. Typically, they
completely destroy spongy limb epiphyses such as the proximal humerus, distal radius,
proximal and distal femur proximal tibia and other relatively soft greasy elements (Bunn
1986). The resulting pattern is that midshaft portions are abandoned due to their lack of
grease. Marean and Spencer (1991) and Blumenschine and Marean (1993) conducted
controlled feeding experiments with captive hyenas to determine the patterns of destruction
and remaining element portions in order to understand reverse utility curves seen in many
Paleolithic bone assemblages. These studies are relevant here in spite of the fact that
hyenas went extinct in Portugal by the end of the Last Glacial Maximum because they
archaeofaunal assemblages exhibit a reverse utility curve (Figure 5.20) (Marean and Frey
1997; Marean and Kim 1998). Repeated short-term cave and rockshelters occupations by
177
Paleolithic hunters certainly resulted in the abandonment of large numbers of animal bones
with varying amounts of grease and tissues attractive to hungry carnivores. The two
carnivores known to accumulate ungulate bones are wolf and fox, both of which were
present in Portugal during the Late Pleistocene. While the former is easily capable of
hunting large game, the latter cannot bring down adult medium-sized ungulates. On the
other hand, domestic dogs, present already by the Late Pleistocene in other parts of Europe,
may have been the secondary consumers of these bones. Therefore, it is important to
consider actualistic and experimental studies of modern wolves and dogs to understand
A B
Bulk Strategy
Gourmet Strategy
Unbiased
MAU MAU
Unbiased
Bulk
Gourmet Strategy
Strategy
Food Utility Index Food Utility Index
Figure : Schematic illustration of utility curves (A) represents the skeletal parts removed from
kill/butchery sites (B) represents parts left at kill/butchery sites (after Metcalfe and Jones )
Payne and Munson (1982) cite the work on Mesolithic sites by Steenstrup (1862) as an
example of the early recognition that dogs in prehistoric Europe affected skeletal part
of Eskimo dog feeding confirmed Stenstrup’s suspicions (Steenstrup 1862: cited in Payne
178
& Munson 1982). The most well known ethnoarchaeological studies of bone destruction
by canids are those by Brain (1967, 1981), Binford (1981), Walters (1984) and Hudson (1993).
Brain (1967, 1981) observed damage to and survivorship of goat bones discarded by
Hottentot villagers in southern Africa which were then further damaged by their dogs.
Binford (1981) has provided details on damage to caribou and sheep bones by wolves.
His data show that as the degree of fragmentation increases (measured in #s of splinters/
MNI), the number of articular ends missing increases (Binford 1981: Figure 4.59). The
only case where Nunamuit created a similar pattern was after bone grease processing.
Payne and Munson (1982) conducted controlled feeding experiments with large dogs
during which they fed a hungry Ruby and her son, Slick, squirrels, rabbits and parts of
goats. The pattern of destruction on the goat bones are of interest because of their
comparable size to the animals represented at Picareiro. The dogs were fed half a goat on
one occasion and limbs-only on a second. The pattern of destruction was a reduction of
most parts to small ~2cm-sized fragments. The survivorship of limb portions was
comparable to that observed by Brain among the Hottentots. Survival was low for the
scapula, proximal humerus, proximal and distal femur, proximal tibia and high for the
distal humerus, proximal radius, distal tibia, proximal and distal metapodials. Two juvenile
goat heads were fed to the dogs and both the maxillae and mandibles were destroyed
leaving only half of the deciduous teeth. Walters (1984) provides additional
However, he did not discuss the resulting skeletal element pattern. Both Walters and
Hudson (1993) noted the overwhelming destruction and loss of bones from small game
179
in the Late Upper Paleolithic caves of Iberia suggests dogs or other hungry carnivores did
During the Paleolithic, wolves and dogs likely gained access to ungulate skeletal parts
stripped of meat and cracked open for marrow. Greasy limb epiphyses may have been
circumstances some elements may have been preferred over others leaving only the most
marginal parts to the dogs. The expectations for skeletal part representation if dogs affected
the bone assemblage are that the less dense limb epiphyses would be absent (Figures
5.21a&b), ribs and vertebrae would be damaged, the pelvis gnawed to the acetabulum,
skull parts including the mandible would be damaged or destroyed, metapodials would
exhibit moderate damage, phalanges would be complete, carpals and tarsals would exhibit
acid-etching, there would be a high degree of bone chips with pitting and polishing and
Bone density
Given the lack of carnivore remains and possibility that companion dogs ravaged the
attrition due to other factors affected the Picareiro faunal assemblages. Bone attrition,
whether by carnivores or other natural factors, is highest in the portions with the highest
fatty acid content (Lam et al. 1999). This makes them attractive to carnivores for their
nutritional value but structurally weak. Even in the absence of carnivores, their destruction
180
is still more likely. A great deal of work has been done since Brain’s (1967) pioneering
bone mineral densities of deer, pronghorn and sheep bones in order to understand the
affect bone density has on skeletal element patterning in archaeological contexts. Since
then many other animals have been measured using photon densitometry (PD) including
bison (Kreutzer 1992), llama, guanaco, vicuña (Elkin and Zanchetta 1991; cited in Lyman
1994), seal (Chambers 1992; cited in Lyman 1994) and small animals such as marmot (Lyman
et al. 1992) and rabbit (Pavao and Stahl 1999). Though variability in bone volume density
occurs among ungulate species, there are regular patterns in the volume density (VD) at
the scan sites. Mandibles are relatively dense with the exception of the ascending ramus.
In deer, pronghorn and sheep, vertebrae are generally weak. This contrasts with bison,
which has much higher VD measures, likely due to methodological differences in the
calculation of volume density by Lyman and Kreutzer (Lam et al. 1999). The same could
be said for ribs and parts of the pelvis. In the forelimb, the scapula, proximal humerus,
ulna and phalanges have a relatively low density. The radius, carpals and metacarpals
have some of the highest density values. In the hindlimb, the proximal and distal femur,
proximal tibia and proximal calcaneus are relatively low density. The rest of the tibia
(especially the midshaft distal to the crest), tarsal, astragalus, calcaneus and metatarsal
(with the possible exception of the distal shaft) have the densest parts. Recent work by
Lam et al. (1998) using computed tomography (CT) scans of bones from horse, wildebeest
and reindeer shows some important differences between the two methods. However,
182
they also observed a strong degree of similarity in bone mineral density values between
representation among species in archaeological sites is likely due to other destructive agents
such as carnivore ravaging or human butchery and transport patterns. Although no studies
have been done on Cervus the density values for other artiodactyls are considered
representative here. Ioannidou (2003) has just published results of X-ray densitometry
scans of adult and juvenile wild boar and domestic pig. Those values are used here to
evaluate wild boar survivorship. Her comparisons with sheep and cattle revealed
also found between young and adult wild boar, adult males and females and wild boar
Within the limb elements some further observations are apparent from both PD and
CT scans. In CT scans 6 out of the top seven in the rank of long bone scan sites are midshafts
(Lam et al. 1998: Table 2). Compared to PD, the midshaft rank for radius, humerus and
femur is considerably lower. Where femur ranks highest in the CT scan method, it only
ranks 17th in the PD method. The humerus ranks 4th in the CT method but only 11th using
photon densitometry. The differences in scan site rank are probably due to the way in
which each method treats cortical bone thickness (Lam et al. 1999). In general, both methods
demonstrate that midshafts are the densest portion of limb bones followed by proximal/
distal shafts and epiphyses. Therefore midshafts are the most likely portion of a limb
Elements (MNE) has been debated in the literature for two decades (Bunn 1983, 1986,
1991; Bunn & Kroll 1986; Bunn et al. 1991; Binford 1986; Marean & Spencer 1991; Stiner
1994, 1998, 2002; Marean & Frey 1997; Marean & Kim 1998; Bartram and Marean 1999;
Klein 1999; Marean et al. 2001). Hill (2001) used the volume density estimates derived
from CT scans to develop three expectations regarding limb bone representation and
3) the femur will be the most abundant long bone (Hill 2001: 121).
In order to test whether the bones from Picareiro have suffered density mediated attrition,
the %survivorship or %MAU was plotted against bone mineral density values from Lam
et al. (1999) (Figure 5.22, Figure 5.23). The %MAU was calculated by taking the MNE and
dividing by the number of occurrences in the skeleton to derive the MAU. The MAU was
standardized by converting the highest MAU to 100 and dividing each MAU value by the
For Picareiro Level F, the red deer %MAU are plotted against the BMD of caribou
from Lam et al. (1999). Figures 5.22 and 5.23 shows the scatterplots and values for Pearson’s
r and Spearman’s rank correlation coefficients. The values are roughly equivalent (r=
0.47, p; rs= 0.50, p<.001) and show a weak but significant positive correlation between
carnivore-ravaging may be responsible for some loss but neither is the primary factor in
184
100
80
%MAU
60
40
20
-20
.2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8 .9 1 1.1 1.2
BMD
Figure 5.22: Plot of skeletal element frequency vs bone mineral density (CT)
100
80
60
%MAU
40
20
-20
.1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8
bone density (PD)
skeletal element representation at Picareiro. Hill’s (2001) expectations for bone density
are met by the first two (highest MNE for long bones is based on midshafts and upper
limb bones outnumber metapodials), but not the third since the femur is not the most
One of the most debated topics in zooarchaeology centers on the bones left behind by
prehistoric hunters at kill sites and carried away and discarded at base camps. Bunn
(1991) traces the origins of this problem to the work of the early prehistorians Lartet and
Christy (1865-1875) who first suggested that the skeletal part frequencies of the French
Paleolithic sites reflected the transport decisions of prehistoric hunters. They argued that
for larger animals, the axial elements were discarded at kill sites while meat and marrow-
rich limb elements were transported to residential camps. Medium-sized ungulates such
as reindeer were transported whole. This latter observation is more relevant to the Picareiro
assemblage and is discussed further below. In Americanist zooarchaeology the issue was
whether a site represented a kill or a residential site. Perkins and Daly (1968) argued that
an overrepresentation of foot bones in a site occurred because hunters stripped the meat
off the limbs, presumably to reduce the weight, and carried it back to the residence in the
skin of the animal with the feet still attached for use as handles. The bulky limb bones
were left behind. In the decades since, zooarchaeologists have realized there is a great
deal of variability in bone assemblages and numerous causes for their composition. There
186
is no longer a simple dichotomy between kill sites and residential sites (Binford 1978,
1980, 1981). Ethnoarchaeological research has shown many factors determine which parts
of the skeleton are transported from kills and which ultimately arrive in camps and/or
villages (Binford 1978; Bunn 1986, 1991, 2002; Bunn et al. 1988, 1991; O’Connell et al. 1988,
1990; O’Connell and Marshall 1989; Bartram 1993; Emerson 1993; Oliver 1993). What
happens along the way and in camp is discussed in the next section.
Binford (1978) quantitatively modeled transport decisions by devising body part utility
indices for caribou and sheep. These indices, Meat Index, Marrow Index, Grease Index,
were combined to produce a general utility index (GUI) that was modified (MGUI) to take
into account the low-utility parts attached to high utility ones whose removal coasts
outweighed the benefit (reducing transport costs) of removing them. Generally, high-
utility skeletal parts will be missing from kill sites because hunters would have processed
the carcass and left behind low-utility parts. Each of the indices has been further modified
by others but serves as the basis for many behavioral interpretations of archaeofaunal
assemblages. This model of discarding low-utility axial parts and transport of high-utility
appendicular parts has been challenged recently by O’Connell and colleagues who used
ethnographic observations of Hadza hunters to argue that for many large game animals,
appendicular parts are left behind more often than axial parts, which are transported away
(O’Connell et al. 1988, 1990; Emerson 1993). The reasoning behind their argument is that
limb bones are heavy and hunters will strip the meat off of them and discard the bones,
taking the axial parts back to camp because the effort to remove the meat from them
187
would be uneconomical. The decision to transport a skeletal part is guided by the ratio of
edible to inedible tissue. Bones with a low ratio are likely to be processed to remove meat
and marrow and the bulky, heavy inedible fraction, bone, will be discarded. Elements
with high ratios would be transported because the cost to remove the inedible fraction
would lower the economic value of the edible part. O’Connell et al. (1988) argue transport
decisions are based on carcass size and distance to camp. Not only do they question the
White model and claim the reverse (Perkins and Daly), they also call into question the use
of body size class as an analytical unit, pointing to their data that suggest variation in the
treatment of carcasses within size class (O’Connell et al. 1990). Bunn (1993) countered this
interpretation of Hadza transport by arguing that Hadza hunters try to transport entire
carcasses when possible. Exceptions are very large animals (e.g. giraffe), those that have
poor marrow quality and decisions to avoid sharing high-utility parts such as rich, marrow-
filled limb bones (Bunn 1993). The high proportion of vertebrae is due to the ability to boil
and render grease from them. Thus they may have a higher economic value and greater
incentive for transport than they may have in pre-boiling times such as the Plio-Pleistocene.
composition at kill/butchery sites and time spent field processing. Large game limb
elements were left at kill/butchery sites after meat was stripped off and sun-dried. This
occurred because of decisions to reduce transport costs based on factors such as the number
188
of carriers, distance to camp and size of the animal. Stripping and drying meat was one
The debate over reducing transport costs usually centers around animals of large to
very large size (>200kg). In Portugal, large game available during the Late Pleistocene
include horse (700-800 kg), aurochs (500-800 kg?), red deer (100-180 kg), roe deer (15-30
kg), ibex (35-80 kg), chamois (30-50 kg) and wild boar (80-100 kg) (not shown: Table 5.3).
The first two fall into the size group 4 of the large African bovids and equids hunted by
the Hadza and Kua. The other five are smaller and fall into the range of size group 2-3
The statistical correlations between carcass size, distance to kill and proportion of
elements transported were argued by O’Connell et al. (1990) to explain 40-57% of the
variation. Although the correlations were significant the fact remains that they only explain
half of the variation. The remaining variation is significant and just as important in
determining carcass transport. The additional problems of sample size and length of
observation time was raised by Bunn (1993) who provided data from 110 carcasses. The
transport pattern shows that over 90% of the carcass was transported with the exception
of heads and ribs which were carried over 80% of the time. Foraging models that attempt
to simplify decision-making to one or two variables, such as the amount of edible tissue,
the amount of processing time, distance traveled and energy expenditures always make
the qualifying statement “all else equal.” Rarely, does it seem, that all else is equal regarding
human decision-making.
The skeletal element representation for Level F red deer and wild boar at Picareiro
189
Level F
shows some interesting patterns. Table 5.4 and 5.5 shows NISP and MNE for wild boar
and red deer, respectively. It is immediately apparent that red deer has a much better
overall skeletal representation than wild boar. While Level F has evidence for at least 2
wild boar and maybe 3, the NISP and MNE show an extremely high degree of under-
Rowley-Conwy et al. (2002) have recently published a food utility index (FUI) for
European wild boar. Using the revised methodology proposed by Metcalfe and Jones
(1988), they found the highest utility parts were the entire thorax (vertebrae, ribs and
sternum combined), lumbar vertebrae, pelvis and femur. Of secondary importance was
the skull, mandible, cervical vertebrae and scapula. The humerus, tibia and lower limb
elements ranked lowest. This contrasts with the values Binford (1978) reported for sheep
and caribou. Rowley-Conwy et al. (2002) show that wild boar femora, scapulae, humeri
and tibiae generally have a much lower food utility than caribou especially. In Picareiro
Level F, crania and mandibles are the most common parts, followed by phalanges and
metapodials (Figures 5.24 & 5.25). The vertebrae, ribs and upper limbs are least represented.
The tibia, humerus and ulna are the only upper limbs present. This suggests removal of
the bulky heads and transport of nearly intact carcasses away from the cave.
Some wild boar was consumed onsite as evidenced by the few limb remains. It is
unlikely that meat was removed in order to reduce transport costs. Drying and smoking
of limb quarters may have taken place, but likely with the bones in. Based on the wild
boar FUI, it would appear that the Picareiro wild boar exhibit a classic reverse utility
curve for kill/butchery sites where the lowest utility parts are most commonly left behind.
192
Table : NISP of Red Deer from Magdalenian levels in Lapa do Picareiro
Cran
Mand
Vert
Rib
Scap
P Hu epi
P Hu shaft
Hu midshaft
D Hu shaft
D Hu epi
P Ra epi
P Ra shaft
Ra midshaft
D Ra shaft
D Ra epi
P Ulna
D Ulna
Carpal
P mtc
Mtc midshaft
D Mtc
Pelvis
P Fe epi
P Fe shaft
Fe midshaft
D Fe shaft o
D Fe epi
Patella
P Ti epi
P Ti shaft
Ti midshaft
D Ti shaft
D Ti epi
Tarsal
Calcaneus
Astragalus
P Mtt
Mtt midshaft
D Mtt
st
ndPhalange
Phalange
rd
Phalange
Sesamoids
193
Cranial
Mandible
V cervical
V thoracic
V lumbar
Rib
Scapula
Prox Hum epi
Prox Hum shaft
Hum midshaft
Dist Hum shaft
Dist Hum epi
Prox Rad epi
Prox Rad shaft
Rad midshaft
Dist Rad shaft
Dist Rad epi
Prox Ulna
Dist Ulna
Carpal
Prox metacarpal
Metacarpal midshaft
Dist Metacarpal
Pelvis
Prox Fem epi
Prox Feh shaft
Fem midshaft
Dist Fem shaft
Dist Fem epi
Patella
Prox Tibia
epi
Prox Tibia shaft
Tibia midshaft
Dist Tibia shaft
Dist Tibia epi
Tarsal
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Prox Metatarsal
Metatarsal midshaft
Dist
st
Metatarsal
ndPhalange
Phalange
rd
Phalange
Sesamoids
194
Table
: Picareiro Level F red deer complete bone element
repres entation
Level F
Cranial
Mandible
V cervical
V thoracic
V lumbar
Rib
Scapula
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Carpals
Metacarpals
Pelvis
Femur
Tibia
Fibula
Patella
Tarsal
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Metatarsals
Phalanges
Cranial
Mandible
V cerv
V thor
V lum
Rib
Scapula
P Humerus
D Humerus
P Radius
D Radius
Ulna
Carpals
P Metacarpal
D Metacarpal
Pelvis
P Femur
D Femur
P Tibia
D Tibia
Fibula
Patella
Tarsal
Calcaneus
Astragalus
P Metatarsal
D Metatarsal
Phalanges
195
Table 5.6 shows MNE, MAU and %MAU for red deer. The crania are predominately
represented by teeth with a few intact maxillae and broken mandibles. Table 5.7 shows
MNE estimates for five limb portions contrasted with MNE estimates for limbs using
epiphyses only. Clearly, element representation would be much different had limb shafts
not been taken into consideration. In fact, counting MNE by epiphyses-only leads to a
classic reverse utility curve for kill sites (Figure 5.20) (Binford 1978; Metcalfe and Jones
1988). This could lead to an erroneous conclusion that Picareiro itself was a kill site,
dominated by low-utility skeletal parts with most of the limbs transported away, or that
carnivores had ravaged the assemblage. Meaty limb elements are in fact present and
mostly identified by shaft fragments with few surviving epiphyses. Only dense epiphyses
of lower limbs are well represented. The missing epiphyses are the proximal humerus,
proximal radius and ulna, proximal and distal femur and proximal tibia. These are precisely
the low density but greasy parts most likely to disappear due to natural attrition or carnivore
consumption. With limb shafts counted the overall representation is shown in Table 5.7.
%MAU shows a high percentage of upper limbs except the ulna and femur. Lower limbs
are moderately represented by comparison with the exception of smaller dense carpals
and tarsals. However, in the indeterminate species fraction there are a number of carpals
size class. These were smaller than the reference specimen (female Cervus canadensis) and
probably came from smaller red deer. In any case, the most abundant elements are limbs
while ribs, vertebrae and pelves are scanty. Even counting fragments from the
indeterminate species fraction, ribs and vertebrae are very much underrepresented. This
196
level at Picareiro (and even the undated lower levels) shows a high degree of fragmentation.
Patterns of ungulate long bone fragmentation have been used interpret faunal assemblages
and infer human behavior for several decades (Binford 1978, 1981; Brain 1981; Bunn 1983,
1986; Speth 1983; Bunn and Kroll 1986; Todd and Rapson 1988). In Picareiro, the long
bones show evidence of intentional cracking for marrow extraction. They are highly
fragmented with many percussion scars and impact fractures (Figures 5.27; 5.28; 5.29).
None of the long bones are complete. The only whole elements are 3rd phalanges,
197
Figures 5.28: red deer humeri fragments & 5.29: red deer lower limb fragments
198
carpals, tarsals, calcanei, astragali and sesamoids. Every limb element including 1st and
2nd phalanges of red deer are cracked open for marrow extraction. The frequency of small
sediment, mostly éboulis. Cutmarks are difficult to assess due to the chemical erosion on
Figure 5.30 shows complete bone %MAU vs (S)FUI for Level F red deer (Figure 5.31a
shows the relationship when limb shafts are not counted). Although the correlation is
negative it is insignificant. Grayson (1988) has argued that positive significant correlations
for %MAU and bone density coupled with insignificant correlations between %MAU and
utility indices means that density-mediated destruction and not differential transport is
responsible for the assemblage composition. Using Lyman’s (1994: 264) chart for possible
combinations of correlation coefficients, it would appear that the Level F red deer fall into
Given the absence of carnivore remains, paucity of carnivore gnaw marks and low
grease extraction. In fact, Binford (1981) discussed the relationship between long bone
is no longer present,” which is the articular ends (p.177). In assemblages left by humans,
splinters represent “what remains,” which again are the articular ends. The exception for
199
100
80
60
%MAU
40
20
-20
0 20 40 60 80 100
(S)FUI
100
80
%MAU
60
40
20
-20
0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000
FUI
humans is grease extraction whereby articular ends are destroyed thus mimicking a
have impacted ribs and vertebrae since they are present in very low proportion. However,
ethnographically observed carcass transport these elements may be absent for other reasons.
Both Bunn (1993) and Bartram (1993) observed the removal and consumption of ribs by
the bones. However, results indicate an equal representation of limbs with the possible
exception of femora. It is possible that meat was filleted, dried or smoked in the cave and
transported away. However, since cutmarks are rare this is difficult to test. The remaining
bones were then cracked open and the marrow consumed onsite. This would appear to
contrast with the Hadza model of carcass treatment if Picareiro is considered a butchery
site. Obviously it is not a kill site but a place to which animals were transported and
processed. Given the size class of the animals hunted, all elements should be represented
if entire carcasses were brought to the cave and consumed onsite. The likelihood that the
axial portions of animals of such size would have been left at kill sites is low (Bunn 1991,
1993). However, Bartram’s study of Kua carcass treatment provides some interesting
possibilities. The number of skeletal elements left behind at Kua kill and/or butchery
sites correlated positively with time spent processing. If Magdalenian hunters spent a fair
amount of time in Picareiro during each visit that may account for the degree of carcass
processing of medium-sized ungulates. Increased occupation time may have led to filleting
201
and drying/smoking of meat from limb elements. Epiphyses and vertebrae may have
been carried back to a base camp for grease extraction. The absence of femora and pelves
provides further evidence of transport. Binford (1978) noted low frequencies of femora at
butchery sites or field camps. A similar pattern was observed by Noe-Nygaard (1977) for
Star Carr, though Binford (1981) hypothesized that it was due to site function. David and
Paleolithic bison kill site in France. This site shows a strong positive correlation between
%MAU and bone density (PD) and a reverse utility curve for %MAU vs MGUI and %MAU
vs RGI (Revised Grease Index) (David and Farizy 1994). Given that limb shafts were
counted in MNE estimation Mauran could represent a site with density-mediated attrition
or a kill/butchery site where high utility parts were transported away or destroyed during
grease production.
In addition to limb bones, the 1st and 2nd phalanges also show evidence for marrow
extraction (Figures 5.33, 5.34 & 5.35). They are all split open and exhibit impact fracturing,
similar to ones documented at Erralla (Altuna and Mariezkurrena 1985) and La Riera
(Altuna 1986) in Cantabria, at Tossal de la Roca (Perez Ripoll 1992) and Cova de les Cendres
(Villaverde and Martinez Valle 1995) in Valencia and at Cingle Vermell (Vila et al. 1985) in
Catalunya.
Binford (1978) suggested this was a sign of subsistence stress due to the effort
phalanges only during periods of food shortage and by “old timers” (Binford 1978). Jones
and Metcalfe (1988) simplified Binford’s Marrow Index and ranked return rates of caribou
body parts. They concluded that despite the high fat content (% oleic acid), phalanges
offered the lowest return rates (calories/hour) due to their low cavity volume, caloric
content and relatively high processing times. Their expectations derived from optimal
foraging theory seem to match the marrow processing patterns Binford observed among
Nunamiut hunters. However, the scapula and mandible were also ranked low and not
processed by the Nunamiut. The mandible was commonly broken open for marrow
extraction by Upper Paleolithic hunters across Eurasia. Jones and Metcalfe (1988) calculated
the caloric content of marrow using a constant value of 4 kcal/ml. Since the stated range
(0-9 kcal/ml) reflects lipid content fluctuations in bone marrow, the return rates for each
element will fluctuate as well. This will not likely affect the ranking of parts but it will
increase the value of “low-ranked” parts such as mandibles and phalanges during certain
seasons. Of course, the counter argument would be that low ranked resources will not be
203
Figure 5.34: red deer 1st phalanges split to extract marrow (above) &
5.35: 2nd phalanges
204
incorporated into the diet unless high ranked ones are no longer available or at least reduced
to a certain point. Therefore, according to the diet breadth model, phalanges and mandibles
will always be ignored unless overall availability is low. Does the cracking of mandibles
and phalanges represent resource depression? Or, does the use of rifles and snowmobiles
to hunt caribou inflate the ability of Nunamiut hunters to procure animals to the point
that they no longer need to process items that were in the past when technology constrained
resource yields? It is not surprising that “old-timers” would still process these parts if
they had done so regularly in the past. Still, it could mean that their access to carcass parts
was restricted by younger hunters and they were forced to process parts that otherwise
may have been ignored or commonly utilized by non-hunting members of society (e.g.
women, children and elderly). Jones and Metcalfe (1988) conclude that mandibles, pelvis,
scapula and phalanges will be processed in rank order as the nutritional quality of an
animal decreases. Therefore, one would expect greater use of these items during stressful
periods like the late Winter and especially the early Spring when the fat reserves of
ungulates are depleted. Jones and Metcalfe (1988) argue that phalanges would be the last
element to suffer fat depletion. Thus, as the amount of fat decreases in each limb element
the more valuable phalanges become. Considering that Fall and Winter are not usually
thought to be times of dietary stress since animals would have been at their fattest during
the Fall through early Winter, the processing of phalanges (and mandibles) for marrow at
Picareiro would appear to reflect other factors (Speth & Spielmann 1983). In the
Mediterranean region, summer is likely to be the most stressful season given the rainfall
regime.
205
could resort to extracting marrow from the phalanges if they were killed during a season
of pronounced fat depletion. Food utility indices for sexually dimorphic species should
be modified to account for differences in fat content between males and females (Speth
1983; Metcalfe and Jones 1988). Most ungulate females retain higher amounts of fat reserves
during winter because of reproductive needs. Therefore, late Winter and early Spring
females may also have higher marrow and grease values in limbs compared to males.
Perhaps instead this is a signal for large game resource depression. Proponents of
optimal foraging theory would argue that the intensive ungulate carcass utilization is a
sign of resource depression (e.g., Broughton and O’Connell 1999). Furthermore, they would
argue that the high number of rabbit carcasses deposited in caves and rockshelters during
the Magdalenian adds further support for resource depression because small game ranks
low and would only be included in the diet if higher ranked resources were not available
in sufficient quantity.
Comparisons between the treatment of large and small game lead to further
and Bicho 2000) (Table 5.9a & b). Carcasses were roasted whole since only the feet have
high frequencies of burning. Though cutmark frequencies were not analyzed, the meat
was probably removed from the limbs before they were broken open to extract marrow.
Almost certainly rabbits were consumed onsite in their entirety. The low frequency of
vertebrae suggests they were probably ground into a fat rich meal, a practice common in
the Great Basin of the United States (Hockett 1991). Whether this was done onsite or at
206
A
D
E (UPPER)
E (LOWER)
G/I
J
TOTALS
Mandible
Maxilla
Innominate
Patella
Femur
Tibia
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Scapula
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Carpal/Tarsal
Metapodial
Phalange
Rib
Vertebra
Sacrum
Total
207
base camps is unknown. Although the rabbits represented at Picareiro were consumed
locally, we do not know how many may have been procured and transported away from
the site. The evidence of repeated use of the large hearth or “bunny pit” suggests the
bones do not represent the number of animals processed in the cave. Level G is essentially
a finely laminated ash deposit showing multiple uses over a long period. The overlying
Level F hearth may only represent the final one or superimposed few uses before disuse.
Therefore, it is likely that many more rabbits were procured near the site.
Why were hunters at Picareiro? Was it a specialized hunting camp for procuring
red deer, wild boar and rabbit? Were the primary goals to maximize meat yield or large
game fat and protein yield? Was it to collect rabbit and opportunistically hunt red deer,
caprids and wild boar? Or, hunt large game and trap rabbits for immediate consumption?
Everything brought in seems to have been consumed. Did ungulate resource depression
lead Magdalenian hunters to intensively harvest and process large numbers of rabbit?
This question requires knowledge of the seasonal use of the cave and comparisons of
large game and rabbit carcass utilization from additional sites in the region.
Seasonality
on red deer teeth (Klevezal 1996; Pike-Tay 1991). Work was carried out with Tina Dudley
specimens from the Scottish Highlands were used as a control sample. Two maxillary M1
teeth from different animals in Stratum F showed late Fall/ early Winter season of death.
208
Figure 5.37: distal wild boar tibia with fusion line still visible
209
epiphyseal fusion in modern wild boar from research by Bull & Payne (1983) and Bridault
et al. 2000) (Figure 5.36). This is much more tenuous given the wide range of time estimates
specimen from Level F is clearly unfused, and would fall within the Bull and Payne 7-11
month category while the specimen from E Middle with a fusing epiphysis, would fall
within the 19-23 month category. The Bridault et al. (2000) data from 48 wild boar killed in
France have filled the gaps in the Bull and Payne data. The second phalanx is unfused
until about 9 months when fusion begins. Complete fusion (line invisible) is achieved by
18 months. Therefore, the unfused specimen in Level F would be less than 9 months old.
Had the birth taken place in February, the animal was killed sometime before October.
An April birth would but the death sometime before January. Season of death can not be
determined reliably because the animal could have been killed any time during the year.
The fusing specimen in E Middle came from an animal 9-17 months old. Thus, if the
animal were born in February, it died sometime between the following October and July.
An April birth would put the season of death between the following January and
September. The wide range in fusion time for the second phalanx makes this element an
A distal tibia specimen has a fused epiphyses with fusion line still visible (Figure
5.37). This falls within the Bridault et al. (2000) 17-25 month range so that an animal born
in February may have been killed between July and March of the following year. An
August-born one would indicate a death between January and September. While
210
epiphyseal fusion rates provide useful and reliable age at death estimates for the young
wild boar the potential of females giving birth a second time during the year precludes
their use for determining season of death. More research using stable isotopes may help
determine whether wild boar had two births in the Late Pleistocene (e.g. Balasse et al.
2003). Currently, a more reliable indicator may be the population dynamics observed in
modern wild boar. The occurrence of both mature adult males and juveniles would suggest
the animals were killed during the reproductive season when adult males join with females.
This would imply a late Fall/Winter/possibly early Spring season of death for wild boar
at Picareiro.
Discussion
assemblages to Level F. This is probably due to the lack of substantial features like the
large hearth or bunny pit. Level J contains a small hearth but it is not yet absolutely dated
and there are no fossile directeurs to assign a technological phase (Figure 5.38). Aurochs is
present in J though their remains are limited to foot bones. What happened to the rest of
their carcasses? There is no indication in the unidentified fraction that any aurochs limbs
were left in the cave. The presence of auroch is strange given the elevation of the cave (540
asl). These animals are thought to be lowland plains or forest-living animals, therefore
the represented parts should not indicate an auroch was killed nearby and processed so
that only feet were brought into the cave. The elements came directly out of the small
hearth so it would seem that humans were responsible. Is it possible that a carnivore
211
brought them in and left them inside an abandoned hearth? Perhaps they were bones
The four ibex teeth recovered in Level I probably indicate a cooler climatic phase
but the lack of absolute dates and diagnostic lithics precludes the assignment of this
occupation to a cultural period. No substantial features like the Level F hearth were
found in this level. The occupation during this period was very short.
dominated by rabbit. Large numbers of rabbit carcasses were processed and consumed
onsite. Entire carcasses of medium ungulates were brought to the cave for processing.
Many red deer limb elements were stripped of flesh and the bones broken open to extract
marrow. Epiphyses were either consumed by dogs or pounded and boiled (?) to extract
212
grease onsite or at a base camp. Wild boar was probably brought to the cave where heads
and some lower limb elements were consumed. The rest of the carcass was probably
transported away. Therefore, it appears that wild boar were preferentially transported
over red deer. This may have been due to nutritional differences between the two. Table
4.12 showed wild boar consistently has more fat than red deer. This may have been the
primary motivation for transporting most of the wild boar meat and marrow back to
residential camps. The same might be said for chamois but the sample is extremely small.
The presence of aurochs is perplexing since the cave is not located near preferred habitat.
Marine fish, sardine and shad, are also present in the Magdalenian levels (Bicho et
al. 2000). These may have been smoked or dried and carried in as hunters’ snack food.
Belcher’s analysis (Bicho et al. 2000) shows a pattern of small fish consumption analogous
to that observed ethnoarchaeologically where heads are chewed up and the vertebrae
removed and discarded. A small number of marine clam, scallop, limpet, mussel and
gastropod shells are further indication that the coast was within the economic catchment
of Picareiro. Their presence is not surprising given the fact that other sites nearby contain
small shellmiddens dated to the Early Holocene. These are discussed later.
In sum, the extraordinarily high number of rabbit bones in the large hearth, carcass
butchery and high degree of fragmentation of the large mammal limb elements all indicate
the cave was repeatedly used as a hunting/carcass processing camp by groups of hunters
from larger residential sites in the surrounding valleys. Seasonality information suggests
visits generally occurred during the late Fall and early Winter. The data are too limited to
know if the appearance of fish and additional ungulates in the upper levels represent
213
overall dietary diversification. This is almost certainly an artifact of sample size. The
Picareiro data alone are not sufficient to test the Broad Spectrum Revolution model or the
Bicho and Zilhão models. These require additional information from other sites in the
region.
and approximately 15 km from the Atlantic Ocean. The cave lies about 50 m above the
Roto valley floor and its opening faces NE (Zilhão 1997) (Figure 5.40). The cavity has a
The cave was first investigated in the late 19th century by the geologist Carlos Ribeiro
(Rocha 1907). Santos Rocha viewed the materials collected by Ribeiro in the cave entrance
and concluded that they were from the Iron Age (Rocha 1907). In the 1960s, Furtado et al.
(1969) excavated Neolithic and Calcolithic deposits in the entrance and passage. They
reported finding numerous microliths, possibly Mesolithic, and a pointe à cran or shouldered
point typically Upper Solutrean in Iberia (Cortes et al. 1977). Subsequently, Abbé Jean
Roche excavated the Upper Paleolithic deposits at the end of the passage and room 1974
in preliminary reports (Roche 1979, 1982). His archaeological interpretation was based
only on the typological and technological analysis of lithic material. Radiocarbon dates
were never obtained despite the recovery of numerous charcoal samples in every
214
occupation level. Nevertheless, Level 3 was considered Epipaleolithic and Levels 4-9,
Upper Paleolithic. Levels 8 and 9 were classified as Magdalenian based on the presence of
sagaies. Roche (1982) interpreted the association of two human teeth with a cache of pierced
marine shells, lynx canines, red ochre and charcoal as an intentional human burial. He
then interpreted Level 9 as a prepared Magdalenian “floor.” Faunal remains from the
Upper Paleolithic levels included red deer, ibex, horse, wild boar, lynx, small rodents,
small carnivores, birds, and fish. Despite years of excavation and deep soundings, Roche
excavators.
Zilhão (1997) re-analyzed the lithic assemblages and concluded that Levels 8 and 9
were Solutrean based on the presence of a few bifacial trimming flakes in the collections
from the 1960s. This was supported by a reinterpretation of the stratigraphy and
Q P O N M L K J I H
N M L
O N N M M L L
217
Zilhão further argued that the Solutrean occupation was located mainly near the cave
entrance since the pointe à cran was found there. He concluded that the Solutrean materials
in the back of the cave must have been redeposited since the lower deposits are marked
by a dip. These deposits filled the SW corner of the cave, leveling the area in which the
In 2000 and 2001, the faunal assemblages were studied by myself and Maria João
levels 3-7 and Valente studied levels 8 and 9 (the supposed Solutrean levels). Preliminary
The materials were kept for several years at the Universidade de Porto where Roche
worked. In the late 1980s, the collections were moved to a small regional museum in
Bombarral, a municipality located near the cave. These materials are on loan to the National
Museum of Archaeology in Lisbon where the analysis took place. Unfortunately, no fauna
or charcoal was marked Level 3, the lone Epipaleolithic occupation. Also, many bags
from upper levels lacked source tags, forcing us to leave several aside. As a consequence,
dating. This was funded by a Geochron graduate student research award. Although
the dates are not in sequence all are Pleistocene and fall within the Portuguese
Prior to dating, the charcoal samples were identified by Marjeta Jeraj and myself at
the University of Wisconsin-Madison. The work is still in progress, however the bottom
two levels are complete. Levels 8 and 9 both contain wood charcoal from species comprising
a mixed Atlantic and Mediterranean vegetation cover. These include deciduous oak, pine,
juniper, Rosaceae (wild fruit trees), olive, and other Mediterranean varieties. The Suão
at Cabeço de Porto Marinho, with the exception of evergreen oak and wild strawberry.
The microfauna from all levels are a typical Mediterranean suite including Microtus
lusitanicus, Arvicola terrestris and Eliomys quercinus. If one accepts the Level 8 date of c.
15,000 bp, then the charcoal and microfaunal data fit the notion that the post-LGM warming
The large mammal remains total 339 specimens of which 83 were identified to species
or genera (Table 5.12). The majority of these are red deer, followed by Iberian lynx (Lynx
pardina) and wild boar. Additional species include fox, wolf and unidentified mustelid
(cf. Meles meles), equid and caprid. As Table 5.12 shows, Levels 4, 5 and 6 contained few
219
specimens. In contrast, Levels 7, 8 and 9 were much richer in the number and variety of
species.
Red Deer
Wild Boar
Caprinae
Auroch
Horse
indet
Wolf
Fox
Lynx
Mustelid
Little can be said of the upper levels due to the scarcity of faunal remains. A burned
and cut-marked Iberian lynx ulna was recovered in Level 6. This might be interpreted as
evidence for the use of lynx for pelts or teeth but it could have been for food. Though lynx
are rare in Portugal today, they were hunted and eaten by rural people until the 1940s
The Level 7 herbivores include both adult and juvenile red deer and wild boar. Only
one burned portion was recovered and four fragments had cut marks, three of them limb
shafts. Carnivores are represented by lynx, wolf, fox and a mustelid. In this level, no cut
Levels 8 and 9 contained two adults and one juvenile red deer, a single wild boar,
horse and ibex. As in the previous layer, burned bone is rare. Cut marks were observed
on red deer and wild boar bones, plus a few indeterminate specimens. Most of these are
shallow, oriented diagonal or perpendicular to the longitudinal axis of the bone and likely
NISP MNE NISP MNE NISP MNE NISP MNE NISP MNE
Mandible
Maxilla
Femur
Tibia
Pelvis
Tarsal
Metapodial
st
Phal
nd
Phal
rd
Phal
Mandible
Maxilla
Innominate
Patella
Femur
Tibia
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Scapula
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Carpal/Tarsal
Metapodial
Phalange
Rib
Vertebra
Sacrum
Total
221
Some of the wild boar, fox and indeterminate specimens exhibit tooth marks consistent
with carnivore gnawing. In all three levels, some limb shafts show impact fractures and
other breakage indicative of marrow extraction. One red deer phalanx was split
longitudinally as at Picareiro. While carnivore activity may have impacted the assemblage,
These observations led Haws and Valente (2001) to believe humans deposited the majority
The NISP for the macrofauna here are so few in number that analyses comparable to
Picareiro Level F are impossible (Table 5.12a). If Magdalenian hunters were bringing
significant numbers of red deer and wild boar into the cave, they only minimally processed
them and transported entire carcasses away. Because Suão is located in a narrow valley
that opens onto a broad coastal plain, residential base camps may have been located close
enough to obviate the need for extended occupations in the cave. This may explain why
Rabbits
As with Picareiro, rabbit remains numerically dominate the Suão assemblage. Over
5,000 rabbit bones were recovered from Lapa do Suão, representing at least 234 individuals
Hockett (1991, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1999) has observed bone damage and skeletal element
patterns typical of raptors, carnivores and humans. A general discussion can be found in
Hockett and Haws (2002). His actualistic studies of raptor nests show distinct, regular
types of damage to rabbit bones by owls and eagles. The eagle owl (Bubo bubo) commonly
222
nests at the entrances of caves and above rockshelters in Iberia. Hockett (1995) found a
in Spain display considerable variability (Sanchis Serra 2000). Some lack forelimbs others
contain more forelimbs than hindlimbs. Cranial elements are more common in some than
others. Lumbar vertebrae and sacra often greatly outnumber cervical and thoracic
vertebrae. The assemblages studied by Sanchis Serra lack abundant foot elements but
that may be due to collector bias. High degrees of breakage are typical of owl assemblages.
Damage typically occurs on the limb epiphyses (especially the greater trochanter of the
femur), vertebrae and innominates (primarily near the acetabulum) (Hockett 1991, 1994,
1995; Sanchis Serra 2000). Spiral fractures are common but bone cylinders are rare. Broken
limbs are generally characterized by epiphyses with attached shaft portions. Beak and
talon punctures occur on 2-3% of bones, usually on one side (Hockett 1991, 1995).
Rabbit bones from carnivore dens and scats typically show signs of etching and
polishing. Large carnivores such as wolves and coyotes completely destroy rabbit bones
during consumption (Schmitt and Juell 1994). Small carnivores often leave bones intact
but with characteristic damage such as tooth punctures on both sides limb bones (Hockett
1989, 1995; Pérez Ripoll 1993; Valente 2000). In Iberia the two main predators of rabbits
are the Iberian lynx and fox. No actualistic studies of rabbit consumption patterns by
Iberian lynx have been undertaken. Sanchis Serra (2000) conducted a study of rabbit
bones from three zones within a single fox den. Hockett (1999) analyzed the bone
assemblage from a carnivore den at the entrance to Picareiro. Punctures occurred on less
than 1% of the total assemblage. These were located on both sides of limb epiphyses and
223
the innominate. Valente (2000) studied the faunal remains including rabbit from the Early
assemblage that was thought originally to have been associated with lithic artifacts (Zilhão
1995).
Human-created rabbit bone assemblages are known from definite cultural contexts
within archaeological sites in the Great Basin of the United States, the Spanish
Mediterranean Region and now Portugal (Vila et al. 1985; Drews and Schmitt 1986; Hockett
1989, 1991, 1992, 1995; Schmitt 1990; Rowley-Conwy 1992; Pérez Ripoll 1992, 1993; Hockett
and Bicho 2000; Hockett and Haws 2002). Studies of these sites reveals a great deal of
similarity in skeletal element patterns when humans process and consume rabbit carcasses.
Three sites in the Great Basin all had high representation of mandibles, tibiae, scapulae,
skulls and ribs (Hockett 1994, 1995) (Table 5.14). Vertebrae and sacra were present in very
low frequencies. The long bones, mainly tibiae, were processed for marrow
224
vertebra NISP/MAU
MNE/NISP
NISP Total
MNE Total
Table : Comparison of rabbit MAU between three Great Basin sites
(After Hockett and Haws )
extraction by breaking or biting off the epiphyses creating cylinders through which marrow
could be pushed through or sucked out. The tibiae in the rabbit is the largest limb bone
and thus contains the most marrow. This explains why tibia cylinders occur in greater
Great Basin Shoshone groups by Steward led Hockett (1995) to conclude that the paucity
of vertebrae and sacra at archaeological sites was due to bone meal processing. The
Shoshone regularly pounded and ground axial elements and soft greasy epiphyses on
milling stones.
Tibiae cylinders have also been recovered in large numbers from Upper Paleolithic
sites in Iberia (Vila et al. 1985; Pérez Ripoll 1993; Hockett and Bicho 2000; Hockett and
rabbit tibiae were fractured near both epiphyses (Vila et al. 1985). Though Faro does not
225
suggest marrow removal, the pattern implies the creation of tibia cylinders. Fractures at
the distal ends of the radius, ulna and tibia were interpreted as evidence for the removal
of the feet. Pérez Ripoll (1992, 1993), working independently (and seemingly unaware of
Hockett’s work) came to very similar conclusions as Hockett concerning rabbit butchery
patterns. At the Magdalenian sites, Santa Maira, Tossal de la Roca and Cueva de Nerja, he
attributed the distinct pattern of rabbit long bone cylinders to marrow removal.
Magdalenian and Epipaleolithic hunters created numerous shaft cylinders on the tibia,
femur and much less frequent ones on the humerus (Pérez Ripoll 1993).
Additional taphonomic traces of human agency in rabbit bone assemblages are the
presence of cutmarks and burning. In his analysis of the bones from Santa Maira, a Late
Upper Paleolithic site in southeast Spain, Pérez Ripoll (1993) found up to 60% of the bones
frequencies (Hockett and Haws 2002). Evidence of burning on the feet and distal ends of
lower limbs is also common in archaeological rabbit bone assemblages (Hockett 1991;
Pérez Ripoll 1993). Only 3-6.5% of the rabbit bones from Cingle Vermell were burned.
Though distributed evenly across skeletal parts, many distal tibiae and radii had been
burned. Conversely, at Picareiro, phalanges, metapodials, calcanei and astragali were the
most common element burned indicating whole carcasses were probably roasted with the
The majority of rabbit specimens from Lapa do Suão are mandibles, limb bones, in
particular tibiae and femora, and innominates. The abundance of these elements is not
due to differential transport or raptors, which often deposit greater numbers of hind limbs
226
than fore limbs as shown above. Most of the radii and ulnae are broken in half and distal
humeri, so common in Picareiro, are infrequent. The absence of small elements is probably
due to the use of a wide mesh screen during the excavation as well as curation bias. Table
5.15 shows MNE, MAU and %MAU of rabbit in Picareiro Level F. In Table 5.16 it is clear
that there is a strong bias against small skeletal elements at Suão. This is almost certainly
due to the excavation and screen methods used at each site. At Picareiro, elements as
small as phalanges were piece-plotted. All other small elements were collected in the
fine-mesh screen. Figure 5.42 compares rabbit %MAU in Suão with Picareiro. There are
important differences between the two sites. At Suão, both Level 7 and 8+9 have remarkably
similar body part profiles. The small foot bones aside, Picareiro has better forelimb
representation. Both sites lack axial elements except the pelvis. Hockett and Haws (2002)
typically lack vertebrae compared to raptors and carnivores. It would appear that
prehistoric people at both sites ground the vertebrae, sacra and ribs into bone meal as
Hockett (1994, 1995) has noted in the Great Basin and at Picareiro (Hockett and Bicho
2000).
may have played a role in the Suão assemblage formation. Pavao and Stahl (1999) used a
photon absortiometer to measure bone density in several species of leporids. They made
two calculations: one based on Lyman et al.’s (1992) methodology for marmots which
normed volume density using squares or rectangles, and their method of shape-adjusting
using circles, triangles, etc. to reduce air space in the estimation of volume density (Pavao
227
Mandible
Maxilla
Innominate
Patella
Femur
Tibia
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Scapula
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Carpal/Tarsal
Metapodial
Phalange
Rib
Vertebra
Sacrum
Total
Suão Level
Level
MNE MAU MAU MNE MAU MAU
Mandible
Maxilla
Innominate
Patella
Femur
Tibia
Calcaneus
Astragalus
Scapula
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Carpal/Tarsal
Metacarpal
Metatarsal
Phalange
Rib
Vertebra
Sacrum
Total
Suão
Suão
Picareiro F
228
229
and Stahl 1999). Though positive, significant correlations were found between their shape-
adjusted VD (VDSA), the scan site density rank shows some striking differences between
the two methods. The results using the Lyman et al. (1992) method match those expected
from other taxa. That is to say, limb epiphyses are generally the weakest structurally and
limb shafts are strongest (Table 5.17 and 5.18). Counterintuitively, however, the VDSA
results show that some of the weakest portions in the traditional method are strongest.
For example, the proximal humerus epiphysis ranks as one of the densest scan sites, higher
than the distal epiphysis which is often one of the strongest limb epiphyses. Both methods
show the proximal tibia is denser than the distal end. The densest portion using the
traditional method is the femoral midshaft, whereas it ranks 10th in the VDSA method.
Figure 5.44 shows there is no clear pattern between VDSA and limb portion representation.
Figure 5.45 shows rabbit limb MNE for Suão Level 7. It is clear that the rabbit limb portions
Therefore, it would appear that something in the shape-adjusted method is badly skewing
the results (Hockett pers. com.). Given the absence of small, usually dense foot bones due
to screen size, full comparisons between skeletal element representation and bone density
action by dogs of small game bones in hunter-gatherer sites in Australia. However, the
sheer numbers of bones left suggests medium/large carnivores did not impact the rabbit
assemblage. The lack of physical traces such as thinning and polishing, and element
AC
AS
AT
AX
CA
CA
DN
DN
DN
DN
DN
FE
FE
FE
FE
FE
FE
HU
HU
HU
HU
HU
IL
IL
IS
IS
LU
MC
MC
MT
MT
MT
PA
PH
PH
PU
RA
RA
RA
RA
RA
RI
RI
RI
RI
231
Table
cont’d
VD (LD/BT) rank VD (SA) rank
LS Level 7 rabbit
140
100
80
60
40
20
0
0 .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7
VD(SA)
Figure 5.44: Lapa do Suão rabbit MNE vs bone density
Density data from Pavao and Stahl (1999)
hu ra ul fe ti
the appendicular rabbit bones. In contrast to raptors and humans, carnivores often deposit
a high number of complete or near complete appendicular elements. At Suão only about
1% of the humeri, femora and tibiae are complete. Both Valente and I observed a number
of proximal and distal long bone fragments but shaft cylinders and fragments (about 60%)
These data support idea that the majority of breakage occurs on the meat-bearing
(Hockett and Bicho 2000) and Pérez Ripoll (1992, 1993) in the Spanish Mediterranean
Region.
Valente (n.d.) also studied the bones for cutmarks in order to confirm human agency.
She concluded that about 10% of long bones had cut marks in Levels 7 and 8+9. Most of
these were tibiae, normally on the ventral side of the proximal diaphysis. On these and
other long bones, the marks are normally diagonal to the longitudinal axis, with some
deeper perpendicular marks. Cutmarks on the mandible are diagonal to the anterior/
posterior axis. She interpreted these data as evidence for skin removal rather than
Based on work by Hockett (1991, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1999), humans likely deposited
most of the rabbits. Only a few modifications by raptors and small carnivores were
observed. These include a few bones with multiple and single punctures. How were
rabbits procured? There is no evidence for nets or cordage from any Upper Paleolithic
234
site in Portugal. However, this technology is known archaeologically from at least the
Gravettian in central Europe if not much earlier in other parts of the Old World (Adovasio
et al. 1996). There is little doubt that all Upper Paleolithic peoples utilized fibrous material
to makes nets and cordage useful in traps and snares. Rabbit drives are known
ethnographically from the Southwest and Great Basin of the United States (Shaffer and
Gardner 1995). Schmidt (1999) used element representation in rabbit assemblages from
Arizona to determine whether or not drives were used prehistorically. One site, the Five
Feature site, contained high NISP and overall percentage of rabbit bones in the faunal
assemblage. Interestingly, the elements represented are distal tibiae, calcanei, astragali,
tarsals, metapodials and phalanges. Only two bones out of 802 came from another skeletal
element. This patterning led Schmidt (1999) to conclude that the Five Feature site was the
processing location for rabbits collected in a prehistoric communal drive. If this element
representation pattern can be seen as diagnostic, then neither Picareiro nor Suão would fit
into this category. Further evidence suggestive of rabbit drives in prehistory is provided
by Hudson (1994). At one site in California (KER-526) she noted that cranial elements far
outnumbered limbs and other parts. Hudson (1994) concluded that large numbers rabbits
had been taken through drives with the heads subsequently removed prior to transport.
A few were probably consumed onsite accounting for the additional elements. This pattern,
Considering rabbit ecology, there are behavioral differences between the European
rabbit and hares that probably make drives unlikely for the former and more likely for the
latter (Hockett 1992; Hockett and Haws 2002). The European rabbit is a territorial animal
236
that forms harems and lives in burrows (Garson 1981; Soriguer and Rogers 1981). They
are best hunted by stalking individuals, trapping and snaring, or digging them out of
their holes. Because rabbit warrens are easily recognizable to the trained eye, prehistoric
hunters would have known their locations and regularly exploited them. Hares, on the
other hand, are solitary and live in nests on the ground surface. Hare hunting would
probably have been less profitable than rabbit because they would be too infrequent to
hunt individually. They do, however, congregate and migrate in large numbers during
stressful times (Angerman 1981). Hunters could much more easily drive large numbers
of hares into nets at various times of the year (Hockett and Haws 2002).
Rabbits at Picareiro and Suão were more than likely taken by traps , snares and possibly
with bow and arrow (Hockett and Bicho 2000). Net hunting was unlikely due rabbit
behavior (Lupo and Schmitt 2002). In all likelihood, rabbits were hunted by individuals
or small groups who set out traps or snares while engaged in other activities. As with
Picareiro, numerous rabbits were stripped of meat and probably consumed onsite. The
fact that marrow was removed from the humeri, femora and tibiae provides further
smoked rabbit meat and axial parts of the skeleton were transported to other locations
nearby.
Avifauna
Several species of birds were present in the Upper Paleolithic levels. A total of 118
bones were recovered in Level 7 (Table 5.19). The most representative species are Anas
were found. Some of the duck bones have cut-marks, mostly on the humerus, coracoid
and ulna (Figure 5.48). According to Bochenski et al. (1999) golden eagles and other raptors
Level Level
Level
Alectoris rufa
Anas platyrhynchos
Corvidae
Corvus monedula
Garrulus glandarius
Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax
Tordus sp
present
coracoids, scapulae and humeri in the unswallowed portion than other elements. Owls
typically leave higher proportions of wing elements. At Suão, the most frequent bird
bones are humeri, radii, coracoids, carpo-metacarpi and ulnae. The latter are usually
missing both epiphyses forming bone cylinders though not for the same reason as those
from rabbits. Bird bones do not contain marrow. Instead they are hollow to aid in lift and
flight. In this case, the missing epiphyses are probably due to eating habits whereby the
soft epiphyses are chewed off (cf. Steadman et al. 2002). Still, the possibility for bird bone
stock is open for suggestion. Garcia Petit (1995) has argued for such a practice during the
Magdalenian at Bora Gran in Catalunya. Several limb elements from geese and bustard
site Grotte de les Églises in southern France (Laroulandie 1998). Lefèvre (1992) observed
this phenomenon in prehistoric and historic sites in Patagonia. She attributed the lack of
Aquatic fauna
As for the marine fauna, Roche (1982) reported a variety of molluscan species, clams,
mussels, limpets and gastropods and a single fish, gilthead (Table 5.20). The marine shells
were almost certainly all ornamental as there was no shellmidden reported and the number
of shells is low. Many are perforated, especially the Littorina and Nassarius. Nevertheless,
the collection of these species, mostly from littoral environments, a fairly large exploitation
territory for Suão. Given the screen size used, the fish remains may be greatly under-
represented.
Discussion
To summarize, the Suão fauna is numerically dominated by rabbit. Red deer, wild
boar, equids, caprids and carnivores are also present. Additional small animals include
240
birds, molluscs, fish, reptiles, bats, voles and dormice. Given that most of the cave
sediments were excavated it is likely that the existing sample of Magdalenian artifacts
and food refuse represents the nature of site function. However, the possibility that many
of the animal bones were discarded outside the entrance of the cave could mean that the
sample from the interior is strongly biased in favor of smaller, more fragmented remains.
The preponderance of rabbit fits the general pattern in Upper Paleolithic caves and
rockshelters. For ungulates, red deer is most abundant, as it is in the Magdalenian levels
at Caldeirão and Picareiro. The absence of auroch is perhaps strange since Suão is located
much closer to prime auroch habitat than Picareiro. The fauna, wood charcoal and
radiocarbon dates conform to Roche’s conclusion that the site is Magdalenian and the
Solutrean artifacts derive from an occupation that eroded away. That Roche ignored the
numerous rabbit bones in his publication may be due more to the fact that most of these
were found in later, unpublished excavations than a dismissal that humans hunted rabbits.
Birds are relatively rare in Magdalenian sites in central Portugal. Suão and Caldeirão
are the only sites where waterfowl and partridges, common prey types in Spanish
Magdalenian sites, have been found. Picareiro has a few bird bones but these are of
songbird size (Bicho et al. 2000). Suão is located upslope from a small stream winding
through a narrow valley. Within a kilometer or two, this valley opens to a low coastal
plain. This is a fairly unique location for a fauna-bearing Late Upper Paleolithic site in
Portugal and perhaps explains the presence of several avian prey types. However, it may
also relate to differences in the season of occupation of Suão compared to other sites further
inland.
241
for sectioning or crown height measurements. The primary evidence lies in the rabbit
mortality profile. The rabbit assemblage is dominated by adults but does contain a few
juveniles, unlike Picareiro which is almost entirely comprised of adults. Of a total of 2,444
rabbit elements in Suão Level 8+9, Valente (n.d.) identified 94 juvenile rabbit elements
from approximately 13 individuals, about 9% of the total MAU. At Picareiro, Hockett has
reported that 99.4% of the rabbit limb epiphyses were fused (Hockett and Bicho 2000).
and modern rabbit ecology. Rabbits in Spain and Portugal have two birthing peaks
coinciding with fall and spring rainfall (Soriguer and Rogers 1981). There is a high mortality
rate for juvenile rabbits so that within a few months the juveniles have either matured or
may have been formed during winter and/or summer (Hockett and Bicho 2002). Unless,
of course, hunters were selectively targeting adults. Lupo and Schmitt (2002) have argued
that traps and snares tend to catch adults more often than not because juveniles either do
not follow adults into traps or are too small to trip snares. If however, one accepts the use
of mortality patterns to determine season of capture, then Suão may have been occupied
slightly earlier or later during the year than Picareiro when subadult rabbits were still
Portuguese Estremadura
242
Gruta do Caldeirão
Much of the data used to reconstruct Late Pleistocene environment and Upper
above, Caldeirão (‘cauldron’ in Portuguese) was excavated in the 1980s by Zilhão. The
Middle and Upper Paleolithic macrofaunal assemblages from Caldeirão were recently
studied and published by Davis (2002). This was the first systematic study of the Paleolitic
material and his results form the basis for discussion here.
As with Picareiro and Suão rabbit is the most abundant animal represented. The
rabbit assemblages have been analyzed by Newton (n.d.) but only NISP is available as the
full results are unpublished. The ungulates in the Magdalenian level are best represented
by red deer, followed by wild boar, horse, aurochs, chamois, ibex and roe deer. Carnivores
include lynx, leopard (Panthera pardus), wildcat, fox and badger (Meles meles). Other small
animals include hare, beaver (Castor fiber), birds and fish. The birds are represented by
chough (Pyrrhocorax pyhhrocorax), magpie (Pica pica), pigeon (Columba palumbus), partridge
He followed the “diagnostic zones” method outlined by Watson (1979) in his study of
Khirokitia. Comparisons between Picareiro and Caldeirão are therefore difficult because
of differences in analytical methods. The diagnostic zones method was designed to avoid
problems associated with counts based on NISP and MNI. Watson (1979) argued that
NISP counting would artificially inflate the skeletal element frequency because the same
243
bone could be counted more than once if fragmentation was high. Potentially, each
specimen could be assumed to come from a different animal (Grayson 1984). In addition,
MNI estimates would also be inflated if the whole site was not excavated, which is almost
always the case. As Grayson (1984) has also pointed out, MNI counts exaggerate the
relative importance of rare species. To solve these problems, Watson devised a list of
diagnostic zones on each element that would serve as criteria for counting a specimen or
not. The method results in a count that appears similar to landmark MNE.
Davis (2002) used a very restricted diagnostic zone approach. For instance, the tibia
count was based solely on the medial half of the distal epiphysis. So, the lateral half of the
distal end, the entire shaft and the proximal end of the tibia would not be counted. All
specimen counts were based on mandibular teeth and limb epiphyses. As Davis states,
this was done ”so that data from Caldeirão can be easily interpreted and used by other
reasons that the selected zones provide sufficient data on body part representation to be
used in determining butchery and transport patterns. From a zoological point of view,
this method leads to a serious bias in the data. Clearly, this method precludes direct
comparison with Picareiro, especially with regard to limb elements. As shown above,
limbs were divided by portion and the MNE was calculated for each portion. Though
bones with more than one portion are counted in each category they are not “counted
twice.” Each bone specimen is counted and the recorded portions are then tallied to arrive
part is present. A tibia represented by the proximal end would end up in the “unidentified”
and “non-countable” pile. If every limb specimen was a complete element this method
would be satisfactory. However, this is almost never the case in archaeofaunal assemblages.
representation of limb elements (Bunn 1986; Bunn and Kroll 1986; Marean and Spencer
1991; Marean 1995; Marean and Frey 1997; Marean and Kim 1998). The comparison between
Figures 5.31 and 5.31a showed the differences in limb element representation at Picareiro
when limb shafts are counted or not. Counts based solely on one end of a limb bone also
precludes any comparison between element survivorship and bone density. Therefore,
assemblage (N=2164) were identified to element or species using the diagnostic zones
approach.
The Caldeirão sample does provide some useful biometric data, which when combined
with similar data from Picareiro, can be compared against the larger data set on Pleistocene
large mammals in Portugal published by Cardoso (1995) (Table 5.21). Further comparison
between Cantabria (Mariezkurrena and Altuna 1983; Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1994) and
Mediterranean Spain (Davidson 1989; Morales 1995) can provide a context for
reconstructing ungulate biomass in central Portugal during the Late Pleistocene. This is
useful to understanding prey selection, resource quality and availability for prehistoric
Solutrean
Caldeirão Fb 39.2 1
Fa 45.2 48.0 42.3 2
La Riera 44.0 49.5 41.5 4
Altamira 45.4 47.2 44.1 6
Magdalenian
Caldeirão Eb 37.5 1
Picareiro F 39.9 44.0 37.4 3
João Ramos (P) 36.2 38.5 34.0 5
La Riera 44.6 47.0 41.0 4
Urtiaga 46.4 52.5 42.7 15
Tito Bustillo 44.7 49.5 42.0 17
La Paloma 43.6 48.5 40.5 25
Altamira 45.1 49.2 42.5 14
El Castillo 44.4 53.0 39.6 61
El Juyo 44.7 48.9 41.4 25
EUP (OIS2)
Fontainhas (P) 53.0 56.0 50.0 15
Caldeirão 55.3 1
Pego do Diabo (P) 54.0 54.3 53.8 2
Gruta de Salemas 51.7 52.0 51.7 2
Pedreira de Salemas 53.5 58.7 48.0 9
Lapa da Rainha (P) 54.0 1
Solutrean
Parpalló 6 50.8 54.7 44.6 33
7 49.6 52.7 46.8 6
9+10 50.6 54.1 45.9 24
Algar de Cascais 58.0 1
Escoural 50.4 54.5 46.0 8
Caldeirão 54.4 57.7 52.7 4
Magdalenian
Parpalló 1 51.8 57.2 46.2 47
2 51.8 55.6 47.9 36
3 49.9 55.2 45.7 30
Bora Gran 57.1 12
Urtiaga 57.2 67.1 50.7 22
Nerja 53 1
Caldeirão 52.8 54.3 50.7 4
Picareiro F 53.1 54.9 50.7 5
João Ramos (P) 54.2 55.0 53.5 2
differences between the Middle Paleolithic and the end of the Pleistocene. Size diminution
in red deer appears to have occurred sometime during the Holocene when the data are
compared to modern red deer from Navarra (Mariezkurrena and Altuna 1983; Davis 2002).
The red deer from sites in Portugal are smaller on average than those from Cantabrian
Spain at least during the Early Upper Paleolithic and Magdalenian. The only EUP sample
from Spain is the El Castillo sample (not shown) that probably dates about 15 ky earlier
than the OIS 2 Portugal sample. This group was much larger (X=47.7: Klein and Cruz-
Uribe 1994: Fig.5) than the specimens from Portugal. During the Solutrean the Caldeirão
specimens are within the range of the Cantabrian ones except the sample from Fa. Level
Fa at Caldeirão dates after the Last Glacial Maximum and may be related to the so-called
“Solutreo-Gravettian” from Mediterranean Spain (Zilhão 1997). Does this mean that LGM
forage quality was similar between Cantabria and Portuguese Estremadura? Zilhão (1990,
1997) has argued on a number of occasions that Estremadura had cool dry Artemisia-
steppe conditions during the LGM. Comparing the Magdalenian samples it would appear
that Cantabria may have had better red deer forage than Estremadura after 15,000 bp.
deciduous forests in Portugal which may have lowered the potential for red deer body
size.
No red deer metatarsal measurements are available from Mediterranean Spain but
Davidson (1989) and Morales (1995) report astragali dimensions from Parpalló, Urtiaga,
Bora Gran and Nerja. These are shown with measurements from Picareiro, Caldeirão
(Davis 2002) and other Upper Pleistocene sites in Portugal in Table 5.22. Once again the
248
Cantabrian samples are much larger. Five astragali from Picareiro fall easily in the range
(on the larger end) of those from Parpalló. They also fall in the same range as the Caldeirão
sample. Davis (2002) argued that there appeared to be a decrease in astragali size between
the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. The Holocene samples do appear to be smaller,
however those samples are still in the range for Parpalló. It could be that the Parpalló
sample has a larger number of females and is thus skewing the range. Mariezkurrena and
Altuna (1983) documented sexual dimorphism in red deer from Navarra though there
was overlap. The largest of the modern Navarra sample is smaller than the smallest one
from Caldeirão. It could be that males were represented by the astragali from Picareiro
and Caldeirão.
Bocas rockshelter was excavated in the 1930s by Manuel Heleno, an historian with
the National Museum. The site had several components including Upper Paleolithic and
Epipaleolithic but they were never reported. Heleno did not keep field notes and the only
clue to the site comes from his drawing of the stratigraphic profile. Bicho (1995-1997)
recently analyzed the lithic material and obtained radiocarbon dates on bone and shell for
the lower levels. The Final Magdalenian and Epipaleolithic levels date 10,110-9,900 bp.
The small faunal assemblage includes auroch, horse, red deer, wild boar, ibex and chamois
and is being studied by Valente. In addition to the terrestrial fauna, a small shellmidden
was excavated though the details are too sketchy to know the exact nature of the deposit.
249
Gruta da Casal Papagaio is a cave located approximately 10km north from Picareiro
near Fátima. This site was excavated in the 1980s but only a preliminary report has ever
been published (Arnaud and Bento 1988). Arnaud and Bento (1988) report two radiocarbon
dates of 9,710bp and 9,650 bp on marine shells. The site contained the remains of two
humans. Numerous shells, some perforated, including cockles, clams, mussels and even
crab were excavated. Terrestrial fauna included red deer (antler), caprids, rabbits, rodents
and fox. Though charcoal was recovered, no hearths or other features were found. No
lithics or ceramics were encountered either. The cave lies 35-40 km inland from the Atlantic
Ocean. During the period of use, the sea was about where it is today, possibly slightly
further away.
Pena de Mira is a large rockshelter located on the south face of a scarp along the
Polje of Minde (Figures 5.49, 5.50, 5.51, 5.52, 5.53). This large sinking basin lies only 2 km
west of Picareiro. Most of the intact sediment was removed during the construction of a
large cistern over a natural rainy season spring. A small section remains and was sampled
by STEA for the Carta Arqueologica de Parque Natural das Serras d’Aire e Candeeiros in
the late 1980s. A radiocarbon date of 8,500 was obtained on charcoal (Zilhão and Araújo
1991). The site contains bone fragments and marine shells but they are encased in a breccia
of limestone éboulis.
250
Figure 5.52: The Polje of Minda with the Serra d’Aire in the background
(Picareiro is just left of center along the top of the mountain, Pena de Mira
isalong the left margin of the water left of center)
Figure 5.53: Pena de Mira in summer
253
Several Paleolithic sites are know along the limestone scarp known as the Arrife d’Aire.
This lies against the southeast face of the Serra d’Aire on the opposite side from Picareiro.
Where the source of the Almonda River flows out of the limestone, there are a series of
caves dated to the Lower, Middle and Upper Paleolithic. One of these, Lapa dos Coelhos,
has thick Magdalenian deposits that have recently been excavated by Francisco Almeida.
The faunal assemblage has not been fully analyzed and published so only preliminary
indications can be discussed. As implied by the name, this site was full of rabbit bones.
Approximately 1,000 rabbit bones had been identified after the 2000 field season (Hockett
and Haws 2002). No details on the assemblage composition have been published.
Two Upper Paleolithic sites, Buraca Grande (Big Hole) and Buraca Escura (Dark Hole),
are located along a tributary of the Mondego river in the limestone uplands of the northern
part of Estremadura. Whether or not this are was part of the same exploitation territory as
the people who used the caves 50 km to the south is a matter of debate. These caves were
recently excavated and only preliminary reports have been published (Aubry et al. 1997;
Aubry et al. 2001). Buraca Grande has occupations attributed to the Gravettian, Proto-
bone (Aubry et al. 1997). Of interest is the microlithic level attributed to the early Mesolithic
with three dates between 8,680 +/- 40 and 7,580 +/- 30 bp. Aubry et al. (1997) report the
254
anthropic fracturing. In addition, red deer and wild boar were identified. The bones have
been analyzed by Jean-Philip Brugal but nothing has been published to date. Marine and
estuarine shells were also found but no indication of a midden was reported. Buraca
Grande lies about 40 km inland from the Atlantic, roughly the same distance as the shell-
bearing sites mentioned above. Although the species are of ornamental type, their presence
Buraca Escura is located across the valley from Buraca Grande. This cave has Middle
and Early Upper Paleolithic deposits but is noteworthy because of the near absence of
lagomorphs. Wild boar is also absent and red deer is less abundant than ibex, horse and
aurochs Aubry et al. (2001). As with later cave use in Portugal, large game counts are still
quite low. The charcoal assemblage is dominated by pine (Pinus sylvestris), boxwood
available vegetation on the north face of the Valle do Poio Novo. The absence of rabbit
and wild boar is probably due to the unfavorable habitat near the cave during its occupation
since these animals are known from Gravettian contexts to the south at Anecrial (Hockett
5.6 Discussion
Comparisons between the archaeofaunas from the caves and rockshelters in Portugal
permit a general understanding of the human use of these locations during the Late Upper
Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic. A number of questions arise including (1) what types of
255
sites do these caves and rockshelters represent?; (2) Are they seasonal?; (3) Do they
represent the overall subsistence economy of Late Upper Paleolithic people in Portugal?;
(4) Is there evidence for resource depression and a subsequent widening of diet breadth?;
(5) How does the Late Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic of central Portugal compare to
There appear to be some important similarities between Picareiro, Suão and possibly
Caldeirão with regard to the processing of rabbit. Whole carcasses were roasted and
consumed. Marrow was systematically and regularly removed from the limbs. The
macrofaunal assemblages differ quite strikingly at first glance. Almost nothing can be
said of Suão regarding ungulate carcass use. Elements of red deer and wild boar were
deposited in higher frequency than equids and caprids but the sample is extremely small.
Both Picareiro and Caldeirão have macrofaunal assemblages dominated by red deer and
wild boar during the Magdalenian. On the other hand, Suão and Caldeirão contain several
carnivore species whereas Picareiro has almost none. Because of the different methods
used, the only comparisons that can be made with Caldeirão are based on raw specimen
Archaeologists working in the Great Basin have devised a relative abundance index ,
also called the Artiodactyl Index (AI), to measure the proportion of large to small animals
in a given site (Ugan and Bright 2001). This index is calculated by dividing the number of
large animal specimens by the sum of large and small animal specimens. Using the
commonly held assumption that large game outranks small game, Ugan and Bright (2001)
used the AI as a measure of foraging efficiency. Stiner et al. (2000) also used this index to
256
discern trends in the percentage of small game in Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites in
the Mediterranean. Davis (2002) used a rabbit:ungulate ratio to show an increase in rabbits
The AI measures between the Picareiro, Suão and Caldeirão are given in Table 5.23.
At first glance, it appears that the ungulate proportion at Caldeirão decreases through
time from the Mousterian to the Magdalenian suggesting a decline in foraging efficiency.
The AI values for Picareiro show almost the opposite trend for the Magdalenian sequence.
F Magdalenian
G Magdalenian
Suão
Magdalenian
Magdalenian
Caldeirão Magdalenian
Solutrean
EUP
Mousterian
Picareiro has a higher number of identified large mammal specimens so the index is higher,
ones between the Mousterian and Magdalenian. This increase corresponds to the increase
in the rabbit:ungulate ratio. Thus, the apparent decline in foraging efficiency seen by a
reduction in the AI index through time is an illusion. The AI is simply tracking an increase
in the degree of ungulate bone fragmentation through time. Higher ungulate bone
257
fragmentation results in fewer identifiable pieces. On the other hand, rabbit bones are
rarely fragmented beyond recognition during human butchery practices so their degree
of fragmentation should remain constant through time. Dry bone breakage, trampling
and marrow cracking can have a major affect on ungulate bone assemblages. Changes in
exposure, site occupation time and time spent processing carcasses can result in different
Table 5.24 shows the total number of ungulate and rabbit bone specimens for Picareiro,
Total ungulate NISP:MNE ratios can be calculated to measure the degree of bone
NISP:MNE for Caldeirão is impossible because bones were not counted in the same manner.
The number of identifiable specimens is unknown and therefore no reliable MNE estimation
can be made.
The difference between these two sites and Caldeirão in Table 5.24 is readily apparent.
258
Caldeirão has more large animal specimens and roughly equal or slightly fewer rabbits in
the Magdalenian levels. Does this mean that there were greater numbers of ungulates
Caldeirão actually contained a greater percentage of ungulates than Picareiro. Given the
high NISP:MNE ratio at Suão and Picareiro it is unlikely that the Magdalenian assemblage
differences in site function? Caldeirão is located further inland than Picareiro but at much
lower elevation and closer to the preferred habitat of many game animals. Therefore it
should be expected to have more taxa and more animals represented. Each site appears to
have been utilized as a temporary carcass processing site. Large game were intensively
processed for meat and marrow and much of it seems to have been consumed onsite at
Picareiro and Caldeirão. At Suão the ungulates were mostly transported away. On the
other hand, all three sites were rabbit carcass processing stations. Large numbers of rabbits
were butched and consumed. There is evidence that many more were transported away
from Picareiro and Suão. The rabbits from Caldeirão have not yet been published so no
Comparing these sites with the other poorly known caves and rockshelters in
Estremadura a number of observations can be made. First, it would appear that caves and
rockshelters, while providing most if not all of the direct evidence for Late Upper Paleolithic
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subsistence, do not contain the same quantities of large animal bones as they do in other
regions of Europe, especially Cantabrian Spain and Southwest France. This does not mean
that environments were poorer. Large gregarious herds of reindeer, bison and horses
simply did not exist south of the Pyrenees. The animals hunted south of the Ebro River
had different biogeographic and ecological characteristics. Large animals were rare and
medium ungulates were solitary or found in small groups. In contrast, small game was
much more abundant, probably due to the milder climatic conditions of near-coastal Iberia.
Coastal and plant resources were probably more plentiful as well. The opportunity for
high numbers of large mammal bones to accumulate from processing of mass-kills would
not have existed. Instead most of the locations were used for intensive rabbit carcass
processing with occupations lasting long enough to result in the deposition of small but
highly fragmented large mammal assemblages. These sites do not seem to be long-term
residences.
Spain by Aura et al. (1998) and Villaverde et al. (1998) suggest a similar human land-use
and subsistence pattern to the one in Portugal. As noted in previous chapters, both regions
share a similar climate and environment. Both regions are characterized by intensive
rabbit exploitation during the Upper Paleolithic. Cultural connections between the two
can be seen from at least the Solutrean through formal similarities in projectile points. In
Portugal, Parpalló points were found at Caldeirão, Salemas and Passal (Zilhão 1997). The
1997).
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Aura Tortosa and Pérez-Ripoll (1995) show that rabbit often comprises over 90% of
Magdalenian Superior Mediterráneo 13,000-11,000 bp). Table 5.25 shows rabbit NISP is
23,850 from sites in the region while larger fauna (primarily red deer and ibex) number
approximately 10,000. Most of the rabbit comes from Cova Matutano dated approximately
between 13,960-11,410 bp and Cova de les Cendres levels IX-X dated 12-16,000 bp (Olària
1999; Villaverde et al. 1999). Over half of the Matutano sample comes from Matutano I
(the upper levels) dated 11,410-12,500 bp. Olària reports large hearths in this level which
resemble those from Picareiro F and G. The limb fragmentation is described, “the tibia is
broken in the first moment by the distal shaft, removing the feet whole and without
disarticulating them. In the second phase, this bone is distarticulated from the femur and
broken by the part with the most thin walls, removing the proximal epiphysis” (Estévez
in Olària et al. 1985: 87). This suggests the systematic creation of rabbit bone cylinders to
access the marrow as documented in the Portuguese sites. Large game bones are also
highest in this level and the percent identified is only slightly higher than Picareiro
suggesting a high degree of fragmentation here as well. In Matutano IV, dated 13,370-
13,960 bp, another spike in rabbit occurs where smaller, “pseudocircular” hearths were
found (Olària 1999: 423, Table 2). This situation is similar to Level J in Picareiro where a
small oval hearth yielded a large concentration of rabbit bones. This level is undated and
its interpretation often changes as a result (Hockett and Haws 2002; Bicho et al. 2002; Bicho
pers. com.). Overall at Matutano, the majority of red deer skeletal parts represented are
phalanges, carpals and isolated teeth. Limbs are greatly underrepresented and it is likely
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Epipaleolitico Microlaminar
Mediterraneo (11-9k bp)
Cingle Vermell 3814 153
Santa Maira 1186 737
Picamoixons 346 21
Cova dels Blaus 1601 268
Nerja 2425 1025
Les Malladetes 28 66
Tossal de la Roca 1462 545
Total 10862 2815
Epipaleolitico Geometrico
Mediterraneo (9-7.5k bp)
Tossal de la Roca 111 630
Santa Maira 35 67
Cueva de la Cocina 93 661
Cova Fosca 1066 157
Total 1305 1515
that the unidentifiable remains are mostly limb shafts. The published drawings of fracture
patterns show few epiphyses with attached shafts and only a few shafts identified to
element. In Matutano as well, phalanges were split open to extract marrow. Estévez
shows limb representation rises dramatically when the shaft fragments of the unidentifiable
Additional sites in the SMR exhibiting a similar usage include Tossal de la Roca
and Cova de les Cendres. Both sites are numerically dominated by rabbit with moderate
large game NISP. In their analyses, Aura and Pérez Ripoll (1995a, 1995b) show a high
degree of ungulate limb bone fragmentation at Tossal de la Roca. Limb elements are
mainly represented by shaft fragments. In Nerja and Santa Maira, ibex limb epiphyses
are nearly absent and the overwhelmingly majority of specimens are midshafts. At Tossal
de la Roca, midshafts comprise about 70% of the ibex limb portions in the Magdalenian
levels in the interior of the shelter. Shafts decrease significantly in the Epipaleolithic levels
of the exterior excavation where distal fragments approach 50% of the element portion.
Levels IIa, I and Sup. from the exterior of the shelter generally do not have a high degree
of fragmentation. The authors attribute this difference to physical factors affecting the
bones and a smaller excavated area. Nevertheless, there may be significant differences
between the two periods. Since limb elements have different bone densities the variability
may be due to differences in the representation of certain elements. For instance, in the
hindlimb portions, which appears to be femur and tibia shafts (Aura and Pérez Ripoll
1995: Figure 5). In the exterior area, the dominate portion appears to be the distal tibia. It
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could be argued that the distal tibia should be present equally in the interior relative to
midshafts. Unfortunately, the percentages of each limb portion are based on NISP instead
of MNE. A higher degree of limb fragmentation in the interior would create greater
numbers of midshaft fragments thus lowering the percentage of distal ends. If MNE was
considered then those effects would disappear and the true pattern would emerge.
Nevertheless, they attribute the absence of limb epiphyses to grease processing, not to
The practice of using NISP in skeletal element analyses is the norm in Spanish
zooarchaeology and it makes comparison difficult. As Straus (1987) notes for faunal reports
The interpretations of element representation based on NISP per element are not as
suitable as those based on MNE for explaining ungulate carcass butchery and transport
patterns. Each specimen is treated as a whole element so that highly fragmented ones,
typically the marrow-filled limb bones, are almost certain to be over-represented. On the
other hand, many studies do not systematically attempt to identify limb shaft portions,
thus limbs will more than likely be under-represented if density-mediated attrition due to
chemical weathering or carnivore activity has impacted the assemblage or if the assemblage
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reflects human marrow and grease processing. Since these factors are often not adequately
accounted for, many potentially unwarranted conclusions can be made. For example,
Castaños (1993) in his report on the Magdalenian fauna from Chaves writes,
The elevated degree of fragmentation of the Aragonese sample
produces an over-representation of cephalic elements by a large quantity of
isolated dental pieces that consequently reduces the relative importance of
the long bones represented in good portion by indeterminable diaphysis
fragments. Nevertheless, this circumstance does not totally explain the
limited proportion of ribs and vertebrae, more in the case of the latter, which
presents an elevated degree of conservability in the face of diagenetic factors.
But it is necessary well to suppose that it is an indication of the little frequency
whereupon that part of the animal was transported (Castaños 1993: 16; my
translation).
Depending on the method used, this case could be interpreted in many ways. The
frequencies given are percentages of the total NISP. Phalanges and femora are treated as
equal despite the fact that there are 12 times as many phalanges in the ibex skeleton.
However, the admission that indeterminate limb shaft fragments are well-represented
suggests that ibex were intensively processed for marrow and grease onsite. The rabbit
representation at Chaves shows similarities with Picareiro and Suão. The most common
element is the innominate followed by the tibia, mandible, and slightly lower frequencies
of the forelimbs and femur. Ribs and vertebrae are extremely under-represented.
Unfortunately, the majority of the rabbit assemblage was analyzed by another researcher
and the results have yet to be published. Utrilla (1995) reported a preliminary MNI estimate
statements about their dietary importance. Davidson (1976, 1989) has investigated the
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importance of rabbit, red deer and ibex by considering meat weight as discussed previously.
He admits that his main motivation in 1976 was to prove the low significance of the
working in Spain have followed his lead but usually make general statements about the
relative abundance of species based on Davidson’s conclusions. Some have even used
bone weight percentages as a measure of relative abundance (Estévez in Olaria et al. 1985).
A consensus has been reached among scholars that rabbit, while numerically dominant,
was simply too small to have made a significant contribution to the diet. Calculations of
the amount of rabbit meat necessary to equal a single ibex range from 55 to 100 and 88 to
150 for red deer (Davidson 1976, 1989; Villaverde and Martinez Valle 1995). Thus, at
Volcán de Faro where 3,540 rabbit remains were recovered making up 90% of the total
assemblage Davidson (1989) estimated that they only made up 7% of the procured meat.
This reasoning is deeply flawed because Davidson used NISP counts to calculate the
amount of meat. As in all other Spanish cases, each specimen was treated as representing
a whole carcass. Thus, 232 red deer bone specimens were treated as 232 red deer, providing
over 15,000 kg of meat to the cave occupants (Davidson 1989: Table 8.18). Body part tables
show that most of these identified specimens are phalanges, metapodial fragments and
isolated teeth (Davidson 1989: Table 8.10). Femurs were represented by two fragments of
the proximal shaft with the articulation visible. Tibiae by 7 fragments, all either proximal
or distal ends showing the articulation. The forelimb is represented by a proximal scapula
fragment, one proximal and three distal epiphysis fragments (one intact enough to allow
measurement) and one proximal and two distal radius fragments. There is no description
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of the rabbit material as it was deemed too insignificant in the face of overwhelming
numbers of red deer. Even if one were to liberally assume each red deer fragment
represented a whole element, at most it could be argued that four animals were evident.
Therefore, only about 265 kg of meat may be represented. Rabbits certainly did not provide
2,655 kg of meat but may have been relatively more important. If the 3,540 remains came
from 100 animals, a reasonable estimate based on NISP/MNI at Picareiro and Suão, then
rabbit may have comprised 25% or more of the meat. This would make rabbit a far more
important resource than many would admit. It would also suggest a great similarity
between the use of Picareiro and Volcán. Because NISP is the basis of counting in Spanish
zooarchaeology, meat weight estimates used to calculate the relative dietary contribution
of rabbit will always greatly exaggerate the ungulate proportion. Since all medium
ungulates appear to be highly and equally fragmented it may be reasonable to use NISP-
based calculations between ungulate taxa but not between large and small game.
In spite of the lack of detailed data on skeletal element representation in the Spanish
sites, there are visible trends in the NISP data that suggest important diachronic shifts in
SMR the cumulative rabbit NISP falls by more than half to 10,862 while red deer rises to
2,381 and ibex to 1,430 (Table 5.26). Wild boar and chamois increase as well. The
dated 9,000-7,500 has a further drop in rabbit NISP to 1,327. However, while red deer
drops to 379, ibex stays relatively the same at 1,057, suggesting some degree of ibex
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Roca, rabbit exploitation had been stable during the MSM and EMM, but falls dramatically
during the EGM while ibex remained stable throughout the occupation.
At Picareiro, the greatest concentration of rabbit bones is in Levels F & G, dated 12,300-
11,700. Rabbit NISP is one third that in all of the Spanish sites for the same time span.
Combined with Suão and Caldeirão, these three sites contain about half the amount of
rabbit from all of the Spanish sites in Table 5.25. Additionally, the number of rabbit remains
At first glance the decrease in lagomorph remains in Spanish sites appears to coincide
with a greater emphasis on red deer and ibex during the EMM and ibex later in the EGM.
Table 5.26, adapted from Aura and Pérez Ripoll shows the trend in NISP for large taxa in
the SMR from the MSM to the EGM. It appears there is a significant overall shift from red
deer focus to an ibex dominated pattern by the EGM. However, altitudinal and topographic
characteristics determine whether red deer or ibex dominates ungulate assemblages. All
of the EGM sites in their table are located in or near prime ibex habitat and are dominated
by ibex throughout the entire sequence (e.g., Tossal, Cocina, Nerja & Santa Maira). The
disappearance of red deer is due to the absence of occupations from sites on or near the
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coastal plain where red deer were exploited during the Magdalenian (e.g., Cova de les
Cendres, Matutano, Volcán & Blaus). So why are there no Geometric Epipaleolithic data
from the coastal plain? The occurrence of marine resources inland and an apparent
mutually exclusive seasonal exploitation of red deer and ibex suggests a coastal-inland
transhumance during the Late Pleistocene as hypothesized for central Portugal. The
absence of red deer could be due to forest expansion on the coastal plain forcing people to
stay on the coast. However, wild boar, roe deer and chamois, typically argued as evidence
for warm, humid Mediterranean forests, decline as well. On the other hand, the decrease
in rabbit appears real since they are ubiquitous and equally abundant in sites dominated
by red deer or ibex. The unique situation of Nerja, near ibex habitat and the Late
throughout the Magdalenian and Epipaleolithic sequence. Aura et al. (1998) note that fish
are five times more abundant than rabbit at Nerja during the Magdalenian (MSM) and ten
Epipaleolithic sites, now destroyed, were located on the margins of small ponds or coastal
lagoons (Martinez Andreu 2001). It is most likely the EGM settlement was nearer the
coast which was still slightly further out from the present shore. Thus, all of the coastal
sites from this period and earlier are now submerged. A similar pattern emerges during
the Epipaleolithic in Portugal where small shellmiddens (Toledo, Magoito, São Julião,
What are the reasons for the similarities and differences between central Portugal
and Mediterranean Spain? Rabbit exploitation is almost certainly due to its availability
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and high productivity although foraging theorists would argue that post-encounter return
rates determine whether or not a resource is exploited (e.g., Stiner et al. 2000). Red deer
are found in small groups and individually for most of the year. Only in the reproductive
season (autumn) do larger groups (male harems) form. Thus red deer was probably taken
through opportunistic encounter hunting for most of the year. Rabbits living in densely
packed warrens were easily “gathered” through setting numerous traps and snares within
their territory and along regular paths (Hockett and Bicho 2000; Hockett and Haws 2002).
Rabbits offered a comparable or better yield of fat and protein from equal amounts of red
deer (Hockett and Bicho 2000)(see also Table 4.9). Why then does rabbit appear to be
more important in Portugal? Were large game resources depressed from excessive hunting
did not decrease during the Late Pleistocene (Davis 2002). They were at least as large on
average as those from Mediterranean Spain (both smaller than Cantabrian red deer). One
Mediterranean Spain. Current data are probably not sufficient to test this proposition
because of the greater number of sites in eastern Spain as opposed to central Portugal.
The reliance on ibex in Mediterranean Spain is probably due to the fact many sites are
located in ecotones between higher elevations and coastal lowlands. The absence of ibex
in the known Portuguese sites is best explained by the lack of nearby peaks greater than
1,000m. Ibex may not have been very abundant in Late Pleistocene central Portugal due
at Picareiro? The other sites in the area with Epipaleolithic occupations such as Bocas,
Papagaio and Pena de Mira have not been analyzed which makes this hypothesis difficult
to test. In fact the collections are too poor to use with confidence. Could the rabbit decline
at Picareiro be due to poor preservation in Levels D and E? This is quite possible given
the low frequency of all taxa. Are there changes in species selection by hunter-gatherers?
the rabbit decline? Paleoenvironmental changes associated with the Younger Dryas are
difficult to detect in Portugal due the lack of long pollen records and high-resolution micro
and macrofaunal data. If the Younger Dryas impacted Portugal by increased aridity and
cooler temperatures as in northeastern Spain, then preferred rabbit habitat may have been
reduced enough to affect rabbit populations (Hockett and Haws 2002). Many of the Spanish
the sequence during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition (Villaverde Bonilla and Aura
Tortosa 1995; Zilhão 1993). At Tossal de la Roca the interior sequence ceased and occupation
shifted to the exterior of the shelter. In sites where rabbit NISP drops, medium ungulate
NISP remains abundant. Does this imply an increase in overall foraging efficiency? The
paucity of sites per millennium might suggest a drop in regional populations thus relaxing
the need for intensive exploitation of “low-ranked” small game. On the other hand, the
first archaeological indications of plant exploitation and significant marine resource use
occurs during this same period. Did the collapse in rabbit populations force hunter-
gatherers into a further broadening of diet to include even lower-ranked plants and
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shellfish? While early postglacial red deer size appears smaller on average in Cantabria,
this diminution has been argued as climate-induced (Mariezkurrena and Altuna 1983).
Weinstock (1997) has also noted similar climate-induced reductions in body size for reindeer
in northern Europe. The Portuguese data are insufficient to construct and compare age
profiles to test the hypothesis put forth by Broughton and O’Connell (1999) so the Spanish
data are used here. Age profiles for red deer and ibex in Mediterranean Spain show
continuity in hunting patterns throughout the Paleolithic sequence (Aura et al. 2002). The
differences occur between interior and coastal sites and are likely related to seasonal hunting
strategies and not changes in overall foraging efficiency. This points to the risk involved
in using faunal remains from a few sites to measure foraging efficiency. Differences in
site use and seasonality can lead to erroneous conclusions unless they are accounted for,
Furthermore, as discussed above and in earlier chapters, the intensive use of rabbits
extends back to the earliest Upper Paleolithic. Marine resources are difficult to address
due to coastline changes. Plants were available in fluctuating proportions throughout the
Late Pleistocene but their use is also difficult to evaluate because of the nature of cave and
rockshelter use during this period. Their sporadic occurrence from the Middle Paleolithic
onwards suggests a regional pattern for overall dietary diversity. There does not appear
to be a diachronic trend towards greater dietary diversity or intensified resource use. Diets
were always diverse and carcasses were often intensively processed throughout the Upper
What can be said of Late Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic subsistence in central
Portugal? If caves and rockshelters and a few small coastal shellmiddens were occupied
for relatively brief periods to process animals, can they be considered representative of
the whole? In most regions, archaeologists consider large and medium ungulates the
basis of subsistence economies because they provide tremendous amounts of energy (kcal)
per unit weight (kg). Small game, fish, shellfish and plants are considered back-up resources
or insurance policies against the risks of stress or failure. According to the Broad Spectrum
population-resource imbalance. Ultimately, these notions are derived from the focus on
the capture of energy from the environment. The Broad Spectrum Revolution is a
the apparent global trend in subsistence change toward greater dietary diversity and
zones or patchy areas animals and/or humans may be specialized. The Late Pleistocene
of central and northern Europe may have been a resource-dense region where large
this may only have been a strictly seasonal specialization. Forest expansion and faunal
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turnover to smaller and less dense game at the Pleistocene/Holocene transition forced
people to become more generalized, broadening their diet to maintain energy capture.
On the other hand, increasing population may have played a role in forcing this shift prior
to climate change. In either case, a neat explanation is offered for changes in Late
However, recent ethnoarchaeological studies show that resource rank does not always
correlate with dietary contribution, that men have non-subsistence motivations for large
game hunting, and that overall daily subsistence is often based on the collection of “lower-
ranked” resources by women supplemented by meat (Hawkes et al. 1991, 1997, 2001; Kaplan
and Hill 1992). Furthermore, human nutritional requirements make it extremely difficult
to subsist largely on animals. In regions were animals and plants are available, humans
choose a balance between the two. The broad spectrum diet of Late Pleistocene/Early
hominid diet that evolved in the last few million years. Current archaeological evidence
shows that the exploitation of plants and small aquatic and terrestrial animals predates
the Pleistocene-Holocene transition in regions where they were available (Kislev et al.
1992; Mason et al. 1994; Richards et al. 2000; Erlandson 2001; Stiner 2001). Any meat-only
diets that may have characterized these latitudes during the Pleistocene are probably highly
specialized adaptations that occurred in times and places of severe climatic conditions
resembling the present-day Arctic and Subarctic. In regions of milder climate this paradigm
to predate evidence for population increases (seen by numbers of sites per millennium),
although this is debatable (Stiner et al. 2000; Kuhn and Stiner 2001, 2002; Villaverde et al.
1997; Speth and Tchernov 2002; Hockett and Haws 2002). This is especially the case on
the coastal fringe of the Iberian Peninsula excluding northern Spain and possibly Catalunya.
Beyond the Ebro River the archaeological record from the Middle Paleolithic onward is
characterized by the presence of large and medium ungulates, especially red deer and
ibex, but with substantial amounts of small game, mostly rabbit, aquatic resources and
plant remains. The same level of intensity in rabbit processing observed in Magdalenian
Mediterranean Spain and the Gravettian at Anecrial in central Portugal (Aura et al. 2002;
Hockett and Haws 2002). The Middle Paleolithic record of rabbit use is much less definitive.
These assemblages do not mirror patterns observed in those resulting from carnivores
and raptors nor do they resemble human-created ones. Neanderthals may have no
Recently, Hockett and Haws (2002) reviewed current models explaining rabbit
exploitation in the western Mediterranean. In the first one, Villaverde et al. (1997) argued
that increased rabbit hunting in the Upper Paleolithic indicates a reduction in mobility.
Because rabbits are a dense territorial resource Early Upper Paleolithic people became
tethered to them. This was further supported by the nature of medium ungulate prey
behavioral ecology. Rabbits were a ubiquitous resource that served as an insurance policy
while small foraging groups moved seasonally between the coastal plain where they
targeted red deer and the interior where they hunted ibex.
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In the second model, Stiner et al. (2000) proposed an alternative for overall small
game exploitation based on population pressure on resources (see chapter 2). According
Upper Paleolithic of Iberia would suggest an earlier occurrence of the Broad Spectrum
Holocene transition (Stiner 2001; Stiner and Kuhn 2001, 2002). The Stiner et al. (2000)
model primarily focuses on hares rather than rabbits. As discussed earlier, hares differ
from rabbits in many important ways. Hares are solitary, live in nests on the ground and
though capable of rapid bursts of speed to escape predation will freeze in place as an
initial defensive posture. Keen hunters may be able to stalk, approach and dispatch hares
from a relatively short distance. Alternatively, drives could be used in certain cases. Rabbits
on the other hand are easily gathered in large quantities through methods requiring little
effort. Despite their overall speed, they may not fall into a general “quick-moving” category
An alternative model for rabbit hunting and overall small game exploitation was
developed by Hockett and Haws (2002). This model invokes prey behavior and climate to
explain the temporal trends in rabbit hunting in the western Mediterranean. Rabbits are
an attractive resource for humans not just because they are ubiquitous and abundant but
because they are relatively easy to procure in large numbers. In other words, rabbits may
have a much higher return rate than simple meat-weight and caloric energy models suggest.
In addition, as Hockett and Bicho (2000) noted, rabbits offer a better nutritional package
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of protein and fat than deer, despite the low-fat, ‘rabbit starvation’ claims for other regions
The models adopted by archaeologists working in Iberia all focus on medium and
large ungulates as the basis of subsistence with settlements arranged in order to procure
these resources. The data may not be sufficient at the present to test the idea that ungulate
exploitation was highly specialized in central Portugal as it may have been in Mediterranean
Spain. Larger assemblages in that region have allowed the construction of mortality profiles
that show the regular hunting of animals ~3 years old (Aura et al. 2002). This pattern
varies between the coast and interior and probably has more to do with seasonal differences
in herd structure than dietary focus. The assemblages from the Portuguese sites are not
large enough to construct useful mortality profiles. Coastal Magdalenian sites are unknown
and the few dated to the Early Holocene are shellmiddens whose terrestrial game
component was either non-existent or has not been studied. Analyses of Picareiro and
Suão show differences in large game utilization. At Picareiro, medium ungulate carcasses
were brought to the cave and intensively processed for maximum nutritional yield. Suão
was used for this purpose to a much less degree. If large game was processed in the site,
very little was consumed onsite. In both sites, rabbits were procured and processed in
If medium ungulates were heavily exploited the impact was probably not severe
enough to “depress” populations. In Spain, where red deer specialization is said to occur
as well, the mortality data show no significant changes through time. The biometric data
from Picareiro and Caldeirão show no size diminution in red deer, arguably the most
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exploited ungulate. This does not agree with the prediction of the diet breadth model that
low-ranked resources will not be added to the diet until higher-ranked resources offer
diminished returns to the point at which it becomes profitable to add new items. The only
way to satisfy the model is to suggest that rabbits were not in fact low-ranked resources
despite the discrepancies in meat weight and caloric value. This explanation implies that
the commonly held view that large game outrank small game is seriously flawed.
Given that the interior caves and rockshelters do not represent all types of settlement
what reason is there to assume that the faunal remains found in them represent the full
repertoire of diet and subsistence? Comparative studies of these sites in Portugal and
Mediterranean Spain suggest they are primarily specialized carcass processing locations
rather than residential camps. Milder climate probably meant that much of the terrestrial
game processing and consumption took place in open air sites where organic preservation
is extremely poor due to the acidic soil conditions. Plant and aquatic resource utilization
was likely much higher despite their low frequency in caves and rockshelters. Plant
gathering and fishing took place in areas where they were locally abundant. The same
can be said for terrestrial game exploitation. The name of the village nearest Picareiro is
Covão de Coelho, meaning ‘rabbit cave.’ This would suggest that rabbits have been very
The present landscape near Picareiro and Suão has been altered by thousands of years
of human forest clearance, agriculture, silviculture and domestic animal grazing. The
limestone uplands probably had more extensive deciduous and evergreen Mediterranean
forests than the maquis or garrigue that characterizes the natural vegetation today. We
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can only speculate on past plant availability. The potential for plant resource use discussed
in chapter 4, while speculative, should not be dismissed simply because plant remains are
How significant were marine resources to the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene diet
in central Portugal? The archaeological evidence from this period shows that people not
only utilized coastal resources near the shore but transported them considerable distances
inland. Were people moving residence seasonally to the coast to exploit marine resources,
or were they making special trips to the coast to collect food and other resources to bring
record both patterns. The Coast Yuki moved residence seasonally within a 25 mile area
between the coast and inland coastal range (Gifford 1939). On the other hand, the Yokuts
were observed to travel at least 50 miles to collect molluscs for transport inland (Pilling,
1950). Long distance transport of shells inland has also been observed in New Zealand
(Coutts and Higham, 1971), Tasmania (Coon 1971) and Tierra del Fuego (Massone 1987).
comprised of marine mussels are found 25-30 km inland (Jones and Richman 1995). In
Peru, early Holocene hunter-gatherers transported shellfish 100 km inland (Engel 1973).
Foraging models suggest that fulfillment of energy needs may not have been the motivation
For the past several decades, archaeologists have been divided on the nature and
result of population growth and the stabilization of sea levels in the early Holocene (Binford
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1968; Cohen 1977; Osborn 1977; Yesner 1980, 1987). The reasons given to explain why
Erlandson (2001), in a thorough review of the worldwide evidence for coastal resource
use, shows quite demonstrably that coastal adaptation has a long history albeit in restricted
areas. The primary reason for the lack of coastal sites is the fact that sea level has inundated
or destroyed most Pleistocene coastal sites. The sole factor in the presence of coastal sites
from this period is that areas of steep bathymetry enabled site visibility (Erlandson 2001).
In these areas, the distance from the present shoreline to the glacial one is only a few
kilometers because of the narrow continental shelf. Additionally, sites located above the
Last Interglacial shore could be preserved because sea level has not reached that height
and inundated them. This explains why coastal resources are common in Upper Paleolithic
sites in Cantabria and OIS 5e sites are preserved in North Africa. Since evidence for coastal
exploitation exists in areas where it could be preserved, why assume the lack of evidence
in other coastal areas means that it never existed in the first place?
Despite the seemingly obvious fact that Pleistocene coastal sites are underwater many
refuse to acknowledge that Paleolithic people utilized the coast very extensively because
they view marine resources as inferior to terrestrial ones (Osborn 1977; Yesner 1980, 1987;
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Bailey 1978). This stems from the use of energy-based economic models like site catchment
analysis and optimal foraging theory. The most extreme view was promoted by Osborn
(1977) and Bailey (1978). Both considered the protein and energy value of shellfish
inadequate to meet human dietary needs. Hence, Bailey estimated that 150,000 cockles
would be needed to equal a single red deer. Therefore, shellfish could only serve as a
reconsidered the data from Isarago in Japan. In a previous study of the shellmidden,
Suzuki estimated the dietary contribution of shellfish based on calculation of the volume
of shells in the midden and the weight of the animals. Assuming a year round occupation
for 25 years by 30 people, the inhabitants would have consumed 19g of protein and 134
kcal/day from shellfish. This suggests that shellfish were of minor importance to the diet
despite their numerical dominance. Akazawa argued that if the site was only occupied
for three months, then 48g of protein and 265 kcal/day were obtained from shellfish.
Thus, during certain times of the year, especially early spring and summer in this case,
shellfish were of considerable importance given the large quantities collected in a short
period.
A similar conclusion was reached by Meehan (1982) in her ethnographic study of the
Gidjingali of Australia. For them, shellfish are a critical resource during the summer wet
season. Though shellfish were not a critical source of energy, only amounting to 6-17% of
calories during the year, the Anbarra community gathered shellfish as often or more than
281
any other food. More significant than the caloric yield was perhaps the ease in collecting
with minimal processing that allowed women and children to provide a stable, reliable
resource. As with many modern hunter-gatherers, the Anbarra purchase about half of
their food, mainly flour, sugar and rice. This apparently has not affected the amount of
animal flesh consumed but has taken the place of tubers, nuts and fruits in the overall diet
(Meehan 1982).
Erlandson (1988) has shown that many shellfish are not poor protein sources (see
Table 4.14). Regardless of the amount, the protein quality of shellfish is the highest of any
source for humans (Wing and Brown 1979). The protein proportions in shellfish are best
suited for human metabolism. Furthermore, given the risks involved in a high protein
diet, it would seem unrealistic to rank food items according to the amount of protein.
Generally, the occurrence of marine fish and shellfish in coastal middens and caves/
rockshelters in the interior is thought to represent the initial use of these resources by
foraging models assume these resources rank lower than terrestrial ones and would
therefore only be used when higher ranked resources were depressed. Many studies over
the last decades have concluded that shellfish could never have been very important dietary
components due to the low meat weight relative to larger terrestrial game (Osborn 1977;
Bailey 1978; Yesner 1980, 1987; Perlman 1980). Again, Bailey’s (1978) assertion that over
150,000 cockles would be needed to equal the meat weight of a single red deer illustrates
this line of thought. Subsequent researchers have concluded the same, except Erlandson
“packing.” This would apply to ocean fish and marine mammals since their appearance
was low throughout the glacial period because continental shelves were too steep to permit
productive fisheries and the broad estuaries and lagoons necessary to support large colonies
of shellfish (Schubel and Hirschberg 1978). Only after sea level rose in the Late Pleistocene
culminating with the Atlantic transgression were these marine conditions met. Therefore,
the addition of marine foods is due to superabundance. This, of course, would only fit the
foraging theory models if these resources were ranked higher than the ones already
included in the diet. If they do not rank higher then population pressure again would be
However, the evidence suggests shellfish have long been a food source for humans,
even during the Last Glacial Maximum in Cantabria (Clark 1983; Clark and Straus 1986;
Erlandson 2001). The main obstacles in recognizing that coastal exploitation was not merely
a localized and rare phenomenon during the Pleistocene are twofold. The first is the
submergence of the Pleistocene shoreline at the end of the Last Glacial. We simply lack a
substantial amount of prehistoric human territory. There is no reason to believe the unique
Tejo estuary and others in Eurasia were indicative of a change in the overall productivity
of coastal regions globally. Estuaries, lagoons and marshes would have formed on exposed
flat lands of the exposed continental shelf during lowstands (Dias et al. 2000). The geologic
record of coastal landforms was mostly destroyed and remnants are preserved underwater.
283
El Juyo
La Riera
Altamira Rascaño
Erralla
N
Chaves
Atlantic Ocean
Cova Fosca
Buraca Grande
Matutano
Lapa do Picareiro Caldeirão Cova dels Blaus
Bocas Cueva de la Cocina
Lapa do Suão
Volcán de Faro
Les Mallaetes
Parpalló Santa Maira
Tossal de la Roca
Cova de les Cendres
Vale Boi
km
Figure : Map of Iberia showing the main sites and their position
in relation to the coastline during the Late Magdalenian
284
The absence of a geologic and archaeological record of coastal resource abundance is not
The assumption that rich marine and estuarine biota could only form after sea levels
reached their current position and “stabilized” now for several millennia is weak at best.
The immediate response by Mesolithic foragers to the “sudden” stability and productivity
of the coast shows that these biological communities did not require millennia to form.
They were already present but further out, living in now submerged estuaries, lagoons
uniformitarianism.
cockle
clam
mussel
oyster
limpet
red deer
wild boar
goat
rabbit
The second obstacle is the use of energy as the sole currency in economic models.
Table 6.1 shows the energetic values and estimated return rates of shellfish compared to
terrestrial game. The conclusions drawn from such comparisons by Osborn (1977), Bailey
(1978), Yesner (1980, 1987), etc. seem self evident. However, as Tables 4.12 and 4.14 showed,
it is clear that some shellfish types rival terrestrial animals in protein and fat content.
They also offer carbohydrates which are completely lacking in terrestrial mammal meat,
285
making shellfish an important resource in times of low plant availability. The fat content
of fish and shellfish peaks during summer as they exploit the abundant food resources
created by the upwelling of nutrients (Table 6.2). This would have been the optimum
time of the year to utilize coastal resources as plant availability would be lower and
terrestrial game fat reserves depleted due to the summer drought. Furthermore, as Perlman
(1980) suggested, shellfish might outrank deer because of the lower risk of failure in shellfish
exploitation.
Protein
Fat
Carbohydrate
kcal
Based on these data, the coast may have been an attractive place to live during much
of the Late Pleistocene. Recent oceanographic work shows the LGM coastline was situated
30-40 km away in most of Estremadura (Dias et al. 1997, 2000). This is a critical problem in
evaluating the nature and timing of marine resource use because the evidence is 100-150
m underwater. In fact, it is not until the end of the Pleistocene that we see the first coastal
shellmiddens in Portugal, when sea level was close to its current level. Therefore, it is
tempting to suggest that marine resource use at the end of the Pleistocene represents a
new adaptation. The evidence of seals and limpets from the coastal Mousterian site,
Figueira Brava, dolphin from the interior Gravettian site, Lagar Velho, and limpets from
Val Boi, a Gravettian and Solutrean site in Algarve, should be enough to show this is a
286
Ourão
Buraca Escura
Buraca Grande
N Lagar Velho
Caldeirão
Almonda
Atlantic Ocean Picareiro
Anecrial
Carneira Passal Casal do Cepo
Furninha
Vale Comprido
Casa da Moura
Lapa do Suão
Porto Dinheiro
Lapa da Rainha
Baio
Vale Almoinha
Salemas
Rua de Campolide
Poço Velho
km
Vale Boi
Figure : The coastline of Portugal during the Last Glacial Maximum
287
fallacy. One could also point to Cantabria, where the LGM coast was only 7-9 km away
and there is solid evidence for shellfish exploitation during the Solutrean. Substantial
amounts of shellfish were found in the Solutrean levels at Parpalló (Pericot 1942). Cockles
and mussels were recovered in Solutrean contexts at Nerja (Jordá 1986). These sites show
that the coast was settled and exploited prior to the end of the Pleistocene and regardless
of climatic conditions.
some hypotheses can be made using the geological record. In general, coastal zones are
highly productive where upwelling occurs. These areas are often the focus of human
subsistence (Perlman 1980; Bailey and Parkington 1988). Today, a fairly strong summer
upwelling of cold, deep, nutrient-rich waters occurs off the western Portuguese coast.
This is driven by the Trade Winds and northward flow of the Canary Current along the
northwest African coast (Abrantes 2000). Though not as strong as the one occurring off
the coast of Peru, (60-90 g C m-2 yr-1 off Portugal; 345 g C m-2 yr-1 off Peru) upwelling along
the western Iberian margin provides sufficient nutrients to make the Portuguese coast a
highly productive marine resource zone (Fiuza 1983; Abrantes 1988). Using diatom
abundance in deep sea cores off the coast north of Estremadura, Abrantes (1988, 1991)
noted fluctuations in upwelling intensity over the last 100,000 years. During OIS Stage 3
increased during Stage 2 culminating in the LGM. Upwelling intensity was an order of
magnitude greater than the present making the coastal zone more fertile than today. This
was probably due to intensification of the Trade Winds (Abrantes 2000). During the
288
deglaciation, around 15-12 kya, upwelling intensity decreased substantially but was still
3-7 times stronger than today. Interestingly, the Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary marks
a time when the coastal upwelling was at its weakest in the last 20,000 years. By the Early
Holocene it dropped below current levels only to rebound in the last few thousand years.
Independent studies on organic and inorganic carbon plus C37 alkenones from pytoplankton
in marine sediments by Pailler and Bard (2002) confirm the intensity of the upwelling
during cooler periods and its reduction during warm ones. Using a combination of marine
proxy indicators, CaCO3, barium and diatoms, Thomson et al. (2000) found that the
enhanced productivity of the ocean off the Portuguese coast during cold climatic events
Given these facts it is likely that the western coast of Portugal during the Solutrean
was an extremely attractive place for human settlement and subsistence. Marine resources
would have been abundant but the terrestrial resources of the coast would have been
relatively poor. In areas of the world where coastal upwelling occurs, the adjacent lands
are semi-arid to arid (DiCastri 1981). This is true for the coast of Portugal, northwest
Africa, the skeleton coast of Namibia, the coastal deserts of Peru and the coast of California.
The region with the most intensive upwelling, Peru, also has the greatest coastal aridity.
The patterns of trade winds, cold ocean currents and coastal geography create this situation.
It could be argued that upwelling intensity is correlated with coastal aridity (Shi et al.
2000). Recent studies of the Benguela upwelling system off Namibia show a correlation
For central Portugal, pollen cores and charcoal studies show that vegetation at higher
289
elevations was dominated by cold, arid Artemisia steppe. The land area now submerged
is thought to have been mainly sandy dunes with little vegetation (Daveau 1980; Zilhão
1997). Most of the research on the continental shelf has focused on the northern Portuguese
coast and many of the observations for the Estremaduran coast are based on extrapolation
(Dias et al. 2000). During the LGM, the continental shelf was much steeper and wave
activity would have been strong. Dias et al. (2000) argued that most of the sediment from
terrestrial river systems flowed through the deep submarine canyons because the slopes
between them are largely rocky and devoid of recent sediment. Sedimentation was high
because lower sea levels caused lower base levels for streams. In addition, Daveau (1980)
suggested greater annual rainfall and spring ice and snow melt in the mountains added
even more sediment to streams. While sea levels may not have been at their maximum
low long enough for soil development and forest colonization, they were considerably
lower, up to 100 m, prior to and after the LGM for thousands of years. This stability is
seen in the preservation of relict abrasion platforms, sea cliff remnants and off shore bars
Much of the now-submerged land may have been moderately forested during the
Gravettian and Magdalenian. With the productive Mediterranean plants and certain types
of game, especially rabbit and wild boar, restricted to unknown refugia during the LGM,
ibex and red deer would have been the main large game in the uplands, with horse in
grassland zones. In order to maintain dietary balance in the face of reduced terrestrial
plant productivity and rabbit populations, humans would have relied heavily on coastal
resources, including fish, shellfish and marine mammals, especially during summer.
290
Because the coast was much farther away, there is little evidence for inland transport of
marine resources 25-40 km as there is after 10,500 bp. The majority of sites with preserved
faunal remains would have been 30-60 km inland while those from the Gravettian and
Magdalenian would have been 40-50 km inland. Where the bathymetry is steeper, sites
with faunal preservation that would have been near the coast during lowstands contain
evidence of marine resources transported inland. Vale Boi, in Algarve, illustrates the
point as it contains numerous limpet shells, yet it was at least 20 km inland during its
occupation. The Gravettian site of Lagar Velho, with dolphin remains, would have been
15-20 km inland. Picareiro would have been almost 40 km inland when fish and shellfish
were brought to the site during the Magdalenian. Even Lapa do Suão would have been 25
km inland and it contain marine fish and shellfish. Thus, the perception that this behavior
The Termination IA/Dryas I/Heinrich I cold period would have presented serious
problems for hunter-gatherers. Sea surface temperatures were much cooler than during
the LGM. Upwelling intensity was still strong but not as high as the LGM. The dry
summer/ wet winter pattern was replaced by a dry summer/ dry winter one. Pollen
cores indicate a further decrease in arboreal pollen. Perhaps not surprisingly, the
archaeological record for this period is extremely poor. In fact, there appears to be a real
hiatus in radiocarbon dates between 14,500 and 12,500 bp. Whether or not this represents
a serious decline in regional population remains to be tested. People would have faced
year-round drought stress. Terrestrial game was probably less available and in poorer
condition. Coastal resources, especially shellfish with its minimal carbohydrate, would
291
have been even more necessary. Fish and marine mammals may have been important
sources of protein and fat. People may have shifted settlement locations to the coast year
When temperatures increased again after 13,000 bp, corresponding to the Bølling/
Allerød phase, arboreal pollen increased dramatically. This period appears to be as warm
as today with perhaps more humidity. Mixed evergreen and deciduous Mediterranean
vegetation spread along with rabbit and wild boar, perhaps to the detriment of ibex and
chamois. With plant productivity high, the Magdalenian foragers would have had a much
higher diversity of available resources by 12,500 bp. Plant carbohydrates would have
eased the risks inherent in high protein diets and allowed for more balanced nutritional
diets. Combined with the still productive ocean, these groups may have been much
healthier and able to grow population. The increased number of sites dated to this period
Ironically, the widespread appearance of marine resources at the end of the Pleistocene
coincides with a decrease in upwelling intensity and marine productivity. This does not
mean that the coast was no longer an attractive zone. It was at least as productive as
today. However, the terrestrial environment rebounded with higher plant productivity
and increased rabbit populations. Interior sites were once again full of rabbit bones whereas
they were greatly reduced during the LGM. Thus, people had access to rich marine and
terrestrial biomes. The dry summer/ wet winter pattern meant that the most stressful
period of the year was likely summer. Terrestrial game would have lower fat reserves.
Waterfowl would have migrated north to temperate latitudes. Underground plant storage
292
organs such as bulbs, roots and tubers may have been the best available plant resources.
The best food source would have been fish and shellfish. Their fat reserves would be high
Human settlement would have been focused on the coast. By early fall, when rainfall
returned, nut-producing trees and game animals would be the prime resources. Settlement
could have shifted back to the interior. With the rains, the polje near Picareiro and other
sites in the Serra d’Aire would have filled with water, possibly for longer periods than
present. Freshwater crustaceans would have attracted waterfowl, game and humans alike.
During the mild winter, game animals and stored nuts would have formed the basis of a
nutritionally balanced diet. By early spring, rains again would bring lush vegetation
This adaptation continued in the Epipaleolithic after 10,000 BP when we see evidence
of shellfish exploitation in small coastal estuaries at sites such as São Julião, Magoito Curral
Velho and Toledo. The apparent settlement shift to include the coast is simply an artifact
of sea level changes. The transportation of shells inland to Bocas, Casal Papagaio and
Pena de Mira is due to the shortening of the distance to the shore. As noted above, there
is no reason to suggest that transporting coastal resources inland was a novel characteristic
of the Epipaleolithic.
The marked shift in settlement from Estremadura to the Tejo basin at the beginning
of the Mesolithic occurred when the Atlantic Transgression created a huge productive
upwelling intensity was at its lowest in 200,000 years (Abrantes 2000). The shutdown of
293
this system led to a collapse of the subsistence and settlement system that had been in
place for millennia. Coastal resource availability may have decreased but the transgression
enabled people to reorganize their settlement to focus on the rich and very large Tejo
estuary. This would explain the abandonment of Estremadura and the sudden occurrence
of sites along the margins of the Tejo estuary and small tributaries flowing into it. The
terrestrial resources found in these sites were the same as those used before. There does
appear to be greater aquatic resource diversity but this probably reflects site visibility and
the nature of the estuarine ecosystem, not diet breadth expansion due to population
pressure. However, the concentration of sites may have created local densities not possible
Unfortunately, no taphonomic studies have yet been made on the faunal assemblages
from the large Muge shellmiddens. The appearance of cemeteries and structures at Moita
do Sebastião suggests a degree of permanence if not sedentism. The lack of any comparable
open sites during the Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic is further evidence that social
Summary
The human adaptations to changing Late Pleistocene climate and environments were
not the result of long-term positive demographic trends requiring a broadened diet niche.
Rather, they appear to have been geared towards diversity from the Early Upper Paleolithic
onwards (Hockett and Haws 2002). Resource intensification is equally apparent throughout
the Upper Paleolithic as rabbit exploitation patterns are similar from the Gravettian to the
Final Upper Paleolithic in both Portugal and Spain. Specialized sites for processing rabbits
294
and medium ungulates seem to be the only type of faunal-bearing site represented in the
limestone massif. These are all caves and rockshelters. However, there are still few sites
with enough faunal remains to test this hypothesis. The open-air sites seem to represent a
range of sites but almost none are large enough to be considered long-term residences.
The lithic technological studies of settlement patterns indicates a fairly high degree of
residential mobility though not to the degree seen in northern Europe (Thacker 2000).
Seasonal movements between the coast and interior allowed hunter-gatherers to maintain
dietary balance throughout the year. Similar adaptations are apparent in Mediterranean
Spain. The different resource use patterns in Cantabria are due to differences in climate,
At present, the data from Portugal indicate that climate and paleoenvironmental
conditions best explain the human adaptations in the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene.
Evidence for increased population size or density is not apparent. The rise in numbers of
sites and occupied area is an artifact of rising sea level. Diets appear to have been equally
diverse throughout the Upper Paleolithic. Specialized hunting of rabbit and ungulates
progressive trends towards a broad spectrum adaptation but rather as a situational model
The unique site of Nerja gives the false impression that people only began exploiting a
wider variety of coastal resources in the Upper Magdalenian. The position of the coast is
295
important. The cave was always relatively close to the sea, even during the glacial
maximum. However, the central place foraging models illustrate how only a few kilometers
can make a difference in transport decisions (Bettinger et al. 1997; Bird and Bliege Bird
1997, 2000). There is also the assumption that the cave functioned as a residential camp
during the Magdalenian. Changing site function will be reflected in the kinds of resources
A serious problem in tracking increased resource utilization through time is the use
of NISP. Increases in bird NISP of the amount cited by Villaverde and Martínez Valle
(1995) and Aura and Pérez Ripoll (1992) could mean that only one bird was killed in each
level but more bones survived in the more recent level, thus creating the illusion of greater
use of birds.
Population levels are difficult to assess. There are very few sites and those that exist
are repeated short-term occupations by small groups. There are few if any large open-air
base camps in either central Portugal of Mediterranean Spain. Both regions appear to
have relatively low population densities and a moderate degree of residential mobility
even in times of “intensification” and “diversification.” Straus et al. (2000) show site
distributions for each cultural phase of the Upper Paleolithic in Iberia. The few number of
Aurignacian and Gravettian sites indicate low populations during the Early Upper
Paleolithic. Site numbers increased substantially during the Solutrean. However, there is
a decrease in the Magdalenian just at the time of increased dietary diversity and resource
The models proposed by Zilhão and Bicho cannot be fully tested without more data
296
from other cave sites but open-air contexts as well. The pattern observed at Picareiro and
Suão suggests a specialized function of caves and rockshelters as carcass processing stations
not residences. Therefore, without subsistence information from the open-air sites, the
chert ubiquitous across the landscape, it is unlikely that settlement patterns will be
all of the economic and nutritional decisions made by Upper Paleolithic people, must
have played a dominant role in settlement location. Here the Bicho model can be enhanced
There are several lines of research that need to explored to fully test the ideas presented
above. First, more nutritional data on edible wild plants and animals need to be
systematically collected. Although utility indices derived from experimentation may not
accurately measure economic and nutritional utility they could provide a comparable data
set to the Great Basin studies. Body part utility indices for wild boar, red deer, roe deer,
ibex and chamois would permit a better understanding of skeletal element representation
in Upper Paleolithic sites in Portugal. Nutritional data on the full range of available fish
Future fieldwork should involve systematic surveys along the present coast of
Estremadura. Near Nazaré, coastal sand dunes contain open-air sites from the Late
297
Pleistocene and Early Holocene. There are also numerous caves and rockshelters in the
limestone areas between the Serras de Aire and Candeeiros that remain to be explored
archaeologically. At Picareiro there are undated levels that extend back to the Middle
Paleolithic that need to be opened up in order to investigate problems such as the nature
and timing of rabbit hunting in central Portugal. This has important implications for
Due to the high-energy waves that shape the western Portuguese coast, the likelihood
that underwater open-air sites could be found is very slim. Survey and exploration of
underwater caves may be a better avenue to pursue. During the Late Pleistocene, when
rivers such as the Tejo were downcutting, people likely camped near their banks. These
locations are almost unknown for the Pleistocene with a couple of notable exceptions.
Because the Atlantic transgression would have rapidly inundated the lower reaches of the
Tejo through low energy processes, the likelihood that Late Pleistocene sites are buried
under several meters of recent alluvium is probably high. Deep coring of these sediments
The taphonomic analyses of Picareiro and Suão highlight the need for additional sites
Techniques are adequate for recovering the smallest bone specimens and most recognize
the need for keeping all of the remains. However, the recovery of plant remains is not
being systematically undertaken. Flotation needs to be done but so far all plant parts are
identifying plant exploitation through use-wear and starch grain identification. This holds
298
promise for recovering evidence of plant use in the open-air sites as well as caves and
shelters.
299
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