:, 3(i ).I:,' \)1 c 1< \,",\ J. / I I: AnnKingsolver Department of AnthTOpology, UniT,ersity of South Carolina Louise Lamphere Department of AntltTOpology, University of New Mexico Mary H. Moran < Department oj AnthTOpology and AJricana and Latin Amen:Can Studies, ,'L' Colgate University AnnapurnaPandey AnthropoloffJl Department, University of California, Santa Cruz RhacelSalazarParrefias AsianAmericanStudies and the Graduate Croup oj Sociology, University of California, Daois < < SandySmith-Nonini Department oj AnthTOpology, University oj North Carolina, ChapelHill BarbaraSutton Womell 5 Studies, State University oj New Y01-k at Albany TheGenderofGlobalization Women Navigating Cultural and Economic Marginalities Edited by Nandini Gunewardena and Ann Kingsolver H<J..1f i SO"
SchoolforAdvancedResearchPress Santa Fe JamesCurrey OxJord
..' .'" "'_.'_, ,,,,.... '"' _'"''_'' '.. ,.__'<e,._.." '' .,,,, 6 rrogressive Women, Traditional Men Globalization, Migration, and Equality in the Northern Periphery .
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i UlrikaDaW ,;.
f:- ;. ;.1 Thischapterisin conversationwith andtakes issue with someconven- tionalwaysofaddressingandusing theconceptsof"gender"and"periph- ery" within current critical feminist discussions of the very slippery phenomenonofglobalization. Criticaldiscussions on theuneveneffects of globalizationtendtofocus onhow marginalityisexperiencedin the "global ,ii,' South" and by those originating there, andforvery good reason. Western Europe,in contrast,isseenasastrongregion,"Europeans"asgenerallythe winners of globalization, and "marginality" as largely experienced by .women, migrants, and"racialized others" (compare de los Reyes,Molina, and Mulinari 2003; Lutz 1997). However, as I will argue in this chapter, i '!J'I: the sparsely populated, rural northern periphery ofEurope shares little .;;r l .... ll
(from the perspectiveofthe north)with the southern cities, oftenassociated with thepositiveimaginaryoftransnationalintegrationandglobalization.A marginalized region, the rural north largely remains tied to discourses of underdevelopmentandtraditionin waysthatpointto theuneveneffects of ';':/.II
globalizationwithin Europe.Thischapterat oncedraws attentionto a dif-
I ferentform ofmarginalityandseeks to complicate the picture ofaseem-
ingly homogenous,geopolitical"periphery"in therural north. :iJ Therural north ofSweden isan areamarkedbyvast distances,sparse ;,I f ., population, little economic and population growth, feminized migration,
.:
10 5 j: ':i',;<, 1 r.!.\;,' \,"'$,
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; , ., .<..,"' "' " "'""", _' '_' . _ ,..",'"'.," .."'.'...""', """"..'"" , ,' ,.,_'-' __ ., ,. " """ ,',.""',.,."'." ". ULRIKA DAtiL andvery littleindustry. It isa placewhereglobalizationisat oncean imag- inary,a politicoeconomic framework. andan extension ofmodernization through "development." In the late 1990s, I conducted ethnographic research and collaboration with a wide range ofdevelopment projects, women's networks, village councils, state agencies, and resource centers based in the countyof]amtlandin northern Sweden. Mypurposewas to explorehowmenandwomen understoodandexperiencedregionaliden- tity, genderpolitics, and European integration afterSweden's entry into theEuropeanUnion (EU). As ajamtland-bomwomanwho haspursuededucational, career, and life opportunities abroad in international cosmopolitan centers, I myself am an exampleofthefeminization ofoutwardmigration thatforso long has characterizedtheregion.Throughmyeducationat eliteinstitutionsin the United States, I was deeply informed by postcolonial critiques of anthropology, and I wanted to return "home" to understandwhy thevast provided the main governmental framework throughwhich the complex and contradictory political and economic processes ofglobalization are mediated. Indeed,to manyjamtlandersIinterviewed, theEU largelysym- bolized increased regulation and bureaucratization. Manyargued thaton a policylevel theEU reliesonurbanvaluesandencouragesincreasedcen- tralization of decision making. The EU and its emphasis on mobility extend sentiments about thesubordination ofthe rural to the urban. of sparsely populated, "underdeveloped" areas to the crowded cities ofthe south. However, thosepushingfor European integration did nottakecri- tiques seriously, extending instead long-held negative attitudes ofnorth- ernersas backward. lazy,and traditional. OthersI spokewith argued that ]amtland has benefited from EU membership; the region is now eligible for developmentfundingbecauseoftheEU'spoliciesforstructuraladjust- mentin the "less advantaged areas." As one government official and ED projectevaluatorIinterviewedputit, "]amtlandgetsmorethanit pays." Sweden prides itselfon having been coined the most gender-equal country in the world by the UN and is often upheld by feminists as a . 106 ,. [:\ ::z,.'"''''.. .,,,.. __ , ",. ..",, "., ..,,1 ,,\ ,W"''' -,.h_ . '.''''''' ,., ,' ...,,,""., .,. ......, "". ",,"l,.<',,,. _,,'.'_"" .." ""__ PROGRESSIVE WOMEN "women-friendly state" (compare Hernes 1987).1 Swedish policies and strategies for equality implementation not only are well known within SwedenbutalsohavebeenWidelyexportedandusedasmodelsaroundthe world (see Dahl 2005; Kulick2003; Rabo 1997). In the 1994 EU referen- dum,women madeupa majorityofthosewho votedagainstEU member- ship. A common explanation was that women were concerned that Europeanintegrationmightleadto cutbacksin welfarestatespendingand whatthatmightmeanforwomen.In theruralnorth,asin mostof Sweden, the state has been the main employer ofwomen for several decades, in '., "'. addition to beingacentralsourceof additionaltemporary,supplementary, andnecessaryincome, through parentalleave, unemployment, long-term -. ',;, sick leave, and so on. As some feminist scholars have noted, Swedish ". women have grown increasingly dependenton the state (rather than on .. theirhusbands) in thepastseveraldecades. ...... As several chapters in this volume show, the impact ofthe growing majorityofthenorthernperiphery'sinhabitantsremaincritical oftheEU spread offeminism and equalitydiscourse on the lives ofwomen can be seen as one ofthe'positive effects ofglobal interconnectedness. At the and the European Monetary Union (EMU). I hoped in my dissertation research to bringanthropological tools to bearona familiarcontextand same time, analyses thataddress only obvious politicoeconomic changes to contribute to analyses ofEuropean legacies ofcolonialism and racism. broughtaboutby globalization, it seems to me.ignore the subtlewaysin which the neoliberalization ofwelfare states and the instrumentality of Thus,Ifound myselfparticularlyattentiveto a setof storiesaboutcultural policy are tied to theories ofglobalization. Less attended to are thevery marginalitywithin]amtlandthatseemedto haveelidedscrutinyfromwhite feminists. conceptionsofgenderthatgenderequalitydiscoursereliesonandrepro- Onemightarguethatsince1995Sweden'smembershipin theEU has duces. As I arguein this chapter, such understandingsofgender tendto reinscribea developmentalmodelof equalitythaterasesotherrelationsof powerwhilealso revealinghowtheconceptof equalityitself isrelativeand producedthroughcomparisonswitha lessequal"elsewhere." In this chapter. I draw on ethnographic stories. interviews, informal :'. conversations.andawiderangeof publicandsemipublicdocumentsgath- eredduring18monthsoffieldworkinjamtland,to challengewhatIsee as atendencyin analysesof genderedglobalization:theassumptionthatglob- alization simplyimpactsmenandwomen differentially. Throughcultural analysis ofhowgenderis talked about andthrougha focus ontheintersec- tion ofneoliberal economic policy and policy on equality between men andwomen.I hope toshowthatin the ruralnorthernperiphery,"experi- ences with European integration. and thereforewith globalization. have hadsomesurprisingeffects,notonlyin termsof genderedexperiencesbut also in terms oflocalunderstandingsofgenderanddevelopment. In var- ied discussions aboutregional developmentin]amtland.I argue, women are often described as "progressive" and innovative leaders ofdevelop- ment,butmenareseenas "traditional"andobstaclesto progress.As Iwill 10 7 ULRIKA DAHL show here, this perspective is linked to views on what counts as effective development and understandings of what equality between men and women means. At the same time, I hope to show that such stories, while focusing on gender, at times run the risk of erasing relations of power withinJarntland, including but not limited to those based on class and eth- nicity and relations between the countryside and the town center. Here I argue that the meaning of gender is an articulation in and an effect of (see Butler 1999) particular discourses of equality, on the one hand, and devel- opment and globalization, on the other. In developing this argument, I draw on work by policy anthropologists Cris Shore and Susan Wright, who have argued that, in late modernity, pol- icy increasingly shapes how. people understand themselves as subjects: "By extending hegemony over a population and 'naturalizing' a particular ide- ology as common sense, policy becomes incontestable, inviolable and beyond political debate" (Shore and Wright 1997:24). They propose that we read policy "not as a discrete local community or bounded geographi- cal area, but as a social and political space articulated through relations of power and systems of governance" (Shore and Wright 1997:14). As policy, as documents of govemmentality and as practice, becomes increasingly central to how people understand the relation between gender and power, I argue that this is an area requiring in-depth analysis that does not take gender as an a priori category but as an effect of discursive and material practices. At the same time, as I hope to show, the ways in which differently situated women utilizeand draw on gender and development policies dem- onstrate agency within marginalization. In the next section, I introduce Jarntland by giving a brief historical background to its situated experiences of marginality and its subsequent resistance to Sweden's EU membership. LOCATING JAMTLAND, LOCATING MARGINALITY Why should a discussion of economic and cultural marginality be con- cerned with the rural northern periphery? By most accounts, Sweden is a wealthy First World nation with a strong and still relatively well-functioning welfare state and with comparatively little poverty. Even with the past decade's gradual dismantling of the welfare state and rise of "enterprise culture" (see Keat 1991; Strathern 2000) in most western European nation- states, it would be preposterous to speak about economic and cultural mar- ginality in Sweden by some measures. At the same time, the key cultural" technological, and politicoeconomic features often attributed to globali- zation, such as increased interconnectedness, mobility, and time-space compression, are rarely associated with the vast northern periphery com- PROGRESSIVE WOMEN prising two-thirds of Scandinavia and the north of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The northern periphery continues to be marked by extreme weather, long distances between settlements, little industry, low population density, and high outward migration. Above all, the region and its inhabi- tants are considered "not quite up to speed" in terms of economic growth and development. The rural Swedish county of Jamtland, the area at the heart of my research, is approximately the size of Holland but has fewer than 135,000 inhabitants spread over eight municipalities. About 58,000 live in or around the county capital, Ostersund. Located in the middle of Sweden, it is part of the two-thirds of the country referred to as Norrland (the north). Large parts ofJimtland are also part of Sapmi, the territory inhabited by the indigenous Sami, which stretches across northern Scandinavia and into Russia. The Sami make up roughly 4 percent of the jamtland population.! Unlike southern Sweden, the north was never populated and ruled by wealthy nobility. Jiimtland was the last province to become part of the mod- ern Swedish state, and its modernization began largely with southern Swedish settlers who in the nineteenth century received tax breaks from the Swedish state to settle and farm the rich soil of'jamtland (see Liliequist 1991; Sorlin 1988). The state infrastructure has been primarily concerned with tax collection, military defense, and administration of large natural resources such as timber and hydraulic power. With little significant in- dustry, class differences were, according to my informants, historically reflected in landownership (of woods, in particular). Today class is largely a question of town and country, education, and migration. Aside from lead- ers of state agencies and professionals such as doctors and lawyers, returned expatriates and successful (tourism) business owners tend to be at the top of the class structure. In past decades, the public sector (munic- ipalities, state agencies, and so on) has become the largest employer in Jiimtland, and the county's main revenue comes from tourism, particularly around the mountain region.s The dominant story of Jiimtland's marginality, I argue, is highly gen- dered because it is cast in terms of a problem of growth, both economic growth and, as I will show below, population growth. Women thus hold a peculiar role in jamtland, where their tendency to migrate out of the province is both a marker of progressiveness and a crisis for the region. Following women's entry into the paid labor market (and the decline of small-scale farming), the public sector has been the main employer of women. Child, medical, and elder care, municipal administrative work, education and custodial work, and often part-time work have dominated 10 9 i"\ , ,.i "!I : ; ~ , ~ ;:':' :":./! ,.;i :1" .',": .... \: ~ .. '" { ~ I: :', . : ~ ; :i;j ..1, 108 women's employment. In recent years, large numbers of women have taken sick leave, in part as a result of physical and emotional burnout from many years of strenuous and underpaid work. Many women I interviewed are engaged in self-development work of various kinds, including alterna- tive medical practices, new age religion, crafts and arts, and service work such as selling beauty products. With property being cheap but taxes high, most people in rural areas subside on far less than urban households. All the persons I interviewed argued that they value the outdoors and the pace of life in rural areas over working too much. The county's vastness, low population density, and majestic scenery and wilderness make tourism a main source of income, and the regional cultural products require national and European markets. Few other types of businesses have been successful, though in the past decade telecom busi- nesses have been established in several municipalities, employing large numbers of people. In one case, a politician described it as "a positive improvement. Now we see the youngsters wearing suits as they walk around I' our center." Businesses that establish in the county often receive tax cuts (much like the settlers in the 1800s), but small-scale fanners and local busi- "
nesses struggle. The county has received development funds from the Swedish state since the 1950s, but the median household income in jiimtland remains below the national average.s Experiences ,with and understandings of globalization in jiimtland must be understood in rela- tion to a longer tradition of "underdevelopment" in relation to the making of modem Sweden and resistance thereto. In both the 1994 Swedish referendum on ED membership and the 2003 referendum on the EMU, jiimtlanders (along with other northern- ers) made national headlines by voting strongly against participation. Cast in the national media as evidence of the backward and ignorant ways of northerners, the nearly 80 percent who voted no were ridiculed and scorned. The main explanation for resistance to the ED in 1994 was that jiimtland has a strong regional identity and is unwilling to comply with Swedish national politics. The reason for this, many people would say, is that jiimtland was once, in a mythic "Viking" era, a sovereign "republic" andjiimtlanders are proud and unbendable.s People outsidejiimtland pri- marily view this regionalism as a quaint and humorous characteristic of the county. The national media largely interpreted northerners' no vote as reflecting their disinterest in the positive ,effects of globalization and in keeping with the changing times, rather than as a situated and well- informed critique of a particular political agenda (Dahl 2004). Regionalism and regional identity building might arguably be celebrated ,j I PROGRESSIVE WOMEN ::. and seen as part of globalization, but when regional resistance opposes cer- t,i tain dimensions of economic restructuring and integration, it is ignored. The Swedish referendum resulted in a 52-t0-48 vote in favor of ED membership. Despite many halfjoking demands "not that jamtland leave the EU, but that the ED leavejiimtland" (as thejiimtland Republic's "pres- ident"-a well-known musician and actor-once put it), resistance dwin- dled in the late 1990s. Lena' had been active in the "No to the EU" campaign before the 1994 referendum and was working with cooperative development in her village at the time I spoke with her. She explained: There is so little resistance to the ED now, it is totally quiet. We voted no, 80 percent of'jamtlanders did. Nowalmost all ofus are sitting here with EU funds and all this paperwork, mad at the bureaucrats. We must do all that they expect us to. Otherwise, we don't get any money. And ifjiimtlanders don't get better at fetch- ing the EDmoney, that is, apply for these funds, then theywill be returned. And we get even more reprimanded. "Damned if you do and damned if you don't." That is how it feels. The northern two-thirds of Sweden are part of the EU's target areas 1 and 2 and are eligible for development funding for "less advantaged areas" marked by what the ED literature describes as "extreme peripherality" (see European Commission 1996). Any group of jiimtlanders, including orga- nizations, resource centers, village councils, and other such actors, was eli- gible to apply for EU funding for development-that is, if it had access to information about the program and could frame its ideas in the form of a "project" that would meet the funding criteria. A project had to createjobs, increase competence and knowledge among the population, improve the state of jiimstiilldhet (equality between men and women), and, ideally, lead to long-term, environmentally sound, sustainable living in the province. In the end, more funding was available than the bureaucrats could spend. One EU official explained that the regional office had to send back money because not enough groups applied for it. Many jiimtlanders I interviewed shared Lena's frustration. Although EU membership meant new opportunities for development funding, the criteria for content and for carrying out projects were overwhelming. At the same time, jiimtlanders were constantly urged to apply for funding through the complicated and bureaucratic procedures. After funding was secured, the process of running development projects required labor- and time-intensive administration. In most of the projects with which I worked closely. people experienced tremendous frustration with the ED bureau- 110 III ULJ\I.I\.A J..IA.t1L cracy andrarelyfound that they couldachievewhat they wanted. Unable tocreatenewjobs,manyprojectworkerscontinuedtoapplyfor newfund- ing or went back into unemployment or previous less-desired jobs. Moreover, thosewho didget fundingwere, more often than not, already established and powerful groups and actors, including researchers and activists who had transnational connections and the language savvy required to gain funding. These examples, I argue, reveal how policy increasinglyshapespeople'slivelihoodsandunderstandingsofthemselves. SEARCH THE OLD, CREATE THE NEW: THE "GENDERED IMPACT" OF GLOBALIZATION TheEU takes equalitybetweenwomenandmenveryseriouslyandhas earmarkedfundingfor women.Followingentryintothe EU, greatempha- siswasplacedon encouragingJarntlandwomen to applyfor development funding. Alargenumberofprojects, manyfocusing on promotingequal- itybetweenmenandwomenandprovidingparticularsupportfor women's entrepreneurship,were created.OneexamplewasSearchtheOld,Create the New,whichstatedthe following in itsprogramproposal: Weare in a transitional periodbetween twoepochs. Allexperi- ences,allvalues wehave gatheredfor a longtime have to be mergedwithnewexperiencesandnewknowledge. Outofthis melting potof old and newsomethinggoodhas to be born. Manywomen feel thattheyare the losers of today.Continued high unemploymentasaresult ofcutbacks and savings(within the publicsector) affectwomen toalarger degreethan men. If westudythe worldfrom aglobal perspective itisstillwomen in almost allcultureswho are subordinated [by] traditions and normsystemswhichdevaluethem and givethemfewerpossibili- tiestoaffectsocietyaswellastheirownsituation.t Witllsupportfrom the EuropeanUnion'sstructuraladjustmentfunds earmarkedforequality betweenmenandwomen(jarnstalldhet),the project aimed to create livelihoods for long-term unemployedJamtland women, usingafamiliar recipein the 1990s.Byutilizing the region'smainresources (localhistory,culture,andcrafts) inpromotingtourismandsmall-scalebusi- nesses andbydeveloping"networking"andentrepreneurshipfor women, the goalofthisprojectwastostartnew (women-run) businessesandalocal . resourcecenterfor women. Theproposalwasdrafted bya projectinitiatorwellversed in the lan- guage of developmentfundingapplicationsandreflects howan analysisof PROGRESSIVE WOMEN "gendered globalizations" is central both to obtaining developmentfunds and to understandingone'sgenderedplace in tlleworld. Hereglobalization isunderstoodas neoliberal economicchange (reflected in cutbacks in the publicsector) andlate modernity (a periodcharacterizedbyrapidchange awayfrom old traditions) while also reflecting a development narrative of transformingoldvaluesinto"newknowledge."Theanalysispresented-s-that globalizationandlatecapitalisttransformationsmarginalizewomenandthat theirsubordinationislinkedtothe devaluingoftheirwork-isafamiliar one toMarxistfeministanthropologistsandothercriticsofthe uneveneffectsof globalization. In this proposal, the urgency ofthe situation ofjamtland '\li womenwas mademorepowerfulprecisely byinvokingan imaginedshared ,(Pi positionof womenworldwideandacorollary,asense ofuniversalsisterhood: "women" asagroupare the losersin "atransitionalperiod." Tliis project is one example ofhow women in Jamtland have res-
ponded to and analyzed the impact ofthat unruly phenomenon called ,"", globalization.Italso illustrates how globalizationandneoliberalstrategies .'1
fordevelopmentarticulatewith "state feminism"asitisexpressedthrough policies ofequalitybetweenmenandwomen (jamstalldhet) injamtland. Thestatementdemonstratesagencyinsofaras it reveals the consciousand strategicinvocationofadiscoursethatcarriesconsiderableweight (thatof women's position in the world). At the same time, I argue, like much of grand theorizingaboutgenderandglobalization, the statementalso uni- versalizesandhomogenizeswomenasagroupin waysthatrenderinequal- ities betweenwomen, locallyandglobally, invisible. To understand such seemingly contradictorymoves, we must under- stand how migration andwomen's activism are tied inJamtland andhow understandingsofgenderare tied to economicrestructuring. Next, I tum toa discussionofthe feminizationofmigrationto andfromJiimtland. "WOMEN ARE FLEEING THE COUNTYI" THE FEMINIZATION OF MIGRATION IN JAMTLAND ,If. In recentyears, feministscholars have shown thatthe feminization of :1,
migrationisacentralfeature of globalization (see,amongothers,Brennan
2004;EhrenreichandHochschild2003). Increasingly,womenmigratefor , "?I :.j, work, love, and opportunity. Those who leave are often from the global ,'1 I! Southandoftendo so in hopesofbetterlivesfor theirchildren. In many , instances, extendedfamilies are supported by the wages earned by these .:' migrantwomen in wealthy First World nations, wages thatare gendered ; ".;1 " 'J and marginalized. Images ofbetter lives and desirable consumer goods, .!-r alongwith theclearlyuneveneffects of globalizationin"peripheral"places, , J ".1('" 113 ',i: 112 shapesuchdecisions. Rarely dowe hearaboutmigration to andfrom the rural north,even thoughit isbotha historicanda contemporaryeffectof globalimaginariesandeconomicrestmcturings. In jiimtland, the feminization ofmigration is nothing new. Like the rural northernperipheryofEuropeasa whole,jiimtlandhas beendeeply affectedbyemigrationsinceat leastthelate 1950s (compareHansen1998; Stenvold 2002). Agricultural reform, demand for labor in the industrial- ized south, and education are among the reasons given for emigration. Swedish ethnologistKjellHansen (1998) arguesthat,paradoxically, migra- tion itselfhas been seen as the most important indicatorofwelfare and developmentin ruralinlandnorthernSweden. Fordecades,womenhave migratedfromjamtlandin disproportionate numbers. In the 1970s, aswomen were enteringthelaborforce enmasse' in Sweden and tax reforms made it both possible and necessaryformar- liedwomen to work. the explanation given for migration was the lack of jobsforwomeninjiimtland. Historically,jamtland'smainindustrieswere lumber,a male-dominatedsector,andfamily farming. Sincethe1950s and extensivegrowthof thepublicsector,thestatehas providedmorethanhalf thejobsin thecounty.In 1974, theSwedish parliamentruledthatregional assistance wasneeded to createjobsforwomen (Sundin 1992:106).Since then, the public sector has been the main employer for women in jamtland, providing largely part-time and, by Swedish standards, under- paidjobsin health care, administration, education, and municipal devel- opment.Astheeffectsofthecutbacksin thewelfarestate,began to be felt in ruralareas,womenwereaffectedgreatly. Atthesametime,manywomen became long-time unemployed as a result ofburnout and physical pain dueto heavy repetitive tasks in, amongotherjobs.caringprofessions. Asisthecasein manypartsoftheworld.genderedyearningsforacos- mopolitanlife have also largelyshapedyoungwomen'sdesireto move. For womenof mygeneration (bornin the 1970s),themainreasonsforleaving were theprospectsof studiesandworkabroad.Thoverypopularroutesin the late 1980s and early 1990s were work as nannies and au pairs in European andAmerican cities andworkwithin theservice sectorin vari- ous cosmopolitancentersin theAlps oralongthe Mediterranean. Others wentas far as Tokyo to work as hostesses or, as in my case, to the United States to study. In the late 1990s, as I was interviewing girls and young women in jiimtland, stories ofplanned emigration persisted, and many intervieweesstatedthatthey intended toleave. Asonehighschoolgirl put it, whenaskedwhatshethoughtshemightbedoingin tenyears: "IfI stay f here[in thevillage whereshelived],Iwilleitherbe workingasacashierin ~ :t ~ I 114 11 'I PROGRESSIVE WOMEN " ~ the grocell'store.orI'llbe onsickleave,havingruinedmybackfromwork- ingwith oldpeople."Thepublicsectorandasegregatedlabormarketwere still the main reasons for leaving: the girls and women simply did not regardthejobsavailableas excitingorfulfilIing. Needlessto say.migrationitself wasmarkedbyopportunity,classback- .'1 ground, family history, and municipal specificity, but in becoming gen- dered,it producedadominantstoryforthe region.Bythelate1990s. "the flightofyoungwomen"waspresentedasa seriouscrisis for theregion.As one municipal politician I interviewed noted, "not only do we lose the youngwomen,welose thenextgenerationaswell."Althoughrarelystated r. explicitlyassuch.regionalgrowthwasclearlyahighlygenderedissue:with- out population growth, there would be no economic growth. Tho main strategies were used to try to combat the loss ofpopulation: on the one '. : .. hand, marketingjiimtlandas agreatplaceto raise a family (thusattempt- ingto encouragepeopleto moveback) andon the other,providingyoung :l:;" " : ~ women with "positive role models" andsupportingprojects thataimed to offermeetingplacesfor women,wherethey coulddiscussandtryoutideas ; : ~ for whattheywantedtodo. Bothofthesestrategiesrestedon conventional andhighlyheteronormative (see Rosenberg2002) assumptionsaboutgen- derandwomen'sconcerns.In bothcases, theeffectwasthatthe strategies appealed to a very homogeneous group and created a story ofwho men andwomeninjamtlandwere. . Muchemphasiswasplacedonthegreatadvantagesand"goodquality :'..:: oflife" injiimtlandforyoungfamilies. Municipal politiciansI talkedwith :.;.:. explained that their main strategy for combating "the flight ofyoung :~ ~ women"wasto providegoodschoolsanddaycare,greatoutdooractivities, ') and safe, friendly, small-scale communities. From a clear understanding that rich natural resources andgreatoutdoorssuch as thoseofjiimtland are becoming increasingly scarce in the industrialized world, such argu- ments, launched in advertising and recruitmentcampaigns, as well as in local media, often invoked comments on the negative impacts ofglobal- ization. Forinstance, in 2002 a project sponsored by the countycouncil aimed to marketjamtland to an imagined potential group ofreturned migrants and new settlers. A brochureand website calledJiimtlandsbilden (The Image of jiimtland) presented life injamtlandas "a life in luxury," employingarhetoricthatrevealshow theveryimageofwhatjiimtlandhas toofferisconstructedin dialoguewith an imaginedurbanlifestyle: Luxurycan be havingdaycare, people,and experienceswith naturenearby. Luxury can alsobe havingtimefor asecondcup 115 ULRIKA/DAHL ofmorningcoffee because traffic on thewaytowork doesnot exist.Luxurytousisnothaving tohavealarms on ourhouses or gatedfrontdoors or nothaving todealwiththe stressful paceof big cities. Theseare thingsthatwe injamtlandconsiderself- evidentbutthatare aluxury tobigcity people.t This approach, I argue, seeks to change the imageofJeimtland from oneofbackwardnessandmarginalitytooneofqualityoflife and"luxury," redefinedas closeness to theavailabilityofstateservicessuch as day care, nature, and (above all, as emphasized in the brochure) a differentrela- tionship to time.Thelived experienceoflife in theruralnorthisalready partof an imaginaryin whichtheurbanareaisperceivedasthenorm.The marketingstrategyto attractpeopleto]eimtlandis to turnthenarrativeof peripheralityaroundbysuggestingthat"alife in luxury"is availablein the north.Thus,Iarguethatglobalizationpersistsasanimaginarythatshapes bothdreamsofmigration andhopes ofluringsettlers. In such animagi- nary, genderedmeanings are central. Next, I turn to a discussion ofthe Women's Resource Center and how ED membership and neoliberalism affecteditsstrategies, "TO TAKE LIFE AND MATTERS INTO ONE'S OWN HANDS": WOMEN, ACTIVISM, AND POLICY INJAMTLAND Againstthebackdropof thegenderedhistoryofjamtland andthefem- inizationofmigration, thestoryofjamtland'sregionalwomen's resource centerillustrateshowglobalization,neoliberaldevelopmentstrategies,and European integration intersect and affectwomen's activist and develop- mentwork. By the late 1990s, theWomen'sResourceCenterwas thebest- knownwomen'sorganizationinthecounty.Thestrategy,assummarizedby Eva,itsmainorganizer,wassimplyto listento whatthewomen themselves wantedandthen.toofferorganizingadviceandsmallstipendsto networks ofwomen who wanted to work on issues oflocal development in their villages and professions. Like the project proposal discussed above, the grassrootsorganizingoftencalleduponuniversalmodelsof women'sexpe- riencesandstrategies. Thefocus wasonencouragingwomen to "takelife and matters into theirown hands" and to make somethingoftheirlives andfutures,lnjamtland. Oneresultwasthat Jarntlandsaw theformationofa large numberof, women's networkswith theoverallpurposeofempoweringwomento par- ticipate in regionalpolitics,development,andemployment.Theregional women's resourcecenter had support fromregional development agencies PROGRESSIVE WOMEN -and the state policy to improve equality between men and women (jam- 'stalldhet) and to fight outward migration. The well-documented and nationally known model oforganizing used by the resource center was ;described as a "bottom-up perspective" oras "empowerment." Empower- ment,onewomanexplained,is"awell-knownmodelthatisusedbywomen everywhere,in AfricaandIndia,for example." The local, national, and international attention given to the work of the Women'sResource Centerandwhatwomenwere doingwas,it turned 'out, notenough.At a time whenJarntlandhada woman andself-defined feminist as governor, when increasing amounts ofdevelopment funding were earmarkedfor jamstalldhet,andwhenseveralresearchershadbegun to suggest that, indeed,whatwasgoingonin northernSweden mightbe understoodasa new women'smovement (see Ronnblom 1997:2002), the execlltlve boardoftheWomen'sResourceCenterdecidedthatthestrategy andworkofthecenter'ssmallbutenergeticstaff were "ineffective"anddid not generate "growth." Most board members belonged to local business development agencies and funding authorities. They argued that it was hard to see what "concrete effects" the center's efforts would have on regional growth. Emphasis was to be placedonsupportingwomenentre- .preneurs, advisingwomen on projectideas, and, above all, administering ;', women'sprojects. MonaandEva,thesymbolicleadersofthe Jamtlandmodelofmobiliz- ing women, were critical. Theyfelt thatit was a top-down approach that would notfacilitate grassroots organizingandthatit was notin line with the overallgoaloftheirvision forthe resourcecenter. Changetakes time, they argued, concerned that the new model would leave out too many women. Other women active around the resource center, in particular ,those who were in favor ofsupportingwomenentrepreneurs,insisted that the new modelwouldbe moreeffective in helpingwomenwho hadideas and who wanted to develop them. After a heated debate, largely in the .rnedia,aboutthepurposeandfutureoftheresourcecenter,EvaandMona ..resigned,sadandangry. Thestoryabouttheunfoldingofeventssurround- ingtheirresignationframedmanydiscussionsnotonlyaboutwomen'swork putalso aboutthe meaningofgrassroots in the politics ofregional devel- ':::',11 opmentinJarntland. Actors placed themselves withina largerstoryabout ~ ~ regionaldevelopmentthroughpositioningthemselvesin relation notonly :::ii jobureaucratic structures butalso to eitherthe old orthe new resource :1- ; ~ 'center. Aside from revealing different alliances within the women's network movementconcerningwhatwomen's organizingwassupposed to do, the 117 116 ULKIIlA UAHL controversy highlighted contestations surrounding the meaning of devel- opment and women's role within it. The emphasis on placing matters of development and jarnstalldhet firmly within a framework that privileges growth illustrates how relations of power were renegotiated following Sweden's entry into the ED. This shift was reflected in the altered meta- phors of development in the northern periphery; now empowerment of women as a development strategy was to be enterprised up, literally (see Strathern 2000). Emphasizing a universal experience of the emancipatory effects of "taking matters into one's own hands," the women's networks embraced neoliberal ideals of individualism and entrepreneurship and became inti- mately tied to women's progress. In contrast, in a different story of love, work, and migration concerning Thai women who migrate to JamtIand to marry rural Swedish men, progress is understood in very different terms, PROGRESSIVE WOMEN AND TRADITIONAL MEN As discussed above, in the late 1990s, as increasingly neoliberal eco- nomic politics and cutbacks in the Swedish welfare state began to affect people, development projects became a form of political organizing and a means of livelihood for women. Among other projects, special efforts were made to encourage women, particularly those who were unemployed (often as a result of cutbacks in the public sector), to start their own busi- ness. It was an entrepreneurial, neoliberal model that also revealed a broader shift in understandings of work and responsibility: women should now "take life and matters into their own hands.")O JamtIand women were upheld as innovative and visionary, as leaders of regional development and change, and men were increasingly presented as obstacles to progress. Intimately linked in these stories were gender, development, and regional economic growth. In the mid-1990s, implementation of Swedish equality policy was moved to county administrations; at the same time, the focus of the policy shifted from women to men (see Dahl 2005). That is, it was assumed that in order to truly change the power relations between men and women, it was necessary to engage and educate men in questions about equality. At that time, a new story about jamtland began to emerge: it was the tradi- tional men who made women migrate frorn jamtland. Costa was one of the key actors in a county-administered, ED-funded project to engage men in questions of'jamstalldhet (equality between men and women). He offered a different analysis of the current state of gender relations in jamtland than that of the project discussed in the introduction of this chapter. lIB "," PROGRESSIVE WOMEN .-: Comfortably seated in his spacious villa with a view of the snow-clad 1'7.:. JiimtIand mountains, he explained his views on regional development ';r; funding and gender equality: It is already the case that women stand for much of cultural back- \ I" ground and cultural stimulation in rural areas, where many of traditional women's tasks have disappeared. Men tend to be more traditional-he wears his Reily HansenII suit, has his snow- ...... i mobile, and so on. Many young, especially women, leave rural areas. We felt that if you [only] create opportunities for women to stay here, we run the'risk of increasing the gap between men and women, with modem, progressive women and conservative, culturally traditional men in rural areas. Eva, a night-school teacher involved with the regional women's resource center declared that "JamtIand men simply want to sit on their snowmobiles, wear their Helly Hansen, and they are quite content simply with their fishing poles." Mana, a sociologist who worked as a development project evaluator, explained: "I hear the same thing everywhere I go in rural northern Sweden. The question everyone is asking is, 'What are we to do with these men who do not want to change?'" Lars, another man involved with jamstalldhet, insisted that the migration of young women would result in a serious problem of population growth: "There are not going to be any more children in this county because who wants to have a family with a man who is still living in the nineteenth century?" Costa's analysis was not unusual. In fact, during that time, people often explained gender relations as central to regional development, and equal- ity was often cast as a narrative of progress. On the one hand, people insisted on describing equality in terms of "how' far we've come," both in temporal terms (that is, when compared with "how things used to be") and in spatiocultural terms (for example, "Sweden is the most gender-equal country in the world"). On the other hand, when discussing gender in rela- tion to regional development, people often suggested that, in JiimtIand, women were modem and progressive and men were conservative and tra- ditional. For a returned native daughter trained in feminist anthropology and cultural analysis of gender, this local understanding of how gender was linked to regional development, employment opportunities, and sustain- ability seemed puzzling at first. How was it that men had become the obsta- cle to progress? ( Men and women's ideas about the future of the region tell us much about how gender is understood. One representative of an ED funding 119 ULRIKA DAHL agencynoted, "Womenrun thedevelopmentprojectsin this county! And for good reasons." He did not know for Sure why women were betterat developmentbutthenthoughtoutloud,mostlyto himself,"Perhapsit has to dowith theirinnate ability as mothers to alwayscome upwith flexible ,solutions to problemshavingto dowith feeding theirchildren."Whether onetalked tojamstalldhetworkers,feminists, orrepresentativesfordevel- opmentfunding agencies, the ideawas thatwomen had "gotten it" but menhadnot. Explanationsofwhichpropertiesoffemale gendermadewomenpro- gressive varied. The ED official insisted that there was somethinginnate in women's biology, some kind ofadaptive instinct that had to do with protectingtheyoung. Othersinvoked theVikingheritageofstronginde- pendentwomen, anda third groupargued thatwomen'sprogressiveness was a resultofthe heavyemphasis onwomen's rights through feminism andjamstalldhet, ThisdiscussionofthebackwardnessofnorthernSwedishmeniswide- spread. Forinstance, LeontievaandSarsenov (2003) makesimilarobser- vations in discussing Russian women who meet Swedish men and are constructedin populardiscourseaseither"whores"or"mail-orderbrides." They arguethat themedia'presents menin northernSwedenas "half alco- holicmenwith saggy clothing,wearingHellyHansen,"in starkcontrastto urban men, who are described as civilized and respectful ofwomen (see also Nordin2005). Thestoriesof youngwomen "fleeing" thecountybecauseofthe"tra- ditional"Jeimtland menweresometimesjuxtaposedwith anotherstoryof feminized migration: that ofAsian women moving to Jamtland. Young, whiteJamtlandwomenwereseenas beingprogressive in theirmove, but Thaiwomenweredescribedin termsof being"imported."Despitebeinga relativelysmall number(approximately200, accordingto awomanIinter- viewed),Thaiwomenhave a centralroleindefiningthecharac,teristicsof progressiveness.Largelymigrating, asaresultofhavingmetJeimtlandmen, Thaiwomenweredescribedasseekingimprovementoftheirlife situation. Yetin doingso theywereseenas doingtheoppositeof what"progressive" Jamtlandwomen were doingby migrating. In marrying the "traditional" Jiimtlandmen,Thaiwomenwereassumedto takeatraditionalsubordinate position and to perform household and child care duties that the self. proclaimedprogressive Jamtlandwomenwere unwillingto do. Forinstance,a white SwedishjournalistI metat aneventthatdrewa large numberofThai:Jeimtland couples, theinaugurationofa Thaipavil- ionin themunicipalityof Ragunda,said: "Whatisitwith thesemiddle-aged 'J " {;' .' ,{ '.... "t' ::: .'(',," ~ l ~ : ~ fl," .:'1" ;;L rl',,:. : ~ ~ ; ~ : ":.. :1 ,o1i": : I ~ !I I! PROGRESSIVE WOMEN " I ~ "iI, men and their young Thai women? I know what it is. It is because no Jeimtlandwomanin herrightmindwouldputupwith thesesexistpigs. Of coursethey have to go elsewhereto findwives;certainlytheseAsian brides areeveryman'swet dream!"Thejournalist'soff-the-cuffcominentinvoked thediscourseaboutbackward, traditional menanda racistconceptionof Asian women. Within an unequal system ofpower and privilege, Asian women as a group were given certain (gendered) characteristics that- placed them below Swedish women. Rarely spoken to orwith, butrather about, Asian women were described in racist and stereotypical ways as docile,subservient,sexualized,andoppressed. ThestartingassumptionforeverydaydiscussionsaboutThai-jarntland heterosexualunionswasalwaysthatSwedenwasa bettercountryto live in than Thailand, andespeciallyfor women-Swedenbeing the mostequal countryin theworld (see Kulick2003).AlthoughJeimtlandmenwereseen as hopelessly backward and traditional, within the global comparative framework of jamstalldhet, they were invariably understood to be better than Thai men. In the context ofan inherently Swedish vision ofjam- stalldhetas largelyconcernedwith securingequal relations between men andwomenwholive,sharechildren,andworktogether, theAsianwoman as a figure was seen as a threat to equality and to the modernization of Jiimtland. Wanja, a member of the Thai association in Jeimtland, reflected on someoftheseassumptionsaboutThaiwomenin aninterview.Wanjacame to Jeimtland in the early 1980s after meeting a much older man from JeimtlandwhenhewasonvacationinThailand.Thefirstfewyears shewas miserable,sheexplained,becauseshefeltveryisolatedandmissedherfam- ily.Shewas also vel]'disturbedby theimagesofThaiwomenthatshesaw in the media, as well as with a discussion ofhow "immigrantswere para- sites," assheputit. "Itoldmyself, I'llshowthemthatI'mnotlike that,Iwill workhardandshowthemthatIamcapable,"sheexplained.Fifteenyears later, shewas runninga successful business with hersecondSwedish hus- band.Still, sheandherThaiwomenfriendswereoftenfrustrated,notonly with theracistandsexistattitudesofsomeSwedishmenbutalso with how women seemed to think that "all Thai women were like that. .. whores": "WhenIhearthingslike that,Ithinkit's terrible.Why dopeoplesaythings like that when they don't know any Thai women? If they want to know something,theyshouldjustask.Buttheonlyquestiontheyask meis,'What workdidyou doin Thailand?'" Wanja'sstrategywasmuchlike thatoftheoverallapproachinJiimtland in thelate 1990s (discussed above), namely, to take life andworkinto her 12I 120 own hands. She had worked hard and made a life for herself. There were many Thai women like her, she said, who ran restaurants, hair salons, and other small businesses. Still, rarely did anyone ask Thai women what they wanted inJamtland. "Many are isolated. They stay at home with children, or they go to school. We have lots of ideas but nobody asks us." White "progressive feminist" women's interest in Asian women was lim- ited to talking about them and, at times, to an assumption that they needed to be rescued, both from the traditional men and from their own tradi- tional values. Fueling this view were local media stories about Thai women who were abused by their husbands, who were simply "kept in the house" or "subservient" to Jamtland men. I would suggest that the construction of women as progressive and men as traditional exemplifies the uneven and contradictory experiences and cultural constructions of globalization in Sweden's rural northern periphery, When long-term residents in the northern periphery often cri- tiqued the relations of power that placed Jamtland at that periphery, they also had an understanding of themselves as more modem and equal than other parts of the world, including neighboring countries that were also becoming part of the ED and the Southeast Asian countries where many dreamed of vacationing. These countries were not seen as "having gotten vel1' far" when it came to jamstalldhet, producing a sense that Jamtland, although having a long way to go, was nevertheless distinctly reasonable and modem. Modernity and progressiveness, in other words, are relational categories that gain their meaning as concepts within broader relations of power that are both spatially and temporally mapped. CONCLUSION In this chapter, I have sought to offer a glimpse of multiple and rather complicated intersections of "gendered globalizations" in the rural north- ern periphery of Sweden. Marginality, or "extreme peripherality" as the ED calls it, might, I suggest, be understood both as an effect of geographic location and modernization resulting in a feminized migration and limited opportunity for women and as a powerful discourse about jamtland that, at times, conceals other relations of power. In Jamtland, globalization has not meant the establishment oflarge multinational corporations or chains and the exploitation oflabor but rather is felt through the presence of ED projects, regulations, and directives and through a shift in how people understand themselves, their position in the world, and their work. As the state's strategy for improving jamstdlldhet was placed on county adminis- trations, it was also cast in terms of encouraging women to "seize life and PROGRESSIVE WOMEN L>.';" .r;. work into their own hands" (see Nilsson 1993). What this meant was both rr an opportunity for women to have agency in determining their own lives :t/ and a transformation toward a more neoliberal model of work and per- sonhood that also' conceals how larger political and economic processes ......:\. shape everyday livelihoods. As rural areas began to feel the effects of cut- backs in the public sector, emphasis was instead placed on partnerships between business and local administrations and on entrepreneurship as a way to fight a rather dystopian sentiment about the future of the sparsely populated province. In this chapter, I have argued that rather than simply a matter of men ; ~ and women being differently "impacted" by globalization, gender might be understood as an effect of discourses about globalization. For instance, dis- courses of'jamstalldhet and development in jamtland bring an understand- ing of heteronormative gender relations together with ideas of progress and tradition in a way that serves to naturalize power (see Yanagisako and Delaney 1995). Not only were Jamtland men described as traditional and unwilling to change, but also there was an assumption that they did not want to engage in relationships of equality with women. It was supposedly because of this resistance to change that women had left, so, by extension, these traditional men were at fault for the region's lack of progress. In that sense, the progress of the region not only was understood to be a matter of growth and resources but also was intimately linked to relations between men and women and to reproduction. For the population to grow, then, women had to be encouraged to stay in the county. In the views of jam- stalldhet workers such as Costa and other men involved with the men's pro- ject, emphasis was placed on changing men. Such seemingly local understandings of gender were forged in global relations of power. For instance, there was an assumption, particularly among white Swedish women who worked with questions ofjiimstiilldhet, that the traditional Jiimtland men, rather than strive to be equal with the "progressive" Swedish women, would prefer women who had not been "enlightened" to the qualities of modem Swedish ideas of equality. This dis- course was echoed in the national press, where stories about gendered vio- lence were often cast in racialized terms (see, among others, de los Reyes, ,; Molina, and Mulinari 2003). This suggests that globalization produces gen- ," dered scripts that require closer analytical scrutiny. Here, a view from the ,.", northern periphery might be useful. Many analyses of globalization, including those that seek to call atten- '''l' tion to its negative and uneven effects, tend to assume gender as a stable Jj analytical category, along with other categories of identity. Like other J'; ~ .'r} .-.r 122 12 3 ULRIKA DAHL authorsofthisvolume,Iwishtobringthisstabilityintoquestionandinstead linkgenderanalyticallytoprocessesofeconomicandculturalrestructuring associated with globalization. Mywork showsthat the verymeaning of wom- anhoodisaneffect ofanincreasinglyglobaldiscourseofequality, in which feminism itselfis a central technology ofgender (see de Lauretis 1987) andpolicydiscoursebecomesa powerfulstory thatwomeninvoke to posi- tion themselves in differentways. Throughcareful, situated, andin-depth ethnographicanalysis,anthropologistscan continuetooffernuancedanaly- sesoftaken-for-grantedcategories,processes,andinequalities. AbouttheAuthor UlrikaDahl holdsaPh.D. in culturalanthropologyandwomen'sstudiesfrom the UniversityofCalifornia,SantaCruz, andteachesgenderstudiesat Sodertorn UniversityCollegein Stockholm,Sweden.Currently,shehas tworesearch projects, oneconcerningcanonformationandintellectualkinshipin Nordicgenderstudies (fundedbytile Baltic Sea Foundation) andoneinwhichshe conductsmultisited ethnographicresearchon queerfemininities.An activist teacherandascholar,she writes regularlyfor thefeminist,queer,andleftist press andiscollaboratingwith pho- tographerDel LaGraceVolcanoon a booktitledFemmes of Power: ExplodingQueer Femininities, forthcomlng bySerpent'sTailPress. Acknowledgments Thischapterdraws on ethnographicfieldwork conductedfrom 1998 to 2000, fundedbytheWenner-Gren Foundationfor AnthropologicalResearch.I thankall the womenandmeninjamtlandwho sharedtheirlives,work, and thoughtswith me. I also thankthe membersofmyUCSantaCruzdissertation committee,Lisa Rofel, Don Brennels,DonnaHaraway, and,in particular,AnnKingsolver, for all theirsupport.In addition,I thankAnnaCarinAndersson,KaleFajardo,andLenaSawyerfor ongoing conversationandRjellHansenfor comrnen ts on an earlierdraft. Notes 1.NorwegianfeministscholarHelgaHemes(1987) coinedthe term women- jrWrWJy to describe the Scandinavianwelfarestatemodel.Feministpoliticalscientists use (andquestion) this term. 2.TheruralnormofSwedencomprises,in fact, tile northern two-thirds ofthe nation-state.Thenorthern periphery, in this chapter,refers to a regiondefinedassuch .: PROGRESSIVE WOMEN ,1;'/ ".1\;
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