Archaeologia BALTICA, Volume 7

ARCHAEOLOGIA
BALTICA7
2006
KLAIPDA
UNIVERSITY
INSTITUTE
OF BALTIC SEA
REGION
HIstory AnD
ARCHAEOLOGY
LITHUANIAN
INSTITUTE
OF HISTORY
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Klaipda, 2006
UDK 902/904
Ar 46
Editorial Board
Editor in Chief
Prof. habil. dr. Vladas ulkus (Klaipda University, Lithuania)
Deputy Editor in Chief
Habil. dr. Algirdas Girininkas (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region
History and Archaeology, Lithuania)
Members
Prof. dr. Claus von Carnap-Bornheim (Archologisches Landesmuseum schlo Gottorf, schleswig, Germany)
Dr. rasa Banyt-rowell (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)
Dr. Anna Bitner-Wrblewska (state Archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland)
Dr. Audron Bliujien (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)
Dr. Diugas Brazaitis (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)
Dr. Agn ivilyt (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)
Prof. dr. Wladyslaw Duczko (Uppsala University, sweden)
Dr. John Hines (Cardiff University, United Kingdom)
Associated prof. dr. rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, Lithuania)
Dr. romas Jarockis (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)
Dr. Vygandas Juodagalvis (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)
Prof. Dr. Andrzej Kola (torun nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland)
Dr. Marika Mgi (tallinn University, Estonia)
Habil. dr. Alvydas nikentaitis (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)
Prof. dr. Jrn staecker (Gotland University, sweden)
Prof. habil. Dr. Andrejs Vasks (University of Latvia, Latvia)
Editorial Assistant
Jurgita ukauskait (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)
English Language Editor Joseph Everatt
German articles prepared by the authors
Lithuanian Language Editor roma nikentaitien
Design Algis Klieviius
Layout by Lolita Zemlien
Editor of this volume tomas ostrauskas
Archaeologia Baltica volume 7 was prepared by Klaipda University Institute of Baltic sea region History and
Archaeology
Cover illustration: A Brooch from Laiviai (Kretinga district) Cemetery
Institute of Baltic sea region History and Archaeology, 2006
Lithuanian Institute of History, 2006
Article authors, 2006
Klaipda University Press, 2006
Issn 1392-5520
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7 CONTENTS
Introduction 6
ARTI CL ES
Gernot Tromnau. Comments Concerning the Gaps between
schleswig-Holstein and the Middle oder
in the Expansion Area of Hamburgian Culture 8
Przemysaw Bobrowski, Iwona Sobkowiak-Tabaka.
How Far East did Hamburgian Culture reach? 11
Marta Potowicz.
the Magdalenian Period in Poland and neighbouring Areas 21
Stefan Karol Kozowski. Mapping the Central/East European
terminal Palaeolithic/Earliest Mesolithic 29
Zofa Sulgostowska. Final Palaeolithic societies Mobility
in Poland as seen from the Distribution of Flints 36
Krzysztof Cyrek. sptpalolithikum und Mesolithikum im Wisatal
zwischen toru und Grudzidz 43
Dmytro Nuzhnyi. the Latest Epigravettian Assemblages
of the Middle Dnieper Basin (northern Ukraine) 58
Leonid Zaliznyak. the Archaeology of the occupation of the East European
taiga Zone at the turn of the Palaeolithic-Mesolithic 94
Dmitro Stupak. Chipped Flint technologies in swiderian Complexes
of the Ukrainian Polissya region 109
leey . Sorokin. leey . Sorokin. the Final Palaeolithic in Central russia 120
Madina Galimova. Final Palaeolithic-Early Mesolithic Cultures with
trapezia in the Volga and Dnieper Basins: the Question of origin 136
Aleksandr V. Trusov. the Final Palaeolithic site
of rostislavl (preliminary report) 149
Jerzy Libera, Marcin Szeliga. Late Palaeolithic Workshops in
the Lublin region, Based on the Local Cretaceous Flint resources,
through the Prism of new Discoveries. An overview of the Issue 160
Ilga Zagorska. the Earliest Antler and Bone Harpoons from the East Baltic 178
atalie Mikhailova. the Cult of the Deer and shamans
in Deer Hunting society 187
Migl Stanikait. Late Glacial Environmental History in Lithuania 199
Dovydas Jurknas, Thomas Laurat, Enrico Brhl.
three Archaeological Find Horizons from the time
of the neanderthals. Preliminary report of the Excavations
in the Lake Basin neumark-nord 2 (saxony-Anhalt, Germany) 2 209
rEVI EWs
Algirdas Girininkas. A survey of new Archaeology Books from Lithuania 233
Guidelines for authors 235
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I NTRODUCTI ON
The International Union of Prehistoric and Protohis-
toric Sciences (UISPP) XXXII Commission The Fi-
nal Palaeolithic on the Great European Plain held its
conference Interaction between East and West on the
Great European Plain during the Final Palaeolithic.
Finds and Concepts on 1619 September 2004 in Vil-
nius. The main goal of the conference was to provide
Final Palaeolithic researchers from Western, Central
and Eastern Europe with the opportunity to get ac-
quainted with the latest research material, to exchange
opinions, and to participate in close, lively discussion.
We are pleased that we saw many Final Palaeolithic
researchers interested in the conference in Vilnius:
Professor Leonid Zaliznyak, Dr.. Natalie Mikhailova,
Dr.. Dmytro Nuzhnyi, the MA student Dmitro Stupak
(Kiev), Dr. Madina Galimova and Dr. Konstantin Is-
tomin (Kazan), Professor Michal Kobusiewicz, the
MA students Przemysaw Bobrowski (Wroclaw) and
Iwona Sobkowiak-Tabaka (Pozna) r an Burdu- ) r an Burdu- ) r an Burdu-
kiewicz (Wroclaw) Professor Bolesaw Ginter (Kra-
kow) r Zofa Sulgostowska and Professor Stefan
Karol Kozowski (Warsaw) the MA students Marta
Potowicz (Rzeszow) and Marcin Szeliga (Lublin)
Professor Erik Brinch Petersen (Copenhagen) r ur-
gen Vollbrecht (Reichwalde, Germany), Dr. Gernot
Tromnau (Duisburg), Dr. Ilga Zagorska (Riga), Dr. Li-
nas augnora (Kaunas Lithuania) and r Migl
Stanikait r Algirdas Girininkas r Vygandas
uodagalvis and r Egidijus ataviius (Vilnius) An
extensive four-day excursion programme to the most
interesting Lithuanian and Latvian archaeological and
cultural sites was offered after the conference. We vis-
ited the Margonys and Lake Titnas fint quarries a few
of the better-known Stone Age microregions (Kabeliai
and the River Varn in south Lithuania Lake Kretuo-
nas in east Lithuania and the Lake Birulis microre-
gion in west Lithuania) the castles of Merkin Punia
and Kernav the Amber Museum in Palanga and the
Orvidas Sculpture Museum near Salantai. In Latvia,
we toured the Daugava castles and the Salspils-Lauk-
skola Late Palaeolithic settlement, the Dole Island Mu-
seum near Riga the Baltic Ice Lake shore near Liepaja
and more.
I would like to take this opportunity to at least briefy
thank our colleagues who offered their precious time
and contributed much to the events success. These
are the UISPP XXXII Commissions chairman Profes-
sor Michal Kobusiewicz (Pozna) the Latvian is- ) the Latvian is- ) the Latvian is-
tory Institutes Ilga Zagorska and Anrejs Vasks and
of course the Lithuanian istory Institutes urgita
ukauskait its director Alvydas Nikentaitis the head
of the archaeology department Algirdas Girininkas, the
Ph student Gytis Piliiauskas and many more
I am very happy to present the reader with the con-
ference material in this seventh Archaeologia Baltica,
even though its publication was delayed due to various
restructurings and organisational diffculties The 17 ar-
ticles presented in this volume cover a wide area, from
north Germany (Tromnau Bobrowski and Sobkowiak-
Tabaka) to the middle reaches of the River Volga (So-
rokin Trusov and Galimova) and from the Baltic to the
Black Sea The volumes broad themes take in research
from separate settlements, microregions (Trusov and
Cyrek) and separate cultures (Potowicz and Nuzh-
nyi), to regional generalisations (Sorokin, Zaliznyak,
Libera and Szeliga) and works investigating special-
ised ancient technologies (Stupak), the evolution of the
Late Glacial environment (Stanikait) and aspects of
reindeer hunters outlook in antiquity (Mikhailova).
I hope you will fnd much interesting information and
many ideas for further research in this volume of Ar-
chaeologia Baltica.
Dr. Tomas Ostrauskas
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Photograph: the conferences participants and organisers, by the Lithuanian National Museums archaeology exhibition.
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ARTI CL ES
COMMENTS CONCERNI NG THE GAPS BETWEEN
SCHL ESWI G-HOL STEI N AND THE MI DDL E ODER
I N THE EXPANSI ON AREA OF HAMBURGI AN
CULTURE
GERNOT TROMNAU
Abstr act
The author maintains that the soils formed by the Pomeranian Glacier during the Blling Interstadial at the time of Hambur-
gian Culture stood under rising moisture and were not yet lixiviated enough. The main food sources of reindeer, especially
reindeer-moss (Cladonia rangiferina) and dwarf birch-trees (Betula nana), require a sandy, dry, non-calcareous soil and
therefore could not fourish in the highly calcareous moraine clay.
Because the reindeer herds probably avoided the plains in eastern Germany between Schleswig-Holstein and the Middle Oder
during the Blling Interstadial, it is highly improbable that the discovery of any sites of Hamburgian Culture in this area could
be reckoned with in the future.
Key words: Hamburgian Culture, reindeer-moss, Schleswig-Holstein, soil, migration, hunters, reindeers.
Since the discovery of several sites of Hamburgian Cul-
ture in the Middle Oder area (Burdukiewicz 1987: 144,
Fig. 1), the question has been asked repeatedly how the
gaps in the expansion area of these Late Palaeolithic
reindeer hunters, in the plains between Schleswig-Hol-
stein in the west and the Middle Oder in the east, could
be explained (Terberger 2003: 584; Terberger/Lbke
2004: 19). Concern regarding any inadequacy in re-
search can be virtually excluded, because the care of
natural park reserves in the former GDR was of a high
quality, and this quality is being strongly continued in
the new German states.
Geological maps that also show the expansion area
of Hamburgian Culture clearly demonstrate that sites
of this culture lay, for the most part, outside the area
of the younger moraines (Tromnau 1975a: 12, Fig. 3;
Bokelmann 1979: 16, Fig. 2; Bratlund 1994: 79, Fig.
4). Within the area that is characteristic of the young
moraine region, these sites, as a rule, are not to be found
north of the border zone of the ice from the younger
moraines of the Pomeranian Stadium region. (Ko- (Ko-
busiewicz 1999: 198, Fig. 2; Terberger/Lbke 2004:
18, Fig. 2). Thevery fewexceptions belong either to The very few exceptions belong either to
more recent Hamburgian Culture with Havelte points,
or they can correctly be considered as being very ques-
tionable, as in the case of the sites at Grmitz in the
Bay of Lbeck (Bokelmann 1979: 1517; Burdukie-
wicz 1987: 157158).
The Solbjerg (Lolland), Koge Bay and Mllerd (south
Sweden) sites listed by Lars Larsson and, in the case
of the frst two, further considered in the Hamburgian
Culture expansion area map of Thomas Terberger and
Harald Lbke (Terberger/Lbke 2004: 18, Fig. 2) are,
in my opinion, questionable, and were therefore not in-
cluded in the illustration for this paper. Zinken was
mentioned as circumstantial proof of the existence of
Hamburgian Culture in Solbjerg and Mllerd (Lars-
son 1993: 279, 281). These examples are of isolated
occurrence in the northern Mesolithic, and also be-
long to the standard inventory of tools found in the
northern TBK Culture during the Young Stone Age
(Schwabedissen 1954: 10; Tromnau 1975b: 35). The
reindeer antler fragment bearing traces of workman-
ship found in the Bay of Koge was carbon-14 dated as
being from circa 12,100 BP (Larsson 1993: 282) and is
presumably younger than Hamburgian Culture.
The common occurrence of discarded antlers from
reindeer bucks in Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark
are evidence that, in these areas, reindeer were present
in winter as well, since male deer shed their antlers in
the months of November and December (Gripp 1964:
274). According to the most recent research, reindeer
did indeed inhabit these northern areas in winter.
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According to a projection of reindeer migration pat-
terns suggested by Klaus Bokelmann, the hunting
groups of Hamburgian Culture followed the reindeer
herds during the autumn into the winter grazing areas
north across the Elbe and established winter camps
in western middle Schleswig-Holstein and J utland
(Bokelmann 1979: 19, Fig. 4). Due to the thin snow
blanket, the reindeer were able to fnd enough to graze
on, especially reindeer-moss. At the beginning of win-
ter, the reindeer herds dissolved into smaller groups.
Analyses of reindeer bone fractures in the Blling In-
terstadial stratifcations from Meiendorf and Stellmoor
in Schleswig-Holstein show no evidence of battue but,
instead, of stalking, probably by Hamburgian Culture
hunters moving in a group (Bratlund 1990: 33). This
scenario fts in with the above-mentioned projection.
In my opinion, such migration patterns do not apply to
the plains between Schleswig-Holstein and the Mid-
dle Oder because a basic precondition was not present
during the Blling: the reindeer did not have a food
source necessary for winter survival, particularly
reindeer-moss.
Reindeer-moss (Cladonia rangiferina) needs an acidic
soil poor in minerals. As with dwarf birch-trees (Betula
nana), of which the twigs and blossoms are a delicacy
for reindeer, reindeer-moss requires a sandy, dry, non-
calcareous soil.
The soil of the region formed by the Pomeranian Gla-
cier during the Blling Interstadial at the time of Ham-
burgian Culture stood under rising moisture and was
not yet lixiviated enough. The fertile boulder clay is
normally 20%, often 30%, sometimes even 60% alka-
line. Even in the sandbars within the main moraine,
there is an alkaline presence on average of 10% to
15% (Schott 1958: 66). As time progresses, the fne,
Fig. 1. Map of Hamburgian sites. Black dots: Younger Hamburgian Culture (with Havelte points). Pattern from Terberger/
Lbke 2004, p. 18, Fig. 2
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alkaline, watery elements of the upper soil strata are
drained off and dispersed. As a result, between the gla-
cial periods, the soil becomes loamy and the uppermost
zones, for the most part, are lixiviated in that the lye is
cleared due to the effects of water infltration through
acidic humus soil (Gripp 1964: 260).
It can be assumed that, for the plains in eastern Germa-
ny, as well as for Schleswig-Holstein, eastern J utland,
and the Danish islands, the soil conditions during the
Blling Interstadial were extremely unfavourable for
the spread of reindeer-moss and dwarf birch-trees. For
this reason, the reindeer herds probably avoided these
areas north of the region formed by the Pomeranian
Glacier. Therefore, it can hardly be assumed that fur-
ther sites of Hamburgian Culture will come to light in
the future.
The reindeer hunters of Ahrenburgian Culture, who
hunted in the northern middle European plains 2,000
years later during the Younger Dryas, could expand
their activities much further toward the north and north-
east (Taute 1968: map 1; Baales 1996: 333, Fig. 240)
after the surface of the originally alkaline and water-
saturated boulder clay was weathered down enough to
be transformed into the sandy, lixiviated glacial loam
that supported the reindeers winter food source, rein-
deer-moss and dwarf birch-trees.
References
Baales, M. 1996. Umwelt und Jagdkonomie der Ahrensbur-
ger Rentierjger im Mittelgebirge. Monographien des R-
misch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Mainz, vol. 38.
Bokelmann, K. 1979. Rentierjger am Gletscherrand in
Schleswig-Holstein? Neumnster, Offavol. 36, 1222. , Offa vol. 36, 1222.
Bratlund, B. 1990. Rentierjagd im Sptglazial. Eine Unter-
suchung der Jagdfrakturen an Rentierknochen von Mei-
endorf und Stellmoor, Kreis Stormarn. Neumnster, Offa
vol. 47, 734.
Bratlund, B. 1994. A survey of the subsistence and settlement
pattern of the Hamburgian Culture in Schleswig-Holstein Culture in Schleswig-Holstein.
Mainz, J ahrbuch des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmu-
seums vol. 41, 5993.
Burdukiewicz, J .M. 1987. Zum Forschungsstand der Ham-
burger Kultur. Mainz, J ahrbuch des Rmisch-Germani-
schen Zentralmuseums vol. 34/1, 143167.
Gripp, K. 1964. Erdgeschichte von Schleswig-Holstein.
Neumnster.
Kobusiewicz, M. 1999. The fnal Pleistocene recolonisation
of the northwestern Polish Plain. Krakw, FoliaQuaterna- Krakw, Folia Quaterna-
ria vol. 70, 197210.
Larsson, L. 1993. Neue Siedlungsfunde der Spteiszeit im
sdlichen Schweden. Mainz, Archologisches Korrespon-
denzblatt vol. 23/3, 275283.
Schott, C. 1958. Die Naturlandschaften. Geschichte Schles-
wig-Holsteins. Neumnster, vol. 1, 1110.
Schwabedissen, H. 1954. Die Federmessergruppen des nord-
westeuropischen Flachlands. Zur Ausbreitung des Spt-
Magdalnien. Neumnster, Offa-Bcher vol. 9.
Taute, W. 1968. Die Stielspitzen Gruppen im nrdlichen
Mitteleuropa. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der spten Alt-
steinzeit. Kln/Graz, FundamentaA/5. Kln/Graz, Fundamenta A/5.
Terberger, T. 2003. Buchbesprechung. Mainz, Germaniavol. Mainz, Germania vol.
81/2, 581584.
Terberger, T., Lbke, H. 2004. Hamburger Kultur in Meck-
lenburg-Vorpommern? Lbstorf, Vorabdruck Bodendenk-
malpfege in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern vol. 52, 1534.
Tromnau, G. 1975a. Die jungpalolithischen Fundpltze im
Stellmoorer Tunneltal im berblick. Neumnster, Ham-
maburg Neue Folge vol. 2, 1220.
Tromnau, G. 1975b. Neue Ausgrabungen im Ahrensburger
Tunneltal. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung des Jungpaloli-
thikums im nordwesteuropischen Flachland. Neumn-
ster, Offa-Bcher vol. 33.
Dr Gernot Tromnau
Brgerstrae 59
D-47057 Duisburg, Germany
(Formerly director of the Museum
of Culture of the City of Duisburg,
J ohannes-CorputiusPlatz 1, Platz 1,
D-47049 Duisburg)
KOMENTARAS API E
teri tori j oS erdV tArp
L EZVI GO-HOL TEI NO I R
ODERI O VI DURUPI O
HAMburgo kultroS
pltroS AreAle
Ger not Tromnau
Santrauka
tarp lezvigo-Holteino ems ir oderio vidurupio
Hamburgo kultros laikotarpiu (biolinge) dirva dar
buvo gana kalkta. Hamburgo kultros gyventoj pa-
grindinis maisto altinis buvo iaurs elniai, kuriems
igyventi reikjo elnini saman (Cladonia rengif-
erina) ir emagi ber (Bertula nana). ie augalai
galjo augti smlingame, drgname dirvoemyje.
Minta teritorija tuo metu buvo padengta kalkingu
moreniniu molemiu, kuriame iaurs elniams maistui
tinkami augalai augti negaljo.
todl iaurs elni bandos biolingo laikotarpiu tik-
riausiai veng tarp lezvigo-Holteino ir oderio vidu-
rupio esani teritorij, kuriose nevejo jiems tinka-
mi maistui augalai. Netiktina, kad ateityje mintoje
teritorijoje galima bt aptikti Hamburgo kultros
gyvenviei, nes ia iaurs elniai neapsistodavo.
Received: 2005
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HOW FAR EAST DI D HAMBURGI AN CULTURE
REACH?
Przemysaw BoBrowski, iwona soBkowiak-TaBaka
abstract
A serious argument against the reach of Hamburgian Culture to the eastern Vistula is the position of material from areas to the
east of the Vistula, the lack of any radiocarbon dates and the unclear geochronological context.
Key words: Hamburgian Culture, Poland, Vistula, Hamburgian technocomplex, sites, Lithuania, Byelorussia.
Hamburgian Culture, the subject of our interest, was
recognised in 1931 in the Hamburg area. At frst, on
the basis of pollen studies, it used to be dated to Dryas
I, then to the Meiendorf Period; at present the dating
to the Blling Interstadial is favoured. It is believed
that it could have developed up to Dryas II or even to
the Allerd Period. The radiocarbon dates oscillate be-
tween 1300011750
14
C BP (Burdukiewicz 1987a: 107;
1992: 6; Leroi-Gourhan 1994: 495496, 885886).
The standard assemblages contain blade blanks struck
from single and opposed double platform cores. The
diagnostic tools of this culture are shouldered points
and Zinken perforators, usually doubleZinken.
Hamburgian points (shouldered points) are produced
from blades notched on one edge. They have an ob-
liquely retouched top edge, and the shoulder (notch) is
produced by concave retouch. Usually the medial part
between the shoulder and a tang remains unretouched,
although there are also forms with a continuous re-
touch on the edge. The Havelte-type point, elongated
and willow-leaf shaped, is one of its variants. The tang
of the shouldered points is relatively short and asym-
metrical. It must be remembered that single fnds of
shouldered points resembling Hamburgian ones are re-
corded also on Magdalenian and Late Gravettian sites
(Burdukiewicz 1987a: 63).
Zinken perforators are found in northern Germany
within the context of Federmesser assemblages, and
in southern Scandinavia within the context of Bro-
mme Culture assemblages. Mesolithic Zinken per-
forators have also been registered (J ankowska 1980;
Galiski 1983; Terberger, Lbke 2004). As for other
types of tools, end-scrapers manufactured exclusively
on blades, often with retouched edges, are numerous,
as well as burins, predominantly on a truncation, trun-
cated blades and combined tools. Hardly any short
end-scrapers or arch-backed blades have been record-
ed. They are usually believed to be of later origin, al-
though they have been discovered on well-dated sites,
such as Olbrachcice 8 (Burdukiewicz 1976: 6), and on
the basis of their occurrence, suggestions of the con-
tacts between the Hamburgian and the technocomplex
with backed blades are put forward.
To conclude, only a set of a number of forms and their
recurrence allows us to claim the existence of a given
culture on a given area. Additionally, it is the context
that plays a signifcant part in the process of reading
the remains of the past reality (Minta-Tworzowska
1994). A consistent spatial distribution of Hamburgian
assemblages with specifc inventories and in a strictly
defned ecological zone was recognised only in the
West European Lowlands, mainly in northern Ger-
many and Holland (Burdukiewicz 1987a: 63). In this
paper we wish to focus on the traces of Hamburgian
settlement recorded to the east of the above-mentioned
area.
In archaeological literature there are several dozen
sites that are or were argued to have been connected
with the culture in question. Three main groups may
be distinguished here (compare Fig. 1). The frst com-
prises complete assemblages, produced as the result of
excavatory research, consisting of a set of diagnostic
tools and located in a well-defned geochronological
context; they are commonly believed to be Hambur-
gian. They mark the easternmost concentration of
Hamburgian occupation in Poland. These are the al-
ready well-known assemblages from Siedlnica 17
(Burdukiewicz 1999; Burdukiewicz et al 1996; 1997;
1998) and Siedlnica 17a (Burdukiewicz 1981; 1984;
1985; 1987a) with three fint concentration sites, Ol-
brachcice 8 (Burdukiewicz 1975; 1976; 1977; 1980),
together with the recently excavated site go 5
(Burdukiewicz, Szynkiewicz 2002; Burdukiewicz et al
2003), Liny 1 (Kobusiewicz 1975) and Mirkowice 33
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(Chodnicki, Kabaciski 1998; Kabaciski et al 1999).
The Krgola 25 site (AUT 381) should also be includ-
ed here (Kabaciski, Kobusiewicz, forthcoming). This
group should probably also comprise the small assem-
blage from Nowy Myn 3 (Sawicki 1936; Kozowski,
Kozowski 1977) and a controversial assemblage from
Tanowo 2 (Galiski 1987; Kobusiewicz 1999).
The second group comprises sites with chronologi-
cally varied assemblages where single diagnostic tools
or implements, typologically similar to classic Ham-
burgian inventories, have been recorded. In the area
of eastern Germany (Brandenburg, Mecklenburg) this
group would include such sites as Buchow-Karpzow
(Mey 1960; Gramsch 1987; Cziesla 2001), Dyrotz
(Mey 1960; Gramsch 1987; Cziesla 2001), Gramnitz
(Terberger, Lbke 2004), Glasewitz (Terberger, Lbke
2004) and Lssow (Terberger, Lbke 2004). In the
area of Poland single implements have been recorded
on such sites as Olbrachcice 14 (Burdukiewicz 1987c),
Siedlnica 16 (Burdukiewicz 1987c), Siedlnica 33 (Bur-
dukiewicz 1987c), Wojnowo 2 (Kobusiewicz 1999),
win 29 (Kabaciski et al 1998), Trzebicz Myn 2
(Bagniewski 2001; 2002), Rogw Opolski 9 (Kozowski
1964; Kozowski, Kozowski 1977), Rzuchw 43
(Kabaciski 2004), Cichmiana 2 (Kabaciski et al,
forthcoming), Nowy Myn 2 (Schild 1975). As for
Lithuania, there have been single fnds recorded on
the sites of Kaetos (Kaszety) (Rimantien 1971;
Szymczak 1995; ataviius 2002), Margiai Island
(ataviius 2002), Maksimonys 1 (ataviius 2002),
Varn 2 (ataviius 2002), Eerynai 8 (Rimantien
1994; ataviius 2002), Rudnia (Rimantien 1994)
and Lake Glynas (Rimantien 1994). Some shouldered
points have been recorded in Byelorussia and Ukraine
in the assemblages by Lake Odriin (Szymczak 1995;
Obuchowski 2003), Skrobicze 107 (Obuchowski
2003), Pribor 8 ( 1999; Szymczak 1995; Obu-
chowski 2003), Sapanw (), concentration 1
(Bryk 1928; Szymczak 1995).
The third category of fnds (not determined in number
and still a matter of controversy) related to the Ham-
burgian comprises antler and bone artefacts. As far as
eastern Germany is concerned, two fnds have been
recorded: a fragment of reindeer antler with traces of
working from Growusterwitz, and a bone awl from
the Stimming collection (Rust 1943; Gramsch 1987;
Cziesla 2001; Terberger, Lbke 2004). As for northeast
Poland, the Kaliningrad area and Lithuania, we know
of single fragments of worked reindeer antler from the
sites of Lake Popwka Maa (Gross 1939; Okulicz
1973; Schild 1975; Szymczak 1995), Rusajny (Oku-
licz 1973; Szymczak 1995), Lake Wojsak (Okulicz
1973; Szymczak 1995), Wysokowa (Okulicz 1973;
Szymczak 1995), and a spearhead manufactured from
aurochs bone from Abschrutten ( 1971; 1971; 1971;
Okulicz 1973; Szymczak 1995).
An analysis of the distribution of these sites on the
lowlands of Central and Eastern Europe shows a clear,
relatively consistent spatial distribution of Hambur-
gian occupation in Poland. It has been exposed both on
Old and Late Glacial territory in central Poland, barely
crossing the line from Note in the north (ToruEber-
swald ice marginal valley) to the middle Vistula in the
east. In the area in question there are also sites with sin-
gle implements related to Hamburgian Culture. They
are separated from the consistent spatial distribution of
the Hamburgian occupation on the West European low-
lands by a settlement desolation, widely mentioned in
literature, with a couple of single artefacts from the re-
gion between the Elbe and Oder rivers (Gramsch 1987;
Burdukiewicz 1987b; Cziesla 2001; Terberger, Lbke
2004). Assemblages distributed in a consistent area in
the basin of the River Nemunas in southeast Lithuania,
to the north of the maximum range of the glaciation in
the Pomeranian substage, comprise a separate group of
fnds. Single artefacts from the region of western Pole-
sye and Ukraine occurred in the area not covered by ice
during the last glaciation. Finds of antler with traces of
working and a bone implement concentrate in the Late
Glacial region of northeast Poland, the Kaliningrad
area and west Lithuania (formerly East Prussia).
It is widely believed that Hamburgian people lived
predominantly on the border of shrubby and park-like
tundra and specialised in reindeer hunting, based on
seasonal migrations (Burdukiewicz 1992). However,
recent ecological studies point to the great local dif-
ferentiation of the natural environment in the Blling
Interstadial on the European lowlands. According to
some researchers, climate change during the Blling
Period, with the climate becoming warmer and prob-
ably more humid, was not explicit everywhere (Sul-
gostowska 1989; Madeyska 1995). In the area of
Poland the Blling Interstadial (dated generally to
1300012000
14
C BP) is marked by the gradual transi-
tion of the former environment of shrubby tundra into
park-like communities or light forests with the domi-
nation of birch (Betula). Pollen diagrams from organic
sediments
1
show the spread of forests of the temperate
cool climatic zone (Lindner 1992; Kozarski, Nowac-
zyk 1999; Ralska-J asiewiczowa 1999). To the north
the temperatures were probably lower (Schild 1973;
Kobusiewicz 1999). An analysis of the isopolar map
implies that in the zone of central Poland, sparse and
light birch forest predominated, with pine and patches
1
Data from 12 sites, mainly from west and central Poland
(Madeyska 1995; Ralska-J asiewiczowa 1999).
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of photophilous plants occupying a subordinate place
2
,
whereas in northern and eastern Poland clusters of
birch trees were widespread within the tundra, thus
constituting a landscape of forest tundra (Madeyska
1995). The environmental conditions in the region of
Lithuania, Byelorussia and northwest Russia resembled
those of northeast Poland (Kabailien 1998;
2001; 2003). Forest tundra was widespread, 2003). Forest tundra was widespread,
with zones of birch and pine together with herbaceous
plants, mostly of grass type (Poaceae) and plants of the
Cyperaceae family (Cyperaceae) (Kabailien, Raukas
1987; Kabailien 1998).
Almost all large sites, concentrating in the central part
of western Poland, well dated (radiocarbon dating and
pollen analysis), yielded numerous assemblages with
all tools regarded as diagnostic for Hamburgian Cul-
ture. Sometimes they also produced mammal and fsh
remains (Kabaciski et al 1999), as well as some per-
manent features, eg hearths (Mirkowice 33, Kabaciski
et al 1999: 235) or even the remains of a dwelling
structure (Olbrachcice 8, Burdukiewicz 1992: 102).
The Tanowo 2 site is exceptional in this case, because
although it produced some classic implements, such as
an end-scraper on a blade with retouched edges and
a Zinken-like perforator, no shouldered points were
recorded. The isolated location of this site also rais-
es some doubts: it is situated hundreds of kilometres
from the zone of dense Hamburgian occupation, which
hardly ever crosses the limit to the north and east of
the maximum range of the ice sheet in the Pomeranian
stadial. What is more, this phenomenon has been re-
corded only in the region most densely occupied by
Hamburgian people (compare Burdukiewicz 1981,
map; Hlm, Rieck 1983; Hlm 1996). The author him-
self is not certain as to such an early chronology of the
site (Galiski 1983).
The sites that produced a few characteristic imple-
ments (Zinken perforators or shouldered points) dis-
covered as single fnds or among chronologically dif-
ferent assemblages in Poland are situated a relatively
small distance from the large sites located in quite a
densely occupied area (compare the map). Some of
them could be traces of temporary camps, caches
etc (Binford 1980: 12; after Burdukiewicz 1992: 102).
However, it is not unlikely that some of them are only
Hamburgian-like in terms of typology, not being in any
way related to this culture (eg in Cichmiana 2 among
a couple of thousand Swiderian artefacts, four imple-
ments typologically Hamburgian-like were registered;
compare also Libera 1995). What is more, the sites in
2
Particularly in the western part of Poland, in drier and
more sandy places, pine forests were also present, eg the
Warsaw-Berlin ice marginal valley (Tobolski 1966; Ral-
ska-J asiewiczowa 1999).
question do not extend beyond the above-mentioned
NoteVistula line, which additionally confrms the
possibility of Hamburgian penetration of these sites
from the region of dense occupation.
Finds of worked antler from Lake Popwka Maa,
from the vicinity of Lake Wojsak, Rusajny, Wys-
okowo, regarded as the oldest, and thus regarded as
connected with the presence of Hamburgian Culture,
are dated to the period generally before 16000
14
C BP.
Such a chronology is accepted by some archaeologists
(Schild 1975), although the abilities and knowledge of
the author of the pollen analysis, namely Gross, were
discredited by his contemporaries (Gripp 19391940,
after Burdukiewicz 1987a). Even if the chronology is
accurate, it refers to the period preceeding the Ham-
burgian settlement of the lowlands. What is more, the
time span of the occurrence of these artefacts is wide
(it refers particularly to the ornament), from the Up-
per Palaeolithic up to the Mesolithic (Terberger, Lbke
2004). The chronology of the spearhead from aurochs
bone (Bos primigenius), dated to the Blling Period
(Rimantien 1971), is doubtful. This animal appears Rimantien 1971), is doubtful. This animal appears 1971), is doubtful. This animal appears
in Poland circa 12000 years BP (Pawowski 1999),
and even later in other areas of the European lowlands
(Aaris-Srensen 2001). The cultural affliation of the
antler with traces of working from Groswusterwitz
and the bone awl from the Stimming collection from
the region of Germany, with well-established analogies
from classic Hamburgian sites, is still under discussion
(Cziesla 2001; Terberger, Lbke 2004). As for the im- Cziesla 2001; Terberger, Lbke 2004). As for the im- As for the im-
plement from Dyrotz, it is probably of Mesolithic or
even later origin, whereas already Taute argued that
the artefacts from Buchow-Karpzow belonged to Fe-
dermesser Culture (Cziesla 2001: 38). Although the
points from Gramnitz 4 and Glasewitz 10 are formally
Hamburgian, their later origin cannot be neglected
(Terberger, Lbke 2004).
Traces of Hamburgian settlement to the east of the Vis-
tula, namely a few single artefacts regarded as diagnos-
tic tools, come predominantly from surface or museum
collections (Obuchowski 2003; ataviius 2002; Sul-
gostowska 1989). Apart from the technological aspect,
one of the criteria relating them to Hamburgian Culture
is the presence of a white (bluish) patina, which testi-
fes to the relatively older age of these artefacts. As for
the form of the implements from Lithuania, resembling
shouldered points, we must take into consideration the
fact that they are usually fragmented artefacts, broken
either in the distal or proximal part, which makes the
reconstruction of the proper form much more diffcult.
What is more, there is no agreement as to the cultural
affliation of these forms, even among those specialis-
ing in the archaeology of the region (compare Butri-
mas, Ostrauskas 1999: 268; ataviius 2002: 182; Zal-
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iznyak 2000: 32). On the other hand, the patina is a kind
of a post-depositional modifcation of the surface as a
result of the fint deposition in the earth. Depending on
the pH type of the soil, the effect of the sun, chemical
processes in the soil and the presence of various min-
erals, artefacts can have a patina in different colours,
namely white (initially bluish), colourful, and in the
form of a glossy surface. The experiments carried out
(by Schmalz 1960, and Pilsson 1985, after Winiarska-
Kabaciska 1996) point out that with various alkaline
solutions, it is possible to obtain a white patina in a
short period of time. The white patina is formed in soil
with a pH of 10 or more, for example podsols on eolian
cover sands, or even peat. Additionally, its formation is
also dependent on the infuence of the sun (Winiarska-
Kabaciska 1996: 28). On no Hamburgian site exca-
vated so far, have a massive amount of artefacts with
a patina been recorded yet. The example of a broken
retouched blade (of Magdalenian Culture) is striking
here: after matching together, it turned out that one part
of it was covered with a patina, whereas the other was
not (Winiarska-Kabaciska 1993: 241).
A serious argument against the above-mentioned chron-
ological position of material from areas to the east of
the Vistula is the lack of any radiocarbon dates and the
unclear geochronological context. We argue that this
provides additional arguments against far-reaching con-
clusions, such as the division of artefacts into chrono-
logically differentiated assemblages (ataviius 2002:
182). Although in Lithuania, Byelorussia, Ukraine and
northwest Russia the environmental conditions were
favourable enough for settlement to appear as early as
the Blling Period, no traces of it have been registered.
Some archaeologists believe that the earliest period for
settlement to appear is the Allerd Interstadial (eg - -
2001; 2001; 2003), with its warming of the 2003), with its warming of the
climate at the time in question and the succession of
birch forests (in the frst phase) and birch-pine forests
(in the second phase). This phenomenon permitted a
permanent and continuous process of occupying the
Lowlands of Central and Eastern Europe. In western
Byelorussia in the Nemunas valley, and the upper part
of the Pripets valley, this settlement is related to Lyn-
gby Culture, but in eastern Byelorussia to Grensk Cul-
ture ( 2001). 2001). 2001).
Regarding sites situated to the east of the Vistula, the
nearest well-documented Hamburgian site has been re-
corded in Krgola 25 (AUT 381) (about 100km to the
east of Pozna, Kabaciski, Kobusiewicz, forthcom-
ing) in Poland. So far there is no, even questionable,
proof (compare the situation in northeast Germany)
to talk about a Hamburgian occupation to the east of
the Vistula. A feld survey directed by J. Siemaszko
(we would like to thank him for this personal com-
ment) revealed that in the investigated area of north-
east Poland, among a couple of thousand sites regis-
tered (identifed predominantly on the basis of surface
fnds), settlement earlier than from the Allerd Period
has not been recorded. It goes without saying that the
deposition of fint implements much deeper is possible
(eg in Mirkowice 33 traces of Hamburgian settlement
were registered 5060cm below the present ground
level, Chodnicki, Kabaciski 1997: 5). Strong erosion
may account for their presence near the surface of the
ground, or it might also be explained, quite to the con-
trary, by the lack of erosion of layers older than Aller-
dian ones (information from J . Siemaszko).
We assume that the technocomplexes distinguished so
far (with shouldered points, backed blades and tanged
points) refect ways of adaptation of societies to differ-
ent ecological niches. Theoretically speaking, it is pos-
sible that herds of reindeer travelled considerable dis-
tances, and that people followed them (Kierdof 1996:
101). The distribution of plants such as sea-buckthorn
(Hippopha rhamnoides) and mountain avens (Dryas
octopetala) (Ralska-Jasiewiczowa 1999; Kabailien
1998), tolerating thin and not permanent snow cover,
further confrms the possibility of the existence of rein-
deer in the area in question.
However, it must be reemphasised that from the areas
to the east of the Vistula, where the Hamburgian oc-
cupation is supposed to have existed, there are no ra-
diocarbon dates which would permit the association of
given materials with occupation in the Blling Period.
The need for better evidence for such early dated set-
tlement, as well as for data on the economy of the Late
Palaeolithic, has already been expressed in archaeolog-
ical literature (Sulgostowska 2000: 268). Arguments
for the occurence of a Hamburgian occupation in the
Nemunas valley, up to the Upper Dnieper and Pripets
during the Blling Period and in the Older Dryas, seem
unacceptable to us. The environmental conditions may
account for it. We may observe here the impossibility
or reluctance of Hamburgian societies occupying the
zone of open forest in Poland to settle in a different en-
vironment (with a relatively harsher climate). Thus, the
territory to the east of the border mentioned could have
been an area that was not possible for Hamburgian so-
cieties to settle until the warm Allerd Interstadial.
It is diffcult to point out the routes of migrations, par-
ticularly to such distant areas in relation to the area of
the consistent spatial distribution of Hamburgian sites
in Poland assumed to be a point of departure for the mi-
grations of Hamburgian settlers to Lithuania, Byelorus-
sia and Ukraine (ataviius 2002; 1999). The
above-mentioned complete settlement desolation dur-
ing the Blling Period in Poland to the east of the Vis-
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tula, and the total lack of sites in Poland that could be
dated to the Older Dryas, testify against such ideas. We
must remember that this period (1200011800
14
C lat
BP) is marked by some change in the climate, which
became colder, with a possible regional intensifcation
of droughts
K
, which resulted in a regression or even a
decline in the growth of forests. These processes are
well observed in the stratigraphy of site 33 in Mirko-
wice (Kabaciski et al 1999: 215). So strong was the
deterioration of the climate in northwest Poland, that
a perennial permafrost was formed and open commu-
nities with Dryas fora and numerous heliophytes re-
turned (Madeyska 1995). In Lithuania, Byelorussia and
northwest Russia, shrubby tundra was widespread in
the Older Dryas (Kabailien, Raukas 1987; Kabailien
1998; 2001; 2001; 2001; 2003). The successive 2003). The successive
process of occupying central and eastern Poland took
place not earlier than in the Allerd Period, whereas
the large-scale migration happened in the Late Dryas
(Libera 1995: 51).
In the light of the present state of research, we propose
that the eastern and northeastern border of the Hambur-
gian expansion on the lowlands of Central and Eastern
Europe was limited by the line of the Note and the
middle part of the Vistula. We think that the typologi-
cal aspect (with no other data available) cannot be de-
cisive. The diagnostic tool on the area of dense occupa-
tion of a given culture does not have to be diagnostic
beyond it. This may be exemplifed by the (relatively
remote) phenomenon of fnds of classic arrowheads
of Ahrensburg type in the Late Neolithic assemblages
from the Western Desert in Egypt and in Turkey (Bo-
browski, research; Kobusiewicz, kind information).
Although we do not defnitely reject the possibility that
Hamburgian Culture existed east of the Vistula, we ar-
gue that we should remain cautious while drawing the
fnal conclusions, until we identify homogenous Ham-
burgian sites and acquire radiocarbon dates. Such was
the case in Poland in the 1960s (compare, for example,
Schild 1964: 227).
Translated by Agnieszka Tokarczuk-Raska
Fig. 1. Map of Hamburgian sites and sites related to Hamburgian recorded in the middle and east of the European lowlands
concentrations of Hamburgian sites after Burdukiewicz 1987a; Hamburgian sites; single Hamburgian-type fnds;
antler and bone artefacts; maximum range of the ice sheet in the Pomeranian stadial
16
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Tabl e 1. L i st of Hamburgi an si tes and si tes rel ated to Hamburgi an si tes re-
corded i n the mi ddl e and east of the European l owl ands
number
on the map
siTe
district/ country
Type of
investigation
evidence category references
1 GRAMNITZ
Ludwigslust/ Germany
surveyresearch research Shouldered point Terberger, Lbke
2004
2 GLASEWITZ
Gstrow/ Germany
survey research Shouldered point ? Terberger, Lbke
2004
3 LSSOW
Gstrow/ Germany
excavations Zinken-perforator Terberger, Lbke
2004
4 BUCHOW- KARPZOW
Nauen/ Germany
survey research Type of shouldered point Mey 1960;
Gramsch 1987
5 DYROTZ
Nauen/ Germany
survey research 3 Zinken-perforators Mey 1960;
Gramsch 1987
6 STIMMING
COLLECTION/ Germany
stray fnds Rod with sculptured end and
geometric decoration
Gramsch 1987;
Cziesla 2001;
Terberger, Lbke
2004
7 GROWUSTERWITZ
Potsdam/ Germany
stray fnds Fragment of reindeer antler
with traces of incision
Terberger, Lbke
2004
8 TANOWO 2
Police/ Poland
excavations Type of Zinken-perforators,
end- scrapers on blade and
Tarnowa-type, truncations,
cores
Galiski 1987
9 WIN 29
Midzyrzecz/ Poland
excavations Shouldered point Kabaciski et al
1998
10 LINY (LAKE) 1
Wolsztyn/ Poland
survey research and
excavations
About 1100 fint artefacts
from surface collection lost.
Ca. 932 fint fnds from
excavations (cores,
shouldered points Zinken-
perforators, end-scrapers,
burins, microtruncations,
Mikroformen); some stone
artefacts
Kobusiewicz 1975;
1999
11 WOJ NOWO 2
Zielona Gra/ Poland
excavations shouldered point, not
numerous debitage
Kobusiewicz 1999 wicz 1999
12 GO 5
Nowa Sl/ Poland
excavations Ca. 263 Hamburgian and
Federmesser artefacts
Burdukiewicz,
Szynkiewicz 2002
13 OLBRACHCICE 8
Wschowa/ Poland
excavations Ca. 5645 and 312 stone
artefacts, 400 animal
remains
Burdukiewicz 1975;
1976; 1977; 1980;
1983; 1987a
14 OLBRACHCICE 14
Wschowa/ Poland
excavations Shouldered point Burdukiewicz iewicz
1987c; 1986
15 SIEDLNICA 17
Wschowa/ Poland
excavations More than 3000 Hamburgian
fint artefacts; stone and
amber artefacts
Burdukiewicz 1999;
Burdukiewicz,
Herman, Vermeersch
1996; 1997; 1998;
Burdukiewicz et al
1996
16 SIEDLNICA 17a
Wschowa/ Poland
excavations About 6000 Hamburgian
fint artefacts
Burdukiewicz 1981;
1982; 1984; 1985;
1987
17 SIEDLNICA 16
Wschowa/ Poland
survey research Single fint fnds Burdukiewicz 1987c
18 SIEDLNICA 33
Wschowa/ Poland
survey research Single fint fnds Burdukiewicz
1987c
19 TRZEBICZ MYN 2
Strzelce-Drezdenko/ Poland
survey research and
excavations
3 shouldered points Bagniewski 2001;
2002
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on the map
siTe
district/ country
Type of
investigation
20 MIRKOWICE 33
Wgrowiec/ Poland
excavations About 2600 fint artefacts
(Zinken-perforators,
shouldered points, end-
scrapers, burins, cores,
Mikroformen), stone
artefacts, animal remains
Chodnicki,
Kabaciski 1998;
Kabaciski et al
1999
21 ROGW OPOLSKI 9
Krapkowice/ Poland
survey research 3 shouldered points Kozowski 1964;
Kozowski, Schild
1975
22 KRGOLA 25
Konin/ Poland
excavations About 1100 fint artefacts
(9 shouldered points,
end-scrapers on blades,
perforators, burins, cores,
Mikroformen)
Kabaciski,
Kobusiewicz 2007
(forthcoming)
23 CICHMIANA 2
Koo/ Poland
excavations Single fint tools Kabaciski,
Bobrowski,
Sobkowiak-Tabaka
2007 (in print)
24 RZUCHW 43
Koo/ Poland
excavations Part of shouldered point,
triangle
Kabaciski 2004
25 NOWY MYN (RYDNO) II
Starachowice/ Poland
excavations Shoulered point Schild 1976
26 NOWY MYN (RYDNO)
III
Starachowice/ Poland
excavations 2 Zinken-perforators ?,
shouldered point, retouched
blade
Sawicki 1936;
Kozowski,
Kozowski 1977
27 RUSAJ NY
Bartoszyce/ Poland
Okulicz 1973;
Szymczak 1995
28 POPWKA MAA (LAKE)
Giycko/ Poland
Gross 1939;
Okulicz 1973;
Schild 1976;
Szymczak 1995
29 WOJ SAK (LAKE)
Giycko/ Poland
stray fnds 2 Fragments of reindeer
antler with traces of incision
Okulicz 1973;
Szymczak 1995
30 WYSOKOWA
Polessk/ Russia
Okulicz 1973;
Szymczak 1995
31 ABSCHRUTTEN
(OBSZRUTA)
Dobrowolsk/ Russia
stray fnds Spearhead from aurochs
bone (Bos primigenius)
1971; 1971;
Okulicz 1973;
Szymczak 1995
32 PAPIALKA ()
Labguwa ()/ Russia
1971 1971
33 EERYNAI 8
Alytus/ Lithuania / Lithuania
excavations Single artefacts among
23000 fint fnds
ataviius 2002
34 MAKSIMONYS 1
Varna/ Lithuania / Lithuania
survey research 3 shouldered points Szukiewicz 1901;
ataviius 2002
35 VARN 2
excavations Fragments of tanged
or shouldered points ?,
retouched fakes
ataviius 2002
36 KATOS
survey research 13 artefacts with patina
(2 shouldered points, 1
tanged point (Havelte-type),
5 Zinken-perforators, 3
scrapers, 1 borer, 1 broad
double truncated blade)
1971; 1971;
Szymczak 1995;
ataviius 2002
37 MARGIAI ISLAND
Varna/ Lithuania
survey research 10 artefacts with patina (3
tanged points (Havelte-type),
2 Zinken-perforators, 2 end
scrapers, 1 burin, 2 blades)
ataviius 2002 ataviius 2002
38 RUDNIA
survey research Shouldered point Rimantien 1994
39 GLYNAS (LAKE) 6
? 3 shouldered points Rimantien 1994
18
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siTe
district/ country
Type of
investigation
40 SKROBICZE 107
Brest/ Byelorussia
survey research Shouldered point Sulgustowska 1989;
Obuchowski 2003
41 ODRIIN (LAKE)
Ivanowo/ Byelorussia
stray fnds Shouldered point Szymczak 1995;
Obuchowski 2003
42 PRIBOR 8
Narodi/ Byelorussia
? Shouldered points ? 1999; ;
Szymczak 1995;
Obuchowski 2003
43 SAPANW ()-
gn.1 Kremenec/ Ukraine
survey research Shouldered point Bryk 1928;
Sulgustowska 1989
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Przemysaw Bobrowski
Iwona Sobkowiak-Tabaka
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology
Polish Academy of Sciences
ul. Rubie 46, 61-612 Pozna, Poland
e-mail: iwona.sobkowiak@iaepan.poznan.pl
przemyslaw.bobrowski@iaepan.poznan.pl
KI EK TOLI RYTUS NUSI TS
HAMBURGO KULTRA
Przemisaw Bobrowski,
iwona sobkowiak-Tabaka
Santrauka
Hamburgo kultra buvo iskirta 1931 m. iuo metu
ji yra datuojama biolingo laikotarpiu, nors pasigirsta
nuomoni, kad ji galjo gyvuoti iki driaso II laikotar-
pio ar net aleriodo pradios. Tipikos Hamburgo kult-
ros stovyklaviets radini komplekse vyrauja skeltiniai
ruoiniai, nuskelti nuo vienagali ir dvigali skaldy-
tini. Tipiniai ios kultros dirbiniai tai specifniai
strli antgaliai ir Zinken tipo perforatoriai, daniau-
siai dvigaliai. Pavieni panai dirbini ir antgali, ir
Zinken perforatori yra aptinkama ir kitose kultrose
(Madleno, vlyvojo graveto, federmeserio, Broms).
Todl tik pasikartojantys ir gauss bding dirbini
form kompleksai leidia tyrintojams nustatyti, kad
tam tikroje teritorijoje gyvavo tam tikra kultra. Taip
pat reikia atkreipti dmes, kad vairiausi aplinkybi
kontekstas yra bene svarbiausias rekonstruojant praei-
ties palikim. Nuoseklus Hamburgo kultros gyven-
viei paplitimas su bdingu dirbini kompleksu ir
tiksliai apibrtoje gamtinje aplinkoje tyrintoj yra
pripaintas tiktai Vakar Europos lygumoje, daugiau-
sia iaurs Vokietijoje ir Olandijoje. iame straipsnyje
nagrinjamas Hamburgo kultros paplitimas rytus
nuo mintos teritorijos.
Archeologinje literatroje su Hamburgo kultra yra
siejama nuo keliolikos iki keliasdeimties radimvie-
i rytus nuo pagrindinio kultros arealo. Tarp j
galima iskirti 3 grupes. Pirma, tai itirtos gyvenvie-
ts su gausiais radini kompleksais. Tarp j yra radi-
ni kompleks su tiksliu geochronologiniu kontekstu.
ie kompleksai parodo ryiausias Hamburgo kultros
gyvenvietes vakarinje Lenkijos dalyje. Tai Siedlnica
17, Olbrachcice 8, Lengon 5, Liny 1, Mirkowice 33,
Krongola 25. Antr grup sudaro vairios chronolo-
gins priklausomybs radimviets ir gyvenviets, ku-
riose aptikta pavieni dirbini, panai Hamburgo
kultrai bdingus tipus. iai grupei priskirtini radiniai
i gyvenviei Buchow-Karpzow, Dyrotz, Gramnitz
ir kt. Ryt Vokietijoje; Olbrachcice 14, Siedlnica 33,
Rogw-Opolski 9 ir kt. Lenkijoje; Kat, Margi
Lietuvoje; Odriin, Pribor 8 Baltarusijoje ir Sapanw
Ukrainoje. Treioji radini kategorija tai, manoma,
su Hamburgo kultra susij atsitiktinai rasti pavieniai
dirbiniai i kaulo ir rago.
Hamburgo kultros gyvenviei arealas vakarinje
Lenkijos teritorijos dalyje yra nutols nuo pagrindinio
Hamburgo kultros arealo. Elbs ir Oderio aplinkoje
yra tik pavieni neaikios kultrins priklausomybs
dirbini. Gyvenviei grup Vakar Lenkijoje neper-
engia Notecs ups linijos iaur ir Vyslos vidurupio
rytus. Kaip jau minta, ios gyvenviets, turinios
gausius tik Hamburgo kultrai bding dirbini kom-
pleksus, yra tiksliai datuotos. J ose buvo aptikta faunos
likui ir gyvenimo pdsak. Vakar Lenkijos Ham-
burgo kultros areale taip pat yra pavieni neaikios
kultrins priklausomybs radini.
Su Hamburgo kultra siejami pavieniai radiniai teri-
torijose rytus nuo Vyslos paprastai yra kituose kult-
rins ir chronologins priklausomybs kompleksuose
arba senuose atsitiktini radini rinkiniuose be aikes-
nio archeologinio konteksto. i kompleks nemano-
ma datuoti gamtamoksliniais metodais. Dar vienas ar-
gumentas prie Hamburgo kultros paplitim rytinje
Europos dalyje skirtingos paleoklimatins ir gamti-
ns aplinkos salygos, tuo paiu metu buvusios Vakar
Europos lygumoje ir regione rytus nuo Vyslos.
Turimais duomenimis, Hamburgo kultros rytine pa-
plitimo riba reikt laikyti Notecs ir Vyslos vidurupi
teritorij. O pavieniai radiniai, nesusieti su techno-
kompleksais, negali bti laikomi reikmingais. Ateity-
je technokompleks tyrimai, paremti radiokarboniniu
datavimu, pateiks daugiau tikinam argument Ham-
burgo kultros paplitimui nustatyti.
Received: 2005
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THE MAGDAL ENI AN PERI OD I N POL AND AND
NEI GHBOURI NG AREAS
Marta Potowicz
Abstr act
Thanks to up-to-date research on Magdalenian Culture in Poland we can now identify three settlement provinces: Upper Si-
lesia, Malopolska and southeast Poland. Magdalenian settlements in Poland existed from Dryas I till Allerd. Polish Magdale-
nian is a part of the Central Europe Cultural Province. Very interesting is Maszycka cave, where new material from different
European territory was found.
Key words: Magdalenian, Late Pleistocene, Upper Palaeolithic, raw materials, Poland, Carpathians, Central Europe.
Magdalenian Culture certainly belongs to the most im-
portant cultures of the late Pleistocene. Originating in
southwest France circa 18,000 years ago, it spread in a
relatively short period of time to wide areas of Europe,
reaching in the east to Moravia and southern Poland.
Poland marks the northeastern border of the Magdale-
nian range. Up-to-date research on Magdalenian Cul-
ture allows us to identify three settlement provinces
(Fig. 1): Upper Silesia-Dzierysaw (Potowicz 2000;
Ginter et al 2002), Cyprzanw (Ginter 1974), probably
Sowin (Furmanek, Rapiski 2003), Maopolska, in the
Krakw region-Maszycka cave (Kozowski et al 1993),
Brzoskwinia (Ginter 1974a; Kozowski 1987), the cave
in Zalasie (Kozowski, Pettit 2001), southeast Poland,
Klementowice-Kolonia (Jastrzbski, Libera 1988),
Homcza (Valde-Nowak, Muzyczuk 2000; anczont
et al 2002), Przemyl (Kozowski 1977). Magdalenian
sites are also known from the Carpathians, Sromowce
Wyne-Kty (Kozowski 1987), Ucie Gorlickie (Val-
de-Nowak 1998) and from the northern edge of the
Grzybowa Gra uplands (Schild 1965, 1975), Mosty
(Cyrek 1986). Magdalenian settlement in Poland falls
in fairly long period of time: fundamentally from the
end of late Dryas-Dzierysaw (Ginter, Potowicz
2000), Homcza? (anczont et al 2002), Wilczyce?
(spoken information from R. Schild, citation from B.
Ginter, M. Potowicz, forthcoming), through Blling-
Klementowice-Kolonia, Brzoskwinia (Kozowski
1987), to Allerd-Mosty (Cyrek 1986), Grzybowa
Gra (Schild 1959). Apparently earlier traces of settle-
ment in Maszycka cave are chronologically isolated:
they are dated to 14250+/-240 years BP (Kozowski et
al 1993) and are almost 1,000 years ahead of the other
Magdalenian remains in our lands.
Polish Magdalenian is a part of the Central Europe Cul-
tural Province and appeared due to the gradual infux
of this cultural complex into the Uplands. It is worth
asking in what way this settlement arrived in Polish
lands, and with which neighbouring areas it is most
connected. An analysis of a few elements, in particu-
lar the occurrence of raw materials and their typology
in connection with the chronology of the sites, can be
helpful in answering the above questions.
Local rocks, or rocks coming from the nearest avail-
able sources, constitute the largest amount of used raw
material in the Polish sites, as in almost all the sites. It
is principally visible at the Krakowsko-Czestochows-
ka Jura sites; for example Maszycka cave, where lo-
cal Jurassic fint composes about 95% of the used raw
material; the largest number was obtained within a 20-
kilometre radius of the site (Kozowski et al 1993). In
Brzoskwinia it is almost only local fint, intended for
export, which is obvious, taking into account the fact
that workshops were found in this site (Ginter 1974a;
Kozowski 1987), just as in Woowice (Dagnan-Gin-
ter 1976). Also, the inventories from Puchacza cave
(Kowalski et al 1965) and hunting sites from the sur-
roundings of Mnikowo (Kozowski 1987) are based on
the local raw material. Besides, in the inventories of
Mnikw, a particular differentiation of Jurassic fints
can be observed, as some of them come from some-
what further areas of the J ura.
A similar situation is observed in other Polish regions.
In Dzierysaw in Upper Silesia, almost all the inven-
tory is made from high-quality erratic fints, whose
bassets can be found within a radius of a few to a dozen
or so kilometres from the camp. In Sromowce Wyne-
Kty, in the Pieniny Mountains, manufacturers based
themselves mainly on the local radiolarite (Kozowski
1987). In Homcza, in southeast Poland, practically all
the inventory was made of Bircza fint, consequently
the most available raw material (anczont et al 2002).
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A different situation can be observed at the Allerd site
in Grzybowa Gra (Rydno II/59). Only about 20% of
the inventory was made of chocolate fint, of which
bassets can be found about 20 kilometres to the north-
east; most of the artefacts were made of local-Krakw
Jurassic fint, of which deposits can be found up to a
distance of over 100 kilometres to the south (Schild
1965; Kozowski 1987). These two kinds of fint were
used willingly also in Mosty, located close to Grzybowa
Gra (Cyrek 1986), but here chocolate fint predomi-
nates over Jurassic (61.5% and 36.6% respectively).
The biggest differentiation of the raw material is ob-
served in southeast Poland, and is undoubtedly con-
nected with the biggest diffculties in obtaining high-
quality raw material. However, here also manufacturers
tried to use rocks possibly found close to the sites. For
example, in Wilczyce, near Sandomierz, turonian,
chocolate and wieciechw fint were mainly used,
so the raw material was obtained at a distance of 20 to
30 kilometres from the site (Fiedorczuk, Schild 2001).
In Klementowice-Kolonia, turonian-wieciechw
fints were used frst of all (36.5%), of which bassets in
the neighbourhood of wieciechw can be found at a
distance of about 50 kilometres northwest, and choco-
late fint (22%), of which bassets can be found on the
southern edge of the witokrzyskie Mountains, about
70 kilometres southwest. Erratic fint of worse qual-
ity available here was used little (15.1%) (Jastrzbski,
Libera 1988).
A large differentiation in the raw material can be ob-
served at the not published site discovered by A. Lubel-
czyk, excavated by the same author and P. Mitura, in
Grodzisko Dolne near Rzeszw
1
. Bircza, erratic and
Volynian fint were mainly used there. The large va-
riety of raw material can be explained by the lack of
high-quality rocks near these sites, and the necessity to
obtain them from other sources.
1
I wouldliketothankAntoni Lubelczyk for hisconsent to I wouldliketothankAntoni Lubelczyk for hisconsent to I would like to thank Antoni Lubelczyk for his consent to
use the material from the site in Grodzisk Dolny.
Fig. 1. Magdalenian sites in Poland
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The above-mentioned sites are good examples of a
typical raw material economy. They also refect the
directions of migrations of relatively short distances,
although part of the raw material was obtained from
considerable distances.
An analysis of the raw material imports coming from
more distant areas is fundamental for researching the
routes of interregional migrations. These raw materi-
als, mainly represented by single artefacts, are a very
important clue allowing us to trace the migrations
directions or contacts between groups of people (Fig.
2).
Maszycka cave is the site from which the most varied
imported raw materials come. In the inventory, besides
the local raw materials, raw material also from the Pi-
eniny Mountains (85km south), the Tatra Mountains,
probably Upper Silesian fint (80 km west) and Upper
Danubian fint (700km southwest), the so-called Plat-
tensilex (660km west), and fint from southwest Ger-
many can be found. Raw material coming from the east
of the site is represented by chocolate fint (140km
northeast), Dniestr fint (340km east) and Volynian fint
(350km east) (Kozowski 1992; Kozowski et al 1993).
There are no raw materials from the southern side of
the Carpathians. It is very characteristic that imported
raw material comes from distant areas, as much from
the west as from the east of the site.
Imported raw materials found at other sites are less nu-
merous and differentiated. The raw material most often
found is radiolarite coming from the Pieniny Moun-
tains, and even more often from western Slovakia.
Radiolarite is known from a few Magdalenian sites
in Poland, dated to different phases, from Dryas I to
Allerd, such as Dzierysaw (Ginter, Potowicz,
forthcoming). Brzoskwinia (Kozowski 1987), Mosty
(Cyrek 1986) and Wilczyce (Fiedorczuk, Schild 2001).
There are always only a few artefacts. All these radi-
olarites, except those from uncertain Wilczyce, come
from Slovakia, thus from south Carpathian areas,
over 100 or even several hundred kilometres from the
sites (Mosty, over 300km, Brzoskwinia about 200km,
Dzierysaw over 100km). These sites represent every
settlement province of Polish Magdalenian.
The second most important imported fint is Volynian
fint. This raw material, apart from the above-men-
tioned Maszycka cave, is known frst of all from sites
in eastern Poland. Such sites as Klementowice-Kolo-
nia (two artefacts) (Jastrzbski, Libera 1988), Homcza
(one artefact) (anczot et al 2002) and Grodzisko
Dolne, where this raw material is represented by a few
artefacts, should be mentioned. The precise sources of
its origin are unknown. According to S. Jastrzbski and
J. Libera (1988), Volynian fint from Klementowice-
Kolonia can come a distance of 80 kilometres (the Re-
jowiec Fabryczny area), or the Middle Bug, from the
area of Sarniak and Mielnik, which is located about
100 to 120 kilometres to the east.
Sometimes chocolate fint, eg in Brzoskwinia or
Maszycka cave, can be acknowledged as an import
from the north; bassets of this raw material are about
140 kilometres distant from those sites. The contacts
can be confrmed by the often numerous, above-men-
tioned, near-Krakw Jurassic fints known from Grzy-
bowa Gra or Mosty.
Basing ourselves on a few, but signifcant raw mate-
rial imports, it can be seen that Magdalenian migra-
tions or contacts concerned mainly the south and east.
Also, migrations from the south to the north, reach-
ing the northern border of the southern Polish uplands,
are confrmed. Most important and intensive are the
relations with areas south of the Carpathians. Besides
radiolarites, this is confrmed by numerous fndings
of haematites in the Dzierysaw camp. J. Trbska
assumes (spoken information) that they originate in
Moravia. Fragments of similar haematites have been
found, among others, in Pekarna cave in Moravian
Karst
2
. Moravian sites also gave other evidence of con-
tacts with the present Polish lands. In the inventories
of a few sites, imported raw materials, coming from
Poland, can be found: mainly near-Krakw J urassic
fint in Kulna, Ochozska, Adlerova, Byci Skala and
Pekarna caves. Imports of chocolate fint come from
Pekarna and Byci Skala, and single artefacts made of
wieciechw fint from Pekarna and the third layer of
Kulna (Kozowski 1992; Valoch 2001). All these raw
materials are represented by very few artefacts, usually
debitage and tools. However, they confrm undoubted-
ly the existence of contacts with very distant areas on
the northern side of Moravia Gate, also near the north-
ern border of the Magdalenian complex. It is worthy
of mention that bassets of radiolarite found in Poland
and Moravia are located in western Slovakia, in areas
where Magdalenian settlement has not been identifed
so far. At the Slovakian site, Toporec imports of Bircza
fint, willingly used by Magdalenian manufacturers
living in southeast Poland, were found (Vlade-Nowak,
Muzyczuk 2000). It is conceivable, particularly in the
face of more and more numerous fnds in southeast Po-
land, that the eastern borders of Magdalenian settle-
ment should also be moved to the southern side of the
Carpathians.
2
I would like to thank Dr. In. Joanna Trbska for her con- I would like to thank Dr. In. Joanna Trbska for her con-
sent to publish her research concerning the origin of the
haematites from Dzierysaw. from Dzierysaw.
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Similar refections can emerge because of Volynian
fint fnds. Their imports can suggest that Magdaleni-
ans at least penetrated terrains located relatively far to
the east in search of raw material. These hypotheses, of
course, can only be confrmed by inventories identifed
as Magdalenian.
The issue of contacts with areas west of the Polish
borders is completely different. At the Polish sites,
apart from Maszycka cave, there are no imports from
the present German lands. Similarly, German sites did
not yield imported raw materials from Poland, apart
from a blade made of wieciechw fint, discovered
in Oelknitz (a distance of 500km) (Kozowski 1987).
Two artefacts made of near-Krakw Jurassic fint were
identifed in Gudenus cave in Austria (Cyrek 1986a).
Nevertheless, it is possible to connect them with mi-
grations from north to south, although the distance di-
viding the site from the raw material basset is much
bigger than the one dividing Moravian sites from the
fint sources.
It is worth paying attention to one more very signif-
cant detail. Very important differences are observed be-
tween the kinds and origin of the imported raw material
from Maszycka cave and the remaining Magdalenian
sites in Poland. Maszycka cave is the only site where
such a numerous variety of imported raw material has
been identifed. Moreover, it is the only site at which
the imports come from such a vast area, including west
of Odra. There are also raw materials from areas far
to the east (Volynian fint) and to the north (choco-
late fint). The more so as it is worth underlining the
fact that there are no trans-Carpathian raw materials,
namely those represented at the younger sites.
The occurrence of imports can be evidence of the
physical shift of the Magdalenians, their contacts with
other groups, or of the territory penetrated by them
(Kozowski et al 1993). Regardless of which version
is the most probable, preserved imports show that
in Polish Magdalenian we can observe at least two
routes for the infux, either people or the Magdalenian
tradition:
I older, represented by the inventory from Maszycka
cave, from west to east across Germany and the south
Polish uplands
II younger, used from the end of Dryas I to Allerd,
from south to north across Moravian Gate and Car-
pathian passes.
It seems that except for the frst, the earlier phase of
Magdalenian infux, the route from France through
Germany to Poland across the uplands on the northern
side of the Sudetes and the Carpathians was not used.
In the younger phases of Magdalenian settlement ex-
pansion, two routes joining the north with the south
Fig. 2. Relations between Magdalenian sites in Poland and the neighbouring areas on the basis of imports of raw material
25
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through the Sudetes and the Carpathians were of great
importance. Between these two phases there is a big
chronological difference. The inventory from Maszy-
cka cave is dated to 14520+/-240 years BP, a period
preceding the next phases of settlement of about 1,000
years (Kozowski et al 1993). There is no single site
from this time either in Poland or Moravia. There are
also no traces of such early settlement in Germany,
apart from the far removed Munzingen site, probably
also very early but whose chronology comprises a long
period of time (Pasda 1998; Street 2000). Sites analo-
gous to the Polish ones are known only from France
(eg La Garenne, Arly, Roc de Marcamps) and are dated
to the period between 15500 and 14000 BP (Allain et al
1985). Moravian settlement corresponds chronologi-
cally then with younger settlement in Poland. It is quite
obvious, as in this period, frst of all in the Blling part,
we can talk about a culminating point of Magdalenian
settlement in Central Europe (the more so as it is inter-
esting that from this time there are no traces of contacts
with the German areas). The only problematic issue is
the beginning of this second phase of settlement, and,
connected with it, the question of contact and the pos-
sible direction of migration (from north to south or
from south to north?). There are three sites known in
Poland which can be dated to the period preceding the
beginning of Blling. The site in Dzierysaw is dated
by the AMS method to 1350013220 BP (Ginter et al
2002). The inventory from Homcza is dated by the TL
method to Dryas (anczont et al 2002), and the mate-
rial from Wilczyce can probably be dated also to this
period (spoken information from R. Schild, citation
from B. Ginter, M. Potowicz, forthcoming). There is
no good evidence for the beginnings of the Magdale-
nian in Moravia. Nova Dratenicka cave has one radio-
carbon date of earlier than 13000 BP. However, two
dates younger than 13000 years come from this site
(Valoch 2001). Layer i from Pekarna cave is dated
to Dryas I on the basis of geological dates (Svoboda et
al 1994), and the inventory from Hranice can be con-
nected with the period preceding Blling on the basis
of typological dates (Neruda, Kosthrun 2002). It seems
that the existence of the raw material relations be-
tween Dzierysaw and the area of western Slovakia
and probably Moravia might be the next indication al-
lowing us to shift back the beginnings of the settlement
in Moravia to Dryas I. Similarly, a certain indication
of the Dryas chronology in Hranice, and at the same
time of the beginnings of the settlement in Moravia,
can be a near resemblance of the typological analogies
in the inventory from this site and the inventory from
Dzierysaw.
Fig. 3. Relations between Magdalenian sites in Poland and the neighbouring areas on the basis of typological analogies
26
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sA comparison of the inventories from Central Europe-
an sites is undoubtedly helpful in the analysis of inter-
regional relations. This analysis shows that typological
analogies between the inventories comprise areas much
wider than those in which relations are confrmed by
raw material imports.
The inventory from Maszycka cave refers clearly to the
facies navettes known from France. The origin of the
manufacturers of this inventory is not a matter of argu-
ment: the terrains of departure of the population that
fnished its migration in Jura Krakowska can undoubt-
edly be found in France (Allain et al 1985; Kozowski
et al 1993). Their route to the east was also evidenced
by imports of German raw material. Particular analo-
gies with the western areas can be found in the invento-
ries from Homcza (Vlade-Nowak et al 2000; anczont
et al 2002) and Wilczyce (Fidorczuk, Schild 2001);
here, those relations are based mainly on the presence,
in both of the inventories, of burins of the Lacan type,
characteristic particularly of the Magdalenian in West-
ern Europe, and very rarely found in Moravia (Demars
et al 1976). In the Homcza inventory also a character-
istic form of Zinken (Zinken mit Schlagkante), known
from Orp in Belgium, was uncovered (Valde-Nowak et
al 2000). These two sites direct relations with Western
Europe are not so plain as with Maszycka cave, the
more so as burins of the Lacan type can be found from
time to time also in Moravia (eg Pekarna, Malomer-
ice-Borky, Valoch 1963, 2001). There is no evidence
in the form of raw material imports either. It is worth
underlying, however, that a certain connection with the
western areas is represented by the sites that with great
probability can be dated to the period preceding inters-
tadial Blling, and that both of them are located in the
eastern part of Poland.
The third of the sites, the site in Dzierysaw, dated
to Dryas I, has very good analogies with the site in
Hranice, located on the southern side of Moravia Gate
(Neruda, Kosthrun 2002) and Kniegrotte in Turingen
(Hck 2001). The basic element that allows us to link
these sites is evidently a triangle. The characteristic of
the remaining tool groups from Dzierysaw suits bet-
ter the inventory from Hranice.
These two directions, namely Moravia and eastern
Germany, are the regions that give analogies for almost
all the remaining Magdalenian sites in Poland. For al-
most all of them we can fnd references on the south-
ern side of Moravia Gate and west of Odra, as well
(Fig. 3). It is quite obvious, because Poland, Moravia,
Czechia and Germany belong to the same Central-Eu-
rope Magdalenian cultural province. The more so as
important factors in making a study of these directions
of expansion are dates obtained on the basis of the
presence of raw material coming from sources beyond
local ones. The lack of exchange between the east and
the west indicates that despite the distinct typological
or stylistic relations between Polish and German com-
plexes, the primary Magdalenian habitats, at least of
those who had populated Polish lands from Blling,
should not be searched for in Germany, but rather in
the south. If we want to mark out the route of human
migrations, we should rather lead them from Germany
through Czechia and Moravia to southern Poland, and
further to the border of the south Polish uplands where
the culture is not changed typologically. Additionally,
this thesis can be confrmed by the fact that if there
is no exchange of raw material between Poland and
Germany, it is corroborated between Germany, Mora-
via and western Slovakia (Weniger 1987; Kozowski
1992).
This study is only the next step in approximating the
issue concerning the interregional contacts of the
Magdalenians in Central Europe. The thesis presented
is based on a limited number of sources, and it will be
possible to confrm or verify them in the course of fur-
ther research. The intensifcation of the search near the
eastern borders of the range of Magdalenian Culture
seems to be a particularly important issue.
Translated by Mirosawa Lenarcik
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Moravy a Slezska. Brno.
Valde-Nowak, P. 1998. Z bada najstarszego osadnictwa w
Karpatach Polskich. In: Gancarski, J . (ed.) Dzieje Podkar-
pacia. Krosno, vol. II, 3954.
Valoch, K. 1964. Borky I, eine Freilandstation des Magdaln-
ien in BrnoMalomeice. asopis Moravskho Musea, vol.
XLVIII, 530.
Valoch, K. 2001. Das Magdalnien in Mhren. J RGZM 48,
103159, 14 tabl.
Weniger, G.C. 1987. Magdalenian Settlement Pattern and
Subsistence in Central Europe. In: Soffer, O. (ed.) The
Pleistocene Old World. New York, London, 201215.
Dr Marta Potowicz
Instytut Archeologii UR
Ul. Hoffmanowej 8
35 016 Rzeszw, Poland
e-mail: martap@univ.rzeszow.pl
MADL ENO PERI ODAS
LENKI J OJ E I R KAI MyNI NSE
SRI TY SE
Marta Potowicz
Santrauka
Madleno kultra priskirtina prie svarbiausi vlyvojo
pleistoceno kultr. Susiformavusi pietvakari Pran-
czijoje madaug prie 18 tkst. met, per trump lai-
k ji iplito plaiose Europos erdvse, pasiekdama ry-
tuose Moravij ir Piet Lenkij. Lenkijos teritorija eina
iaurrytin Madleno kultros arealo riba. Lenkijoje yra
iskiriamos 3 Madleno kultros gyvenviei teritori-
jos: Auktutins Silezijos (Dzierysawo, Cypran-
wo), Maosios Lenkijos (Maszycka ir Zalasie urvai,
Brzoskwinia) ir Prietryi Lenkijos (Klementowice-
Kolonija, Homcza, Przemyl gyv.). Paviens Madleno
gyvenviets taip pat yra inomos Karpatuose ir auk-
tum iauriniame pakratyje. Madleno kultra Lenki-
joje gyvavo ilgai: nuo ankstyvojo driaso pabaigos iki
aleriodo. Tik Maszyckos urvo mediaga yra apie 1000
met ankstesn (14250+/-240BP). Lenkijos Madlenas
priskirtinas Centrins Europos kultrinei provincijai ir
susiformavo dl laipsniko io kultrinio komplekso
skverbimosi auktumas.
Apie Lenkijos teritorijos apgyvendinim ir gyventoj
kontaktus Madleno periodu daugiausia informacijos
pateikia i specifns aliavos pagaminti dirbiniai ir j
tipologija, atsivelgiant pastarj dirbini chronolo-
gij. Vietins akmens rys ir akmens rys i artimiau-
si altini sudar daugum Lenkijos gyvenvietse
naudotos aliavos. Iimtis Grzybowa Gros gyvenvie-
t, kurioje tik 20 proc. radini komplekso sudaro vieti-
nis okoladinis titnagas i 20 km nutolusi altini, o
dauguma dirbini padaryta i Krokuvos juros periodo
titnago, kuris yra daugiau kaip u 100 km pietus.
Received: 2005
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sI kit Madleno paminkl isiskiria Maszyckos urvas,
kur aptikta itin vairios importins aliavos i Penin
(85 km pietus), Tatr, Auktutins Silezijos (80 km
vakarus) kaln, Dunojaus auktupio (700 km piet-
vakarius), Pietvakari Vokietijos (660 km vakarus).
okoladinis titnagas i vietov pasiek i iaurs
ryt (140 km), Dnestro titnagas i ryt (340 km),
Volyns titnagas i ryt (350 km). is paminklas
atskleidia ankstyvj Madleno skverbimosi laikotar-
p, keli i Pranczijos per Vokietij ir per Sudet bei
Karpat iaurin pakrat. Madaug 1000 m. vlesnis,
truks nuo ankstyvojo driaso pab. iki aleriodo, antrasis
Madleno skverbimosi etapas sietinas su migracija i
Centrins Europos, Moravijos per Moravijos vartus ir
Karpat perjas.
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MAPPI NG THE CENTRAL /EAST EUROPEAN
TERMI NAL PAL AEOL I THI C/EARL I EST
MESOL I THI C
Stefan Karol KozowSKi
Abstr act
Desna Culture fts the Tanged Points Culture standard perfectly. This culture is related to Tanged Points Culture in that it
regularly yields shouldered points and oblique trapezes on fakes. Five types of single-barbed Havel-type harpoons were
mapped. According to this mapping, Havel-type harpoons are divisions with three zones, which correspond to Swiderian,
Ahrensburgian and Desnenian areas.
Key words: Final Palaeolithic, Early Mesolithic, Central Europe, Eastern Europe, Desna Culture, Havel-type harpoons.
The two short texts presented here are devoted to
territorial aspects of the Central/East European Late
Glacial/Earliest Holocene. They may not be accepted
initially by many, which is not surprising, but hardly
upsetting from the authors point of view, just as Wolf-
gang Taute, who frst mapped the Final Palaeolithic/
Earliest Mesolithic (1968) did not fnd it in the least
upsetting.
The Des na/ Gr ens k poi nt s / t r apezes
( Fi gs . 13)
1. This East European cultural unit was described by
the author and J.K. Kozowski (1975), when its Final
Palaeolithic chronology was accepted and it was re-
cognised as part of the Tanged Points Culture (TPC)
technocomplex.
2. Earlier (Budko 1966, Grensk culture) and later (Zal-
iznyak 1999, Pesochnyi Rov and Krasnosilsk cultures,
Koltsov, Zhilin 1999, Sorokin 1987, Ienevo) studies
had positioned it either in the Final Palaeolithic (Bud-
ko, Zaliznyak for Krasnosilsk) or the Early Mesolithic.
The matter was later summed up by the author in a sep-
arate article, which included the frst comprehensive
map of this new territorial unit (Kozowski 1991). In
view of new material available today, the issue seems
worth recapitulation.
3. Desna Culture fts the TPC standard perfectly: in
other words, characterising its assemblages is the fair-
ly regular joint occurrence of medium-size tools (3
Fig. 1.
The TPC
standard
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Fig. 2. The Polish Desna/Grensk materials: 1 Grzybowa Gra 510 Witw 1112 Jacentw 1315 Steinkowicze 16 1 Grzybowa Gra 510 Witw 1112 Jacentw 1315 Steinkowicze 16
Osswka 17 Opatowiec 18 Nowa Wie 1920 Krakw-Kobierzyn (cf References)
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5cm), such as big and medium Lungsby points, short
and very short end-scrapers and dihedral burins, and
burins on truncation.
. The Desnenian is distinct from related TPC units
(Swiderian, Ahrensburgian, Brommian) in that it reg-
ularly yields shouldered points and oblique trapezes
on fakes, which brings it nearer to the Scandinavian
variant of TPC of the Early Holocene (Suomusjrvi,
Komsa, Fosna).
5. To the authors best knowledge, Fig. 1 represents
the territorial extent of the said points and trapezes,
demonstrating their supraregional character. It further
shows that they are characteristic of regions of Central
and Eastern Europe, and that they largely overlap with
Swiderian territory.
6. Desnenian chronology has been an issue of debate
with East European researchers (Kravtsov 1999) opt-
ing rather for the Early Holocene age (tenth to early
ninth millennium BP, similar dates
1
C published for
central Poland by R. Schild 1975), contrary to the
opinion of the present author, who, like Budko before
him (1966), prefers the Late Glacial and more specif-
cally Dryas 3 (stratigraphical context of the assemblage
from Witw-concentration II and typological ones
from the same Witw, Jacentw and Steinkowicze, cf
Chmielewska 1978, Ginter 1973 and Szmit 1929). As
far as the typological context is concerned, the author
is referring to arched points being present in Witw
and Jacentw, and Swiderian points in Steinkowicze
and perhaps also in Grensk.
Perhaps there is actually no controversy, and the Desne-
nian simply covers both mentioned periods, similar to
the related Swiderian (Schild 1975).
7. The Desnenian phenomenon could perhaps be sub-
divided territorially (more pressure technique on the
upper Volga).
8. The trend among some East European researchers
to come out against the Late Glacial age of at least
part of the Desnenian is diffcult to understand, for it
is unlikely that there was a settlement void in Dryas 3
on the East European Plain when at the same time the
more western-lying territories of the plain were dotted
by numerous surface sites of the TPC complex.
Fig. 3. The spatial distribution of the Desna/Grensk points/trapezes in Central and Eastern Europe: 1 Desna/Grensk points/
trapezes 2 the eastern limits of the Swiderian 3 the western limits of the Desna/Grensk phenomenon
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9. It is possible that a territorial link had existed origi-
nally between the Desnenian phenomenon and the
earliest cultures of the Scandinavian peninsula, which
are quite close to it (especially the culture that was ter-
ritorially the nearest, Suomusjrvi). If this had indeed
been the case, then we should anticipate Desna fea-
tures in northern Belarus, Latvia and Estonia, not to
mention northwestern Russia. Unfortunately, we have
yet to record Terminal Palaeolithic assemblages from
these areas (apart from the one known Swiderian site in
Latvia), although we do have a few harpoons that are
unlike the Swiderian products (cf below, type 12A
3
).
Circum-Baltic Terminal Palaeolithic sites situated in
the Vistulian Glaciation zone, covered by clays, are es-
pecially diffcult to recognise.
Si ngl e- bar bed Havel - t ype har poons
( Fi gs . 5)
1. The present author has published a study of these
harpoons of the Terminal Palaeolithic from Central
Europe, based on a work by H. Gross (190) and B.
Gramschs (1959/60) fles, which he was kindly given
permission to use.
2. At the time, the author distinguished fve types
(12A
1-
, 12A
6
) and mapped them to show the territorial
differentiation, which continues to be telling today fol-
lowing the listing of new fnds and a generalising of the
earlier excessively detailed typological divisions.
3. Before going on to the present observations, let it
be recalled that the Terminal Palaeolithic/Early Me-
solithic age of the harpoons in question follows from
the material used in their production (reindeer and/or
elk antlers), pollen analyses for Wojnowo (Gross
190) and Rudninkiai (Rimantien 1971), and,
fnally, the presence of similar specimens in an
Ahrensburgian context at Stelmoor (Rust 193).
. A modifed/simplifed typology of the single-
barbed Havel-type harpoons calls for previously
separate types: 12A
1
and 12A
2
to form one group,
type 12A
a second, and 12A

6
yet another. The
frst group is characterised by a symmetrical
shield-shaped base and short sub-triangular barbs.
The second and the third features an asymmetrical
base and hooked barbs, the two differing from one
another in the spacing of the barbs.
5. The typology thus modifed, if mapped, reveals
a characteristic division into three zones. Harpo-
ons with a symmetrical base appear to be grouped
in an area from Pomerania to the River Nemunas.
Those with an asymmetrical base are concentra-
ted, on one hand, west of the River Oder, and on
the other, between the region of Masuria and Estonia.
6. Considering this mapping and the estimated chro-
nology, we are left with the impression that the three
different territorial zones correspond, the frst one to
the Swiderian, the second to the Ahrensburgian, and
the third possibly to the Desnenian (?) (cf text above).
Li s t of Des na/ Gr ens k poi nt s i n Cent r al
and Eas t er n Eur ope
(after V.F. Kopytin, V.P. Ksendzov, L.V. Koltsov,
M.G. Zhilin, A.N. Sorokin, Z. Sulgostowska, R.
Rimantin, D.Y. Telegin, L.L. Zaliznyak, W. Taute
and S.K. Kozowski).
BELARUS
Berestenovo
Borovka
Chikhonka
Chygirynka
Dalniaye Liada
Dalnye Dialo
Grensk
Guma I
Khvoina
Koromka
Litvinauchi
Lyudchitsa
Magilevskaia
Nobel I
Odrizhin
Orsha 1
Fig. . Single-barbed Havel-type harpoon typology
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Pechenezh
Pieshchanitsa
Piski Richicke
Rechytsa
Rekord
Shitok
Shlov Zarechivka
Shykhau
Verychan
Vishnanka
Zhuravel
Further fnds from the upper River Nemunas area (per-
sonal information W. Obuchowski)
LITHUANIA
Drseikiai
Eerynas 17
Glyno eeras 9
Rudnia
POLAND
Dosin
Grzybowa Gra II/7 and IX/7
Jacentw 10
Krakw-Kobierzyn I
Majdan Glczaski
Maa Rzeczka
Marki
Nowa Wie
Nowy Myn Ia
Opatowiec
Osswka
Onica
Steinkowicze III
Witw concentration II
Wlka Zamkowa
Zemborzyce
Zembrzyce Stare
RUSSIA
Altynovo
Ausergovo 2
Belivo A, G
Bogoyarlenye
Bragino
Chernaia Griaz 1
Cherriatovo I/2
Dalni Ostrov
Fig. 5. The spatial distribution of single-barbed Havel-type harpoons in Central and Eastern Europe: 1 types 12A
, 6
2 types
12A
1-2
3 type 12A
3
, after S.K. Kozowski (1977), as well as J.G.D. Clark, J. Galiski, B. Gramsch, H. Gross, R. Indreko, R.
Rimantien, A. Rust, J. Zagorska and L.L. Zaliznyak
3
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Dmitrovskoe
Kamyagino IIA, IIB, IIW, III, IV
Koprino
Ladyzhino 3
Nelchyi Bugor
Penkovo
Seltso 3
Stara Konstaninovskaia 2, 3, , 6
Tikhonovo
Titovo 1
Uste Revny IV
UstKora I, II
UstTudovka
Usty N
Vishegore
Vysokino 6
Ienevo 3
Zhuravets 1
Zinutka
UKRAINE
Bolshoi Midsk
Borodianka
Chernaia Guta
Griazki
Gridasovo
Guta Loganovskaia
Komiyagino
Korji-Riabtsi
Kreida
Kudlaiovka
Leonovka
Namekino
Pesochnyi Rov
Pogreby
Smyachka
Verbovka
Vyazivok
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Ul. Czerwonego Krzyza 11 m 6
00-377 Warszawa, Poland
CENTRI NS I R RYT EUROPOS
FI NALI NI O PALEOLI TO I R
MEZOLI TO KARTOGRAFAVI MAS
Stefan K. Kozowski
Sant r auka
Desnos tipo kultrins grups Jenevo, Grensko, Kras-
nosilsko, Pesonyj Rovo kultras Ryt Europoje ty-
rintojai iskyr XX a. 79 deimtmeiais ir datavo
paleolito pabaiga ar ankstyvuoju mezolitu. Pagal dir-
binius: Lyngby tipo kotinius antgalius, gremtukus,
vidurinius ir kampinius rtukus ant nulautos skelts,
Desnos kultra atitinka kotini antgali kultr (AK)
technokomplekso kriterijus. Taiau nuo kit AK ji
skiriasi danai aptinkamais vienaoniais antgaliais ir
striomis trapecijomis. Pagal tai ji panai Skandina-
vijos kultras Fosna, Komsa, Suomusjarvi. Kartogra-
fuoti Desnos kultrai bdingi vienaoniai antgaliai ir
trapecijos parodo i dirbini bendrakultrin pobd.
Jie bdingi Centrins ir Ryt Europos rajo-nams ir j
paplitimo arealas didele dalimi sutampa su Svidr kul-
tros teritorija. Kadangi vlyvojo paleolito pabaigoje
Centrin ir Vakar Europa buvo gan tankiai gyventa,
kyla abejoni, kad Desnos kultra datuotina tik anks-
tyvuoju mezolitu. Desnos kultra greiiausiai gyvavo
tiek paleolito pabaigoje, tiek ir mezolito pradioje. Pa-
gal tai, kad Volgos auktupio regione Desnos kultros
gyvenvietse aptinkama daugiau nuspaudimo techni-
kos pdsak, galbt Desnos kultr galima bt skirs-
tyti teritoriniu atvilgiu. Galbt tarp panai kultrini
grupi Skandinavijoje ir Desnos kultros buvo neper-
traukiamas teritorinis ryys, taiau iuo metu jo atsekti
negalima nesant duomen i Estijos, Latvijos, iaurs
Baltarusijos ir Rusijos teritorij.
Pastaruoju metu autorius iskyr 5 vienaoni Havelo
tipo eberkl tipus (12A1-, 12A6) ir juos kartogra-
favo, atskleisdamas j teritorin paplitim, kur nauji
radiniai patikslina. Priskirti eberkl paleolitui ar me-
zolitui galima remiantis aliava, i kurios jie paga-
minti (iaurs elnias ar briedis), iedadulki analizs
duomenimis (Wojnowo (Gross 190) ir Rdninkuose)
(Rimantien 1971) ir pagal panaius tipus, aptiktus
telmore (Rust 193). Kartografavimas pagal naujau-
si tipologin skirstym parod tris paplitimo arealus.
eberklai su simetriku pagrindu yra paplit tarp Pa-
mario (Pomeranijos) ir Nemuno ups su asimetriku
pagrindu susikoncentrav dviejuose regionuose:
vakarus nuo Oderio ir tarp Mozrijos bei Estijos. Re-
miantis chronologijos ir kartografjos duomenimis, ga-
lima bt spti, kad pirmasis arealas sietinas su Svidr
kultra, antrasis su Arensburgo ir treiasis galbt su
Desnos kultra.
Received: 2005
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FI NAL PAL AEOL I THI C SOCI ETI ES MOBI L I TY I N
POL AND AS SEEN FROM THE DI STRI BUTI ON OF
FL I NTS
ZOFIA SULGOSTOWSKA
Abstr act
Local and exotic fint use and distribution are considered as markers of group mobility. The Arch Backed Pieces and the
Mazovian societies organised logistics expeditions in various directions, south-north, west-east, using natural routes as river
valleys, but also crossing mountains. Their motives seem to be different and not only connected with economic necessity and
subsistence strategy. Group mobility, observed rarely on distances more than tens of hundreds of kilometres, was probably a
seasonal event, but sometimes may be a refection of a permanent exodus.
Key words: Final Palaeolithic, societies mobility, fint distribution, Poland.
I ntroducti on
Poland consists of diverse landscapes: plain, uplands
and the Sudety and Carpathian mountains (above
500m). Source material contains inventories of hun-
dreds of open sites located mainly in sandy areas. Most
of them repeat a similar pattern: surfaces of hundreds
and sometimes thousands of square metres covered by
lithics presenting the full processing from nodules to
tools, dispersed or clustered in several concentrations.
Lithic use and distribution are considered here as
markers of group mobility. As a rule, local lithics were
used within raw materials provinces discussed by K.
Cyrek (1981) and K. Szymczak (1992). The distribu-
tion within such provinces was limited to tens of hun-
dreds of kilometres from outcrops characterising prob-
ably the distance of seasonal mobility of human groups
and their social territories.
The use of the nearest lithic depends also on the vicin-
ity of other lithic outcrops, when several good-quality
fint sources are located in the uplands. Such nearness
could stimulate rivalry between close lithics (Schild
1976). The following fints, easy to recognise macro-
scopically and with limited source areas, will be con-
sidered: Jurassic, Turonian=wieciechw, Upper Ox-
fordian so-called chocolate fint (Fig. 1).
Imports of non-local lithics occurred in different ways:
as the whole inventory, a signifcant or only a small,
less than 5%, part of the kit. These diverse situations
are regarded here as the result of direct supply, when
lithics were transported in the form of nodules or
cores and then processed on the spot by mobile human
groups. More typical is the situation of indirect supply,
when only carefully chosen artefacts circulated. Direct
supply is observed very rarely at a distance exceeding
seasonal mobility, more than hundreds of kilometres.
In this article, I shall analyse the available data from
sites with a direct supply of the fints mentioned, be-
cause radiolarite and obsidian, which were observed as
imports in several assemblages, were, as a rule, distrib-
uted indirectly by inter-group contacts (Sulgostowska
2004).
The intention of this work is to analyse the mobility of
Final Palaeolithic societies, and such questions as was
the mobility of Arch Backed Pieces or Tanged Points
groups only a result of behaviour connected with hunt-
ing and limited to a distance of the seasonal wandering
of animal herds? And how great were these distances? ow great were these distances?
In spite of the hundreds of Final Palaeolithic sites, only
a few are useful to solve these questions.
Source materi al
An assumption concerning the high mobility of human
groups is based generally on indirect data suggested
by the scarcity of more stable dwelling structures with
hearths or storage pits. Such a situation is probably
the result of the investigation method and the specifc
character of open sandy sites with poor preservation
conditions, than the lack of such structures. Such el-
ements can be observed only on properly excavated
sites, when most of the sites were recorded mainly dur-
ing the early stage of prehistoric investigations when
the artefacts were collected from the surface. Dwell-
ing structures are known at Caowanie, level 4 and
6 (Schild 1975: 229230; Fiedorczuk 2001), Witw
(Chmielewska 1978: 7981), Rydno IV/57 (Schild
1967; Fiedorczuk 2001), Kochlew (Cyrek 1986),
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Obrachcice (Burdukiewicz 1987). Hearths are also not
numerous because of the bad preservation of charcoal,
while hearth stones are sporadic, as was observed at
Augustw Wjtowskie Wki (Sulgostowska 1978). I
believe, however, that in future research the situation
will improve, as was presented in the outstanding PhD
thesis by the late Jan Fiedorczuk (2001). Possibilities
exist for the reconstruction of such structures owing to
site-spatial analysis using fint refttings and the disper-
sion of burnt fints. The scarcity of dwelling structures
can also be explained by their multiple resettlement
during seasonal visits, as was proved by the Caowanie
site level 6, cut I/63 (Fiedorczuk 2001: 101). So, spa-
tial analysis can be an effcient instrument, but such
procedures are extremely time-consuming and need a
gifted specialist.
Another approach is to record the presence of non
local=exotic raw materials, confrming mobility or in-
ter-group contacts.
The use and distribution of the different, mentioned
fints creates diverse opportunities to demonstrate the
effcient analysis of a groups mobility. Usually among
the lithics of the rich, multi-concentration sites (I use
the term agglomerations) numerous artefacts made
of raw materials imported signifcant distances are not
recorded. Multi-concentration sites usually show reset-
tlement events, and the distribution of exotic lithics is a
repeated action, as is shown by the dispersal of imports
in concentrations located sometimes far, from several
to tens of metres, from each other.
The spectacular Turonian grey white dotted fint, with
outcrops in the vicinity of wieciechw, was used as
the main lithic within a distance of up to 100 kilome-
tres (Libera 1995: 21, Fig. 3) in the Final Palaeolithic.
The Zemborzyce and Zemborzyce-Prawiedniki Mazo-
vian living sites (Fig. 1), where more than ten fint con-
centrations were located on the River Bystrzyca valley
dunes (Sulgostowska 1989: 126), are spectacular exam-
ples of the mentioned rivalry between wieciechw
and chocolate fint. The local fints are wieciechw,
at a distance from the sites of up to 60 kilometres, and
Cretaceous, erratic fint. In spite of their easy access
and good quality, artefacts made of chocolate fint, of
which the outcrops are more than 100 kilometres away
and, additionally, on the other side of the River Vistula,
consist of up to 50% of the inventory.
The sporadic artefacts made of wieciechw fint were
recorded in an area with a scarcity of fint at a distance
Fig 1. Location of the fint outcrops: a Cretaceous; b Upper Oxfordian, so-called chocolate fint; c wieciechw; d Juras-
sic fint. Location of the discussed sites: 1 Magdalenian; 2 Arch Backed Pieces; 3 Mazovian and the direction of the fint
imports from the outcrops
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of up to 400 kilometres to the southwest in the Pekarna
and Kulna caves Magdalenian Moravian sites (Bed-
narz 1998), and in the Kulna Arch Backed Pieces tech-
nocomplex. Among the Mazovian sites, a tanged point
made of this fint was found in Cieksyn-Popielyn,
located more than 200 kilometres to the north (Sulgo-
stowska 1989).
The Jurassic fint outcrop location in two regions at a
distance of up to 150 kilometres near Cracow and in the
Upper Warta region is demonstrated in Fig. 1. Cracow
fint was mostly mined and used by Magdalenian and
Arch Backed Pieces societies, and the Warta sources
by Mazovian groups. The direct supply of not numer-
ous artefacts to the south was recorded to a distance of
up to 250 kilometres during the Magdalenian: Kulna
and Pekarna caves (Bednarz 1998), and the Svit/Lu-
civna Mazovian site in Slovakia (Sojak 2002).
A different situation was observed at the Rydno site,
located in the vicinity of chocolate fint and hematite
outcrops at a distance of up to 150 kilometres from
both Jurassic outcrops. At Rydno a signifcant use of
this fint (11.8% to 79%) was recorded among excavat-
ed, rich assemblages from Magdalenian, Arch Backed
Pieces societies and the Mazovian concentrations.
Tabl e 1. J ur as s i c f l i nt ( C Cr acow
out cr ops ; W War t a out cr ops ) i n t he
Rydno s i t e as s embl ages . Taxons :
M = Magdal eni an; ABP = Ar ch Backed
Pi eces t echnocompl ex; MAZ = Mazovi an
Tanged Poi nt t echnocompl ex. Accor di ng
t o R. Schi l d, H. Kr l i k 2002
Taxon, out cr ops , s i t e Frequency
M Cracow outcrops
R II/59
58%: 38.8% cores and blank
19.2% tools
ABP Cracow outcrops
R XI/59 S
79%: 23% cores and blank
56% tools
ABP Cracow outcrops
R XI/59 N
26.7%: 1.9% cores and blank
24.8% tools
MAZ Warta outcrops
R I/57
15.6% tools
MAZ Warta outcrops
R I/45 concentration II Na
Osach
11.1% tools
When we consider the proportion of the artefacts con-
nected with core processing and tool production, it is
evident that the Magdalenian and the Arch Backed
Pieces groups (except RXI/59N) visited Rydno with
a supply of cores, blanks and tools. The Mazovian
groups had arrived generally almost only with the
ready tools.
When we compare the presence of chocolate fint on
the Jurassic fint territory, the example of the Trzebca
site located in the Warta valley can be used (Ginter
1974). In the inventory of the Mazovian workshop
Trzebca II/64, concentration V, where the cores were
processed for export blades, only 4.2% of tools made
of chocolate fint were found (Baszczyk 1971; Ginter
1999).
What was the motive for the mobility from Jurassic
fint territory to the Rydno site, which was a prehis-
toric trade centre, according to Stefan Krukowski
(1961), located in the vicinity of the chocolate fint out-
crops or the hematite outcrops? The dye, in the form
of luminescent hematite grains, was exploited: it was
mined and processed and used by the societies men-
tioned (Schild, Krlik 1981, 2002).
Upper Oxfordian chocolate fint was willingly used
and distributed in all directions (Fig. 1). The intensity
of its direct supply depends on the taxon, but in the
Arch Backed Pieces and the Mazovian assemblages it
was recorded up to 100 kilometres as the main lithic at
Caowanie in the Vistula valley near Warsaw (Schild
1976). I shall focus on two cases of direct supply to
distant sites: Tarnowa and Dobiegniewo, representing
two different taxons.
A unique example, the Tarnowa, voi. Wielkopolskie,
western Poland site is located in the Warta river valley.
This inventory of Arch Backed Pieces technocomplex
site was collected by Jzef Kostrzewski in the year
1925 from the surface, where the artefacts were clus-
tered in three concentrations. Almost all the artefacts
were made of chocolate fint (Krukowski 193948)
which was imported from outcrops at a distance of ap-
proximately 350 kilometres to the southeast.
The structure of the inventory is the following. Among
1,529 artefacts are (Fig. 2): 3 cores; 22 core prepara-
tion and rejuvenation pieces; 733 blanks (477 fakes,
166 blades minimum); 281 tools (238 end-scrapers, 30
burins, 78 burin spalls, nine arch backed pieces, one
point, three undetermined); 413 chips; 11 undeter-
mined pieces.
The presence of cortex fakes and chips indicates that
chocolate nodules were brought to the site, together
with blanks and tools. The sporadic number of rejuve-
nation fakes suggests a low number of cores, or their
later transport, even extremely used ones, to other sites,
or making almost all of them into tools. The number of
blanks and tools suggests that not more than dozens of
cores were used, but only three are in a form possible
to identify. The structure of the inventory shows a situ-
ation typical for a living site where the brought fint
was economised, and this idea is also supported by the
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Fig. 2. Tarnowa, voi. Wielkopolskie, western Poland. Selected artefacts of the Arch Backed Pieces technocomplex: 1, 2 Wielkopolskie, western Poland. Selected artefacts of the Arch Backed Pieces technocomplex: 1, 2 Selected artefacts of the Arch Backed Pieces technocomplex: 1, 2
core, fragment of core; 3, 4 blanks; 518 end-scrapers (5 with macroscopical use wear); 19, 20 burins; 2124 arch backed
pieces. Artefacts 625 according to Krukowski 193948
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heavy use and rejuvenation of the tools (the presence
of 78 burin spalls, and, among 30 burins, 25% were
multiplied).
Another example is the Dobiegniewo Mazovian site
located in the Vistula valley almost 200 kilometres
southeast of the outcrops. Only one fint concentration
(six metres in diameter) was recorded during excava-
tions. The imported fint, the blades and the tools with
probably three nodules, makes up almost 100% of the
assemblage, though it was supplemented by local Cre-
taceous fint which was the raw material for 11 tools.
The assemblage presents a structure typical for a liv-
ing site. It is worth mentioning that single chocolate
nodules were also processed at Cieksyn, 250 kilome-
tres northeast of the outcrops. The inhabitants of this
Mazovian camp with six workshop concentrations
used as the basic raw material the local Cretaceous fint
(Sulgostowska 1989).
The Dobiegniewo site is compared here with the assem-
blage from the Caowanie site, located far closer than
Dobiegniewo, 85 kilometres away from the outcrops.
Tabl e 2. Mazovi an s i t es wi t h a pr edomi -
nance of chocol at e f l i nt ( up t o 90%) f r om
di s t ant out cr ops : Ca owani e 85km, Do-
bi egni ewo 180km. Accor di ng t o Schi l d
1975; Fi edor czuk 2001
Dobi egni ewo Ca owani e, l . 6, cut I / 63
1 fint concentration
Flint inventory 416
pieces, app. < 1 kg
-70% core
exploitation (3
nodules)
-18% tools, 12% tool
production waste
Sporadic camp/
Multiple camp?
Dwelling structure + hearth +
workshop
Flint inventory 4357 app. < 4 kg
-70.5% core exploitation (16
nodules)
-5.4% tools, 24.1% tool
production waste
Multiple resettlement by the same
group.
The differences in their settlement pattern and the mass
of the imported fint (Dobiegniewo 1 kg, and Caowanie
4 kg) can be explained by the various characters of the
living sites: a sporadic, hunting camp at Dobiegniewo
and a camp resettled several times with dwelling struc-
tures, hearth and fint workshop.
Di scussi on
The analysed sites are the basis for the following inter-
pretations of mobility motives:
I. Economic necessity. The supply of basic commodi-
ties, good-quality fints, in a situation when the local
raw materials were not suffcient. This was the case
with the Magdalenian, the Arch Backed Pieces Mora-
vian sites and the Mazovian Slovakian sites using
Jurassic and wieciechw fints from distant outcrops
(up to 400km).
II. Foresight. A situation where groups provided with
a supply had moved to hunting places on the routes
of seasonally wandering animal herds, but with worse-
quality fint. Examples are sites located in the area
of the Warsaw, Pock and Toru basins in the Vistula
river valley, where tens of concentrations of Mazovian
sites were recorded (Schild 1975). These expeditions
had crossed distances from tens to more than hundreds
of kilometres. The fall-off effect (Renfew 1969) can
be observed among this region: in the Warsaw basin,
chocolate fint consists of up to 80% of the inventories;
in the Pock basin up to 200 kilometres, up to 50% of
inventories; when the Toru basin, at a distance of up
to 300 kilometres, shows only a sporadic presence of
imports.
But there is also the unique example of the Dobieg-
niewo site 180 kilometres from outcrops. I shall try to
reconstruct the effect of this task group expedition fol-
lowing a reindeer herd along the Vistula valley to the
north. The hunters were equipped with less than one
kilogram of fint supply: several nodules, ready blades
and tools. According to a use wear analysis (Korob-
kova 1999), they achieved their hunting purpose. The
artefacts were used for working with meat (36.5%),
leather (21.5%) bone, antler and wood (22.5%), and
undetermined others (24%). The possibility, however,
cannot be excluded that the Dobiegniewo task group
was part of the society that settled the Caowanie site
and had started their expedition from the Warsaw basin
area, not from the Holly Cross mountain region.
The rarity of sites such as Cieksyn and Dobiegniewo
among the Mazovian complex of sites shows that 200-
kilometre mobility distances were exceptional, while
average mobility distances were shorter.
III. The situation of mobility from good-quality fint
territory to another good-quality fint area. The exam-
ple of Jurassic groups representing Magdalenian,
Arch Backed Pieces and Mazovian societies suggests
that they had been attracted to the Rydno by the pres-
ence of hematite, a commodity which was commonly
used as a dye during rituals, and during everyday ac-
tivities (leather processing) as well.
IV. An exceptional situation is the expedition of the
Arch Backed Pieces group from chocolate fint terri-
tory outcrops to a site situated 350 kilometres away at
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Tarnowa. When we agree about the western genesis of
the taxon, the possibility of the coming back wave
cannot be ignored. But the reason for the exodus,
taken by several families, suggested by three concen-
tration presence, remains obscure.
Concl usi ons
Assuming that the predominant use of local raw mate-
rials by human groups expresses their social territories
and distant sites with a direct supply of lithics refects
their mobility, it seems that mobility is observed rarely
at distances more than tens of hundreds of kilometres.
The predominance of extra-local raw materials in the
distant inventories refects the mobility of groups from
the area located in the vicinity of imported fint out-
crops, or groups approaching from the outside of di-
verse outcrops and coming back to their social areas.
The Final Palaeolithic societies, Magdalenian, Arch
Backed Pieces and Mazovian, organised logistics ex-
peditions in various directions: south-north, west-east,
using natural routes such as river valleys, but also
crossing mountains. Their motives seem to be differ-
ent, and not only connected with economic necessity
and subsistence strategy.
Mobility in diverse directions was probably a seasonal
event, but sometimes it may be a refection of a per-
manent exodus. Almost all sites where mobility was
recorded lack organic material remains, which limits
our considerations about the relations of mobility with
seasonal expeditions.
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dowskiej w Lublinie. Lublin. Lublin.
Renfew, C. 1969. Trade and Culture Process in European
Prehistory. Current Anthropology 10/2-3: 151160.
Schild, R. 1967. Wieloprzemysowe stanowisko Rydno
IV/57 (Grzybowa Gra, pow. Starachowice). In: Materiay
do prahistorii plejstocenu i wczesnego holocenu Polski.
Chmielewski, W. (ed.) Ossolineum. Wrocaw: 124208.
Schild, R. 1975. Pny paleolit. In: Prahistoria ziem polskich,
Hensel, W. (ed.) vol. I, Paleolit i mezolit, Chmielewski,
W., Hensel, W. (eds.) Warszawa-Gdask: 159338.
Schild, R. 1976b. Flint Mining and Trade in Polish Prehistory
as Seen from the Perspective of the Chocolate Flint in the
Central Poland. A Second Approach, Acta Archaeologica
Carpatica 16: 147177.
Schild, R., Krlik, H. 1981. Rydno - A Final Palaeolithic
Ochre Mining Complex. Przegld Archeologiczny 29: Przegld Archeologiczny 29:
53100.
Schild, R., Krlik, H. 2002. Systemy wasnociowe i eks-
ploatacji kopalni hematytu Rydno Skarysko Kamien-
na. (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Archives,
Warsaw).
Sojk, M. 2002. Osidlenie Hornho Spia na sklonku starej
doby kamennej. In: Starsza i rodkowa epoka kamienia w
Karpatach polskich. Muzeum Podkarpackie w Kronie.
Garncarski, J. (ed.) Krosno 2002: 359366.
Sulgostowska, Z. 1978. Augustw - Wjtowskie Wki, woj.
suwalskie. Osada paleolityczna i neolityczna. Wiadomoci
Archeologiczne 43/2: 173211.
Sulgostowska, Z. 1989. Prehistoria midzyrzecza Wisy,
Niemna i Dniestru u schyku plejstocenu. Warsaw.
Pastwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne, Pastwowe
Wydawnictwo Naukowe.
Sulgostowska, Z. 2004. Kontakty spoecznoci midzy Odr,
Dwin Dniestrem w kocu paleolitu i w mezolicie. Stu-
dium dystrybucji surowcw. (Institute of Archaeology and
Ethnology Archives, Warsaw).
Szymczak, K. 1992. Pnocno-wschodnia prowincja surow-
cowa kultury widerskiej. Acta Universitatis Lodzien-
sis, Folia archaeologica 15, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu
dzkiego, d.
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Zofa Sulgostowska
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology
Polish Academy of Sciences
Al. Solidarnoci 105
00-140 Warsaw, Poland
e-mail: sulg@iaepan.edu.pl
FI NAL I NI O PAL EOL I TO
VI SUOMENS MOBI LUMO
NUSTATyMAS LENKI J OS
TERI TORI J OJ E PAGAL TI TNAG
Zofa Sulgostowska
Sant r auka
Vietins titnago aliavos ri naudojimas parodo
moni grupi socialines teritorijas, o nutolusios
stovyklaviets su titnago aliava i specifnio altinio
rodo j mobilum. Atrodo, kad Finalinio paleolito
visuomeni grupi mobilumas retai siek atstumus,
didesnius nei deimtys imtas kilometr. Nevietins
titnago aliavos dominavimas stovyklavietse, nu-
tolusiose nuo atsivetins aliavos gavybos centr,
rodo moni, siveani aliav, keliones iki aliavos
altinio ir atgal savo teritorijas.
Finaliniame paleolite Madleno, ABP, Svidr
bendruomens organizuodavo logistines ekspedicijas
vairiomis kryptimis: iaurs-piet, vakar-ryt, kuri
marrutai jo upi slniais, jie taip pat nevengdavo
kirsti kalnagbrius. Bendravimo motyvacija buvo
vairi, ne tik aliavos sigijimas, bet, matyt, ir prasta
ekonomin strategija.
Atsekamas gyventoj judjimas skirtingomis krypti-
mis vyko sezonikai, taiau tai galjo bti ir ilgalaikis
gyventoj persiklimas kitas teritorijas. Beveik vi-
sose stovyklavietse, kuriose buvo atsektas gyventoj
judjimas, organins mediagos nebuvo ilikusios,
o tai labai riboja ms inias apie gyventoj grupi
judjimo pobd ir jo santyk su sezoninmis (paskui
elnius) migracijomis.
Received: 2005
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SPTPAL OL I THI KUM UND MESOL I THI KUM I M
Wi satal zWi schen toru und Grudzi dz
KRZYSZTOF CYREK
Abstr act
Gebiet des unteren Wislafusses wurde besiedelt von den Menschen nach dem rckzug des Gletschers erst in der allerdzeit.
es handelte sich wahrscheinlich um schpfer der rckenspitzen-Kultur. es kann jedoch nicht ausgeschlossen werden, das
diese Gebiete gleichzeitig von Gruppen der lyngby und hamburger Kultur besiedelt wurden.
es scheint, dass die swiderian-Kultur sich am unteren lauf der Wisla noch in der preborealen zeit, im zusammenhang mit der
hier verspteten (im Vergleich zu den mehr sdlich gelegenen Gebieten) nachfolge von Waldfchen entwickelte.
Key words: Gebiet des unteren Wislafusses, rckenspitzen-Kultur, lyngby und hamburger Kultur, swiderian-Kultur.
Fast alle palolithische und mesolithische Fundstellen
im Gebiet des unteren Wislafusses liegen im Bere-
ich dieses Flusstales (abb. 1). nur an sieben Funds-
tellen wurden Grabungsarbeiten durchgefhrt, wobei
eine Quellenbasis gewonnen wurde, d. h. es gibt
entsprechend zahlreiche Feuersteininventare, weniger
oder mehr lesbare Planigraphie, relativ gut erhaltene
stratigraphie.
diese eigenschaften erlauben eine archologische
analyse und rekonstruktion des Materials. insgesamt
kennt man auf diesem Gebiet 20 palolithische und
mesolithische spuren der Penetration.
Mehrheitlich sind es oberfchenfunde, die einige,
seltener einige dutzend artefakten zhlen. Vor allem
liegen sie im Wisatal, seltener an seinen nebenfus-
sen radunia, Wierzyca, Wda, Brda, drwca, osa und
liwa.
Bis man die arbeiten auf der zuknftiger autobahn
begonnen hat, waren nur 12 palolitische Fundstellen
in diesem Gebiet bekannt, wobei keine mit hilfe ein-
er archologischen Methode erforscht wurde (schild
1975, abb. 67, Kobusiewicz 1999, die Karte 2) die
zahl von Fundstellen zeigt uns, dass man sich in einer
anfangsetappe der Forschungen der ausgrabungs-
methode besprochenen Problematik befndet.
Wir stellen hier einige wissenschaftlich wichtige Fund-
stellen vor, die man mit hilfe der ausgrabungsmeth-
ode exploriert hat.
es handelt sich um folgende Fundstellen aus dem
Wisatal: Brzoza (in der literatur bekannt als toru-
rudak) im toruner Gesenke sowie Grudziadz-Mniszek
3 (Bokiniec, Marciniak, 1987), stare Marzy 4 und 5
und szynych 12c, 13a, 13 B im Grudziadz Gesenke
(abb. 1).
die frhesten spuren des sptpalolithikums wurden
in Brzoza, Gm. Wielka nieszawka (toru-rudak) en-
tdeckt. oberfche oder sondageforschungen haben
hier einige Wissenschaftler durchgefhrt: J. delekta im
Jahr 1934, B. zielonka in den 50-er Jahren, a. Prinke
in 1972-73, M. Marciniak in1979, s. Kukawka in1996
und 2001 und K. cyrek in 2001).
die Fundstelle in Brzoza (toru-rudak) liegt sich im
Gebiet des dnnenkomplexes auf der hohen terrase
des Wisafusses (abb. 2). sie befndet sich in der un-
terschiedlichen stratigraphische situation. im Fundstel-
lenkomplex Brzoza gelang es bisher nicht, eine Fund-
stelle festrustellen, die sich durch eine entsprechende
anzahl des inventars der nicht gestrten stratigraphie
und der ursprnglichen Planigraphie auszeichnen
wrde. Man gewann dagegen einige tausend Feuer-
steinerzeugnisse mit ausgehender sptpalolitischer
typologie, die sich an die swiderian Kultur anknpft.
ihre stratigraphische Position liegt jungdryasische oder
prboreale chronologie nahe. sie traten in gren- und
strukturmig differenzierten Konzentrationen auf.
unter den retuschierten Formen gibt es einen hnli-
chen anteil von endkratzern, stiecheln und Pfeils-
pitzen. das bezeugt den Jagdcharakter der paloli-
tischen Penetration in dem Gebiet. so viele Fundstellen
von palolitischer Provenienz auf einem bezeichneten
Gebiet bedeutet, dass es hier ablagerungen des Feuer-
steinrohstoffes gab, oder man fand hier gute Bedingun-
gen fr die Jagd. es scheint, so zu sein dass es hier auf
der Brzoza um die Fundstelle zweiter situation geht,
weil herden von renntieren genau hier den Wisatal
berquerten. die Konzentration von Fundstellen in
Brzoza ist die am weitesten im norden liegende Grup-
pierung auf der Polnischen ebene dieses art.
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die folgenden zwei sptpalolitischen Fundstellen hat-
ten mehr Glck, weil sie auf der terrasse der zuknfti-
ger autobahn a1 lagen. dies ermglichte ihre en-
tdeckung und weitere methodische ausgrabungen.
die erste Fundstelle ist stare Marzy 5 auf dem rand
der hoehterrasse des Wisatal, ca. 10 m ber dem un-
teren terrassenniveau und ca. 40 m ber der niederter-
rasse (abb. 3). sie befndet sich in der nhe des zip-
fels, wo das Mtwa- und Wisatal zusammenmnden.
die oberfche der Fund stelle ist zur zeit stark eolisch
durchmodelliert (abb. 3). die ursache dafr ist, dass
einzelne Kulturobjekte sich auf den unterschiedli-
chen niveaus befnden, von 10 bis 150 cm von der
oberfche.
in stare Marzy 5 kamen fast alle sptpalolitische
Funde auf ihrem unsprnglichen lageort in struktur-
losen sandvorkommen in der illuvialschicht des fos-
silen Boden des atlantischen zeitalters (paleopdolo-
gische analyse von r. Bednarek und M. Jankowski,
das tiposkript im institut fr archologie der Mikoaj
Kopernik universitt ) und in der oberen schicht von
Weisand des untergrundes vor. diese schicht ist in
der dokumentation der Fundstelle als die dritte Kultur-
schicht bezeichnet und entspricht dem nutzungsniveau
des Gebiets in der zeit vom spten Pleistozn bis an-
fang holozn und weiter bis anfang der subborealzeit,
wobei es keine Mglichkeit gibt, einzelne Besiedlung-
sphasen der Fundstellen auszuzeichnen. dem niveau,
auf dem die Fundstellen lagen, entsprechen die spuren
des fossilen erdbodens der sich in Form einer unter-
brochenen, ursprnglichen humusschicht mit geringen
holzkohlenanteilen erhielt. nach der pdologischen
analyse ist der ursprngliche holoznererdboden der
in einem stratigraphieniveau anwesend ist, der dem
Vorkommen der sptpalolitischen Funde entspricht.
in dieser situation ist es nicht auszuschlieen, dass
der erdboden prboreale chronologie hat. das niveau
wurde an zwei stelle entdeckt (leider ohne Fundstel-
lenkontext) in der tiefe von ca. 100 cm von der ober-
fche. noch lteren, sehr schwach sichtbaren fossilien
erdboden kann man an anderen ort der Fundstellen
entdecken, ca. 50 cm unter den oben besprochenen er-
dboden. er hat alle eigenschaften des usello - erdbod-
en, der in der anderen Fundstellen auf die allerdzeit
datiert ist.
abb. 1. das im Beitrag besprochene Gebiet mit vermerkten Fundstellen
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nimmt man an, dass der fossile erdboden vom allerd
stammt, dann liegen die snde mit palolitischen
Funden darber und sind vom dryas iii schon hinter
der dnenphase.
die Mehrzahl der Funde lag in 18 anhufungen (abb.
4) mit unterschiedlicher oberfche, Form und zahl
der Funde (tiposkript der Bearbeitung fr agencja Bu-
dowy autostrad, das sich im institut fr archologie
der Mikoaj Kopernik universitt befndet).
insgesamt wurden 1418 sptpalolithische und meso-
lithische Feuersteinerzeugnisse geborgen. zu unter-
streichen ist, dass alle erzeugnisse einer detaillierten
trasseologischen analyse unterzogen wurden. ihre
autoren sind J. Malecka Kukawka, l. czajkina und
G. osipowicz (das tiposkript der Bearbeitung befn-
det sich im institut fr archologie der Mikolaj Ko-
pernik universitt in torun). das ist die erste solche
Bearbeitung in den polnischen Forschungen, die das
Palolithikum betrifft.
zum Beispiel dominieren in der anhufung i unter den
retuschierten Formen die stichel (20 stck) ber den
Kratzer (7 stck) und den Pfeilspitzen (5 stck). Wie
wurden sie benutzt? Fr die antwort auf diese Frage die
trasseologische analyse. war sehr hilfreich insgesamt
24,1 Prozent allen Funden sind funktionale Werkzeuge.
auch der anteil von typologischen Werkzeugen ist
hoch. dies zeugt von einem ausgeprgten Jagdcharak-
ter der palolitischen Penetration dieser region. die
ergebnisse der trasseologischen untersuchungen es-
baubten die aktinktten przise zu bestimmen, die an
dieser stelle im rahmen der Verarbeitung der erlegten
tiere realisiert wurden.
es scheint vo zu teich, dass fast alle erzeugnisse inten-
siv benutzt wurden, z. B. beim Gerben, bei der holz-
Knochen- und Geweihbearbeitung.
die trasseologische analyse vermittelt den eindruck,
dass die Fundstelle im herbst besiedelt wurde. das
stimmt mit einer oft in der Fachliteratur hypothese
berein, zu fndende, dass man sowohl im Palolithi-
kum, alls auch in historischer zeit renntiere vos allem
im herbst gejagt wurden (campbell 1995; Kobusie-
wicz 1999).
die typologische und stilische analyse som die uniter-
suchnung des anfezugungstechnik des Funde lasst die
klassische widerian-technik des Klihgengeninnung
eskeunen.
auch die Merheit der retuschierten Formen in dieser
Fundstelle gehrt zur swiderian-Kultur. unter den
Pfeilspitzen dominieren die doppeleckigen Formen,
oft mit facher retusche auf der unteren seite der Ba-
sis. typologisch knpfen die swiderian und die ander-
en Pfeilspitzen an die Wojnowo-Pfeilspitzen an zum
abb. 2. Brzoza (toru-rudak). die region mit sptpalolitischen Fundstellen.
46
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ersten Mal wurden sie von M. Kobusiewicz (1970) ty-
pologish defniert.
der erste typ von widerian-Pfeilspitzen kommt im
ganzen Gebiet der widerian-Kultur von, der zweiten
fndet man dagegen nur westlich des Wisafusses.
obwohl die Gruppe von Pfeilspitzen aus stare Marzy
formell unterschiedlich ist, gewinnt man den eindruck,
dass sie homogen ist. es handeltsich um die anferti-
gungstechnik (Querbrechung der entsprechenden
Klingen) und stilistik von geferigten Formen (Gre
und Proportionen). hnlich haben die endkratzer
auch einen gleichartigen charakter. etwas mehr unter-
schiedlich sind die stichel, unter denen die Grubenfor-
men vorkommen.
zusammenfassend ist zu sagen, dass sowohl Kern-
steine wie auch halbmaterial und retuschierte Formen
zum typologischen spektrum der widerian-Kultur ge-
hren. es ist jedoch zur deitmicht mglich, auf Grund
von daten die einzelnen Phasen ihrer entwicklung zu
przisieren.
die stratigraphische analyse zeigt, dass die Fundstelle
Marzy stare um die Wende einer kalten Periode (die
dryas iii-oszilation) zur erwrmung der Preborealp-
eriode (die zeit zwischen 8500 und 7900Bc) gehrt.
es scheint vo zutein, dass nur die anhufung nr iV viel
jnger ist. auf der Basis von typologischen daten kann
man feststellen, dass sie rest eines mesolithischen la-
gers darstellt ist, der am ende der Boreal- oder in der
abb. 3. stare Marzy 4 und 5. Geomorphologie des Gebietes. erklrungen: 1-Kementerasse, 2- dnenhgel, 3 - Morne des
toteneises, 4 und 5 - archologische Grabungen (Fndst. 4 und 5), 6 Mornenebene mit der sanddecke, 7 schmelzeis-
vertiefungen, 8 hochmoorebene, 9 tlersohlen und rinnen, 10 hngen, 11 steilhnge, 12 denudationstal.
47
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abb. 4. stare Marzy 5. Planigraphie der Feuersteinanhufungen.
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ersten hlfte der atlantik-Periode (6600 4000 Bc)
entstand.
Wenn es sich um sptpalolitische anhufungen handelt
to, gibt es keine stratigraphischen und typologischen
indizien, die auf seine mehrphasige Besiedlung der
swiderian-Kultur in der besprochenen Fundstelle dent-
en knnen. dies bedeutet aber nicht, dass alle anhu-
fungen gleichzeitig beim einmaliger Besiedlung ent-
standen. es ist nicht auszuschliessen, dass die kleinen
Gruppen der swiderian-Kultur vielfach in den krzen
zeitabschnitten hier einen aufenthalt machten.
ein sehr interessanter Fund ist die einzelne Pfeilspitze
aus schockoladenfeuerstein, die auf der einige hundert
Meter entfernten Fundstelle stare Marzy 4 gefunden
worden ist. Mochstwahocheihlich kann die als ergeb-
nis einer Jagdpenetration intoprehiet weden, die in
der nhe des lagers in Marzy stare 5 durchgefhrt
wurde.
die zweite Fundstelle, die whrend der arbeiten auf der
zuknftiger autobahn a1 entdeckt wurde ist szynych
13. sie liegt auf der dnnen terrasse des Wislatals.
auf die sptpalolitische Funde ist man im illuvium
des fossiles erdbodens um eine atlantische Genese
gestoen. Feuersteinfunde sind in 5 Konzentrationen
mit unterschiedlichem Bestand und auch unterschied-
licher Geschlossenheit vorhanden. insgesamt hat man
ungefhr 1500 Feuersteinerzeugnisse gefunden. auf
Grund der Planigraphie und der analyse der struktur
von inventaren, die die einzelnen Konzentrationen
bilden, kann man drei von ihnen als anhufungen be-
trachten, wahrend die anderen haben dagegen einen
unbestimmten charakter reigen.
auer halbrohstoff und Kernen fndet man hier auch
retuschierte artefakte, unter denen, beim Fehlen von
endkratzern die, stichel dominieren. diese struktur
des Komplexes lasst seine bestimmte Funktion ver-
muten, die wahrscheinlich mit der Knochen- und holz-
bearbeitung verbunden ist.
auf der Fundstelle szynych 13 befndet sich auch eine
anhufung, in der die endkratzer zahlreicher sind als
stichel. dies zeigt den unterschiedlichen funktionallen
charakter der objekte.
ein unikaler Fund an der Fundstelle szynych 13 ist das
objekt 365, das einige zehn Metern von den beschrie-
benen Feuersteinanhufungen, in der uferzone des
alten Flussbettes der Wisa liegt. innerhalb von sand-
schichten mit spuren des Wasseraufstieges, unmittel-
bar ber dem niveau von biogenen strukturen lag ein
gewaltiger, nacheiszeitlicher stein mit facher ober-
fche (abb. 5). die starke Verwitterung der ganzen
Flche des steines macht seine genaue Betrachtung un-
mglich, um eventuelle bewusste Bearbeitungsspuren
durch den Menschen anzunehmen. nichtsdestoweni-
ger scheint es, dass die umrisse eine unnatrlich kan-
tige Gestalt aufweisen, was seiner gezielten Gestaltung
nahe legt. Genauso unnatrlich ist die starke Glttung
der oberen Flche des steines. neben dem beschrie-
benen stein befand sich ein kleinerer eratik (sitz ?),
daneben lag ein Granitschlagzeug und ein wenig char-
akteristischer Feuersteinbeschlag. die beschriebenen
details legen die Vermutung nahe, dass es hier viel-
leichumt eine Bearbeitungs- oder Verarbeitungsstelle
von erlegten tieren handelt (?), was eine berall, auf
den sptpalolitischen Feldlagern der Jger anzutref-
fende Manahme ist. ein zustzliches argument fr
den palolitischen charakter dieses Fundes ist seine
stratigraphische Position an der Grenze von alluvi-
alen und olischen sptpleistoznen sand strukturen.
auf der jetzigen erforschungsetappe der Fundstelle ist
es schwer, die gegenseitigen rumlichen relationen
zwischen dem oben beschriebenen stein und Feuer-
steinfunden zu bestimmen.
die besprochenen inventare kann man mit sptpaloli-
tischer swiderian-Kultur verbinden. dafur spacht die:
doppelfchige technik des Kernes, soure die end-
kratzer, stichel und einzelne doppeleckigen Pfeils-
pitzen mit facher retusche auf der unteren seite der
Basis.
auf dieser Fundstelle, stellte man unterhalb des
niveaus des beschriebenen erzeugnisse spuren von
fossile Boden bemerkt, die an dem typ usselo erin-
nert. es ist zu, dass die besprochenen anhufungen aus
der klteren sptvistulian- oscilation (dryas iii) stam-
men oder zur prborealen zeit gehren. so ist werden
die Merzahl von Fundstellen der swiderian-Kultur aus
der Mitteleuropische ebene datiert (J. Kozowski, s.
Kozowski 1977).
die dritte Fundstelle, die bei der ausgrabungsmethode
erforscht wurde, ist Grudzidz-Mniszek 3 (Bokiniec,
Marciniak 1987), wo man Fragmente von zwei spt-
palolitischen anhufungen freigelegt hat.
es lasst tich feststellen, dass die Fundstellen in szy-
nych 13, Grudziadz-Mniszek 3 und stare Marzy 5 die
ersten Besiedlungspunkte sind, die man im Kreis der
eventuellen Konzentration der sptpalolitischen Be-
siedlung im Wisatal zwischen chemno und Grudzidz
entdeckt hat. sichtbar sind hier analogien und territo-
riale anknpfungen zu der Konzentrationen von Fund-
stellen im toruner Gebiet.
zusammenfassend ist zu tagh, scheint es, dass der bes-
prochene abschnitt des Wisatales nach dem rckzug
des Gletschers erst in der allerdzeit von den Menschen
besiedelt wurde. es handelte sich wahrscheinlich um
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abb. 5. szynych 13. objekt 365.
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abb. 7. stare Marzy 5. die anhaufung i. 1 3 die stichel, 4-6 die stielspitzen.
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abb. 9. stare Marzy 5. die auswahl von Kratzern.
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abb. 11. stare Marzy 5. die auswahl von stielspitzen.
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schpfer der rckenspitzen-Kultur, deren schwache
spuren die Funde aus stare Marzy 5 und szynych
13 aufwerter. es kann jedoch nicht ausgeschlossen
werden, dass diese Gebiete gleichzeitig von Gruppen
der lyngby und hamburger Kultur besiedelt wurden.
diese Vermutung wurde aufgrund der Verbreitung die-
ser zwei Kultureinheiten auf benachtbarten Gebieten
in der analogen Klimazone geschlossen.
deutlich reichere Besiedlung scheint es in der zweiten
hlfte der letzten Klteperiode des Vistulianum in der
periglazialen landschaft gegeben zu haben, als die
stirnfche des Gletschers sich ca. 150 km von toru
befand.
diese geographische lage war die ursache des aus-
gesprochenen saisonhaften charakters der damaligen
Besiedlung des Wislatales durch Gemeinschaften der
widerian-Kultur (stare Marzy 4 ind 5, szynych 13
a, 13 B und Grudzidz-Mniszek 3. diese Gruppen
wanderten auf Wegen, die in der nord-sd-achse
lagen, wovon sie in die obengenannten Fundstellen
vorhandenen einzelnen importe des schockoladenfeu-
ersteines brachten. es scheint, dass die swiderian-Kul-
tur sich am unteren lauf der Wisla noch in der prebore-
alen zeit, im zusammenhang mit der hier verspteten
(im Vergleich zu den mehr sdlich gelegenen Gebieten)
nachfolge von Waldfchen entwickelte.
Bi bl i ogr aphi e:
Bokiniec a. z., Marciniak M. 1987, Wstpne wyniki bada
na wielokulturowym stanowisku Grudzidz Mniszek 3,
woj. toruskie, [w:] neolit i pocztki epoki brzu na ziemi
chemiskiej, red. t. Wilaski, s 223 247.
campbell B. 1995, ekologia czowieka, Warszawa.
Kobusiewicz M. 1970, Paleolit schykowy w
rodkowozachodniej Wielkopolsce, wiatowit, t. 31, s. 19
100.
Kobusiewicz M. 1999, ludy owiecko zbierackie pnocno
zachodniej Polski, Pozna
schild r. 1975, Pny paleolit, [w:] Prahistoria ziem Pols-
kich, Wrocaw i in. s. 159 338.
Krzysztof cyrek
institut archeologii, uMK
ul. szosa Bydgoska 44/48
87-100 torun, Poland
e-mail: paleo@his.uni.torun.pl
VlyVasi s Paleoli tas
i r Mezoli tas Vyslos
slnyJ e tarP toruns i r
Grudzi dzo
Kr zysztof Cyrek
sant r auka
straipsnyje aptariami septyni vlyvojo paleolito ir
mezolito svidr kultros radimviei Vyslos slnyje
archeologini tyrinjim rezultatai. iki iol iame re-
gione buvo inoma 12 paleolito stovyklaviei, taiau
jos nebuvo archeologikai itirtos. Pati ankstyviausia
io regiono vlyvojo paleolito radimviet Brzoza
(toru-rudak), stratigrafkai datuojama vlyvuoju
driasu arba preborialiu. Joje rastas inventorius, skir-
tas daugiausia medioklei. ia rasta 1418 vlyvojo
paleolito ir mezolito svidr kultros objekt. Visi jie
buvo traseologikai itirti, o tai leido nustatyti pavieni
dirbini funkcij. Manytina, kad ioje stovyklavietje
buvo apsistojama trumpam laikui, daniausiai ruden,
t. y. iaurs elni mediokls metu. stare Marzy 5
buvo gyventa nuo driaso iii pabaigos iki preborealinio
atilimo (8500 ir 7900 Bc). Mezolitin mediaga da-
tuojama borealio pabaiga pirmja atlantinio periodo
pradia (66004000 Bc). szynych 13 stovyklavietje
rasta apie 1500 titnago dirbini, skirt daugiausia
medio ir kaulo-rago apdirbimui. Ji datuojama driaso
iii arba borealio laikotarpiais. ia aptarta mediaga
rodo, kad ioje Vyslos slnio atkarpoje buvo apsigy-
venta tik pasitraukus ledynui, t. y. aleriodo laikotarpiu.
Manoma, kad tai galjo bti kultr su segmentiniais
antgaliais, taip pat lyngby ir hamburgo kultr nejai.
antrojoje paskutinio atalimo pusje, preborealyje, is
regionas buvo tankiau apgyvendintas svidr kultros
grupi.
received: 2005
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THE L ATEST EPI GRAVETTI AN ASSEMBL AGES
OF THE MI DDL E DNI EPER BASI N (NORTHERN
UKRAI NE)
DMYTRO NUZHNYI
Abstr act
Today four different expressive versions of local Epigravettian industries represented by groups of sites can be defned in the
Middle Dnieper basin: Mezinian, Ovruchian, Mezhirichian and Yudinovian industries. In addition, two other quite specifc
ones are represented by single collections: Eliseevichi 1 and Zhuravka.
Keywords: LatePalaeolithic, Epigravettian, EasternEurope, MiddleDnieper, lithicprocessing, backedmicroliths. y words: LatePalaeolithic, Epigravettian, EasternEurope, MiddleDnieper, lithicprocessing, backedmicroliths. words: Late Palaeolithic, Epigravettian, EasternEurope, MiddleDnieper, lithicprocessing, backedmicroliths. Palaeolithic, Epigravettian, EasternEurope, MiddleDnieper, lithicprocessing, backedmicroliths. alaeolithic, Epigravettian, Eastern Europe, Middle Dnieper, lithic processing, backed microliths.
Speci fi cs of Epi gravetti an
assembl ages of Eastern Europe
and northern Ukrai ne
After the last glacial peak after 1918 kyr. in the Peri-
glacial zone of Eastern Europe covered by quite a lot
of dry steppe and steppe-forest landscapes, a number
of Epigravettian industries spread. Some were locat-
ed in different regions or the basins of rivers, while
others were spread over very vast areas. On the other
hand, some, perhaps, even coexisted in the same areas
at practically the same time (according to radiocarbon
dating, within limits of a thousand years). Contrary to
preceding local Eastern Gravettian industries (such as
Molodovian, Khotilovian, Gagarinian or Kostenki-Av-
deevian), where lithic tool assemblages demonstrated
much more typological diversity, these industries were
quite similar and simple. However, there are culturally
different industries which are grouped together in the
so-called Eastern Epigravettian technocomplex.
For the northern part of Eastern Europe and the Perigla-
cial steppe-forest zone, including the Middle Dnieper
basin, the Epigravettian sites of mammoth hunters are
characterised by quite a complicated settlement organi-
sation, occasionally including mammoth bone dwell-
ings, pits, internal and external hearths, workshop plac-
es, garbage-dump areas and other habitation structures.
On the other hand, some of these sites had no dwelling
or other substantial mammoth-bone constructions (Fig.
1). For both categories of site, the following common
specifc of lithic and organic material industries can
be defned. As a rule, 80% to 90% of lithic tools were
produced from middle-size blades; burins are the main
category, and among the latter, specimens of various
truncation are most numerous. The other morphologi-
cally defned types are represented by simple short-end
and double-end scrapers on blades or blade-like fakes,
sometimes truncated blades, various awl-drills, scaled
pieces, etc. In fact, with some exceptions, only micro-
lithic collections and some other categories of projec-
tile points demonstrate the expressive specifcs of dif-
ferent local versions of East European Epigravettian.
On the other hand again, contrary to preceding East
Gravettian collections, even the projectile components
of the lithic artifacts in local Epigravettian industries
are more typologically poor and simple. For exam-
ple, classic Gravettian points with ventral processing,
fechettes, vachon points, denticulated rectangles
and backed bladelets, as well as Rgani knives and
various shouldered points, are absent in the last indus-
tries. As a rule, the microlithic assemblages of Eastern
Epigravettian are represented by various lanceolate or
microgravettian points with different processing of the
base part (eg with oblique or transversal truncation,
with dorsal or ventral retouch, etc) which were used
as pierced tips of arrows and darts. Sometimes typi-
cal narrow rectangles (with two truncated sides), and
atypical ones (with single truncation), existed and were
used as lateral composite edges of a projectile spear
and dart points from organic materials. The main meth-
ods of truncation are important signs of the difference
of each version of Epigravettian from another, too.
However, the bone-antler-ivory assemblages of Epi-
gravettian sites of the Middle Dnieper basin are quite
typologically developed and various. The projectile
points are represented by cylindrical and spindle-
shaped points for arrows, darts and spears of different
sizes and forms (fve to 20cm long) occasionally with
one, two or four slots for fxation of microliths. Heavy
very long ivory points, nearly 100 centimetres long,
and even monolithic spears and darts 1.2 to 1.5 me-
tres long and two to three centimetres in diameter cut
from tusk (so-called Sungir type) were found on some
sites too. The existence of the last kind of projectile
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weapons confrmed both fnds of fragments and tusks
with the slots removed from three-centimetre-wide
pivots and more than 1.5 metres long. Sometimes the
projectile points are covered by geometric decoration.
Hammer-axes and baton perces made from reindeer
antler or ivory, bone or ivory wedges, lissoirs, hoes
from mammoth ribs, needles and awls are well repre-
sented in these sites too. At the same time, no harpoons
or spear-throwers were found in these numerous and
abundant collections.
Stylized female and human fgures sometimes covered
by geometric decoration, pendants made from amber,
ivory and animal teeth, bracelets, brooches and diadems
made from ivory blades, occasionally ornamented, as
well as other various geometrically ornamented pieces
of ivory, are typical of these sites, too. On a number of
sites also pendants from fossil and Black Sea basin ma-
rine shells were found, as well as river and delta-gulf
ones, sometimes in a large quantity.
L ocal versi ons of Epi gravetti an
i ndustri es of the Mi ddl e Dni eper
basi n
For the present-day situation, as a minimum, four dif-
ferent expressive versions of local Epigravettian indus-
tries represented by groups of sites can be defned in
the Middle Dnieper basin. They are located in modern
northern Ukraine and neighbouring regions of Europe-
an Russia (Fig. 1). In addition, two other specifc kinds
of industries are presented only as a single collection.
The frst one is the Zhurivka site, located in the valley
of the River Udai, which still has no dates or analo-
gies. The second kind is the famous Eliseevichi 1 set-
tlement, situated in the Desna river basin in Ukraine,
which contains quite specifc both lithic industry (in-
cluding backed microliths processed by characteristic
abrasive retouch) and art objects (Velichko et al 1997:
122139). The latter collection has a number of radio-
carbon dates, fuctuating within wide limits from 12 to
17 kyr. The collection from Eliseevichi 1 will not be
considered in this article.
Mezi ni an
The frst is represented by Mezinian industry, which
was spread over vast territories from the Volynian Up-
land in northwest Ukraine to the Middle Don basin
in southwest European Russia (Fig. 1). There are two
practically identical sites for both lithic or ivory collec-
tions and art objects, Barmaki and Mezin, situated in
the Volynian Upland and Desna river basin respective-
ly (Nuzhnyi, Pjasetsky 2003: 5874). Some clear signs
of the infuence of Mezinian industry are observed in
lithic collections of the Syponevo site in the Desna
river basin and the Borshevo 1 site in the Middle Don
basin in European Russia. One trustworthy radiocar-
bon date made for a mammoth tooth (15100 +/-200 BP
OxA-719) for the Mezin site (Svezhentsev 1993: 26)
was supported by a new sample made (wolf bone from
trench 2, pit 1) 15600 +/-250 BP Ki-11084. However,
the new date of the Barmaki site made for the bone
of a hoofed animal is much younger 14300+/-220 BP
Ki-11087. In the Mezin site substantial mammoth bone
dwelling constructions, pits and hearths were found,
contrary to the Barmaki site, where a part of a mud-
hut about 8v in diameter was discovered (Shovkoplyas
1965: 3295; Nuzhnyi, Pyasetsky 2003: 5874).
Contrary to the larger part of East Epigravettian indus-
tries, the blade processing of Mezinian collections was
based mainly on the use of prismatic and sub-pyrami-
dal cores with one striking platform. Prismatic cores
with two opposed striking platforms are not preva-
lent. The microlithic collection of Mezinian industry
includes microgravettian points processed with a fne
abrupt dorsal retouch and with diagonal truncation or
with intact blow bulb on the base part (Fig. 2, 129;
3, 28). The ventral retouch was practically not used
for the processing of microliths. As a rule, the diagonal
truncations were the remains of notches made on the
sharp opposite edge from the blunted surface of backed
microliths (Fig. 2, 90) and intended for the breakage of
a prismatic blank just in this place. The microliths with
straight back are the absolutely dominant type in this
industry, with only some lanceolate points (Fig. 2, 89,
91, 92; 3, 1) present in microlithic assemblages. Nar-
row typical rectangles with two diagonal truncations
(Fig. 2, 2836), and atypical ones with only a single
truncation (Fig. 2, 3740; 3, 9), existed in a limited
quantity too. The percentage of microliths in Mezin-
ian industry fuctuated between 6% to 7% of the total
quantity of lithic tools.
Burins are the most numerous tools of Mezinian in-
dustry (64% to 60%), and of the latter just specimens
on various truncations, frequently with multiple work-
ing edges (Fig. 4), are the dominant category (as a rule
more than half the total number of burins). The dihe-
dral (near three times less truncations) and angle ones
are not so numerous (Fig. 5, 1318). After the burins,
various truncated blades (Fig. 3, 3448) are the sec-
ond most numerous typologically defnable category
of tools (15% to 14%). The latter used as cutting tools
were periodically re-sharpened (Fig. 3, 3436). The
simple end-scrapers (Fig. 5, 15), sometimes made on
massive blades and with a truncated base part (Fig. 5,
6), are not so numerous in Mezinian industry (around
7% to 8%). The other morphologically defnable cat-
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egories of tools are represented by awls-borers (Fig.
5, 8, 9) and burin-scrapers (Fig. 5, 7). As a rule, the
frst are about 3%, while the second are less than 1%
of lithic tools.
The tool collection from organic materials of Mezin-
ian industry (in their Barmaki version) included the
spindle-shaped ivory spear and dart points (Fig. 6, 5),
sometimes with one or two narrow slots (Fig. 6, 3),
needles, and their unfnished specimens (Fig. 6, 21
23) and awls (Fig. 5, 9) made from ivory and bone,
hammers-axes from antler, lissoirs and baton perces.
Objects of art are represented by famous stylized fe-
male fgures and bracelets (Fig. 6, 1, 68, 11, 12, 26,
27), frequently covered by geometric meandering and
herring-like decoration (Fig. 6, 1, 1417). Specifc
pendants in ivory drop-like form with hole and with
double swellings with transversal trough are typical
of Mezin collections (Shovkoplyas 1965: 212214). A
pendant of the same style but much smaller (Fig. 6,
18) and a blank of one (Fig. 6, 19) are found in the
Barmaki site too. On the latter, also a stylized mam-
moth chalk-stone fgure (Fig. 6, 20) is present and has a
Fig. 1. A map of Epigravettian sites of the Middle Dnieper basin: I sites with substantive mammoth bone constructions; II
sites without substantive mammoth bone constructions.
Code of sites: 1 Timonovka 1 and 2; 2 Syponevo; 3 Eliseevichi 1 and 2; 4 Yudinovo; 5 Chulativ 1 and 2; 6 Mezin; 7 Yurevi-
chi; 8 Kyrilivska; 9 Semenivka 1, 2 and 3; 10 Fastiv; 11 Dobranichivka; 12 Zhurivka; 13 Gintsi; 14 Mezhirich; 15 Velika
Bugaivka; 16 Zbranki; 17 Dovginichi and Sholomki 1
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Fig. 2. The microlithic collection of the Mezin site
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Fig. 3. Microliths, truncated blades and their production waste from the Barmaki site
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Fig. 4. Burins from the Barmaki site
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Fig. 5. Scrapers, scraper-burin, burins, awls and retouched blades from the Barmaki site
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very similar form to that of the second layer of the Ko-
stenki 11 site in the Don river basin (Rogachev 1978:
11160). The other pendants from fossil marine shells,
on the whole from the Dorsanum (Fig. 7), Cerithi-
um and Trochidae families, come from the remains
of Miocene reefs (Middle and Low Sarmatian) on the
Podolyan Upland in the limits of the modern Vinnitsa,
Khmelnitskyi and Rivne regions, and are typical both
of Mezin and Barmaki assemblages too.
Ovruchi an
The other version of local Epigravettian is represented
by Ovruchian industry. The main sites (Sholomki 1,
Zbranki and Dovginichi) are located on the Ovruch
mountain ridge (an isolated loess plateau surrounded
by sand deposits of the Polesje Lowland) to the north
of the Zhitomir city region (Nuzhnyi 2000: 3756).
Assemblages of this version of the industry are not
dated. The most expressive assemblage of this kind of
industry is represented by the collection of the totally
excavated Sholomki 1 site.
The blade processing of Ovruchian industry is quite
specifc and carried out from rough prismatic, sub-
pyramidal and wedge-like cores with single and two
opposite striking platforms which have no traces of
reduction or abrasion. As a rule, the blades of Ovruch-
ian industry have a very massive unfacetted butt and
large percussion bulb from hardhammer. The working
edges of the tools are mainly located on the distal end
of prismatic blades.
The microlithic assemblages of Ovruchian industry in-
clude sometimes very massive lanceolate and gravet-
tian points processed with a high abrupt, semi-abrupt
Fig. 6. The Barmaki site. Ivory tools, blanks and adornments (119, 2832). Stylized mammoth fgure (?) from chalk-stone
(20)
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dorsal and even bipolar retouch with oblique or trans-
versal truncation and with intact blow bulb on their
base parts (Fig. 8, 124) and their fragments (Fig. 8,
2738). The quantity of the latter among lithic tools
(nearly 50% in Zbranki, 25% in Dovginichi, and 28%
in the Sholomki 1 sites) is incredible for Epigravettian
collections of the Periglacial zone of Eastern Europe,
and was perhaps connected with some of their sea-
sonal and functional specialisations. Two fragments of
shouldered points, including a barbed form with diag-
nostic projectile impact fractures (Fig. 8, 25, 26, 40)
are found too. Rectangles, both typical and atypical
forms, as well as ventral retouch processing, were not
used in this industry.
The dominating category of lithic tools (as in other
East Epigravettian collections) are the burins (nearly
40%). The most numerous ones are specimens on vari-
ous truncations (Fig. 9, 111). Angle and dihedral bur-
ins are not so numerous (Fig. 9, 1217). Simple end-
scrapers on the blades or fakes (18% of tools) are the
third category of tool assemblage (Fig. 10, 215). Only
one short double-end scraper (Fig. 10, 1) was found.
The other typologically defnable category of tools of
Ovruchian industry is represented by truncated blades
(Fig. 8, 29, 4144; 10, 17) and notched ones (Fig. 10,
16). A single high scraper on quite a massive fake was
found too (Fig. 10, 18). Only one combined tool in the
form of an end-scraper on a blade joined with a dihe-
dral burin exists in the collection.
Mezhi ri chi an
Numerous and well-investigated sites of the third ver-
sion of Epigravettian or Mezhirichian industry are
located on the small left and right tributaries of the
Middle Dnieper basin between Kiev and Cherkassy
(Nuzhnyi 2002a: 5781; 2002b: 123137). There are
the famous Mezhirich, Dobranichivka and Gintsy (low
and upper layers), and new ones such as Semenivka
1, 2, 3 and Fastiv, sites. These sites are represented by
both collections with mammoth bone dwelling con-
structions, and without the latter, caused by different
models of the seasonal adaptation of the Epigravettian
population. The main typological and technological
indices of tool collections from sites with mammoth
bone dwelling constructions are very similar and some-
times even identical, contrary to those of sites without
such constructions (Nuzhnyi 2002a: 5781). Accord-
ing to the large number of trustworthy radiocarbon
dates, Mezhirichian industry existed in quite narrow
limits between 14,600 to 13,400 years ago (Svezhent-
sev 1993: 26; Nuzhnyi 2002b: 123126; Iakovleva,
Djindjian 2001: 86; Haesaerts et al, forthcoming). Two
recent earlier dates made from mammoth bones both
for the Dobranichivka site (12700+/-200 BP OxA-700)
and for Dwelling 1 of the Mezhirich site (12,900+/-
200 BP OxA-712) are perhaps doubtful. New ones
made from brown bear bone for Dwelling 1 of Do-
branichivka (GrA-14350+/-90 BP GrA-22472) and
from wolf bone for Dwelling 1 Mezhirich (14450+/-
90 BP GrA-22501) are in the limits of 15 kyr. similar
to a number of trustworthy dates of other assemblages
of Mezhirichian (Haesaerts et al, forthcoming). The
Semenivka 2 site has the same age 14200+/-180 BP
(Ki-5509, mammoth rib) without substantial dwelling
constructions (Nuzhnyi 2002b: 126). The latest dates
of this industry are connected with assemblages of
the Semenivka 1 site (two pieces of the same brown
bear bone 13,600+/-160 BP Ki-5510; 13440+/-90 BP
GrA-22469) and Semenivka 3 site (13690 +/-90 BP
GrA-22471) made from Cervidae sp. bone (Nuzhnyi
2002: 123137; Haesaerts et al, forthcoming).
The blade processing of Mezhirich industry in the early
and late stages is based on the use of mainly prismatic
cores with two opposite striking platforms and abra-
sion reduction of the latter (Fig. 12, 1517). Prismatic
and sub-pyramidal cores with one striking platform
and abrasion reduction were used too (Fig. 12, 1214).
The blades and bladelets have quite a regular paral-
lel dorsal scare pattern and a pointed striking platform.
Fig. 7. Pendants from fossil marine shells Dorsanum sp.
from the Barmaki site
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Fig. 8. Microliths, points, truncated blades and waste from their production from the Sholomki 1 site
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Fig. 9. Burins from the Sholomki 1 site
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Fig. 10. Scrapers, scraper-like tools, retouched blades from the Sholomki 1 site
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Fig. 11. Microliths, awls, scrapers and burin-scrapers from the frst dwelling of the Mezhirich site
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The percentage of the latter with tools produced from
blades fuctuated from 40% to 52% of all lithics for
sites with dwelling constructions, and 41% to 25% for
collections without. The percentage of tools produced
from blades and bladelets fuctuated for sites with
mammoth bone constructions within narrower limits,
85% to 89%, contrary to collections without the latter
(77% to 90%) too (Nuzhnyi 2002a: 72).
The most expressive lithic tool collections of the early
stage of industry are represented by materials from the
frst dwelling of the Mezhirich site (Komar, Korniets et
al 2003: 262277). In four mammoth bone dwellings
of the latter site, as well as four of the same structures
of the Dobranichivka site, practically identical lithic
and bone/ivory tool assemblages were found (Nuzhnyi
2002a: 5781). As a rule, the percentage of backed mi-
croliths on sites with dwellings fuctuated in quite nar-
row limits, 6.4% to 14.9% of all lithic tools (Gladkih
2001: 1521; Nuzhnyi 2002a: 72). In the sites without
such mammoth bone constructions, the microliths are
much more numerous (23.6% to 39.5%) and fuctuated
within wider limits (from 7.1% in the Fastiv to 39.5%
in the Semenivka 3 sites). The latter in collections of
the upper layer of the Gintsy and Semenivka 3 sites are
the most numerous category of tools (Nuzhnyi 2002a:
72).
The microlithic collection of the early stage of this in-
dustry in the whole and already mentioned frst dwell-
ing of the Mezhirich site contains small narrow lan-
ceolate and microgravettian points processed with fne
dorsal and ventral abrupt and semi abrupt retouch, and
various truncations of the basal parts (Fig. 11, 16).
Sometimes an intact bow bulb existed on the base of
the points too (Fig. 11, 79). Typical narrow rectangles
with two straight or convex truncations were processed
by the same methods (Fig. 11, 1220), and atypical
ones (Fig. 11, 2328). Other backed microliths of the
collection are represented by different fragments of the
two main above-mentioned types (Fig. 11, 2943).
Just burins dominate the category (40.3%) of tool as-
semblage of the frst dwelling of the Mezhirich site
(Fig. 12, 111), similar to three other structures of the
latter (43.7%, 48.2% and 54.6%) and other of sites of
this industry (30.7% to 31%) (Gladkih 2001: 1521;
Nuzhnyi 2002a: 5781). Only in the collection of the
upper layer of the Gintsy site are burins less numer-
ous than microliths and scrapers. Burins of different
truncations are present in a larger quantity among this
category of tools (Fig. 12, 210) and fuctuated within
limits of 49% to 64% of the latter on sites with substan-
tial mammoth bone dwelling constructions. As a rule,
angle burins are the second most numerous category
of these tools (Fig. 12, 11). On the same sites with-
out substantive mammoth bone constructions (ie the
Semenivka 2 site) the latter are more numerous than
those made on truncation and dihedral forms (Fig. 13,
2129; 14, 2433). Dihedral ones are not so numerous
(Fig. 12, 9), just in a large body of collections with
mammoth bone constructions. At the same time, the
latter are periodically more numerous than angle forms
both on sites with such constructions (Dobranichivka,
Dwelling 1) and without (Fastiv) (Nuzhnyi 2002a: Fig.
11 A-B).
Simple end and double-end scrapers made on quite
short blades and fakes (Fig. 11, 4655) processed with
semi-abrupt and sometimes with specifc semi-fat
fan-like retouch (Fig. 11, 46, 47, 50, 5155) are the
second most numerous category of tools on sites with
substantial mammoth bone dwelling constructions. As
a rule, the percentage fuctuated within quite narrow
limits (21% to 26% for dwelling collections of the Do-
branichivka site) or much wider ones (29% to 10.5%
for the Mezhirich site) (Gladkih 2001: 1521; Nuzhnyi
2002a: 5781). On some sites without such construc-
tions (Semenivka 2 and 3, Velika Bugaivka) scrapers
are present in an abnormally low quantity, or are totally
absent (Nuzhnyi 2002a: 7273). Those of double-end
form (Fig. 11, 4649) fuctuated in limits of 4% to 16%
of the total quantity of scrapers for sites with substan-
tial dwelling constructions. The same indices for sites
without the latter are very different (0% to 25%). And
fnally, among other typologically defnable categories
of tools, a number of truncated blades (not more than
5% to 8%) and some awl-drills (Fig. 11, 44, 45) are
present too. Combined tools in the form of end-scrap-
ers joined with different burins (Fig. 11, 5658) are not
so numerous (with some exceptions, only 1% to 2%
of tools).
The organic material tool collections of Mezhirichian
industry are suffciently abundant, and included mon-
olithic heavy ivory spears, ivory or antler cylindri-
cal and spindle-shaped spears, dart and arrow points,
sometimes with slots, antler hammer-axes, ivory or
antler baton perces, wedges, lissoirs, hoes, needles
and awls. Art objects and adornments are represented
by stylized female and human fgures from ivory and
amber, sometimes covered by geometric decoration,
ornamented ivory pieces, brooches, pins, pendants
from ivory, amber, animal teeth, freshwater shell The-
odoxus sp. and still existing marine shells from the
Black Sea basin Nassa Reticulata L. and Cyclope
Neritea L. (Boriskovsky 1953: 323324; Pidoplichko
1976; Shovkoplyas 1973: 177178; Nuzhnyi 2002b:
126133). It is notable that on the sites with substantial
mammoth bone constructions, pendants from marine
shells were found only in the frst dwelling assemblage
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Fig. 12. Burins and cores from the frst dwelling of the Mezhirich site
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of the Mezhirich settlement (four specimens of Nassa
Reticulata L.) (Pidoplichko 1969: Fig. 48, 56).
The tool and adornment collections from settlements
without substantial mammoth bone constructions of
Mezhirichian industry are well represented by the
Semenivka 2 and 3 sites. The frst is fully excavated
over 158 square metres and dated 14,200 +/-180 BP.
The main concentration of Upper Palaeolithic materi-
als has a sub-oval form (17x13m) directed from north
to south. Only quite fragmented faunal mammoth re-
mains were found on the Semenivka 2 site, where just
the ribs of young animals prevailed among anatomi-
cally defnable parts of their skeletons (47 specimens
out of 54). Different skull parts, very numerous on sites
with substantial mammoth constructions, are present
on Semenivka 2 only by a single ivory fake.
The total quantity of lithic assemblages of the site is
3,780 items, when chipped tools are represented by
199 specimens (or 5.3% of all lithics). Burins (97 spec-
imens, or 49% of the tools) are the dominant category
in the tool collection. Specimens with several working
edges are not so numerous (Fig. 13, 25, 28, 4546, 48;
14, 20, 22, 25, 27, 30). The most numerous (40 speci-
mens) are angle burins on broken blades and bladelets,
or sometimes on fakes (Fig. 13, 2128; 14, 2123, 26
29). Burins on various truncations, mostly on blades
and fakes (19 and 11 specimens respectively), are the
second most numerous group (Fig. 13, 2932; 14, 30
34). The dihedral burins were made chiefy on blades
(17 specimens out of 27) too (Fig. 13, 34, 37, 3846,
49; 14, 1518).
Backed microliths and their production waste are the
second most numerous category of tools (47 insets,
or 27%), and are represented by small lanceolate or
microgravettian points and narrow typical or atypical
rectangles (Fig. 13, 319; 14, 313). For production,
microblades processed with low fne abrupt and semi-
abrupt dorsal retouch were used. The ventral semi-fat
or semi-abrupt retouch were used mainly for process-
ing truncated basal parts of points or the sides of rec-
tangles mainly from the proximal end of microblades.
The microburin technique was used for the produc-
tion of points too (Fig. 13, 3; 14, 5, 11). One lanceo-
late point was reftted with a microburin (Fig. 13, 8).
This is the frst case for East European Epigravettian.
A number of microliths are damaged, with a diagnos-
tic projectile fracture (Fig. 13, 10, 17, 19; 14, 8), from
their use as arrow-heads and lateral composite edges
of slotted points.
The truncated blades (15 specimens), awl-drills (two
items) and one scaled piece are other typologically
defnable categories of tool (Fig. 13, 2024; 14, 14,
24). Typical scrapers are totally absent in the collec-
tion of the Semenivka 2 site. Perhaps it is a result of
the presence of only mammoth bones among the faunal
remains of the latter. Only some truncated blades have
scraper-like forms (Fig. 13, 24).
Concretions of ochre of different colours and local
amber were found on the site, too. One concretion of
the latter has a hole for use as a pendant (Fig. 14, 1).
There are eight Nassa Reticulata L. (Fig. 13, 2) and
two Cyclope Neritea L. (Fig. 13, 1; 14, 2) marine
shells from the Black Sea basin. The nearest geologi-
cal deposits of the last maximal transgression (Kara-
ngatska) of the Black Sea are situated more than 400
kilometres south of the sites location in the mouth of
the Dnieper. Seven were used as pendants similar to
one other estuary shell Theodoxus sp.. In addition,
three intact fossil Dorsanum sp. marine shells with-
out holes were found on the site too. The latter are from
the Upper Miocene age, and these geological deposits
are located nearly 200 kilometres southwest of the site
on the Podolian Upland.
Another expressive collection without substantial
mammoth bone constructions is the Semenivka 3 site,
dated 13690+/-90 BP. Excavated over 132 m
2
(75% to
80% of their common space), it has a much more abun-
dant and larger concentration of Upper Palaeolithic re-
mains, but of the same sub-oval form (approximately
16x22m), directed from north to south. The main con-
centration of faunal remains has a sub-circular form
and more limited space (6x5m) and is more abundant
in the northern sector. Inside the latter are large bones
vertically dispersed at intervals of 25 to 30 centimetres.
The bones lie in chaotic positions, often one on top of
another. Sometimes even large mammoth bones also
exhibit a vertical or diagonal position. There is good
reason to believe that the structure represents the re-
mains of a light hut, dug slightly into the ground like
that discovered on the Barmaki site. This conclusion
is supported by the higher concentration of lithic and
organic material tools, and especially by pendants of
marine and freshwater shells (more than 100 speci-
mens) located just within this structure. The latter were
probably sewn on to the clothing of the inhabitants,
and were lost more easily in the confned space of the
dwelling.
The remains of mammoths absolutely dominated (269
out of all 327 bones), and fragments of their ribs are
most numerous (105 specimens) among the 187 defn-
able parts of skeletons similar to the Semenivka 2 site.
Parts of mammoth skulls are represented only by proc-
essed ivory too. An anatomical group in form of three
young mammoth vertebrae was found in the central
part of this concentration. However, according to the
defnition by M. Patou-Mathis, the other species found
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Fig. 13. Pendants from marine shells, microburins, backed microliths, truncated blades and burins from the Semenivka 2
site
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at Semenivka 3 are not so numerous either. There are
some bones of brown bear, wolf (34 remains), reindeer
(one processed bone) and saiga antelope. Also, frag-
ments of a long bone of a hoofed animal of Cervidae
sp. were found and used for radiocarbon dating.
For the present situation, the total quantity of lithic
artifacts found at Semenivka 3 are 7,045 specimens.
Chipped tools are present in 392 units, which are 5.6%
of all lithics. The blades, bladelets and their fragments,
as well as the tools made from them, are 2,218 speci-
mens, or 31.5% of all the collection. Regular cores (48
units) are represented by the most numerous prismatic
forms with two opposite striking platforms (34 speci-
mens). The total quantity of the latter, fragments and
core-like forms is not more than 1% of all the lithic
assemblage.
The most numerous category of tools (155 units, or
39.5%) are various backed microliths and their produc-
tion waste. The situation existed only in two assem-
blages (Semenivka 3 and the upper layer K of Gintsi)
of Mezhirichian industry (Nuzhnyi 2002: 72). Micro-
liths are processed by fne semi-abrupt and abrupt dor-
sal retouch. Ventral kinds as a rule were used on their
truncated parts on the proximal end. The microburin
technique was used for the production of microliths
too (Fig. 15, 30, 31; 16, 53, 54; 17, 1). Traditionally,
the microlithic assemblage of Semenivka 3 included
two main typologically defnable categories of insets.
The frst is represented by small and narrow lanceo-
late or microgravettian points, sometimes with vari-
ous processing of the base (Fig. 15, 9; 17, 14; 18, 1).
The other kind is much more numerous in the above-
mentioned assemblage. There are small narrow typical
rectangles with two truncations (Fig. 15, 1315; 16,
1316, 1821; 17, 515; 18, 214), and atypical ones
with a single truncation and intact blow bulb on the
proximal end (Fig. 15, 16; 16, 17; 17, 16). The other
backed microliths of the assemblage are represented by
different fragments of both above-mentioned catego-
ries (Fig. 15, 7, 8, 1729; 16, 2252; 17, 1754; 18,
1662). A number are damaged by diagnostic projec-
tile fractures from their usage as thrusting arrow-heads
(Fig. 15, 7, 9, 11, 12, 2326, 28; 16, 31, 38, 40, 42; 17,
24, 36, 40, 46, 48; 18, 17, 18, 23, 34, 40, 44, 49, 51, 57,
60). The other kind of damage is connected with their
usage as lateral composite edges of slotted spear and
dart points (Fig. 15, 8, 17, 27; 16, 1615, 16, 23, 29 ,
46, 47; 17, 5, 6, 13, 17, 23, 25, 28, 31, 33, 49, 50; 18, 4,
53, 58). Some unprocessed bladelets and microblades
have the same fractures from both models of usage in
projectile weapons too (Fig. 18, 73, 74).
The second most numerous category of lithic tools are
various burins (131 specimens, or 33.4%). Tools with
several working edges, sometimes of different types,
are represented in 15% of the burins (Fig. 15, 3739,
48; 16, 61, 66, 67; 17, 71; 19, 14, 68, 14, 17, 19,
21, 23, 26, 29). Among the burins, 113 specimens are
made on the blades, and those on oblique, concave and
convex truncations (Fig. 15, 3945; 16, 6270; 17, 72
79; 19, 123) are in a larger quantity (59 specimens on
blades and six on fakes). Angle burins are a little less
numerous (47 specimens on blades and fve on fakes)
in this collection (Fig. 15, 4650, 54, 56; 19, 2431).
Dihedral burins are present at the Semenivka 3 site
only in seven specimens on blades and fve on fakes
(Fig. 15, 37, 38; 16, 60, 61; 6870).
The third most numerous category of tools (or 6.1%)
are truncated blades and fakes (22 and two specimens
accordingly). Their truncated parts have various (as
a rule oblique, transversal and convex) outlines (Fig.
15, 32, 36, 53, 55; 17, 6163; 18, 7579). Awls-drills
of various confgurations and processing with semi-
abrupt ventral and dorsal retouch (Fig. 16, 5557; 17,
5559; 18, 63, 64, 6670) existed in 18 specimens (or
4.6%) and were made mainly on blades or bladelets
(ten tools), fakes or even burin spalls (Fig. 18, 64).
Scrapers very typical of collections with substantive
mammoth bone constructions are represented at the
Semenivka 3 site only by eight tools (or 2%). There are
in the main simple end forms made on blades or blade-
like fakes (Fig. 15, 35; 58, 59; 18, 71, 72), an atypical
double-end scraper (Fig. 17, 60), and one sub-circular
specimen on a fake. Only one combined tool in the
form of an atypical Aurignacian thick-nosed scraper on
a fake was joined with an angle burin (Fig. 15, 34).
The other artefacts with secondary modifcations are
not from morphologically defnable types. There are
blades or bladelets with irregular retouch and notches
(53 units), processed both with dorsal and ventral types
(Fig. 15, 33, 51, 52; 17, 63; 18, 65) and fakes with the
same processing (12 specimens).
The collection of tools from organic materials of the
Semenivka 3 site is represented by a fragment of a
massive cylindrical spear ivory point with one wide
slot (Fig. 20, 1), two small pieces with the remains of
slots perhaps of the same kind of point (Fig. 20, 2, 4),
a bone awl (Fig. 20, 3), two hoes from mammoth ribs
(Fig. 20, 5) and a fake of mammoth ivory. In addi-
tion, a case of needles made from epiphysis of reindeer
metatarsal bone (Fig. 20, 6) was found.
Marine shells and pendants from those from Semeniv-
ka 3 (82 specimens) are represented by the geologi-
cally modern species Nassa Reticulata L. (Fig. 15,
36; 16, 18) and Cyclope Neritea L. (Fig. 15, 1, 2;
16, 9) which still existed in the Black Sea basin. On
the whole, these pendants have one middle or large-
76
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Fig. 14. Pendant from amber concretion and marine shells, backed microliths, awl, burins and truncated blades from the
Semenivka 2 site
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Fig. 15. Pendants from marine shells, backed microliths, microburins, scrapers, truncated blades, burins and retouched
blades from the Semenivka 3 site
78
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Fig. 16. Pendants from marine and river shells, backed microliths, microburins, awls-drills, scrapers and burins from the
Semenivka 3 site
79
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Fig. 17. Backed microliths, awls-borers, scrapes, burins, truncated and retouched blades and waste from their production
from the Semenivka 3 site
80
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Fig. 18. Backed microliths, retouched and truncated blades, scrapers and awls-borers from the Semenivka 3 site
81
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Fig. 19. Burins from the Semenivka 3 site
82
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size hole. The forming of the latter was perhaps a result
of damage to the partition between two smaller holes
(Fig. 16, 1). A number of shells are quite polished and
coloured by red ochre. The Nassa Reticulata shells
are represented by 52 pendants with holes, 13 damaged
specimens and three intact shells. No intact Cyclope
Neritea shells were found, but ten pendants with holes
and four damaged specimens exist in the collection.
As was noted above, the most northern geological de-
posits containing both these species (connected with
the last maximal or Karangatska transgression of the
Black Sea) is located almost 400 kilometres south of
Semenivka 3 in the mouth of the River Dnieper near
Nikopol. Other delta-gulf and river shell Theodoxus
sp. (18 pendants, two damaged and two intact speci-
mens) were found, too (Fig. 16, 1012). The collection
of shells of Semenivka 3 (100 specimens) is the third
most numerous in Ukraine, after that of the above-
mentioned Mezyn and Barmaki sites.
Yudi novi an
The other kind of Epigravettian assemblages of the
Middle Dnieper is represented by Yudinovian indus-
try. The main sites of this (Yudinovo, Timonovka 1 and
2, Bugorok, Chulativ 2 etc) are located in the Middle
Desna river basin (Fig. 1), on the whole in western
Russia and partly in neighbouring parts of northeast
Ukraine. In the current literature, they are defned as a
very similar and related group of sites, or even as sin-
gle Yudinovo-Timonovka culture (eg Grekhova 1971:
20; Abramova, Grigogeva 1997: 8191 etc). According
to radiocarbon dating methods, the sites of this indus-
trys dates are in the limits of 1415 kyr. (Svezhentsev
1993: 2627). As in Mezinian and Mezhirichian indus-
tries, sites both with some substantial mammoth bone
dwelling constructions (Yudinovo, Timonovka 1 and
2, Eliseevichi II) and without (Bugorok, Chulativ 2)
existed in Yudinovian too.
One of the most expressive collections of this industry
is represented by the Timonovka 1 site, which has one
maximally trustable date (GIN-2003) 15300 +/-700
BP (Gavrilov 1994: 6376). Nearby, the Timonovka
2 site, with a practically identical lithic inventory, is
the same age (LU-358) 15.110 +/-530 BP (Grekhova
1971: 322; Svezhentsev 1993: 2627). The statisti-
cal data of lithic tool collections of all four excavated
assemblages of the Timonovka 1 site, now including
6,023 specimens, are quite thoroughly analysed and
published (Gavrilov 1994: 6376).
The Timonovka 1 site was investigated by M.V. Vo-
evodsky and V.A. Gorodtsov between 1928 and 1933
(Voevodsky 1929: 5970). According to the latter au-
thor, four quite specifc mud-huts existed on the site.
However, recent excavations of the nearby Timonovka
2 site discovered serious cryogenic destructions of
both their cultural layer and some substantive mam-
moth bone constructions (dwellings and pits) and did
not support this last conclusion (Velichko, Grekhova,
Gubonina 1977). The total quantity of the lithic collec-
tion of Timonovka 1 from all four assemblages includes
now nearly 100,000 artefacts and 6,023 tools (Gavrilov
1977: 64). Blade processing, like other assemblages
of Yudinovian industry, is based on the use of mainly
prismatic cores with two opposite striking platforms,
with abrasion reduction of the latter from the knapping
of middle-size blades and bladelets with a regular par-
allel dorsal scare pattern and pointed knapping bulb.
The same but sub-pyramidal and prismatic cores with
a single striking platform were used too.
The most expressive category of lithic tools of the Ti-
monovka 1 site, as well as other assemblages of this in-
dustry and Epigravettian of the Middle Dnieper basin,
on the whole are various backed microliths and other
lithic points connected with usage as the tips of pro-
jectile weapons. The percentage of microlithic insets
among the tools of each assemblage of the site fuctu-
ated within quite wide limits (1.4% in the second as-
semblage, 6.2% in the fourth, 7% in third, and 9.1%
in the frst) (Gavrilov 1994: 64). The total quantity of
microliths (273 specimens) is 4.5% of all tool assem-
blages. The latter are processed with quite different
(fne, low or high) dorsal semi-abrupt and abrupt re-
touches. Practically no cases of the regular use of ven-
tral retouch were present in the microlithic collection
of Timonovka 1, or of other sites of this industry. The
frst and most numerous kind of backed microliths in-
cluded quite massive, short and wide lanceolate points,
sometimes with different processing of the basal part
(Fig. 21, 216, 19, 20; 22, 1). However, some more
small, short or narrow lanceolate and microgravettian
points existed too (Fig. 21, 1, 17, 18, 35, 58). The same
diversity of processing, proportion and size is observed
among the typical (Fig. 21, 2125) and atypical (with
only one truncation) rectangles (Fig. 21, 2628, 31)
which formed from the second typological category of
backed microliths. Perhaps typologically related with
atypical rectangles are specifc truncated bladelets and
microblades (Fig. 21, 29, 30, 32, 33). One even has a
rhomboid form (Fig. 21, 45). The other microliths of
the collection are fragments of two already described
types (Fig. 21, 3661). A number are damaged by diag-
nostic projectile fractures from their usage as thrusting
tips of a dart or arrow (Fig. 21, 9, 13, 15, 38, 41, 42,
46, 53, 5559) or the lateral edges of composite slotted
spear points from organic materials (Fig. 21, 4951,
60).
83
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Fig. 20. Bone and ivory tools from the Semenivka 3 site
84
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Fig. 21. Backed microliths from the Timonovka 1 site
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The other typologically defnable category of lithic
projectile weapon tips of the Timonovka 1 collection
are quite specifc more or less symmetrical massive
points on blades processed by semi-abrupt or abrupt
dorsal retouch along from one, partly two or complete-
ly both lateral sides (Fig. 22, 214). Some have various
truncations on the base (Fig. 22, 26, 13). Practically
all these points are damaged, sometimes by diagnos-
tic projectile fractures from their use as points of quite
massive projectile weapons like spears (Fig. 22, 29,
11, 12, 14).
However, the dominant category of tools in all assem-
blages of Timonovka 1 are various burins made mainly
on middle-size blades (4,332 specimens, or 72% of the
tools). However, the percentage of the latter fuctuated
within quite wide limits in each collection (46.3%,
57.9%, 60.1% and 88.6% for the third, fourth, frst and
second respectively) (Gavrilov 1994: 64). The most
numerous type of the latter (66.1%, 65.4%, 63.8%
and 66.2% of all burins from each collection) are tools
made on different, mainly oblique or convex, trunca-
tions (Fig. 24, 12, 1421; 25, 46, 810). Some have
several working edges (Fig. 24, 112, 1417, 1921)
or combined with dihedral (Fig. 24, 22; 25, 1, 2) and
angle burins (Fig. 23, 23, 2628; 24, 18). The quan-
tity and correlation between the two other main types
of burins (angle and dihedral) are different in each as-
semblage of this site. Angle forms (Fig. 24, 13) made
mainly on blades are quite numerous in the frst and
less numerous in the fourth assemblages (11.7% and
9.9% of all burins respectively), contrary to 3.6% and
5.7% in the frst and third. Dihedral burins also made
on the whole on blades (Fig. 25, 1113) in contrast are
quite dominant in the second (8.9%) and few in the
third assemblages (5.9% of all burins), but in the frst
and fourth are 6% and 9.8% respectively.
The second most numerous category of lithic tools in
all assemblages of Timonovka 1 are scrapers made
mainly on blades (a total of 577 specimens, or 9.6%
of the tools). The percentages of the latter among the
tools of each collection fuctuated within quite wide
limits and are 15.4%, 0.9%, 18.5% and 22.1% in the
frst, second, third and fourth assemblages accordingly
(Gavrilov 1994: 64). As a rule, there are simple and
quite short end-scrapers (Fig. 23, 118) made mainly
on blades (55.2% to 78.6% of all these tools), or nearly
half on blade-like fakes (Fig. 23, 15). The percentage
of short double-end type specimens (Fig. 22, 2628)
among the scrapers fuctuated within limits of 7.1% to
15% (Gavrilov 1994: 71). Some are retouched along
one lateral side (Fig. 22, 30, 31). The same processing
existed on a number of end-scrapers on fakes (Fig. 22,
33, 34) which sometimes received a sub-circular form
(Fig. 22, 32, 35, 36).
As in the larger body of Epigravettian industries of
Eastern Europe, after burins, scrapers and microliths,
the fourth most numerous category of lithic tools of
Yudinovian are blades with various (transversal, ob-
lique, convex and concave) truncations (224 speci-
mens, or 3.7% of all the tools). The most expressive
kind are represented by oblique truncated forms (Fig.
22, 1523), which at times are typologically well con-
nected with some of the above-described lanceolate
points (Fig. 21, 3, 4, 13, 14). In addition, a number of
these tools have a diagnostic projectile fracture from
their use as spear or dart points (Fig. 22, 1923). And
fnally, the last typologically defnable category of the
tool collection of Timonovka 1 is represented by dif-
ferent borers-awls (40 specimens, or 0.6% of all the
tools), made mainly on blades or bladelets (Fig. 22, 24,
25).
Tools made from organic materials of the Timonovka
1 site are represented by fragments of cylindrical ivory
projectile points and pivots, awls from arctic fox bone
and ivory, and fragments of ivory needles and lissoir,
hoes from mammoth ribs, etc. A number of adornments,
such as three fragments of ivory bracelets with linear
decoration and hole, pendants from deer teeth and shell
with holes, have been found on the site too. There are
23 objects of art, in the form of pieces of tusk or ivory
blades covered by rhombic-shape engravings (stylized
fshes?) or, rarely, triangles flled with diagonal net
decoration (Abramova, Grigoreva 1997: 120). Accord-
ing to the abundant number of pendants from marine
and river shells of the Yudinovo site, the main species
of this industry are the same as that of the Smenivka
3 site. There are more than one hundred geologically
modern shells from the Black Sea basin, Nassa (Tri-
tia) Reticulata L. and Cyclope Neritea L.. Estuary
or river shells are represented by the Theodoxus fu-
viatilis species (Abramova, Grigoreva, Kristensen
1997: 133).
The Zhuri vka si te
And fnally, perhaps, the latest stage of development of
the Epigravettian technocomplex in the region is repre-
sented by the Zhurivka site (Rudinsky 1929: 141151).
The lithic collection of the latter includes 1,216 fakes
and chips, 240 blades, bladelets and fragments of them,
14 crested blades, six core tablets and two burin spalls.
The blade processing was carried out mainly with
cores of sub-pyramidal and prismatic forms with one
striking platform (Fig. 27, 812). The total quantity of
lithic tools is 47 specimens. There are microlithic tools
(30 insets), 14 burins, two truncated (Fig. 26, 31, 32)
and one retouched blade (Fig. 26, 33). The microlithic
collection includes the short lanceolate points of Fed-
86
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Fig. 22. Points on blades, truncated blades, awls-borers and scrapers from the Timonovka 1 site
87
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Fig. 23. Scrapers and burins from the Timonovka 1 site
88
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Fig. 24. Burins from the Timonovka 1 site
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Fig. 25. Burins from the Timonovka 1 site
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Fig. 26. Microliths, burins, truncated and retouched blades from the Zhurivka site
91
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Fig. 27. Burins, scrapers and cores from the Zhurivka site
92
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)
ermesser type, sometimes with a retouched base (Fig.
26, 14, 68), sub-triangular forms (Fig. 26, 7) and
oblique truncated points called atypical Zonhoven
(Fig. 26, 16). For production of some, the microburin
technique, which is confrmed by both microburins
(Fig. 26, 25, 26) and microliths with the remains of
microburin spalls (Fig. 26, 5), was used. Some atypi-
cal rectangles are found too. One fragment of a backed
point has a diagnostic projectile fracture from use as a
thrusting arrow-head (Fig. 26, 10). Contrary to other
Epigravettian assemblages in the region, the dominant
kind of burins are angle and dihedral ones (Fig. 26,
3740; 27, 15, 7), but some specimens on truncation
existed too (Fig. 26, 35, 36). One quite specifc end-
scraper with a retouched side (Fig. 27, 6) presented
now in the modern collection was not published with
the main collection, and perhaps has a neo-eneolithic
age. The bone industry of the site is represented only
by bones of steppe bobak with traces of processing.
There are no carbon dates for the Zhurivka site, but the
absence of mammoth bones among the faunal remains
(mainly steppe bobak, bison, red deer, wild boar, wolf
and red fox) and fnds of fr Picea excelsa charcoal
are signifcant.
Concl usi on
There is good reason to believe that, as a minimum,
four different Epigravettian industries, well represent-
ed by a number of sites, can be identifed in the Mid-
dle Dnieper basin. In addition, two other quite specifc
ones are represented by single collections (Eliseevichi
1 and Zhurivka). Perhaps some these industries even
coexisted in the same territories during quite narrow
chronological limits, 1514 kyr. like Mezinian and
Yudinovian in the Desna river basin. The main typo-
logical and technological characteristics of tool collec-
tions of these industries are quite similar, and included
mainly burins on various truncations and quite simple
short-end or sometimes double-end scrapers on the
blades. With some exceptions, the difference of the lat-
ter are connected mainly with the morphology of used
types of backed microliths and other specifc kinds of
lithic projectile points.
For the reasons given, the use of the microburin tech-
nique for the production of backed points in Mezhirichi-
an industry in just the Semenivka 2 and 3 (dated 15
and 14 kyr. respectively) sites is very signifcant. The
reason for the latter is still in question. Is it the result
of the slightly younger age of some, or their quite sea-
sonal specifc as hunting camps of warmer times? On
the other hand, both these collections can also repre-
sent the other different version of local Epigravettian
that coexisted in the same region with classic sites of
Mezhirichian industry, such as the Mezhirich, Dobran-
ichivka, Gintsi and Fastiv sites. The obvious southern
cultural connections of collections of the Semenivka
2 and 3 sites, with Epigravettian of the steppe zone of
southern Ukraine, where the microburin technique was
widely used for the production of backed points practi-
cally up to the second part of the Upper Palaeolithic
(Nuzhnyi 1992: 76), was confrmed also by the numer-
ous marine shells of the Black Sea basin.
The cultural connection of Mezinian industry with both
Mezhirichian and Yudinovian ones is also not yet clear.
The frst kind of industry had an expressive east-west
cultural connection (in the form of fossil marine shells
from the Podolian Upland, contrary to the latter, which
contained southern exports of modern Black Sea spe-
cies. For the present-day situation, some infuence of
preceding local Pushkari industry (dated within limits
of 2219 kyr.) on the typology of the Yudinovian col-
lection of lithic tools is more or less understandable.
References
Abramova, Z.A., Grigoreva, G.V., Kristensen, M. 1997. Up-
per Paleolithc settlement Yudinovo. St Petersburg, vol. 2,
161 (in Russian).
Abramova, Z.A., Grigoreva, G.V. 1997. Upper Palaeo-
lithic settlement Yudinovo. St Petersburg, vol. 3, 149 (in
Russian).
Boriskovsky, P.I. 1953. Palaeolithic of Ukraine. In: Mate-
rialy i issedovaniya po arheologii SSSR, vol. 40, 463 (in
Russian).
Gavrilov, K.N. 1994. Flint assemblages of Timonovka 1 site.
In: Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta (Seriya 8, istoriya).
Moscow, No 3, 6376 (in Russian).
Gladkih, M.I. 2001. The lithic inventory of Mezhirich Up-
per Palaeolithic settlement. In: Vita Antiqua. Kiev, No 34,
1521 (in Russian).
Grekhova, L.V. 1971. The fint assemblage Timonovka 2 site
and the similar assemblages of Desna river basin. In: Is-
toriya i kultyra Vostochnoj Evropy po arxeologicheskim
dannym. Moscow, 322 (in Russian).
Iakovleva, L., Djindjian, F. 2001. Epigravettian Settlement
Models in Dniepr Basin in the Light of the New Exca-
vations of the Gontsy Site (Ukraine). In: Proceedings of
the International Conference on Mammoth Site Studies.
Publications in Anthropology 22. University of Kansas.
Lowrence, 8595.
Komar, M.S., Kornietz, N.L., Nuzhnyi, D.Y., Pean, S. 2003.
Mezhirich Upper Palaeolithic site: the reconstruction of
environmental conditions of the Late Pleistocene and hu-
man adaptation in the Middle Dnieper basin (Northern
Ukraine). In: Kamjana doba Ukrainy. Kyiv: Shljah, vol.
4, 262277.
Nuzhnyi, D.Y. 1992. Development of microlithic tech-
nique in the Stone Age. Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 186 (in
Ukrainian).
Nuzhnyi, D.Y. 2000. Epigravettian sites of Ovruchs moun-
tain-ridge. In: Archaeology, No 2, 3756 (in Ukrainian).
Nuzhnyi, D.Y. 2002a. Upper Palaeolithic sites of Mezhirich
type and their place among Epigravettian assemblages of
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the Middle Dnieper. In: Kamyana doba Ukrainy. Kyiv:
Shljah, vol. 1, 5781 (in Ukrainian).
Nuzhnyi, D.Y. 2002b. Assemblages of three Epigravettian
sites in the Middle Dnieper basin: a case of variability of
residential patterns of mammoth hunters during the warm
season. In: Trends in the evolution of the East European
Palaeolithic. St Petersburg, 123137.
Nuzhnyi, D.Y., Pyasetsky, V.K. 2003. The fint assemblage
of Upper Palaeolithic site Barmaki from Rivne city region
and problem of existence of Mezin type industry on the
Volynian Upland. In: Kamyana doba Ukrainy. Kyiv: Shl-
jah, vol. 2, 5874 (in Ukrainian).
Pidoplichko, I.G. 1969. Upper Palaeolithic dwellings from
mammoth bones on Ukraine. Kiev: Naukova dumka, 162
(in Russian).
Pidoplichko, I.G. 1976. Dwellings from mammoth bones of
Mezhirich. Kiev: Naukova dumka, 239 (in Russian).
Rogachev, A.N. 1978. Kostenki XI (Anosovka II). The ex-
perience of conservation of cultural remains of multicul-
tural layer of settlement of Upper Palaeolithic time. In:
Problemy Sovetskoi Arxeologii. Moscow: Nauka, 1116
(in Russian).
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Shovkoplyas, I.G. 1965. Mezin site. Kiev: Naukova dumka,
326 (in Russian).
Shovkoplyas, I.G. 1972. Dobranichivka site in Kievs re-
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Russian).
Svezhentsev, Y.S. 1993. Radiocarbon Chronology for the
Upper Palaeolithic Sites on the East European Plain. In:
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Upper Paleolithic Paleo-Indian Adaptations. New York
& London, 2330.
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ronmental conditions of existence of humans of Timonovka
sites. Moscow: Nauka, 142 (in Russian).
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5970 (in Russian).
Dmytro Nuzhnyi
Department of the Stone Age
Institute of Archaeology
Ukrainian Academy of Sciences
Bul. Heroiv Stalingradu 12
252210 Kiev, Ukraine
e-mail: nuzharch@i.com.ua
VLYVI AUSI O EPI GRAVETO
KOMPL EKSAI VI DURI O DNEPRO
BASEI NE ( I AURS UKRAI NA)
Dmytro Nuzhnyi
Santrauka
iuo metu Vidurio Dnepro baseine iaurs Ukrainoje
ir gretimuose regionuose galima iskirti maiausiai
keturis epigravetinius technokompleksus, reprezentuo-
jamus atskir gyvenviei grupi. Dar du tokie tech-
nokompleksai yra iskirti pagal pavienes gyvenvietes.
J technologijos yra labai panaios, taiau jos atskiria-
mos tik pagal joms bding mediokls inventori
mikrolit su retuuotu vienu onu ir kit antgali
tipologin sudt ir morfologinius ypatumus.
Pirmam Mezino technokompleksui skirtinos
dvi stovyklaviets: Mezino Desnos ups baseine ir
Barmak Goryns ups auktupyje Volynje (Vakar
Ukraina). Pagal radiokarbonini dat serij abi
stovyklaviets gyvavo prie 1615 tkst. m. Kai kurie
iai technologijai bdingi dirbini tipai (ypa mikroli-
tai) aptikti Suponevo gyvenvietje prie Desnos ups ir
Borevo gyvenvietje prie Dono.
Antrasis Ovruo technokompleksas apima
Dovginii, Zbrankos ir olomkos 1 stovyklavietes,
sikrusias Ovruo kalno keteroje, itomiro krato
iaurinje dalyje. ie paminklai dar nedatuoti.
Treiasis Meirio technokompleksas aptiktas
Meirii, Dobranievkos, Gonc (abu sluoksniai),
Fastovo, Semenivkos 1, 2, 3 ir Velika Bugaivka
stovyklavietse. Jos sikrusios prie nedideli Vidurio
Dnepro intak pietus nuo Kijevo. Pagal didel serij
radiokarbonini dat ie kompleksai patikimai datuoti-
ni 1514 tkst. met amiumi.
Ketvirtasis Judinovo technokompleksas, bdingas
Judinovo, Timonovkos 1 ir 2, Jelisejevii 2, iulatovo
2 ir Bugoroko stovyklavietms Desnos ups baseine.
J udinovo technokompleksas radiokarboniniu metodu
datuotas1514 tkstantmeiu.
Du specifniai epigraveto technokompleksai yra iki iol
aptikti tik pavieniuose paminkluose ir neturi analog
kitose epigraveto stovyklavietse iame regione. Tai
Jelisejevii 1 stovyklaviet Desnos baseine, datuota
1712 tkstantmeiais, ir uravka prie Udajaus ups.
Received: 2005
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THE ARCHAEOL OGY OF THE OCCUPATI ON OF
THE EAST EUROPEAN TAI GA ZONE AT THE TURN
OF THE PAL AEOL I THI C-MESOL I THI C
LEONID ZALIZNYAK
Abstr act
This article addresses the complicated issues of the primary populationof theforest zoneinEasternEuropeat theturnof the population of the forest zone in Eastern Europe at theturnof the at the turn of the
Pleistocene-Holocene andtheformsof itsoccupationbyhumans. and the forms of its occupation by humans.
Keywords: East Europe, Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, LyngbyCulture, SwiderianCulture, population. y words: East Europe, Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Lyngby Culture, Swiderian Culture, population.
During the second half of the 20th century signifcant
successes in the study of ancient populations in the
northern part of Eastern Europe were achieved, refect-
ed in numerous works by famous experts in the Late
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic archaeology of thisregion Mesolithic archaeology of thisregion archaeology of this region
(Indreko 1948; 1956; Taute 1965;
1971; Schilde 1975; Kozlowsky 1975; 1977;
1978; 1983, 1997;
1984, 1986, 1989, 1995, 1998, 1999; Zagorskis
1987; Zagorska 1996; a 1996; 1997; 1988;
1990; 1977, 1992, 2000; Sulgo-
stowska 1989; Szumchak 1995; 1996;
ltsov, Zhilin 1999; Ostrauskas 1998, 2002; Kravtsov
1999; 1989, 1995, 1999, 2002). Important in-
formation was obtained in the course of anthropologi-
cal research of the Oleny Ostrov, Zveinieki, Popovo
burial grounds ( 1975; 1984, 1986;
Zagorskis 1987; 1994, 1997; Potekhina
1999).
The large source base and the copious analytical re-
search mentioned give a clear enough idea about the
ancient population of the forest zone in Eastern Europe
and about the forms of its occupation. Therearethree There are three
versions of the direction of the primary population of
the East European north: from the east ( 1952),
from the west (Indreko 1948; 1971; Ko (Indreko 1948; 1971; Ko-
zlowsky 1975; 1984, 1986, 1989), and from
the south by descendants of mammoth hunters from
the Desna and Middle Dnieper basins ( 1977, 1977, 1977, 1977,
1992, 2000). The old dispute between the supporters
of the primary settlement of this region from the east,
headed by A.Brusov (1952), and from the west seems
to be over, with the victory of the latter.
During the Mesolithic two separate cultural and his- Mesolithic two separate cultural and his- two separate cultural and his-
torical communities emerged in the woodlands of East-
ern Europe: PostlyngbyandPostswiderian. Postswide- Postlyngby and Postswiderian. Postswide-
rian Culture of the early Holocene is dated 8,000 to
5,000 years BC and covers cultures such as Kunda of
the eastern Baltic, Sukhona and Oleny Ostrov of the
territories near Lake Onega, and regions to the east of
it, Butovo of the Upper Volga and Oka, Valdai, and
also Postswiderian monuments of Karelia, the west-
ern Dvina, and Pechora from the eastern Baltic up to
the northern Urals. The Postswiderian community of community of
Eastern Europe is genetically connected through Pre- Pre-
boreal monuments of Pulli type and Late Swiderian of
Laukskola type with typical Swiderian Culture of the
Nieman, Prypyat and Vistula river basins, which is
dated as Dryas III, ie nine thousand years BC ( ( -
1989, 1999: 232248). 1989, 1999: 232248).
The Postlyngby cultural community of the late Palaeo-
lithic and Mesolithic in Eastern Europe is also known
as Eastern Ahrensburgian, Protoahrensburgian, and
Krasnosillya Culture. In the Mesolithic it covered the
cultures of Grensk of the Upper Dnieper region, Pi-
sochny Riv of the Desna basin, and Ienevo of the Up-
per Volga and Oka basins. Postlyngby Mesolithic of the
mentioned territories in the centre of Eastern Europe
is genetically connected through KrasnosillyaCulture Krasnosillya Culture
monuments of Dryas III (KrasnosillyaE, Krasnoselsk Dryas III (Krasnosillya E, Krasnoselsk
6, Velyky Midsk, Borovka, Khvoina, UstTudovka I)
with typical Eastern Lyngby monuments of the end of
Allerd/the beginning of Dryas III (Anosovo I, Podol
III, Krasnoselsk 5). The last appeared in Eastern Eu-
rope as a result of the advance of bearers of typical
Lyngby traditions from the southwest Baltic (Fig. 1) at
the beginning of Dryas III when Swiderian Culture just
began to form ( 1989, 1999: 211224). ( 1989, 1999: 211224). 211224). 211224).
95
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According to archaeological information, the origins
of ancient populations are traced in a retrospective way
in the cultural and historical community of reindeer
hunters of the south and southeast Baltic, components
of which were Lyngby, Ahrensburgian, Swiderian and
Krasnosillya cultures of the Allerd and Dryas III pe-
riods (10,000 to 9,000 years BC). The uptodate state (10,000 to 9,000 years BC). The uptodate state years BC). The uptodate state
of sources allows us to reconstruct in a general way the
process of the advance of the mentioned population to
the north of Eastern Europe as it was setting itself free
from glacial phenomena in the early beginnings of the
Holocene.
Archaeological information is the best evidence of
powerful migratory waves which moved during the
last 13,000 years in the corridor between the Baltic
and the Carpathians from west to east into the forest
zone of Eastern Europe ( 2001). In the south, ( 2001). In the south, In the south,
waves of these migrations periodically poured over
northern Ukraine (the Polissya lowland, lands near
the Carpathians, Volyn). But the main wave of migra-
tion moved in a northeast direction around the Baltic
Sea. The oldest of these migrations are concerned with
the primary settlement of northern Europe in connec-
tion with the retreat of the glaciers. Taking into account
the newest facts of archaeology, anthropology and pa-
laeolinguistics, we can conclude that they are directly
related to the forming of the geneticbackgroundof the genetic background of the
Saami in the north and the Finno-Ugric peoples in the
north of Eastern Europe (Zaliznyak 2002). 2002).
About 13,000 years ago the southern Baltic was freed
from the Scandinavian glacial shield. Boundless low-
lands that stretched over 2,500 kilometres from Britain
in the west up to Desna in the east were covered with
cold tundrastep and numerous herds of reindeer,
and became good for settlement by glacial hunters
from the south. At that time, a large amount of water
was locked in the body of the glacier, which is why the
level of the worlds oceans was many times lower than
at present. There was no North Sea between Britain
and Norway, and boundless lowlands, the North Sea
continent, stretched over this area (Fig. 1).
The frst inhabitants of these middle European glacial
lowlands 13,000 to 12,000 years ago became the rein-
deer hunters of Hamburgian Culture. The formation of
this culture is connected with the advance of Magdale-
nian hunters to Holland, Britain and the Hamburg area
(Rust 1937; Burdukiewicz 1987: 176180). Archaeol Archaeol-
ogy gives us information about the migration of small
groups of Hamburgian populations east across the
Polish lowland. However, if in the basin of the Oder
signifcant remains of Hamburgian Culture (Olbrachi-
tse 8, Sedlnitsa 17, Linu) are known, then only single
Hamburgian points are found in the basins of the Vistu-
la, Nieman, Prypyat, and Upper Dnieper in the Novy
Mlyn III, Rudnya, Kashetos, Odrizshyn and Pribor
sites. Obviously, this is evidence of the occasional pen-
etration of bearers of Hamburgian Culture into Eastern
Europe ( 1989, 1999: 208211). ( 1989, 1999: 208211). 208211). 208211).
During the Allerd, Magdalenian descendants of Kro-
magnonians of glacial Europe took part in forming
Lyngby Culture in the western Baltic. The abrupt fall
of temperatures at the beginning of Dryas III about
11,000 years ago caused the retreat of the Lyngby pop-
ulation from the western Baltic (Jutland) in a southeast
direction and its further migration across north Ger-
man, Polish, Polissya lowlands, the Nieman and Up-
per Dnieper basins, right up to the source of the Volga
(Fig. 2). This explains the appearance of typical Lyn-
gby Culture complexes in the Nieman (Krasnoselsk 5,
Vilnius 1) (Fig. 4), and Upper Dnieper (Anosovo, Ber-
esteneve) basins, near the source of the Volga (Podil
III) ( 1989, 1999: 41, 210216; ( 1989, 1999: 41, 210216; 41, 210216; 41, 210216;
1996).
On the genetic basis of Lyngby Culture in Dryas III,
three related cultures of reindeer hunters with arrow-
heads made on blades were formed. We mean Ahrens-
burgian Culture in northern Germany, Swiderian Cul-
ture of the Vistula, Prypyat and Nieman basins, and
Krasnosillya Culture of the Nieman, Prypyat and Up-
per Dnieper basins (Fig. 3). Exactly these descendants
of the Kromagnonians of glacial Europe inhabited the
north of the continent, which became free of glaciers at
the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene.
The bearers of cultures with arrowheads made on
blades (Ahrensburgian, Swiderian, Krasnosillya) were
the most northern inhabitants of the continent during
the last thousand years of the Pleistocene. To the north
of the Middle European lowlands occupied by them in
Dryas III stretched the cold and unsettled glacial des-
erts or waters of the cold Baltic Glacial Lake. Abrupt
warming at the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene
made climatic conditions in northern Europe better.
The forest-tundra climatic zone moved far to the north.
The hunters of Lyngby, Ahrensburgian, Swiderian and
Krasnosillya cultures also moved after herds of rein-
deer to the north around the west and the east of the
Baltic (Fig. 1). Having played the leading role in oc-
cupying the north of Europe, these bearers of cultural
traditions of arrowheads made on blades became the
genetic basis of ancient cultural and historical commu-
nities in the forest zone from Norway to the northern
Urals.
After the abrupt warming which was caused by the
breaking of the cold waters of the Baltic Glacial Lake
into the ocean (the Billingen catastrophe), the west
coast of Norway became free of ice, whereas the centre
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of the peninsula was occupied by glaciers. It resembled
the present Greenland, where only the coastal regions
are free of ice. Across the west coast of Norway from
the North Sea continent the population of Postlyngby
Ahrensburgian Culture moved to the north. This mi-
gration of Lyngby hunter descendants was stimulated
by the gradual food of the land between Britain and
Denmark, which was caused by the rapid thawing of
the glacier and the raising of world sea levels (Fig.
1). So, as a consequence of Postlyngby Ahrensburg-
ian peoples migration to the north from the North Sea
continent and J utland in the Preboreal (8,000 years 8,000 years years
BC), ancient early Mesolithic communities formed
in southern Sweden and Norway: Fosna and Komsa
(Clark 1936, 1975; Larson 1994).
The second fow of migrants to the north of Eastern
Europe passed around the Baltic to the east. In fact, at
the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene three men-
tioned waves of migrants passed this way. The frst
were hunters of Hamburgian Culture, who more than
12,000 years ago, according to single points of Ham-
burgian type, reached the East Nieman, Prypyat, and
maybe the Upper Dnieper. The next powerful wave of
Lyngby people moved about 11,000 years ago across
the Nieman and Upper Dnieper basins up to the source
of the Volga (Fig. 2, 4). During Dryas III the Lyngbian
traditions transformed in East Europe into Krasnosil-
lya Culture with tanged, sometimes asymmetric, ar-
rowpoints (Fig. 5). But the leading role in occupying
the north of Eastern Europe was played by bearers of
Swiderian Culture.
Swiderian Culture formed in the frst half of Dryas III
on the basis of Lyngby traditions in the basins of the
Upper Vistula, Western Bug and Prypyat, rich in high-
quality fint. In the second half of Dryas III, Swide-
rian people occupied the Vistula, Prypyat and Nieman
basins. Their eastern neighbours were the descendants
of an ancient Lyngby wave of migrants, Krasnosillya
people from the Pripyat and Upper Dnieper basins
and the source of Volga. At the beginning of Prebo-
real Swiderian, reindeer hunters of the Nieman and
Prypyat basins moved after their prey, which went
north because of the rise in temperatures.
The Krasnosillya people in the Upper Dnieper region
compelled the Swiderians to pass around this area to
the northwest. This is why the main stream seems to
have moved across the Daugava up to the north of the
Upper Volga region, to the Lake Onega region (Fig.
Fig. 1. Northern Europe at the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene: 1 the migration of people of Lyngby Culture 11,000
years ago; 2 Ahrensburgian ancestors of the Saami; 3 Postswiderian ancestors of FinnoUgric peoples 9,000 to 10,000 years
ago; 4 the size of the glacier; 5 the European coast 10,000 years ago
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6). In the Upper Dnieper basin only single Swiderian
remains are known (Yanovo, Barkolabovo). During the
whole of the Mesolithic, this region remained an origi-
nal refuge of direct descendants of Eastern Lyngby
(Grensk, Pisochny Riv cultures). The same population
had lived in the Upper Volga region since Terminal Pa-
laeolithic (Podil III, UstTudovka I). In the Mesolithic
it was transformed into bearers of Ienevo Culture tra-
ditions. They were met in the Upper Volga and Oka
regions by Postswiderian migrants, who came to the
region from the west in the frst half of the Preboreal
(Fig. 6).
It looks as if many bearers of classic Swiderian tradi-
tions came to the Upper Volga (Marino IV). Mainly
Postswiderians with Pulli-type traditions moved
(Zaborovya 2) this way from the eastern Baltic. Ex-
actly on their basis in the middle of the Preboreal, Bu-
tovo Culture of the Upper Volga was formed.
The chronology of Swiderian and Postswiderian cul-
tures in Eastern Europe is irrefutable evidence of the
fact that this population moved in exactly a northeast
direction. The more to the northeast, the later is the
dating of the most ancient monuments of the Swide-
rian tradition. Thus, the most ancient Swiderian sites
in the Prypyat and Nieman basins are dated as Dryas
III, sites in the outfall of the Daugava (Laukskola) as
the beginning of the Preboreal, Postswiderian sites in
the eastern Baltic (Pulli type) as the frst half of the
Preboreal, sites of Butovo Culture in the Upper Volga
as the middle of the Preboreal, Sukhona sites near Lake
Onega as the end of the Preboreal, Postswiderian sites
in Karelia and southern Finland as the beginning of the
Boreal, and Pechora sites (Sandebu 1) as the end of the
Mesolithic.
Accordingly, the bearers of Swiderian Culture, after
passing around the Upper Dnieper in the north, oc-
cupied the north of Eastern Europe from Finland and
Estonia up to the River Pechora during the Early Me-
solithic (8,000 to 6,000 years BC). The rapid thaw of (8,000 to 6,000 years BC). The rapid thaw of years BC). The rapid thaw of
the glacier resulted in an abrupt rise of world sea levels
and the fooding of the North Sea continent. Mesolithic
hunters in the western Baltic had to migrate across the
Polish lowlands in an eastern direction. In this way, at
the beginning of the Holocene, the forest hunters of
the Duvensy Culture region, who left in the Prypyat
and Nieman basins monuments of Kudlaevka Culture
of the Early Mesolithic, moved across the Vistula ba-
sin to the east ( 1991; Zaliznyak 1997). In T. ( 1991; Zaliznyak 1997). In T. In T.
Ostrauskas (1998, 2002) opinion, this population re (1998, 2002) opinion, this population re opinion, this population re-
placed the northeast bearers of Postswiderian traditions
of Pulli type from the Nieman basin. Apparently, the
new wave of migrants from the West was an additional
Fig. 2. Thedistributionof sitesof Bromme-LyngbyCulture: 1LyngbyandEast LyngbyCulturesites; 2separateLyngby 2. The distribution of sites of Bromme-Lyngby Culture: 1 Lyngby and East Lyngby Culture sites; 2 separate Lyngby
Culture points; 3 directions of Lyngbian migrations on the Allerd/Young Dryas verge; 4 the south and east borders of the
Great European Lowlands.
Sites: 1 Norre Lyngby; 2 Langa; 3Bro; 4 Bromme; 5 Storsbjerg; 6 Zegebro; 7 Tolk; 8 Jaglisko 1; 9 Vojnovo; 10 Ridno X; 11
Vilnius; 12 Ezeryno 8, 15, 17; 13 Maskaukos; 14 Bogatery Lisny 2; 15 Dereznycios 31; 16 Kovalivka; 17 Krasnosilsk 5; 18
Lutka 10; 19 Velyky Midsk; 20 Anosovo; 21 Beresteneve; 22 Troitske 3; 23 Podol III
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Fig. 3. Arrowheads of Postswiderian (13) and Postlyngby (48) types in the Eastern Europe forest zone of the Mesolithic
Age, and of the Lyngby (1618), Swiderian (911), and Krasnosillya (1215) cultures of Late Palaeolithic
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Fig. 4. Lyngby Culture: Krasnosilsk 5 fint implements, (after O. Lipnitskaya and V. Kudryashov)
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Fig. 5. Krasnosillya Culture: Flint implements from the Pticha 3 (114) and Krasnosillya (1521) sites. Volynia region,
north Ukraine
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stimulus for the intensive movement of Postswiderians
in a northeast direction up to the Lake Onega region,
the Upper Volga, North Dvina, and Pechora basins, and
possibly to TransUral areas (Fig. 6).
In this way, a group of Mesolithic Postswiderian cul-
tures in the taiga zone of Eastern Europe was formed.
The process of the occupying of Eastern Europes
northern regions by Swiderian hunters from the Nie-
man and Prypyat basins has repeatedly been rated in
literature ( 1989: 8089, 1999: 232248; 1989: 8089, 1999: 232248; 8089, 1999: 232248; 8089, 1999: 232248; 232248; 232248;
1996; 1990; Koltsov, Zhilin 1999). Koltsov, Zhilin 1999). 1999).
But apart from West (from the Baltic region) and East
(from the Urals) versions of the primary population of
the East European north, there was a third autochthonic
one.
So far, the destiny of the indigenous population of East-
ern Europe in the Terminal Palaeolithic remains mys-
terious. We mean the mammoth hunters, who 15,000
to 14,000 years ago, inhabited the Upper Don region
(sites near Kostenky and Borshevo), and the Middle
Dnieper and Desna basins (Mizyn, Mezshyrichi, Do-
branichivka, Hintsi, Tymonivka, Yudynove). Their
fint implements of Epigravettian type do not fnd a di-
rect genetic continuation in Terminal Palaeolithic and
Mesolithic cultures of Easten Europe. This fact does
not allow us to connect ths ancient population of the
forest zone between the Baltic and north Urals with the
mentioned mammoth hunters of the Middle Dnieper,
Desna and Don basins.
The question of disappearing Epigravettian tradition
bearers at the beginning of the Final Palaeolithic pe-
riod from southern and eastern Polissya populated
by them requires investigation. Before, in the Late Ice
Age, Epigravettian sites were known in Ukraine from
the Black Sea to Polissya and even to the Upper Desna
(Barmaky, Sholomky, Misyn, Yurovychi, Yudynove,
Yelyseyevychi, Tymonivka). For a long time, differ-
ent researchers were searching for traces of these Late
Glacial mammoth hunters in Final Palaeolithic and
Mesolithic materials of the Upper Dnieper. Especially
great efforts in this context were made by V.F. Kopytin
(1977, 1992, 2000), who for many years defended the
genetic relationship of Early Mesolithic Grensk Cul-
ture of eastern Belorussia with Upper Palaeolithic Mi-
syn mammoth hunters. The proponent of this opinion
today is A.H. Kalechyts (, 2000: , 2000: , 2000: 2000: 2000:
11).
So, the only researcher who for 30 years has frmly
taken the position of the origin of Upper Dnieper Me-
solithic as Grensk Mesolithic Culture, directly from
the mentioned mammoth hunters, is V.F. Kopytin
(1977, 1992: 59, 2000: 134). The main monuments of 59, 2000: 134). The main monuments of 59, 2000: 134). The main monuments of 134). The main monuments of 134). The main monuments of The main monuments of
the Terminal Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Age for un-
derstanding the mentioned historical processes in the
central part of Eastern Europe were explored by him. I
mean the famous sites from the Upper Dnieper region,
Borovka, Khvoina, Grensk, Koromka, etc. In spite of
the fact that most experts in these issues connect their
genesis with Lyngby migrants from the West (R.K. (R.K. R.K. .K. K..
Rimantien, S.K. Kozlowski, L.V. Koltsov, L.L. Zal , S.K. Kozlowski, L.V. Koltsov, L.L. Zal- L.V. Koltsov, L.L. Zal- , L.L. Zal- L.L. Zal-
iznyak, V.P. Ksenzov, .N. Sorokin, M.G. Zhilin, G.V. , V.P. Ksenzov, .N. Sorokin, M.G. Zhilin, G.V. V.P. Ksenzov, .N. Sorokin, M.G. Zhilin, G.V. , .N. Sorokin, M.G. Zhilin, G.V. G.V.
Sinitsina, .. Kravtsov, . strauskas and others), , .. Kravtsov, . strauskas and others), Kravtsov, . strauskas and others), , . strauskas and others), strauskas and others), and others), and others), ),,
Kopytin considers them to be direct descendants of the
Mizyn Culture population or of the Upper Palaeolithic
Middle Dnieper community. Since in the Terminal
Glacial period people were moving mostly from south
to north, the population of Terminal Palaeolithic in the
Middle Dnieper, according to Kopytin (2001: 5), prob (2001: 5), prob 5), prob 5), prob , prob-
ably resettled to the Upper Dnieper from the south but
not from the west. The Epigravettian bearers of Mizyn
Culture traditions became the basis of Grensk, and Ie-
nevo and Pisochny Riv Mesolithic cultures related to it.
In his opinion (Ko 1992: 47), Grensk Culture (Ko 1992: 47), Grensk Culture Ko 1992: 47), Grensk Culture 1992: 47), Grensk Culture , Grensk Culture
takes an intermediate position between late Magdalen-
ian monuments of the Middle Dnieper culture region
and monuments of Ienevo and Desna cultures, which
were formed on its basis.
It is not inconceivable that Kopytin is right in consid-
ering that the Middle Dnieper community of Terminal
Palaeolithic was if not the genetic basis then at least in
a certain way had an infuence on forming early Me-
solithic cultures of the forest and steppe-forest regions
between the Dnieper, Upper and Middle Volga. In
particular, it concerns the recently discovered in east-
ern Ukraine Zimovniky Culture and the typologically
close to it Ust-Kama culture of the Middle Volga re-
gion. Researchers have repeatedly pointed at their pos-
sible roots in Terminal Palaeolithic monuments, such
as the upper level of Borshcheve II, the lower level of
Altynovo ( 1984: 15, 1986: 124, 1998: 147, ( 1984: 15, 1986: 124, 1998: 147, 15, 1986: 124, 1998: 147, 15, 1986: 124, 1998: 147, 124, 1998: 147, 124, 1998: 147, 147, 147,
159; 1996: 71; 1998: 207; , 71; 1998: 207; , 71; 1998: 207; , 207; , 207; ,
1996: 13; 2001: 149). They are 13; 2001: 149). They are 13; 2001: 149). They are 149). They are 149). They are They are
connected frst of all with crescentlike microliths of
Federmesser type and knives with butts. There are sim-
ilar artefacts in Pisochny Riv and Ienevo Culture fint
implements of the Early Mesolithic in the Desna, Oka
and Upper Volga basins. Their genesis could originate
from western Lyngby cultural traditions, but under a
certain infuence of local remains of Borshchev II type
with crescent-like microliths. These sites are dated to
about 12,000 to 13,000 years ago (Allerd or a little bit
earlier) and it looks as if they represented the last stage
of the development of Epigravettian traditions of the
mentioned mammoth hunters in the Middle Dnieper
and Don regions.
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Fig. 6. The spread of Postswiderian and PostKrasnosillian sites in Mesolithic Eastern Europe: I Lyngby; II Krasnosillya;
III Grensk; IV Swider; V Postswiderian points.
1 The furthest north Swiderian sites; 2 PostKrasnosillian Mesolithic sites; 3 Postswiderian Mesolithic sites; 4 the border
of Swider Culture; 5 the border of PostKrasnosillya unity (Pisochny Riv and Ienevo cultures); 6 the southern border of
the forest zone in the Early Holocene; 7 the direction of migration of Swider Culture peoples at the very beginning of the
Holocene; 8 the direction of migration of the Postswiderian population in the frst part of the Mesolithic (8th to 7th millen-
nium BC); 9 the migration of the Krasnosillian population at the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene; 10 the migration
of Kudlayivka and Yanislavitsa Culture populations in the Preboreal and Boreal periods.
Sites: 1 Pashtuva; 2 Lampedzhay; 3 Kanyukay; 4 Laukskola; 5 Lielrutuly; 6 Selpils; 7 Kunda; 8 Sivertsy; 9 Tirvala;
10 Narva; 11 Pully; 12 Lepakoze; 13 Jalevere; 14 Simusare; 15 Zvienieky; 16 Ivantsev Bor; 17 Zvidze; 18 Osa; 19 Lake
Lubana; 20 Krumplevo; 21 Zeleniy Khutor; 22 Katin; 23 Borovka; 24 Koromka; 25 Grensk; 26 Pisochny Riv, Gridasovo;
27 Komyagino; 28 Cheristovo; 29 Barkalabovo; 30 Smyachka; 31 Ienevo, Starokonstantinovska IV, Cherna Gryaz, Dmitro-
vska, Titovo I; 32 Zhuravets; 33 Visokino; 34 Butovo; 35 Koshevo; 36 Krasnovo VI; 37 Lukino; 38 Sobolevo;
39 Sknyatino; 40 Altinovo; 41 Bogoyavlenie; 42 Koprino; 43 Penkovo 2; 44 Seltso; 45 Umilenie; 46 Nekrasovo, Kostroma;
47 Mordovskoe; 48 Ivanovska III; 49 Mikulino; 50 Petrushino; 51 Rusanovo III; 52 Gorky; 53 Yelin Bor; 54 Novoshino;
55 Ugolnovo; 56 Istoc; 57 Stara Pustin; 58 Yandashevo; 59 Milliyarovo; 60 Zagay I; 61 Vyazivok 4A; 62 Zimivniky, Sabiv-
ka; 63 Zhabin; 64 Gremyachee; 65 Ladizhino III; 66 Bragino; 67 Mitino; 68 Yelovka, Shiltseva Zavod; 69 Dalny Ostrov;
70 Zaozerye; 71 Belevo; 72 Nastasino; 73 Sukontsevo; 74 Lanino; 75 Borovichy; 76 Yagorba; 77 Lotova Gora, Listvenka
III; 78 Marjino IV; 79 And Ozero M; 80 Pindushy XIV; 81 Oleny Ostrov; 82 Ilexa III; 83 Muromskoe 7; 84 Nizhne Veretye
I; 85 Popovo; 86 Sukhoe; 87 Bor; 88 Yasnopolska; 89 Yedenga; 90 Kolupaevska; 91 Priozerna 4; 92 Yavronga;
93 Filichaevska; 94 Vis; 95 Pezmog I; 96 Parch, Pozheg, Petrushinska
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As has been mentioned, the vast majority of modern
specialists, basing themselves on powerful sources,
see the genetic origins of Grensk and all other cul-
tures of the Final Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods
of northwest Eastern Europe with the Upper Dnieper,
including the west Baltic region, but not in the local
Misyn Culture of Upper Palaeolithic mammoth hunt-
ers ( 1971; Ko 1977; 1989,
1999). It seems that despite the rapid glacier degrada-
tion in the fnal Palaeolithic, the Epigravettian popu-
lation of the Kyiv and Desna river regions not only
moved in a northern direction but, on the contrary, fell
back to the south from the Polissya lowland and the
Upper Dnieper made uninhabitable in the Late Ice Age.
Based on archaeological material left by them, terrains
of lowlands of East Europe in the middle of the Final
Palaeolithic period were occupied by migrants from
the West, namely reindeer hunters from the western
and southern Baltic region with a specifc arrowhead
on the blades (Hamburg, Lyngby, Krasnosillya, Swider
cultures). Hereupon, in the Final Palaeolithic and Me-
solithic periods, Epigravettian traditions developed
on the loess plateau of central Ukraine and the Black
Sea region, at the same time as they were broken in
Polissya in connection with the changing population.
Such a change in the cultural-historical orientation of
Polissya and the Upper Dnieper, which in the previous
epoch of the Late Ice Age were occupied by the Epi-
gravettian population, has its nature-climatic and so-
cioeconomic reasons. Palaeographic data testifes that
in the early Dryas period Polissya changed to an unin-
habitable arctic desert with many lakes and a rigorous
climate because of the change of water regime cased
by glacier degradation ( 1973: 62; ,
1973: 79). The hydro system was only at the
beginning of its formation and the insuffcient cut of
the riverbeds of Polissya rivers prevented the drainage
of sandy low-lying areas. Boundless Polissya lakes in
the glacial moraine zone practically cut the Epigravet-
tian population of the Loess plateau of Ukraine from
the sandy lowlands of Eastern Europe.
The essential reason that stipulated the reorientation
of the direction of cultural-historical relationships of
the Final Palaeolithic population of glacial low-lying
areas of Eastern Europe to the southern Baltic was the
change of the fauna in the region. The extinction of the
mammoths, the hunting of which was the base of the
economy of the Epigravettian population of Polissya
and the Upper Dnieper, stipulated the unprecedented
spread of reindeer. Reindeer hunting developed more in
the west of glacial Europe (Magdalenian hunters, 17th
to 12th millennium BC), while on the loess plateau of
Eastern Europe till the Raunis warming that preceded
the beginning of the fnal Palaeolithic period (13.5th
millennium BC) mammoth hunters lived (Mezhyrich,
Dobranichivka, Hintsi, J eliseyevychi, J udynove, Ty-
monivka). Therefore, with the extinction of the mam-
moths and the spread of reindeer Polissya and the Up-
per Dnieper region were occupied not from the south
by the successors of Epigravettian mammoth hunters,
but from the west by the descendants of Magdalenian
reindeer hunters, people of the Hamburg and Lyngby
cultures of the northwest Baltic region.
This happened only in the middle of the Final Palaeo-
lithic period with the improvement of natural-climatic
conditions in the northwest of East Europe that until
this time, as has been mentioned, presented a treeless
sub-arctic desert with lots of lakes and not suitable for
human habitation because of the severe climate.
Blling and especially Allerd warming caused the
spread of pine-birch forests far north and encouraged
the occupation of the sandy lowlands of Eastern Eu-
rope that were fnally free of glacial phenomena. This
became possible due to the essential cut of river valleys
in the Allerd that caused the drainage of glacial lakes
and formed the frst river terraces. The dry sandy frst
terraces were covered with pine forests and were con-
venient for settlement.
Thus the extinction of the mammoths at the beginning
of the Final Palaeolithic period and the sharp dete-
rioration in natural-climatic conditions on the glacial
lowlands of East Europe, in particular in Polissya,
caused the desolation of the last Dryas I and the mov-
ing of Epigravettian mammoth hunters to the south.
The improvement in the natural-climatic conditions
during Blling and especially Allerd warming cre-
ated favourable conditions for the reoccupation of the
region in the middle of the Final Palaeolithic period.
The cut of river valleys caused the drainage of the
Polissya lowland, and the appearance of dry pine for-
est terraces, convenient for settlement by humans. The
general warming infuenced the development of veg-
etation freed from the glacial lowlands and the spread
of reindeer. Favourable conditions for reindeer hunters
to move from the southwest Baltic through the Polish
lowlands to the Prypyat, Nieman and Upper Dnieper
basins formed. It seems that this economic-cultural
type became frmly settled earlier in Western Europe
than in Eastern Europe, where judging by the dates of
Dobranichivka, Gintsi, Mezhyrichchya, Tymonivky
and Yelyseyevychi, Epigravettian mammoth hunters
lived till the very beginning of the Final Palaeolithic.
So, despite the position of V.P. Kopytin, who rejects
unconditionally any possibility of the penetration of
bearers of Lyngby Culture from the West to the Up-
per Dnieper, and their participation in forming Meso-
lithic cultures in Central Eastern Europe, most experts
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believe that the north of Eastern Europe was settled
by the offspring of Terminal Palaeolithic Lyngby and
Swiderian reindeer hunters. The evidence of this is not
only archaeological, but also anthropological informa-
tion, which allows us to solve the complicated ques-
tion of the origin of Saami, Finnish, and of other Ural
language families in northern Eurasia.
Anthropological material gives reason to suppose that
the descendants of the Glacial Europe Kromagnoni-
ans, who at the turn of the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic
moved across the west coast of Norway to the north,
were the ancestors of the Saami people, and Postswide-
rians in the north of Eastern Europe became the basis
of the FinnoUgric peoples (Zaliznyak 2002). DNAge (Zaliznyak 2002). DNAge Zaliznyak 2002). DNAge 2002). DNAge DNA ge-
netic research testifes that Saami and Finnish peoples
of the north are separate but related populations of Eu-
ropean origin and are genetically connected with the
Glacial Europe Kromagnonians (Cavalli-Sforza et al Cavalli-Sforza et al
1994). Their genotype is West European and not east ). Their genotype is West European and not east
Siberian, because 75% of Finnish peoples genes are of
European but not Siberian origin (Carpelan 1997: 2). (Carpelan 1997: 2).
According to the evidence of paleoanthropology, the
frst Postglacial inhabitants of the north of Eastern Eu-
rope were massive, broad-faced Europeans of an ar-
chaic type who are morphologically related with the
European Kromagnonians of the Upper Palaeolithic.
We mean anthropological material from the ancient
burials of Oleny Ostrov near Lake Onega, Zveinieki 2
in Latvia, and Popovo in the Archangelsk region. Hu- . Hu-
man bone remains were found in the above-mentioned
Mesolithic cemeteries together with typical fint ar-
rowheads of Postswiderian type. For example, massive
northern europoids with fattened faces had been bur-
ied with numerous arrowheads of a Postswiderian type
in the oldest burials of Oleny Ostrov cemetery (Gu-
rina 1956) (Fig. 7). The radiocarbon date of the oldest The radiocarbon date of the oldest oldest
burial N 100 from Oleny Ostrov cemetery is 9910+80
BP (94809040 BC cal.) Gin 4836. The widefaced
anthropological type from this cemetery is interpreted
now as an archaic northern europoid of Eastern Eu-
rope ( 1975; 1984, 1986;
1994: 55, 1997: 152; Potekhina 1999: 333336). 55, 1997: 152; Potekhina 1999: 333336). 55, 1997: 152; Potekhina 1999: 333336). 152; Potekhina 1999: 333336). 152; Potekhina 1999: 333336). Potekhina 1999: 333336). 1999: 333336).
The skull from the oldest level Zviynieky 2 site from
Latvia belonged to a massive, wide-faced northern eu-
ropoid archaic type. The further development of this
human type is traced in later Neolithic burials from
the same cemetery ( 1987; 1975; 1987; 1975; 1987; 1975; 1975; 1975;
1999). According to I. Gokhman (1984) the 1999). According to I. Gokhman (1984) the
Popovo Postswiderian cemetery near Lake Onega fea-
tured massive, tall, widefaced northern europoids ( -
1984, 1986; 1994: 55, 1997: 152). 1984, 1986; 1994: 55, 1997: 152). 1994: 55, 1997: 152). 1994: 55, 1997: 152).
It looks as if such anthropological features of the re-
mote forerunners of Finnish peoples in the taiga zone
of Eastern Europe arise from their genetic connection
with Swiderian Culture population which, through
Lyngby Culture, was connected with the Glacial hunt-
ers of Europe ( 1999: 244, 2001: 5154). ( 1999: 244, 2001: 5154). 244, 2001: 5154). 244, 2001: 5154). 5154). 5154).
The frst inhabitants of the northern region of Nor-
way, the remote ancestors of the Saamis, were geneti-
cally connected with Magdalenian Kromagnonians in
France, through the same Lyngby Culture perhaps. It
is not by accident that the anthropological type and
genetics of the Saami make them related to some of
the most archaic populations of present-day European
people who are considered by some experts to be the
remote descendants of the Glacial inhabitants of Pal-
aeolithic Europe. We mean the Alpian type of the Mas-
sif Central in France, the Alps, the Apennines, some
groups of Basques, the Irish, and the Welsh ( (
2001: 78). 78). 78).
Hence the facts of modern archaeology and anthropol-
ogy confrm that the Terminal Palaeolithic population
of the western and southern Baltic is a genetic ances-
tor of the Saami and Finnish peoples in the north of
Europe. As is well known, Saami, Finns, Ugric and
Samodians make up the Ural family of peoples which
inhabit the north of Scandinavia, Eastern Europe and
western Siberia. However, it would be early to confrm
unambiguously that Protoural dialects were brought
to the north exactly by Ahrensburgian and Swiderian
people in their advance after the glaciers.
The point is that language changes are not always ac-
companied by changes in the material culture or in the
anthropological type of a population. The spread of a
new language can entail both radical changes in the
composition of the population due to numerous new-
comers, and settling among aboriginals that are few in
number but dominating groups of people whose lan-
guage insensibly displaces the local dialects. In the last
case, a radical change in the material culture or anthro-
pological type may not happen. That is why archae-
ology and anthropology fx migratory processes much
better than language transformations. In other words,
the reconstructed process of occupying the north of Eu-
rope at the beginning of the Holocene probably refects
the coming of the genetic ancestors of the present-day
Saami and Finnish peoples rather than the appearance
of the appropriate languages which could spread later
without a radical change in the population and culture.
This is why even now the classic version of the spread
of Finnish languages from their native land, the bound-
ed region of Eastern Europe or even trans-Ural territo-
ry, remains actual ( 1997). Most linguists ( 1997). Most linguists Most linguists
consider that the fatherland of the peoples of the Ural
family is the Middle Volga region, which is bordered
by steppe in the south and by a large part of the Volga
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Fig. 7. Oleny Ostrow cemetery. Flint arrowpoints of Postswiderian types from the oldest burial N 100 (after N. Gurina).
The massive, widefaced northern europoid (reconstruction by M. Gerasimov) to the left should be attached to the oldest
inhabitants of the East European north of Postswiderian cultural unity
106
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in the north, where a great concentration of Finnish
languages is fxed. Most archaeologists traditionally
connect the spread of Finno-Ugric languages with Neo-
lithic pitcomb ceramic culture of 4,000 to 3,000 years 4,000 to 3,000 years years
BC, and, derivative from it, the Volosovo and textile
ceramic cultures of 3,000 to 2,000 years BC.
Meanwhile, the mentioned conclusions of archaeolo-
gists and anthropologists concerning the initial settle-
ment of the north of Europe and southern Baltic impel
some researchers to look for the origins of the Ural lan-
guages in the Terminal Palaeolithic of Central Europe.
Some linguists ( 2001: 7981) see the traces 2001: 7981) see the traces 7981) see the traces 7981) see the traces see the traces
of the Protofnnish language substratum in the Celtic
(Irish, Welsh, Breton) and Germanic (English, Ger-
man) languages. This is explained by the ancient con-
tacts of Protofnns with the aboriginals of Central and
Western Europe. If the linguists are not mistaken, then
in our opinion these contacts took place as far back
as the Terminal Palaeolithic 13,000 to 10,000 years 13,000 to 10,000 years years
ago, when the community of cultures with arrowheads
on blades (Lyngby, Ahrensburg, Swider, Krasnosil-
lya) formed on the basis of Magdalenian Culture of
Western and Central Europe in the Middle European
lowlands from Britain up to the Upper Dnieper. As has
been mentioned, these people, as the result of migra-
tion to the north because of postglacial warming, be-
came the remote genetic ancestors of the Saami and
the Finns in northern Europe. It looks as if in the pro-
cess of the settling of the Swiderian population from
the Nieman and Prypyat basins in northeast Europe in
the Mesolithic (8,000 to 5,000 years BC), the disinte (8,000 to 5,000 years BC), the disinte years BC), the disinte ), the disinte the disinte-
gration of the Ural parent language and the separation
of the Samodians from it happened. The forming of
the parent Finnish language separate from Proto-ugric
and its following disintegration is evidently connected
in some way with the spread 4,000 to 3,000 years BC
in the forest zone of Eastern Europe of Neolithic pit-
comb ceramics.
Recurring new waves of migrants from the West to
the forest zone of Eastern Europe (Kudlaevka Culture,
about 9,500 years ago, Yanislavitsa Culture 8,000 years
ago, Funnel Beaker Culture 6,000 years ago, Globu-
lar Amphora Culture 5,000 years ago, Corded Ware
Ceramic Culture 4,000 years ago) constantly pushed
the ancestors of Ural peoples in a northeastern direc-
tion, which fnally caused the occupation by them not
only of the north of Eastern Europe but also trans-Ural
territory.
In the future many of the above reconstructions of the
primary population of the East European north will
be defned more exactly, as new material is being col-
lected and the methods of scientifc interpretation are
being improved.
Summary
The most northern inhabitants of Europe in the Final
Palaeolithic, reindeer hunters from cultures with ar-
rowheads on blades (Lyngby, Ahrensburg, Krasnosillya
and Swider), played a leading role in conquering the
vast territories of northern Europe left by the glaciers.
At the turn of the Pleistocene-Holocene, they left the
Middle European lowlands, following reindeer herds in
northern and northeastern directions. They soon adapt-
ed to the recently formed forest landscape of northern
Europe and managed to make use of the forest zone
from Scandinavia up to the northern Urals. In such a
way, the Post-Lyngbian cultural unity was formed in
Scandinavia (Fosna, Comsa) and in the regions of the
Upper Dnieper (Krasnosillya, Pisochny Riv Grensk)
and the Upper Volga (Ienevo). The Postswiderian cul-
tural unity was formed in the east Baltic region (Pulli-
type sites) and populated taiga zone from the Gulf of
Bothnia to the northern Urals.
So, about 10,000 years ago, the north of Eastern Eu-
rope was populated by descendants of Lyngbian and
Swiderian hunters from the Baltic region. According
to anthropological data, the primary Mesolithic popu-
lation of the East European north consisted of massive
europoids quite similar to the Late Palaeolithic Kro-
magnonians of Central Europe. The reason for such a
likeness was the origin of the Lyngbian and Swiderian
population on the genetic base of Central European
Upper Palaeolithic.
Modern archaeological and anthropological data al-
lows us to confrm that the Terminal Palaeolithic popu-
lation of the western and southern Baltic is a genetic
ancestor of Saami and Finnish peoples in the north of
Europe. A reconstruction of the occupation of the north
of Europe at the beginning of the Holocene probably
refects the coming of the genetic ancestors of the pres-
ent-day Saami and Finnish peoples rather than the ap-
pearance of the relevant languages which could have
spread here later without a radical change in the popu-
lation and culture.
Many of the above reconstructions of the primary
population of the East European north call for some
additional arguments.
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Leonid Zalizniyak
ARCHEOL OGI J OS DUOMENY S
API E RYT EUROPOS TAI GOS
APGYVENDI NI M PALEOLI TO
I R MEZOL I TO SANKI RTOJ E
Leonid Zaliznyak
Santrauka
iauriausi Europos fnalinio paleolito kultr su
kotiniais antgaliais (Lyngby, Arensburgo, Krasnoseljs
ir Svidr) gyventojai iaurs elni mediotojai
buvo pagrindiniai didiuli, i ledyn isilaisvinusi,
teritorij apgyvendinimo proceso dalyviai. Pleisto-
ceno ir holoceno sankirtoje jie migravo i Vidurio Eu-
ropos lygum paskui iaurs elni kaimenes iaurs
ir iaurs ryt kryptimis. Greitai jie prisitaik prie
besiformuojanios iaurs Europos mik aplinkos ir
imoko gyventi mik juostos nuo Skandinavijos iki
iaurs Uralo gamtinje aplinkoje. Taip Skandinavi-
joje (Fosna, Komsa) ir Dnepro auktupio (Krasnoselj,
Pesonyj Rovas, Grenskas) bei Volgos auktupio
(Jenevo) regionuose susiformavo vlyvoji Lyngby
kultrin grup. Vlyvoji Svidr kultrin grup susi-
formavo rytiniame Pabaltijyje (Pullio tipo gyvenviets)
ir apsigyveno taigos zonoje nuo Botnijos lankos iki
iaurs Uralo.
Madaug prie 10 tkstani met Ryt Europos
iaurin dalis buvo apgyvendinta Baltijos regiono
Lyngby ir Svidr kultr palikuoni. Remiantis antro-
pologiniais duomenimis, ankstyviausi mezolito gyven-
tojai Ryt Europos iaurje buvo stambs iaurs euro-
poidai, i dalies panas Centrins Europos vlyvojo
paleolito kromanjonieius. Tokiam panaumui takos
turjo Lyngby ir Svidr kultr populiacij kilm i
Centrins Europos vlyvojo paleolito genetinio fondo.
iuolaikiniai archeologijos ir antropologijos duomenys
rodo, kad Vakar ir Piet Pabaltijo fnalinio paleolito
pabaigos gyventojai yra saami ir suomi iaurs
Europoje genetiniai protviai. Rekonstruoti iaurs
Europos apgyvendinimo holoceno pradioje proce
sai greiiau atskleidia dabartini saami ir suomi
genetini protvi atsikraustym nei kalb paplitim.
Kalbos galjo paplisti vliau su radikaliais populiacij
ir kultros pokyiais.
Suprantama, kad i Ryt Europos iaurs pirminio ap-
gyvendinimo rekonstrukcij reikt papildyti naujais
duomenimis.
Received: 2005
109
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7
CHI PPED FL I NT TECHNOL OGI ES
I N SWI DERI AN COMPL EXES OF
THE UKRAI NI AN POL I SSYA REGI ON
DMITRO STUPAK
Abstr act
The Swiders of Ukrainian Polissya used mainly local raw materials. The fnal preparation of pre-core for usage was forming
the platform and the working surfac e. The main Swiderian type of core of Ukrainian Polissya is double opposite platform
cores with one working surface. A typical form of Swiderian pressure cores of Ukrainian Polissya is cone-shaped and pencil-
shaped. Microblades were made to be inserts into arrowheads of organic material. The joining of organic and stone elements
for producing narrow-slot points is not traditional for Swiderian technology in Ukrainian Polussya. The technology, which
fuses organic materials with stone elements for producing narrow-slot points, is typical of Steppe cultures. This tradition is
from Kukrek Culture.
Key words: Final Palaeolithic, Polissya, Swiderian Culture, fint processing, pressure technique.
The frst fndings of objects that refer to Swiderian Cul-
ture in Ukrainian Polissya date from the end of the 19th
century. Since then a great number of material has been
collected. More than ten sites have been researched by
excavation, by L. Zaliznyak, and much more has been
gathered from the ground (Fig. 1) (Zaliznyak 1995:
212; 199: 1; 1999: 2). 199: 1; 1999: 2). 199: 1; 1999: 2).
This work uses mainly materials from the sites which
have been excavated: Tutovichi 3, , Berezno , 1,
15, Prybir 13A, 13B, 13C, 13D, 13E, and also material
gathered from the ground.
The Swiders of Ukrainian Polissya used mainly local
raw materials. In western Volynia, local chalk fint was
used. For many sites in the Nobel-lake region, the us-
age of huge concretions is common. In these sites most
cores are ones made on big fakes. For the sites of the
Sluch and Gorin basins, fint of a smaller size is com-
mon. This kind of fint is typical of Korost, Berzno,
Tutovichi and Krichelsk. Cores made on fat raw mate-
rials are very rare.
In eastern Volynian sites, the usage of grey and pink
Zhitomir fint is common. This raw material is more
common than in western Volynia. This explains the
presence of imported fint in eastern Volynian sites.
The main imported material was the fint from west
Volynia (Zaliznyak 1995: 2023; 199: 2, 199: 2, 199: 2,
3, Table 3; 1999: 225).
The process of the preparation of cores began from
the choice of raw material parts ready for forming
pre-cores.
Some sites of Swiderian Culture in Ukrainian Polissya
present parts of raw materials defected at the beginning
of production. On some the traces of forming pre-cores
can be seen. Most were found at Tutovichi 3.
Pre-cores were prepared on parts of raw materials
which were ready for exploitation. We can judge their
form and methods of preparation by the pre-cores
themselves and many examples of cores. Most Swide-
rian pre-cores of Ukrainian Polissya are of lengthened
proportions, thoroughly prepared. Some pre-cores are
bigger than others, some are the same size.
The thoroughness of forming pre-core surfaces depend-
ed on the form of the chosen raw material. If its form
was very close to the one needed, the preparation was
minimal. The preparation of the pre-core corpus was
then just to form the future frontal surface, or if more
thorough, to include the side surfaces and the back. As
a rule, the forming of pre-cores was made frstly by big
knaps, then by smaller ones. Most cores save the traces
of pre-core preparation to the end of usage.
Several pre-cores can be distinguished: lens-shaped
and triple-edged types. These types are well known
from Poland (Ginter 19: 5122).
On lance-like pre-cores, a ridge in one or two sides was
made by the perimeter. The forming of a one or two-
side ridge depended on the situation, on some pre-cores
it can be partly formed on one side, and partly on two
sides. Pre-cores of such a type are known in Tutovichi
1, , Prybir 13E and Danilove.
Pre-cores, triangle-like in crossing, have a frontal sur-
face as a ridge, formed on one or two sides, and a wide
back. The side surfaces of these pre-cores were formed
by knaps on the frontal ridge or by knaps from the
back. The back was formed by knaps from one side,
110
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Fig. 1. Swiderian Culture sites (Zaliznyak 1995: 159; Fig. ).
1 northern boundary of the forest zone; 2 boundary of the loess deposits; 3 group of sites.
Polessye lowland: 1 Dobrynevo; 2 Grevda; 3 Chemely; Bobrovichy; 5 Boroviky; Nosky; Zarechye; Belozersk;
9 Hrisa; 10 Gordov; 11 Upirovo; 12 Opol; 13 Motol; 1 Tyshkovichy; 15 Vyaz II; 1 Zaozerye; 1 Sushyca; 1 Podost;
19 Kamen; 20 Kolotlno; 21 Baranee; 22 Rykovychy; 23 Orechovo; 2 Pulm; 25 Svytyaz; 2 Kut; 2 Samary; 2
Nevyr; 29 Barshcyna; 30 Lubyaz; 31 Perevoloky; 32 Omyt; 33 Golovno; 3 Lyutka; 35 Nuyno; 3 Darshcyn; 3 Kot-
era; 3 Nobel; 39 Senchycy; 0 Mulchytsy; 1 Rudnya; 2 Grushvytsa; 3 Roznychy; Kuznetsovsk; 5 Balachovy-
chy; Mayunichy; Malaya Osnytsa; Krasnoselye; 9 Tutovichy; 50 Krychelsk; 51 Korost; 52 Bolshoy Midsk;
53 Lyubikovichy; 5 Maryanovka; 55 Tishitsa; 5 Berezno; 5 Hotin; 5 Shepetin; 59 Sapanov; 0 Gay Levyatinsky;
1 Delyatin; 2 Dalne Lyado; 3 Borkolabovo; Yanovo; 5 Gorky; Grensk; Gorodok; Smyachka; 9
Narodiehy; 0 Pribor; 1 Kobyla Gora; 2 Martynovichy; 3 Teterovsky; Teterev 3; 5 Raska; Borodyanka ;
Kanev; Rudnya; 9 Vrublevtsy; 0 Ustye Zlobicha.
Nieman: 1 Raudondvaris; 2 Pypliai; 3 Eiguliai; Skaruliai; 5 Puvoiai; Eerynas; Merkin; Akmuo; 9 Maskauka;
10 Glkas; 11 Rudnia; 12 Katos; 13 Druskininkai; 1 Nieman XVII.
Polish lowland: 1 Pomorsko; 2 Voynovo; 3 Smolno Velke; Kargova; 5 Babimost; Lasek; Nivka; Mosina; 9
Zvola; 10 Dlugavish; 11 Skoky; 12 Yanushkovo; 13 Chvalovo; 1 Ozero Velke; 15 Budy; 1 Serakovo; 1 Serakovo 2;
1 Nozhichin; 19 Konin; 20 Cihmyana; 21 Bobrovuiky; 22 Vistka; Slyahetska; 23 Dobignyevo; 2 Tokary Rombezh;
25 Chekanovo; 2 Paulinka; 2 Grochaly Gorny; 2 Velishev; 29 Vituv; 30 Pludy A; 31 Martselin; 32 Swidry Velky;
33 Karchev; 3 Maryanka; 35 Tsalovana; 3 Neborovo; 3 Kvilno; 3 Osiny; 39 Gulin; 0 Ridno; 1 Vapinek; 2
Trzebcha; 3 Dzerzno; Osovka; 5 Hvalibogovitsy; Otatovich; Yastrebets; Chizhov; 9 Shievitsa; 50 Budy;
51 Rudka; 52 Elk; 53 Grayevo; 5;55 Sosnya; 5 Surash; 5 Stankovichy; 5 Nemirov; 59 Kkslwhovka; 0 Luta; 1
Neborova; 2 Noviny; 3; ?; 5 Zalasik; Glivitsa; Vanzash; Gora Nyva; 9 Ticha. 0 Barasli; 1 Volbrom;
2 Gapinin; 3 Kolo; Veliky Slavkov; 5 Petrikov
111
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seldom from two sides. Such pre-cores are known from
Prybir 13C and Tutovichi 1, 3.
The fnal preparation of a pre-core for usage was form-
ing the platform and the working surface. The plat-
forms were usually formed by one single blow, which
was made at the front surface side of the core. Among
pre-cores which have formed platforms, most have one
formed platform (Fig. 2. ).
The main type of Swiderian core of Ukrainian Polissya
is double opposite platform cores with one working
surface (Fig. 2. 15). The majority of double opposite
platform cores with one working surface are of length-
ened proportions, about 100 millimetres in length with
hilled platforms. At the beginning of the usage they
were bigger, cores of much bigger sizes existed. So,
from the Bitjon site a blade is known with a size of
12.5x2.51 millimetres. The work corners of the
majority of double opposite platform cores with one
working surface are about 0 to 0 degrees.
The sides and back surfaces of cores as a rule have
negatives of the pre-core corpus (Fig. 2. 35). The ma-
jority of cores have a wide back. In most of them it is
formed by knaps from the rib between the back and the
side surface. The forming of the back from both side
surfaces is rare. Many cores have a rib-looking back,
formed on one or two sides (Fig. 2. 3,). In some cores
it is not formed (Fig. 2. 1,2).
Sometimes there is a situation when, while forming the
platforms or its correction in the process of exploita-
tion of the core, the back surfaces were cut by these
knaps (Fig. 2. 3,5).
For the majority of double opposite platform cores
with one working surface a not very wide working
surface is typical. The majority of negatives on the
working surface, are about a half or two thirds of the
cores length (Fig. 2. 15). A bent working surface
and the usage of two platforms provided blades with
feather-like endings which need only a little prepara-
tion for transforming them into a typical Swiderian
point (Ginter 19: ; 199: ). If in the 199: ). If in the 199: ). If in the
process of the exploitation of the cores the platform is
not changed at the proper time, it will cause a moving
of the maximum bent of the working surface to one
which was not used. Blades taken from this platform
would be shorter, because the platforms should have
been changed periodically.
Sometimes in the process of exploitation of double op-
posite platform cores with one working surface, one
of the platforms was corrected not from the front, but
from the side. As a result of such correction, cores ap-
peared with double opposite platforms with adjacent
working surface (Fig. 3. 35).
Cores with double opposite platforms with adjacent
working surfaces are not numerous among Swiderian
cores, but present in many Swiderian complexes (Ta-
ble 1).
While getting blanks from double opposite platform
cores with one working surface, a blade with an over-
passed distal end could partly cut the opposite platform.
If this was possible, this core continued getting blanks
from the platform which was preserved. Typologically,
the core acquired a single platform (Fig. 3. 2,). Single
platform cores can often be met in Swiderian com-
plexes, but are usually very few (Table 1). Some cores
possibly look like fragments of negatives which were
taken from the platform which was later cut and the
remains of the platform taken. On some cores a nega-
tive of blades with overpassed distal end is clearly seen
(Fig. 3. 2,). Maybe some cores were single platform
from the beginning of usage to the end. But taking into
consideration the very small quantity of single plat-
form cores, such cores were exceptions.
Sometimes, blades with an overpassed distal end would
cut the opposite platform, or cut the double opposite
platform core with one working surface in such a way
that a platform which made a sharp angle with the back
appeared. After correction, this platform could be used
for getting blanks. In such a way, cores with double op-
posite platforms with alternative working surfaces ap-
peared. Sometimes the correction was not needed. The
same cores appeared in the process of reforming one of
the platforms. The second platform was specially made
if it was impossible to get the blanks needed from the
main platform and the work surface and for the full us-
age of the materials (Fig. 3. ,).
So, there are cores with double opposite platforms
with adjacent working surface, with double opposite
platforms with alternative working surfaces and with
single platform as a result of the utilisation of cores
with double opposite platform cores with one work-
ing surface. It is possible that some examples of single
platform cores were used as single platform cores from
the start to the end of their utilisation ( 1999:
122).
For the knapping process soft hammerstone or antler
hammer were used ( 1995a: 9). We can judge
it from the proximal parts of blades.
Another technology was based on cores which used the
pressure technique. Typical forms of Swiderian pres-
sure cores of Ukrainian Polissya are cone-shaped and
pencil-shaped (Fig. . 2,3; 5. 2; .). Some examples
have a wedge-like form (Fig. . 1; . 2,3) (Zaliznyak
1995: 33, 3; 199: 20, 505, 1, , 199: 20, 505, 1, , 199: 20, 505, 1, ,
3; 1995b: 13; 1999: 225; 1999: 222). 1999: 222). 1999: 222).
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Fig. 2. Tutovichy : 15 double opposite platform cores with one working surface; a pre-core
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Fig. 3. Tutovichy : 1 double opposite platform core with one working surface; 5 double opposite platform core with ad-
jacent working surfaces; 2, single-platform cores; , double opposite platform cores with alternative working surfaces.
Prybir 13A: 3, double opposite platform cores with adjacent working surfaces
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Pre-cores specially made for pressure cores are not
found in Swiderian sites of Ukrainian Polissya. But on
many cores the traces of their preparation for exploita-
tion, which could be thorough, or just cone-like and
forming a front surface, remained.
The majority of cores went through thorough prepara-
tion for the work. Some show that a ridged surface was
formed, and at the same time made cone-like features
forming side surfaces. The negatives of preparation
can be seen even on the most worked-out cores (Fig.
5. 2).
The width of blade negatives on the working surface
is rarely more than ten millimetres, more often narrow,
often three to four millimetres. The rest of the surface
is covered with negatives of fakes of pre-core forming
or cortex surface.
In the process of exploitation of conical cores, the
blanks were not made on the whole surface at the same
time. We can see that some negatives on conical cores
do not have a bulbous negative. This gives us the pos-
sibility to understand which of them were made earlier
and which later. Wedge-like cores were frstly used
from one side, then from the other.
At the beginning of exploitation, cores possibly re-
ceived blades which had a size ftted with Swiderian
points (Fig. 5. ). But the sizes of the negatives on the
surfaces of used cores show that microblades were the
main blanks (Fig. .5.).
Microblades are not good blanks for typical Swiderian
points, but are good for making inserts in narrow-slot
points. On Swiderian sites of Ukrainian Polissya an in-
sert possibly defned only one thing from the Prybir
13D site (Fig. 5. 1). But possibly, some microblades
without traces of retouch were used as inserts, using
inserts without retouch known from Postswiderian
sites ( 195: 32; 19: ; 19: 195: 32; 19: ; 19: 195: 32; 19: ; 19: 19: 1977:
993; 193: 293; 193: 293; 193: 293; 19:
230; 1990: 11). 1990: 11). 1990: 11).
It is possible to use narrow-slot points and cone-shaped
cores in the pressure technique (Zaliznyak 1995: 33,
3; 199: 1, , 3; 1999: 22). Swiderian 199: 1, , 3; 1999: 22). Swiderian 199: 1, , 3; 1999: 22). Swiderian
complexes present little used double platform cores
with narrow negatives (Fig. 3. 1,3,).
But the other variant is possible.
Microblades were made to be inserts into arrowheads
of organic materials.
The joining of organic and stone elements for produc-
ing narrow-slot points is not traditional for Swiderian
technology. Technology which fuses organic material
with stone elements for producing narrow-slot points is
typical for steppe cultures. In D.Y. Nuzhnyis opinion,
the presence of bone points in Postswiderian cultures
is explained by borrowing them from south steppe cul-
tures, particularly the Kukrek Culture tradition (Nuzh-
nyi 1999: 199200).
In the south of Ukraine in sites of Kukrek Culture tra-
ditions, we can fnd conical and pencil-shaped cores
which were made by the pressure technique and orient-
ed to supplying microblades for the upgrading of bone-
slotted points. As in Postswiderian cultures, in Kukrek
sites microblades for inserts could be retouched or used
without (, 19: 39). , 19: 39). , 19: 39). 19: 39). 19: 39).
Swiderian conical cores are very similar to Kukrek, the
technology of their exploitation has many of the same
traces. In both cases, the width of the negatives is very
often three to four millimetres or a little more (
1999: 23).
Cone-chaped cores and inserts are present in the
Crimea at the Swiderian level of the Siuren 2 site
( 191: 1319; 195: 151). In Early 191: 1319; 195: 151). In Early 191: 1319; 195: 151). In Early
Holocene times the connection between Postswide-
rian and Kukrek is fxed by fndings of Postswiderian
arrowheads in sites of the Lower Dnieper (Nuzhnyi
1999: 200).
Now there is no archaeological evidence of the syn-
chronic existence of Swider and Kukrek cultures.
Swiderian Culture is dated as Dryas III-beginning of
Preboreal (Shild 195: 190205). The latest dates for
Swiderian sites is Calowanie Layer IVb 9935+/-110
(GrN-525) years BP, 950+/-0 (GrN-12) years BP,
900+/-0 (GrN-11) years BP, Dudka I 910+/-150
(Gd-305) years BP, 910+/-0 (Gd-3310) years BP,
Kabeliaj 2 920+/-100 (Ta-20) years BP (Shild,
Pazdur, Vogel 1999: 1315; Ostrauskas 1999: 1;
1999: 31). The earliest Kukrek site, Vishene I, the
author of the excavation dated to the border of Pleis-
tocene-Holocene ( 19: 1). Now we have 19: 1). Now we have 19: 1). Now we have
radiocarbon dates 90+/-0 (Ki-2) years BP,
9092 years BC; 90+/-0 (Ki-30) years BP,
9020 years BC (Zaitseva, Timofeev, Zagorska,
Kovaluh 2000: 5). Siuren II is dated fnal Pleistocene
(, 19: 1). But the complex of , 19: 1). But the complex of , 19: 1). But the complex of 19: 1). But the complex of 19: 1). But the complex of
Vishene I has developed traces. It should be mentioned
that the materials of Vishene I are rather developed.
So, it is quite possible that the Swiderians received
new technology from a cultural tradition which was
the basis of Kukrek Culture or from the earliest stage
of Kukrek Culture (Nuzhnyi 1999: 199, 200;
1999: 23, 2).
So, the technology of using pressure technique was
more economical than the traditional Swiderian tech-
nology. This second technology, as well as the tradi-
tional Swiderian technology, was meant to produce a
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Fig. . Prybir 13E: 1 wedge-like single-platform core; 2, 3 cone-shaped single-platform cores
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Fig. 5. Prybir 13D: 1 insert; 2, cone-shaped single-platform cores. Berezno : 3 pencil-shaped single-platform core
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Fig. . Berezno : 1 cone-shaped single-platform core; 23 wedge-like single-platform cores
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half-fnished product that required minimal processing
to be transformed into elements of points. Thus, the
second technology was based on the same principle
as the frst one, and that is why it was adopted by the
Swiderians (Zaliznyak 1995: 33, 3; Nuzhnyi 1999:
199, 200; 199: , 3; 1992: 15, 199: , 3; 1992: 15, 199: , 3; 1992: 15, 1992: 15, 1992: 15,
155; 1999: 2). 1999: 2). 1999: 2).
Tabl e 1. Cor r el at i on of pr e- cor es and
t ypes of cor es i n Swi der i an compl exes of
Ukr ai ni an Pol i s s ya ( %)
Pre-
cores
Double opposite
platform cores
with one working
surface
Double opposite
platform cores
with adjacent
working surfaces
Double opposite
platform cores
with alternative
working surfaces
Single-
platform
cores
Cores used
in pressure
technique
Total
Berezno 12.5 25 12.5 50 100
Tutovichy 3 2.5 0 .5 5 5 100
Tutovichy 1.5 3. .5 1.5 .9 100
Tutovichy 1 .3 .1 1.1 .5 100
Danylove 1.9 3.3 1.9 5.5 . 100
Korost 9. 5.3 100
Prybir 13 . 3.9 3.3 . 3.3 . 100
Prybir 13 25 50 .3 1. 100
Prybir 13E 9.2 59.1 .5 .5 22.7 100
Prybir 13D 5.2 2. 100
References
Ginter, B. 19. Wydobywanie, przetworstwo i dystrybycja
krzemienia. In: PA. Tom 22, 5122.
Nuzhnyi, D. 1999. Technology of projectile points on blades:
some aspects of origin and fate. In: Tanged points cultures
in Europe. Lublin, 19201.
Ostrauskas, T. 1999. Vlyvasis paleolitas ir mezolitas Piet
Lietuvoje. In: Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius, t. 1, 1.
Ostrauskas, T. 1999. Kabeli 2-oji akmens amiaus
gyvenvient. In: Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius, t. 1,
31.
Schild, R. 195. Pozny paleolit. In: Prahistoria ziem Polskih.
Tom I. Paleolit i mezolit, 15933.
Shild, R., Pazdur, M., Vogel, J.C. 1999. Radiochronology
of the tanget point technocomplex in Poland. In: Tanged
points cultures in Europe. Lublin, 1315.
Zaitseva, G.I., Timofeev, V.I., Zagorska, I., Kovaluh, N.N.
2000. Radiocarbon and archaeology. No 1, 3352.
Zaliznnyak, L. 1995. The Swiderian reindeer hunters of
Eastern Europe. Berlin, 212.
, .. 191. , .. 191. .. 191.
. In: . In: . ., 2, 1319. ., 2, 1319. 2, 1319. 2, 1319. 19. 19.
, .. 195. , .. 195. .. 195.
. In: . In: . -., -.,
12, 1215. 15. 15.
, .. 19. , .. 19. .. 19.
. In: . In: . ., 19, 993. ., 19, 993. 93. 93..
, .. 195. . In: , .. 195. . In: .. 195. . In: . In:
. -., , 32. -., , 32. , 32. , 32. 32. 32.
, .. 199. , .. 199. .. 199. -
. ., 1. ., 1.
, .. 1995a. . In: , .. 1995a. . In: .. 1995a. . In: a. . In: . . In: . In:
. ., 1, 321.
, .. 1995b. . In:
. ., , 31.
, .. 1999.
, ., 2.
, .. , .. 19.
. In: . ., . 0, 1.
. 199. ., 350.
, .. 1992. , .. 1992. .. 1992.
. ., 1.
, .., , .. 19. - , .., , .. 19. - .., , .. 19. - , .. 19. - .. 19. -
-
. In: . In: . ., . 19, 3. ., . 19, 3. . .
, .. 193. , .. 193. .. 193. -
. ., 293. ., 293.
, .. 1990. , .. 1990. .. 1990. -
. ., 21. ., 21.
, .. 19. , .. 19. .. 19.
. In: . In: . ., . 5, 1. ., . 5, 1. 1. 1.
Abbr evi at i ons
PA Przeglad archeologiczny

Dmitro Stupak
ul. Heroiv Stalingradu 12
e-mail: avetta@ukrpost.net
Received: 2005
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TI TNAGO NUOSKALI N
TECHNOLOGI J A SVI DR
KULTROS KOMPLEKSUOSE
UKRAI NOS POLESS REGI ONE
Dmitro Stupak
Santrauka
Straipsnyje remtasi archeolog tyrint Svidr kultros
gyvenviei Tutovii 3, , Berezno , 1, 15, Pribiro
13A, 13B, 13C, 13D, 13E mediaga, taip pat atsitikti-
niais radiniais, surinktais paminkl paviriuje. Svidr
kultros nejai Ukrainos Polesje naudojo daugiausia
vietin titnago aliav. Vakar Volynje buvo naudo-
jamas titnagas i vietos kreidos klod. Rytinje Voly-
ns dalyje naudotas pilkos ir rausvos spalvos itomiro
titnagas. Jis prastesns kokybs, todl Ryt Volynje
gana gausu atvetins titnago aliavos, daugiausia i
Vakar Volyns.
Skaldytini ruoimas prasiddavo pasirinkus tinkam
aliavos gabal. I jo buvo formuojami skaldytini
ruoiniai. Jie buvo ilgi ir kruopiai paruoti skeli
gamybai. Skaldytini ruoini apdirbimas priklaus
nuo aliavos gabal formos. Jeigu pastarj forma
buvo panai reikiam skaldytinio form, tai i pra-
di buvo formuojamas tik skaldymo frontas. Jeigu
aliavos gabal forma buvo nepanai norim skal-
dytinio form, buvo apdirbami ir on bei nugarls
paviriai. Skaldytini ruoiniai buvo 2 tip linzs for-
mos ir tribriauniai. Vyraujantis skaldytini tipas Svi-
dr kultros gyvenvietse Polesje dvigalis su vienu
skaldymo frontu. Daniausiai aptinkami skaldytiniai
apie 100 mm aukio frontu, nors buvo rasta pavieni
skeli iki 12 mm ilgio. Sprendiant i skeli apati-
ns dalies, joms nuskelti buvo naudojami mutukai i
minkto akmens ar rago. Skaldytinio redukcijos metu
su skelts virutine dalimi nuskilus vienai i aikteli,
kai kada skaldytinis bdavo ir toliau naudojamas kaip
vienagalis. Taiau vienagaliai skaldytiniai Svidr kul-
tros paminkluose Polesje sudaro tik labai nedidel
procentin dal. Taiau neatmetama galimyb, kad da-
lis i negausi vienagali skaldytini buvo naudojami
kaip vienagaliai nuo pat redukcijos pradios.
Svidr kultros paminkluose Polesje aptikta ir skeli
nuspaudimo technikai pritaikyti vienagaliai ir pietuko
formos skaldytiniai. Skeli negatyvai toki skaldyti-
ni skaldymo frontuose daniausiai yra 3 mm ploio
ir retai platesni nei 10 mm. Tai rodo, kad pagrindinis
ruoinys buvo mikroskelt. Mikroskelts nra tinka-
mos kaip ruoiniai tipikiems Svidr kultrai koti-
niams strli antgaliams. Taiau jos idealiai tinka a-
menliams gaminti ir amenliniams antgaliams.
Galbt Svidr kultros mons patys irado amen-
lin technik. Taiau tiktina, kad ji buvo pasiskolinta
i Kukreko kultros grupi Kryme ar Juodosios jros
pakrani. Svidr kultros sluoksnyje Siurens 2 gy-
venvietje Kryme buvo rasta tiek vienagali skaldyti-
n mikroskeltms nuspausti, tiek ir amenl. Taiau
negausios Svidr ir Kukreko kultr radiokarbonins
datos iki iol neleidia patikimai tvirtinti, kad jos bent
kur laik egzistavo greta viena kitos erdvje ir laike.
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THE FI NAL PAL AEOL I THI C I N CENTRAL RUSSI A
Soroki Soroki
Abstr act
The analysis of palynological, radiocarbon and geological methods dating of archaeological sites of the end of the Pleistocene
and the beginning of the Holocene in Central Russia and the revision of available and not numerous dates shows that for
mineral grounds these methods require serious correction, and the dates themselves do not correspond in most cases to the
typological age of the archaeological materials.
Key words: Central Russia, Final Palaeolithic, palynology, radiocarbon, geology.
The setti ng
The absence of special studies devoted to the Final
Palaeolithic of Central Russia refects expressively
the state of affairs in this feld. One cannot say that at-
tempts have not been made. One might mention a great
number of publications, including recent ones, where
these or other sites are mentioned, in whose materials
there are artefacts from this period of time (Koltsov
1989, 2002; Kravtsov, Konnov 2002; Lisitsyn 2002;
Lantsev, Miretsky 1996; Sidorov 1996, 2002; Sinit-
syna, Kildyushevsky 1996; Trusov 2004; Zhilin 1995;
Koltsov, Zhilin 1999). Nevertheless, as their analysis
shows, the affair does not advance beyond these men-
tions. I think the reason is that for some time now ar-
chaeologists have begun to rely too much on natural-
science methods of dating, and ceased to trust the main
proper archaeological method of research, the typolog-
ical one. Therefore, the absent and rejuvenated dates
of these or other sites seem to prevail over the material
itself. However, this does not mean that this article sees
its main task as overthrowing one of these methods and
reanimating the other. Instead, it attempts to escape the
circle of ideas formed on the basis of the revision of the
available source-study basis (both archaeological and
natural-sciences) when dealing with the specifc matter
of sites of the Final Palaeolithic.
It would be no exaggeration to say that the epoch of
the Final Palaeolithic in the European part of the Rus-
sian Federation is the least-studied. This circumstance
is determined, apparently, not so much by the absence
of Final Palaeolithic sites themselves, as by the frmly
existing opinion of another, as a rule, younger (Meso-
lithic) age. A negative role in this is played by a number
of circumstances, among which we should mention:
1) the heterogeneity of most of the material;
2) the small number and inexpressiveness of most of
the available pure complexes;
3) the surface deposition of the majority of fnds from
that time;
4) the absence of marked cultural layers, denoted by
the term horizon deposit of fnds;
5) the singleness and uncertainty of some natural-sci-
ence dates; and
6) the absence of faunal remains.
If Upper Palaeolithic materials are deposited, as a rule,
relatively deep, their age, even in the absence of car-
bon 14 geology and palynology, is affected by the pres-
ence of mammoth fauna, which serves by itself as
a reliable antiquity sign, then for Final Palaeolithic
materials the surface deposition of artefacts, the practi-
cal absence of coloration of horizons of fnds deposi-
tion, and the inexpressiveness or absence of faunistic
remains are typical, as well as the lack of samples for
dating. These circumstances create for archaeologists
a peculiar shock threshold, which has not yet been
overcome. Because of this, even seeing the resem-
blance in dated Western materials, their East European
analogues are attributed already to the Mesolithic, but
in no way to the glacial epoch. One more reason of no
small importance is that existing ideas of the cultures
of the Final Palaeolithic and Mesolithic are based on
an incorrect theoretical basis. In order to understand
the meaning of this, it is enough to remember the
names of some archaeological cultures, for example
Ust-Kamsky Culture, Sredne-Vychegodskaya Culture,
the eastern version of Federmesser, East Ahrensburg
etc, which show a complete misunderstanding of their
nature and essence. The territory of the archaeologi-
cal culture is determined by the economy of a specifc
group of ancient people, their way of life and the be-
haviour of their main prey which they hunted, and not
by the mouth of a river where feld studies were con-
ducted and by which these or other sites were fxed.
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Realising clearly the depth of the touched-on problem
of sites of the Final Palaeolithic epoch in the region,
I will try to propose my own version of the approach
to its solution. For this purpose, we have to revise the
source-study basis and methods of natural-science dat-
ing. At present the methods of geological and radiocar-
bon dating are of little use for the objects of the exam-
ined period, for various reasons. The frst gives a wide
chronological interval, and, on account of its general
non-concrete nature, is almost not used when dating
archaeological sites of comparatively recent times. The
high precision of the radiocarbon method makes it the
most acceptable in the independent dating of material,
but one peculiarity of Final Palaeolithic sites is that a
suffcient number of sample batches cannot always be
obtained. In recent years, the absence of means for the
production of general analyses has also added to this.
It would not be an overstatement to say that at present,
for dating Final Pleistocene and Early Holocene sites,
the palynological method has become widespread.
Taking into account this circumstance, it is interesting
to look at the conclusions of one of the most competent
specialists in this feld, .. piridonova, which she .. piridonova, which she .. piridonova, which she . piridonova, which she . Spiridonova, which she
has come to while developing Holocene chronology
(Spiridonova, Aleshinskaya 1998, 1999). It is clear that
this will concern not foristic or technical, but only the
archaeological problems of this method.
Pal ynol ogy: a users doubts
Experience shows that the fnds at Final Palaeolithic
and Mesolithic sites begin to be met already on mod-
ern original grounds. At the same time the thickness of
the cultural layer of the majority of Mesolithic and, in
general, Holocene sites is 20 to 25 centimetres. As a
rule, it does not reach 50 centimetres. There are signif-
cantly fewer sites with a layer of a thickness of up to
one metre, and there are only a few sites whose layers
are 1.5 and more metres thick.
1
One can also notice that
a signifcant thickness of sediments is connected, as a
rule, with areas of plumes or dune ridges, that is, relief
elements whose formation, in its essence, is extreme
(catastrophic). In its turn, the Holocene extension is
determined, roughly, in 10,000 years (Khotinsky 1977,
1982, 2002). If we consider the speed of sediment ac-
cumulation (sedimentation) to be constant, it is easy,
knowing the layer thickness, to count what thickness of
deposits grows during a conventional unit of time. We
will limit ourselves to the above-mentioned fgures. In
the frst case, when the cultural layer thickness is 25
centimetres, in one centimetre of deposits a span of 400
years will be concluded. In the second one, when the
1
Inpracticesitesaremoreoftenmet overlappedbydeposi- In practice sites are more often met overlapped by deposi-
tions of respective thickness.
thickness is about 50 centimetres, one centimetre of
deposits will be formed during not less than 200 years.
We should emphasise that this interval is the largest
one; therefore, in respect to the sedimentation, it can
be examined as monotonic and referential. Abstract-
ing ones mind from the extremeness of two other
fgures and examining them also as some constant, we
will get in the third case (10,000 years : 100m) 100 m) 100 m) 100
years in one centimetre and in the fourth case (10,000
years : 150m), about years. ince the average sam- m), about years. ince the average sam- m), about 67 years. Since the average sam-
ple for palynological analysis has a thickness of fve
centimetres, it means its pack includes in the frst case
2,000 years, in the second case 1,000 years, in the third
case 500 years, and last, in the fourth case about 335
years. It is also important to mention that even in those
cases when samples are taken by extension, in prac-
tice their thickness cannot be less than two centimetres,
which as a result for each interval brings us ideally to
fgures of 800, 400, 200 and about 135 years. These
simple calculations show the peculiar actual precision
of the palynological method. Consequently, we can af-
frm, with all due evidence, that the step in 200300
years for measuring climatic variations, proposed for
the age of .. piridonovas palynological samples .. piridonovas palynological samples .. piridonovas palynological samples . piridonovas palynological samples . Spiridonovas palynological samples
(piridonova, Aleshinskaya 199: 5), exceeds sig-
nifcantly the allowable precision limit of the method
itself, calculated on monotonic and reference data. Es-
pecially, we cannot agree on the fgures of 100 to 150
years (Spiridonova, Aleshinskaya 1996: 67).
These calculations bring us inevitably to some
conclusions:
1. The archaeological layer is formed mainly after a
time of real residing on the site, and the site structure
is determined not so much by the life-time situation,
as to a signifcantly greater extent by its postposition
history.
2. The burial of artefacts takes place by no means im-
mediately, but over a long period of time; therefore,
pollen, which is deposited over the archaeological ma-
terial, certainly rejuvenates these deposits.
3. Pollen is deposited each season, and what comes into
the ground is found, for the most part, in the soil layer,
which is mostly subject to different kinds of turbations,
what, in addition to other reasons, brings inevitably to
its mixture. Thus the purity of palynological sam-
ples, like the archaeological material, is more random
than natural. And it is connected, as a rule, with cata-
strophic sediment accumulation, and not with the mo-
notonic deposition of layers.
4. The slow sedimentation inevitably supports the
standard situation when the original ground is one and
the same for a long time, and on it different-time arti-
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cles of different epochs can remain intact in an open
form for a long time. That is, nature itself supports
conventionally the situation of contacts of things,
but not the people who produce them. The most vivid
archaeological embodiment of this phenomenon is
stray fnds, in which, as a rule, articles from all times
and peoples inhabiting the area are presented.
5. The age of palinological samples does not necessar-
ily correspond to the age of the cultural layer and fnds
enclosed in it; therefore, their synchronism demands
obligatory proof.
Thus, on this basis, both a critical attitude to natural-
science data and the obligatory proof of correlation
of specifc samples with the layer and archaeological
fnds are necessary.
Interestingly, the above-mentioned arithmetical cal-
culation is confrmed also by data on Upper Palaeo-
lithic sites. Thus, in one of his recent works, L.D.
Sulerzhitsky writes: J udging by dates of forming the
Sungirsky cut, here the sedimentation took place very
slowly for a long time [hereafter my italics] from the
beginning of accumulation, taking later on a cultural
layer of soil (more than 30,000 years ago, when man
still lived here) and until the time of the last dates on
mammoths (20,000 years ago) altogether less than a
metre was deposited. But later on more than two me-
tres of deposits accumulated at once, which have over-
lapped the cultural layer (Sulerzhitsky 2004: 107).
As a matter of fact, there is no contradiction to what
Sulerzhitsky writes, and the facts, with all their incon-
creteness, correlate well between themselves, because
both the duration of 10,000 years, referring to the frst
episode of length less than deposits of one metre,
and 25,000 to 28,000 years, enclosed in two to 2.5 me-
tres thickness of stratifcation, correlate very well with
each other because the speed of sediment accumulation
in both cases corresponds approximately to the stan-
dard value, one centimetre in a century.
A recalculation of data on sites of the Russian plain
adjacent to the study polygon shows that the speed of
sedimentation of one metre of loess at the Khotylevo
2 site is 85 years (Velichko et al 1999: 26), in Push-
kary 1 about 200 years (Velichko et al 1999: 28), in
Eliseyevichy about 115 years (Velichko et al 1999: 29),
Timonovka 1 approximately 100 years (Velichko et al
1999: 32), and, fnally, in Zaraisk about 90 to 120 years
(Velichko et al 1999: 45).
Similar information was given for some other Upper
Palaeolithic sites also in Y.N. Gribchenkos report read
by him in November 2004 at a meeting of the Stone
Age Department of the Institute of Archaeology of the
Russian Academy of Sciences. It is not out of place to
mention also the fact that, by his statement, the pro-
fles of archaeological sites are not absolutely similar
to the profles of cores taken beyond the sites, but in
immediate proximity to them and under similar geo-
morphological conditions. This observation is ex-
tremely important, because it refects some very spe-
cifc property which the archaeological cultural layer
has. It will be shown below that this feature is that the
layer serves as a peculiar barrier or trap both for pol-
len and fauna (the activation of earth-moving kinds of
animals), and, probably, for changing the speed of de-
posit humifcation.
The nonconformity of spectra of natural profles and
archaeological profles is also mentioned by .. .. .. ..
Spiridonova, when she writes: The formation of spore
and pollen spectra on archaeological sites and in natu-
ral cuts has signifcant differences. pore and pollen
complexes of natural cuts refect signifcantly the zone
type of vegetation, typical in general for big regions
(geographical zones). Upon the formation of spore and
pollen spectra at sites, not only zonal, but also local fo-
ra, connected mainly with human activity, exert a great
infuence (piridonova, Aleshinskaya 2004: 33).
The facts of the deposit accumulation time stated above
bring us once more to the conclusion that fnds of dif-
ferent times and peoples, visiting at different times one
and the same place, were deposited on one and the same
original piece of ground. That is, their archaeological
co-existence in one horizon and layer is carried out by
the fact of the location, but in no means by time or the
mutual connection of people (Sorokin 2002). Actually,
the deposit accumulation took place, apparently, still
slower than the given fgures, because what is enclosed
archaeologically in the metre thickness refects in prac-
tice only the spread of articles in a vertical line because
of the numerous types of pedoturbation from the norm
of their distribution (standard dense maximum), cor-
responding to the ancient original ground. And it is the
same assumption, like any other, for example, half-
decay value carbon 14, cycles of fuctuation of solar
activity, etc.
It seems obvious that the maximum of fnds depth,
or otherwise the maximum of distribution on primi-
tive sites, corresponds on the whole with the original
ground of the inhabitation period, and slurry (the
cloud of fnds distribution) is often connected not so
much with the peoples vital activity as with the sub-
sequent displacement of artefacts. And this postposi-
tional infuence is more global in a number of cases,
and you could even say fatal in that real distribution of
material which is fxed by a feld researcher. That is,
the real thickness of the layer of artefacts accumulating
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on the ancient original ground was signifcantly less
than what is fxed archaeologically.
It will not be out of place to mention also the circum-
stance that objects of signifcant sizes (big bones, stone
nodules, cores, macrolithic cutting tools, etc), in view
of their volume, run out of the layer more. Therefore,
these massive articles can lie on the surface longer
and be contemporaries of those articles which were
left signifcantly later. However, this circumstance re-
quires, undoubtedly, an experimental check, because
the effect of the origin of barrow-like mounds round
tree stumps is well known.
Interesting data concerning the question of the speed
of deposit accumulation and confrming the above
reasoning is also contained in recent work devoted
to the characteristics of a barrow burial ground from
Scythian times where there are palaeosoil observations
made during its excavation. The comparative analysis
of under-barrow and background chernozems on the
burial ground area, according to the data of the soil sci-
entist Y.G. Chendev, is evidence of the fact that during
the last 2,3002,500 years the thickness of humus
horizons has increased only by nine to ten centimetres.
In addition, the growth speed was 0.4 m100 years m100 years m100 years
(Berezutsky, Razuvaev 2004: 55). On the basis of this,
we can say that the actual time of formation of one
entimetre of humus horizon is equal to 250 years. This entimetre of humus horizon is equal to 250 years. This
result is especially impressive, taking into account the
fact that the speed of humus formation is on average
higher than the speed of standard deposition accumula-
tion. It is clear that the processes of sedimentation and
humifcation of deposits are in their essence different,
but the slow speed of humifcation of deposits only
enhances the contrast of design speed of the probable
deposit accumulation.
Speaking about the sedimentation speed, it is not out of
place to remember also such known facts as the pres-
ence of foundation pits of dwellings, which in some re-
gions of Russia (Karelia, the Middle Volga region, the
near-Ural region, Siberia, etc) are until now viewed on
the surface, although they were erected already in the
Mesolithic and late Stone Age (Pankrushev 1978; Niki-
tin 1996, 1999; Palaeolith USSR 1984; Mesolith USSR
1989; Late Stone Age 199). Thus, time, enclosed in
archaeological layers, and the relief are connected, but
change differently, each according to its laws.
Archaeological material (and here it is necessary, un-
doubtedly, to take into account not only imperishable
stone remains, but also the internal structure) which is
not preserved by the moment of the archaeological dig
is a peculiar boundary horizon for pollen, a special
trap, where it is deposited and concentrated. It is also
necessary to take into account in this process organic
materials, because for the moment of the lifetime
formation of the source only they made up the mass
of remains (waste products and vital activity wastes)
accumulating on the surface and becoming the main
cultural layer, its fller. Moreover, the decomposition
of organic material created a convenient nutrient me-
dium, not only for different living organisms, but also
for pollen, which fnally, furthered the preservation,
accumulation, and, probably, the conservation of the
latter. Any archaeological site is a place with an ex-
treme concentration of material, because here, except
for natural components which are deposited naturally
in all places, during a short period of time, components
accumulate which have been directly brought by man,
have been part of his vital activity, and transformed the
natural processes of deposit accumulation and space
organisation (landscape). The settlement of any place,
and, as a result, the appearance of a cultural layer, a pe-
culiar marker of human habitation, brings us inevitably
to the fact that this artifcially created object becomes
the epicentre of natural attraction, zoological, chemi-
cal and other activity, as well as a site (place) of con-
centration of remains, including palynological ones.
Thus, the cultural layer, with all its content, is really
an objective obstacle for pollen penetrating deposits.
Moreover, this refers both to pollen which was depos-
ited at the same time as the archaeological material,
and to signifcantly later pollen. Evidently, a different
structure, density and fullness of stratifcation, un-
der which we should also mean those which appeared
directly as a result of human activity, just explain the
effect of the profle inconsistency observed by Y.N.
Gribchenko and . . piridonova. . . piridonova. . . piridonova. . piridonova. . Spiridonova.
The extreme thinness of cultural layers of Holocene
and Final Palaeolithic sites, the absence of colour can-
not but lead to the pollen illuviated to them being dis-
tributed unevenly, not over the whole thickness, but
deposited on different levels of the boundary horizons
available in them. It is natural that only absolutely
negligible quantities of grains from the number of
grains which were deposited come to the attention
of the palynologist. Undoubtedly, their distribution in
a vertical line is uneven, but part is inevitably redis-
tributed from the surface downwards and has been de-
posited on the boundary horizons and fnds available
in the rock. In addition, at the same time a signifcant
amount of pollen disappears, and the more time passes,
the less remains in the layer. Since pollen falls annu-
ally, and with age the remaining amount decreases in
proportion, it is easy to imagine the situation whereby
in the course of this process the consecutive substitu-
tion of ancient pollen by young pollen takes place; that
is, an effect of the rejuvenation of spectrum appears.
uch facts are evident when a signifcant chronological
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interval separates one pollen from a later one; but can
palynologists establish the rejuvenation effect for near,
consecutively located climatic periods, when changes
are accumulated permanently and monotonously? Ap-
parently, the very method of sampling in known inter-
vals is just necessary for them in order to cut a similar
effect, and reveal accumulating changes. And then,
this confrms once more the circumstance that on min-
eral grounds we can objectively catch only global,
signifcantly spaced in time, climatic fuctuations and
the fora spectra which mark them, in addition to not
relying on the big divisibility and narrowness of
palynozones.
A pollen fall takes place annually, and, in its essence,
this process is, if not permanent, then of long duration.
Every year, it is dispersed by air masses, falls and re-
mains on the surface of the earth, is illuviated and pen-
etrates the soil layer, is redistributed in it in a vertical
line and horizontally, is destroyed, and grows though
only in separate cases. That pollen which appears in the
ground later on, adds to, inevitably, or even substitutes
the pollen which appeared there earlier. In the course
of time, a change of climate and growth takes place. If
late pollen appears at the same level as earlier pollen,
an inevitable spectrum rejuvenation takes place. If the
sedimentation takes place monotonously in succession,
then, also, the pollen accumulation should be, theoreti-
cally, consecutive and monotonous as well. But this is
just the point: that both these processes, although they
are interconnected, are different in essence. Because
the accumulation of minerals takes place irrespective
of the character of the fora and extremely slowly, the
thickness of cultural layers refects that fact rather
expressively. And pollen is a seasonal phenomenon,
although it is deposited annually in astronomical
amounts. But not what remains on the surface is pre-
served, but what falls on rock. And the levels on which
it is deposited are different and determined by the char-
acter and structure of the latter. These density clots
or concentration levels, like peculiar traps, serve as
boundary horizons in a long period of time. And their
real composition will be, probably, determined both
by the amount of the preserver of more ancient pol-
len, and by the composition of the younger pollen. It is
also important that the concentration horizons differ
by their height marks: that is, simultaneous pollen, for
many reasons, is deposited at different levels. At the
same time, not only natural formations serve as such
levels, but also, what is especially important, artefacts.
It is also of no small importance that the samples un-
derlying the fnds often appear void. Here we should
also mention that the absence of pollen in a number of
samples refects not only a possible interruption in the
deposit accumulation, but also confrms the assump-
tion of the reality of different horizons of its accumu-
lation and the necessity to take this phenomenon into
account. This does not happen in practice in a practical
manner. The question arises: what happens then in such
a case? I cannot speak already about cases of pedotur-
bation, especially zooturbation, when even ordinary
worms over the years fully mix the soil layer most ft
for pollen preservation, and are able to move not only
the ground but also artefacts (Dokuchaev 1949; Wood,
Johnson 198; Alexandrovsky 2003; triganova 2005;
Bobrovsky 2005).
Thus, normal palynological spectra are possible only
under conditions of quick deposit accumulation, as
happens in food-lands and alluvial depositions or peat-
bogs. The periodic food of food-lands and the stable
increase of the thickness of peat deposits create a real
opportunity for pollen conservation under clear strati-
graphic conditions. That is, one can fnally observe the
receipt of the natural core of deposits, what apparently
cannot be, in principle, on terraces and watersheds.
Not for the sake of carbon, but for the
sake of truth
Now we will talk about some archaeological aspects
of radiocarbon dating. There is no doubt that radiocar-
bon dating is more precise and reliable than palynol-
ogy, but, as before, there are very few dates for sites of
the period we are interested in. Moreover, it is a rather
standard situation when samples themselves can be
taken from nowhere. In view of some circumstances,
the main mass of Final Palaeolithic material lies un-
der conditions where there are no simple usual cultural
layers, but there are no carbons, or they are present as
separate infrequent impregnation. Perhaps this is con-
nected with the common change of climatic conditions
at the end of the Glacial period, when the still more ac-
tive warming brought to the formation during the win-
ter of a signifcant blanket of snow, whose rapid thaw-
ing in spring washed away surface and loose deposits,
pollen, carbons and small artefacts. Moreover, it is
not necessary in the least that such disposals could be
every year. The change in climatic conditions and the
stoppage in the Late Glacial period of loess formation
would lead also, to all appearances, to a slowing down
of sedimentation. The loess is a signifcantly lighter
and volatile fraction than other sedimentary rocks,
such as sands, clay sands, loam and lime. Therefore,
under the conditions of the Glacial period, it could be
carried signifcant distances by wind, and cover much
quicker the surfaces of periglacial steppes, the eco-
logical niche of mammoths, also burying the sites of
Palaeolithic man. The change in climate and character
of deposited rocks will inevitably also lead to a fall in
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the speed of sedimentation. Thus, warm snowy winters
evidently caused not only the death of mammoths and
other members of the mammoth faunistic complex,
but also the transformation of archaeological remains,
and, fnally, determined the state of the very archaeo-
logical source. This circumstance inevitably leads to
the conclusion that with both the palynological deter-
mination, and with the radiocarbon dating of Final Pa-
laeolithic and Mesolithic sites, far from everything can
be objectively simple.
If we proceed from the fact that the deposit accumula-
tion under conditions of fat landscapes takes place on
the whole very slowly, and in some duration it cannot
take place at all because on the surface, within centu-
ries, if not millennia, different-time materials will rest,
then also scarce samples for radiocarbon dating will
show a tendency to co-existence. First of all, the op-
portunity itself to come at different times to the same
original ground assumes that on it different-time mate-
rials and organic materials can be stored, part of which
can be used later on for dating. Probably, this might
refect the very widely known effect of the spread of
dating for one layer. Secondly, on the same spaces,
being increasingly overgrown with forest on Holocene,
local forest fres could occur periodically, whose differ-
ent-time coals appeared on the same original ground,
which became periodically a place of human habita-
tion. Thirdly, the effect of wood coalifcation has not
quite been studied in this respect, to which archaeo-
logical organic materials can by no means be subject.
But if this serves as samples for dating, then the dates
will not be related to the layers age. Fourthly, the cur-
vature of the very surface of habitation does not play a
special role, the height difference of which was usually
some centimetres, because, as a rule, man did not live
on slopes and hillsides. Taking into account the meth-
ods of the archaeological dig by conditional horizons,
prevailing until now, of which the minimal one is fve
centimetres, we receive an average comparable with
the precision of palynological samples. In the frst
place this concerns those for which coal is gathered
along spreading, which in practice takes place most
frequently for Final Palaeolothic sites. However, the
situation is also not better in cases when campfre fll-
ing is taken, because the height marks of different-time
campfres differ between themselves so little, like the
height marks of stone materials. The history projected
to the original ground is fat and unique. Actually, we
have no instruments for making in time different-time
campfres, because what we excavate and call in lit-
erature a structure is not the same. A unity of com-
ponents, otherwise a structure, is, contrary to .. .. .. . .
Kravtsov opinion (2002, 2004), the imaginary product
of a feld researcher, but by no means a rigid lattice of
elements, which forms a fxed unity. Therefore, the
dating of layers, dwellings, pits and other structures
foats. Thus, without a reliable stratigraphy, the dat-
ing can be signifcantly rejuvenated and not correspond
to the real age of fnds in the same horizon or layer.
And it is necessary to perceive this as an objective re-
ality. Only the chronology, which is built on a series
of analyses, made of samples from different layers of
well-stratifed sites, can be reliable on the assumption
of binding these samples with specifc documented
places. And it will be better if these samples are taken
from constructions whose fnds are possible on peat
sites, where, by the way, stratigraphy is present more
often, and is signifcantly more expressive than on
dune or terrace sites.
By the way, the possibility of the secondary use of the
same places for a campfre is also fairly often forgot-
ten. Practice shows that the ground round fres is more
trampled down and dense, and within the fre, because
of the burnt flling, is frmer, and therefore such places
are less overgrown and, on the contrary, dry quicker
and better. This circumstance can be of no small impor-
tance in wet weather, and provoke their secondary
use. But again, fre was used everywhere as a means
of cleaning, and this special role also guarantees the
multiple use of the same fre sites. At the same time,
in cases of overlapping different-time fres, the uni-
formity of their flling excludes the possibility of their
archaeological making in time, but really provokes
an effect of spreading dating.
Summarising the results of the revision of methods of
dating, we should mention the following:
1) a small amount of natural science data from Final
Palaeolithic sites is connected with both the conditions
of forming cultural layers and also with their safety;
2) a few samples, taken from one layer or object, are
not, evidently, really related to the time of their exist-
ing, and got there as a result of pedoturbation or de-
struction of the layer;
3) within the same fre site there can be different-time
objects; therefore, the difference in dating can be ex-
plained not so much by the invalidation of some sam-
ples, as by their belonging to different horizons of
the same pressed archaeological object;
4) radiocarbon analysis is not absolutely infallible, but
the palynological method is still the least accurate for
minerals;
5) the availability of a young date for a layer which
includes ancient forms should not be considered to be
the undoubted basis for rejuvenating the latter;
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6) a critical attitude to the source, including also natu-
ral science dating, must be an attribute of any archaeo-
logical research.
One more circumstance of no less importance de-
serves attention. If the number of Mesolithic sites in
the Volga-Oka basin is more than thousands, there are
only about twenty Final Palaeolithic ones. Of course,
population increases during historical development
and, consequently, the increase of the number of sites
is an objective factor, but can such a disproportion be
normal? Especially because the duration of the Final
Palaeolithic exceeds somewhat the duration in time of
the Mesolithic. Or is the point nevertheless something
else? And is it not things that are guilty, but rather those
methods with the help of which we try to date them?
Now we will turn to the state of the source study basis
of the Final Palaeolithic of Central Russia.
State of sources
Until the Valdai peak within the examined territory, the
Sungir, Rusanikha and Zaraisk sites are known. In the
Desna basin, Khotylevo 2, Pushkari, Mezin, Supone-
vo, Eliseevichi and Betovo belong to this time, and in
the Don basin Gagarino, Maslovka and the majority of
sites of the Kostenkovsko-Borshevsky district. The in-
dustries of these sites were not culturally homogeneous
(Paleolith USSR, 1984).
Around 15,000 years ago the Volga-Oka basin stopped
being the close Near Glacial period (Dynamics
2002; Kvasov 1975) and, consequently, this area was
potentially ready for development. At present, there is
no reliable date which could be evidence of the settle-
ment of Central Russia during the peak of the Valdai
glaciation (18,0001,000 years ago). At the same
time, if descendants remained, the secondary settle-
ment of the region (after the peak of Valdai) was quite
possible by descendants of the inhabitants of these
places who lived here before the peak of glaciation.
Therefore, it could be the population of Kostenkovsko-
Streletskaya (Sungirskaya) Culture or East Gravettian
population (Timonovka-Pushkari andor Khotylevo-
Gagarino). This does not give rise to special doubts
that other groups, not inhabiting earlier this territory,
but well adapted to the conditions of the Near Glacial
period, also had a similar opportunity. The spaces of
Eastern Europe, freed gradually from the glacier, were
in a direct sense boundless. They could potentially ad-
mit both the descendants of those who lived here before
the glacial peak and the new population, not connected
by family roots with these places. All this is quite pos-
sible, especially if we regard this space in comparison
with the probable amount of potential settlers, which
could really be included in the process of the secondary
settlement of the region.
In the literature, an opinion exists of the East Gra-
vettian episode ( 1998). In recent 1998). In recent 1998). In recent 1998). In recent 1998). In recent
years, only H.A. Amirkhanov not simply speaks about
the long chronology of the East Gravettian tradi-
tion and its existence in the Late Glacial period, but
also extends this chain, evidently, till the beginning
of the Holocene (Amirkhanov 1998, 2002, 2004). He
thinks that the descendants of the Zaraisk population
left the Koltovo 7 Late Pleistocene site, whose popula-
tion traditions, in their turn, found their continuation
in the materials of the early stage of Ienevo Culture
(Umryshenka 3). From the end of the 1980s similar
ideas were also expressed many times by V.V. ido-
rov, who thinks, however, that the Ienevsky population
were the descendants of the iberian, more exactly, the
Altai population (idorov 2002). In 1901980, L.V.
Koltsov wrote about the participation of Desna Pal-
aeolithic in the composition of the Volga-Oka Meso-
lithic (Koltsov 1977; Krainov, Koltsov 1979, 1983;
Koltsov 1989). The author expressed the idea of the
development of Khotylevo-Gagarino (East Gravettian)
traditions by the population of Reseta Culture (Sorokin
1987, 1989, 2002, 2004; Sorokin 1999). In his works,
S.N. Lisitsyn (2000, 2002) and other authors touch ac-
tively on the problem of the Upper Palaeolithic heritage
during the Final Palaeolithic. One thing seems to be ob-
vious: all these assumptions require more fundamental
developmental work. Nevertheless, if any of them do
not fnd confrmation, they refect a stable tendency in
the search for connections among the populations of
different chronological epochs. It is also clear that the
discussion of this matter is determined mainly by the
paucity of available sources. We will try to determine
our position more exactly with materials which are at
present available.
The data analysis shows that in the literature not so
many sites are mentioned which were attributed in
time to the Final Palaeolithic. Among them we can
name: Altynovo, Zolotoruchye 1, Avsergovo 1, Sknya-
tino, Fedyukovo 1, Zaozerie 1 and 2, Elin Bor (n.s.),
Ust-Tudovka 1, Podol 3, Baranov Mountain, Tioplyy
Rutchey, Troitskoe 3, Sukontsevo 9 and 8, Tarusa 1,
Shiltseva Zavod 5, Ladyzhino 3, Akulovo 1, Istok
1 (n.s.), Gremyachee 1, Umryshenki 3, Koltovo 7,
Vyshetravino 1-3, Rybaki, Nerskoe Lake 1, 2, Briket
7, and Trostenskaya 7 and 10. Unfortunately, there
are only a few full-value collections among them. In
Altynovo, Avsergovo, Sknyatino and Fedyukovo 1
there are practically no materials (Formozov 1977;
Mesolith USSR 1989). I think that if these collections
contained at least some expressive tools, they would
be published, and there would be no need to replicate
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invalid data (Koltsov 1989; Krainov, Koltsov 1984,
1987; Koltsov, Zhilin 1999; Zhilin 2004). The avail-
ability of the latter in the literature allows us to speak
about it in the best possible way. Indeed, in Altynovo,
in spite of the repeated mentions in the press (Krainov,
Koltsov 1984, 1987; Koltsov 1989), there are no edges
of the Federmesser type, but there is only a casual ar-
ticle with an irregular retouch (Sorokin 2001; Kravtsov
1998: 207). What concerns Zolotoruchye 1 (Krainov
1964), then, is to acknowledge that this collection has
preserved until now its integrity, and exists in the same
form as it was excavated. In respect of tools this ma-
terial is extremely inexpressive. And, of course, there
are really no grounds to derive from it, as M.G. Zhilin
does, Swiderian Culture (Zhilin 2004).
The Vyshetravino 1-3 sites (Sorokin 1987a, 1989a), to
all appearances, belong to the late period of the Upper
Palaeolithic, but the collections volume is insuffcient
for establishing detailed characteristics, though the
Zaraisk tradition is felt here without a doubt.
The material from Elin Bor is simply falsifed. Out of
18 tools attributed to the so-called bottom layer of this
site (Koltsov 1966, 1989) not one, judging by the list,
comes from it, and a casual article was established as
a tip, shaped by the irregular retouch, and originating
from stray fnd material (orokin 2001). The core, sup-
posedly taken by M.G. Zhilin on this site and dating
by the so-called bottom layer to the Younger Dryas
(Koltsov, Zhilin 1999), originated in reality no one
knows from where, because in M.G. Zhilins report
there is no data about the bore pit, which is also evi-
dence of its possible falsifcation.
The Zaozerie 1 and 2 collections are, mainly, lifting
material. There is no distinct division into accumula-
tions, and the material was sorted by the extent of the
silicon patinisation. There is no natural science data
(Frolov 1987). Of course, the division into two com-
plexes by raw material is quite a possible operation;
however, it remains unclear in what way both these
complexes are related to complexes which once really
existed. Even if the procedure itself of cultural land-
surveying is carried out by A.S. Frolov correctly, it is
already impossible to receive any actual confrmation
of it, because at present the sites are destroyed.
The material from the Gremyachee 1 (Voevodsky 1942)
and the bottom layer Istok 1 (Sorokin 1988) sites is
scanty. The frst one is, most probably, a hunting camp
of Ahrensburg Culture. The hunting equipment of the
second collection, except for the only tip, is greatly
fragmented, which does not allow us to speak about its
Ienevo and Ahrensburgian cultural attribution. There is
no natural-science data from both sites.
The Tioplyy Rutchey and Troitskoe 3 (Lantsev,
Miretsky 1996), and Anosovo 1 and 4 (Lisitsyn 2000,
2002) sites are also undated. There is an opinion of
their belonging to Podolsk Culture, put forward by
G.V. Sinitsyna (2000). The eponymous Podol 3 site is
dated by pollen to the Late Glacial period (accumula-
tion 1 to Younger Dryas Dr 3, accumulation 2 to Al-
lerod; Sinitsyna 1996, 2000; Sinitsyna, Kildyushevsky
1996). Baranov Mountain is also attributed to about the
same time (Sinitsyna 1996). All these sites are attrib-
uted to the Lyngby tradition.
Ust-Tudovka 1 is attributed by pollen to Younger Dryas
(Dr 3; Zhilin, Kravtsov 1991), and culturally it is one
of the early Ienevo sites (Sorokin 1991).
The geological age of Tarusa 1 and Sukontsevo 9 is
determined as the end of the Pleistocene. Both these
sites, along with very expressive ukontsevo 8 materi-
als, belong to Reseta Culture.
Among other sites we can name Shiltseva Zavod 5
(Dr 3 Bo 1, pollen), Ladyzhino 3 (Pb, no one knows
where the core was taken from; Frolov 1978; Frolov,
Zhilin 1981; Kravtsov, Konnov 2002), Akulovo 1 (14, , ,
999070, Sidorov 1996: 76), Dalnyy Ostrov (Bo, no
one knows where the core was taken from; Kravtsov,
Leonova 1992), Mitino 5 (Bo 2), Elovka (Pb), Bragino
(Pb), Koprino (ubboreal), Belivo (Pb, Kravtsov (Pb, Kravtsov (Pb, Kravtsov
1998).
For Umryshenka 3, Koltovo 7 (Sidorov 2002; Amirkha-
nov 2002, 2004), Rostislavl (Trusov 2004), Tregubovo
2 (Trusov 2004), Nerskovo Ozera 1, 2, Briket 7, Tol-
stenskaya 7 and 10, Nastasyino 2 and 4 (Trusov et al
2004) there is no natural-science data. Analysis shows
that in rare cases, where there is independent data, their
authenticity causes serious doubts. This refers to most
of the sites listed above.
Culturally, in cases when the material is suffcient for
its attribution, sites of Lyngby cultures are singled out
(Podol Culture according to G.V. Sinitsyna), Ahrens-
burg, Ienevo and Reseta cultures. Perhaps there was
also a population of Federmesser Culture, but this
cannot be confrmed. There is also a number of sites
whose cultural belonging it is too early to judge (Aku-
lovo 1). Thus, the main conclusion from the analysis
of sources is that, within the examined territory, there
was no unity of materials, and populations of different
archaeological cultures existed.
Theory
Cultural mixed character, which is traced by availa-
ble materials, is well explained from the ecology of the
concluding phase of Pleistocene. The disappearance
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of mammoth fauna and the beginning, according to
G. Clarks creative expression, of the age of the rein-
deer should inevitably bring us to the fact that part of
the population which lived here should go over to the
specialised hunting of it (Clark 1975, 1980), and lead a
nomadic life. The seasonally mobile way of life, typi-
cal of the population of the epoch of Final Palaeolith
and Mesolithic, was determined by the ecology of the
main hunting objects. The routes of wandering animals
were stable, and only global climatic changes could in-
fuence change. Therefore, for people who hunted rein-
deer and knew their habits, coming from year to year to
the same places, for example, along passages between
water bodies, where overcrowding was maximal, suc-
cess was guaranteed. J ust this creates, in a number of
cases, the archaeological illusion of signifcant site ar-
eas and collections of a mass character, which really
was not and could not be.
However, the routes of human movements were deter-
mined not only by the routes of animals wanderings,
but also by tradition, which was passed from genera-
tion to generation, on a genetic level. In this respect,
a radical ecological reorganisation on the Pleistocene-
Holocene boundary could not but cause the activation
of adaptation processes, a change in nomads camps,
and the displacement of migration natural habitats.
Since natural changes took place in a positive direc-
tion, towards climate warming, then it was, probably,
easier to adapt to them, than to the cold. There is no
special doubt that the adaptive capability to exist in the
region examined was frmly formed in man and biolog-
ically adopted not in the Mesolithic (Holocene) epoch,
but already in the previous Glacial period. At that time,
positive climate fuctuations were shorter and changed
more abruptly by phases of cold spells, and, by virtue
of this, were, apparently, more sensitive. In the Final
Palaeolithic fve consecutive phases are singled out:
Dryas 1, Blling, Dryas 2, Allerd and Dryas 3. More-
over, it stretched in time for some millennia. The com-
mon length of the Final Palaeolithic was about 3,200
years. Dryas 1 lasted from 13,300 to 12,400 years ago,
or 900 years; Blling from 12,400 to 12,000 years ago,
or 400 years; Dryas 2 from 12,000 to 11,800 years
ago, or 200 years; Allerd from 11,800 to 10,900 years
ago, or 900 years; and Dryas 3 from 10,900 to 10,100
years ago, or 800 years (Palaeogeography of Europe
1982; Dynamics... 2002; Zaliznyak 1999: 111). At the
same time, a duration of 10,300,200 years ago, or
3,100 years, is assigned to the whole Mesolithic ep-
och (Khotinsky 1977). Thus, the Final Palaeolithic and
Mesolithic are correctly comparable with each other in
length. And by ecological content? The frst, more
inclement, is called, with full right, the Late Glacial
period; the second one, warmer, is called the Holocene.
If for the frst the radical nature of changes concerned
the mammoth faunistic complex, and there was al-
most no zone variability of fora, then in the second
case the radical reorganisation and a change of growth
took place. The European population, raised under se-
vere glacial conditions, was, undoubtedly, well adapt-
ed to them. Global warming returned it to a forgotten
primitive state; however, it was also what the type
was already prepared for, because the human race, as
is well known, comes from Africa.
When we speak about nomads camps of groups of
the primitive population, it is necessary to take into
account one circumstance of no small importance: a
humans physical abilities to move are signifcantly
less than the abilities of reindeer; therefore, the ampli-
tude of human nomads camps was on the whole less
and didnt present the tracing of the frst ones, their
true copies. The biological capacity of the landscape
also provided the non-cross of natural habitats of no-
mads camps of different groups of the population. The
small number of these groups, and the self-suffciency
of traditional places of their nomads camps, provided
a means of existence for each of them without appear-
ing on the territory of a neighbouring group. Ethno-
graphic data shows that the ecological capacity of the
landscape exceeds signifcantly the needs of the peo-
ple. Living in the regions of the extreme north, though,
undoubtedly does not exclude extreme situations and
the disappearance of any of these populations.
The displacement of landscape zones and the expan-
sion of oikumena led inevitably to a change of natural
habitats of nomads camps. The common vector of this
displacement was towards the drying out Scandina-
vian glacier. In addition, because of the boundlessness
of open spaces, one ethnos did not press another
ethnos, but moved, probably, by a parallel course
and appeared on free territory, formerly unoccupied
by anybody. No doubt, everybody who occupied the
ecological niche of the Near Glacial period was well
adapted to these severe conditions, otherwise they
would not have survived in them. There were probably
no skirmishes, because the newly opened territories
surpassed signifcantly the abilities of their potential
settlers. There was no permanent need to borrow, be-
cause each group had its own experience, its gestures,
its strict traditions, to survive in this medium, and its
own means of getting rid of a stranger, and, without
exaggeration, alien, foreign infuence. And why should
the unchecked neighbours things be of use and bring
luck, and not harm and damage?
The forms of adaptation, like tool types were not de-
liberately chosen, and all the more, contrary to L.V.
Koltsovs expression, were not rejected (Koltsov
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2002: 46). All this was formed by natural selection,
by trials, errors and elaborating on experience, with
its consequent indispensable inheritance. Inherited
experience is nothing more than a form of ecological-
type adaptation. We fx archaeologically just the result
of this process, distinguishing different cultures with
their different tool and technology sets: Federmesser,
Hamburg, Lyngby, Ahrensburg, Swiderian, Reseta,
etc. Should we be surprised that for all of us almost
the same categories of stone tools are typical? In the
materials of each of these cultures, there are cores,
chips-blanks and technological debris, and among the
tools there are scrapers, knives, arrowheads and their
substitutes, inserts, drills, drawing-knives and cutting
tools. All this was determined by that minimum which
was necessary for performing standard production and
everyday operations in the Stone Age, processing the
same types of raw materials and foodstuffs, which
were required for supporting vital activity in a defnite
ecological niche of the Near Glacial zone. Part of them,
especially the hunting requisites, was different. But
should the attempts of different groups of ancient peo-
ple to survive in the cold conditions of the Near Glacial
zone be apparent at least in something, and should the
traditions of specifc population groups living here be-
come apparent at least in something?
An analysis of the ecosystems of reindeer hunters al-
lows us to claim with full right that there are no local
archaeological cultures, but there are lacunas of our
knowledge of them. The territory of a specifc archaeo-
logical culture cannot be localised by the mouth of the
Kama, the Middle Vychegda, the Upper Podneprovie,
or even by the area of one river basin, no matter how
large it is, because such is human ecology as a biologi-
cal species. At the same time, it can also be infnitely
large, and say, cover the whole of Europe or Asia.
Therefore, we should establish the territorial frames
of an archaeological culture not only by the similarity
of the stone tools, but also by modelling the changes in
the environment, fora and fauna, the way of life and
the physical abilities of the human himself.
As far as we can judge, the seasonally mobile way of
life of the primitive population underlies the territo-
rial unity of the archaeological culture; therefore, for
the Final Palaeolithic, the reindeer epoch, the mini-
mum diameter of the natural habitat shall be approxi-
mately 1,000 kilometres. We might ask the question,
how physically real are similar movements? We will
make a simple calculation. If we accept a standard day
of pedestrian motion as 30 kilometres, then he will
cover a distance of 900 kilometres (approximately the
distance that separates the Upper Volga Reseta sites
and Pulli in Estonia; Sorokin 1999) in 30 days. By
time, taking into account the speed of foot motion at
fve kilometres per hour, a section of one day of mo-
tion is covered in only six hours. Thus, 18 hours a
day are left for sleep, rest and labour. In this case, for
movement of a distance of 1,500 kilometres, and this
is the average seasonal route of reindeer wandering, 50
days are needed. This data not only fts well into the
amplitude of annual seasonal reindeer migrations, but
also of the movements of ethnographic reindeer hunt-
ers (Dzeniskevich 1987; Syroechkovsky 1986; Sim-
chenko 1976). Of course, actual practice did not nec-
essarily coincide with the norm, and was determined
by an aggregate of circumstances which could speed
up or, on the contrary, slow down the speed in each
actual case. In this case, it is more important for us
that the calculation itself shows the physical reality of
a human for such movement. From an archaeological
point of view, these calculations allow us objectively
to make more exact the natural habitat of archaeologi-
cal cultures of the end of the Pleistocene, when Europe
remained a Near Glacial zone and the ecological niche
of the mentioned animal.
In its turn, the whole aggregate of the mentioned cir-
cumstances determined not only the amplitude of sea-
sonal population migration, the reciprocal character of
this wandering, but also the archaeological markers:
artefacts distributed throughout all of Near Glacial Eu-
rope, by which the natural habitats of archaeological
cultures are reconstructed (Sorokin 2002, 2004). Gla-
cier reduction, with the common vector towards Scan-
dinavia, should inevitably be accompanied by both the
gradual change of freed territories to oikumena, and by
the signifcant latitude coverage of reindeer wandering
and the amplitude of the movement of the pursuers
of reindeer herds (not less than 1,500 to 2,000km in
diameter). On the Great European plains, from west
to east, there were no insurmountable geographical
boundaries; therefore, places of habitation of the an-
cient population of the Near Glacial zone had no and
could not have had natural boundaries. The natural
habitats of different groups were outlined not so much
by geography as by the very population fgures. The
division of Europe into east and west took place later
on, already in the Holocene, but not earlier. This also
shows the presence of similar materials in the Great
European sand plains from Britain to the Urals. Nev-
ertheless, to make more exact the cultural processes
(components) of the epoch of the Final Palaeolithic,
the available data is obviously insuffcient, and it is the
task of the future. Meanwhile, this picture is visible
only very roughly.
The availability of at least two development lines
seems to be obvious: the frst is the Gravettian tradi-
tion, which from Khotylevo 2 to Gagarino connects the
Final Pleistocene Reseta Culture with Holocene Pulli
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and Butovo cultures (Sorokin 1999; Sorokin 2002,
2004). And the Lyngby tradition, which combines Ah-
rensburgian, Ienevo, Pesochny Rov, Grensk and Ust-
Kama cultures, as well as the cultures of Fosna and
Komsa (Zaliznyak 1999; Sorokin 2002). It does not
raise doubts that the similarity, which is observed in
the tools of Ienevo, Pesochny Rov, Grensk and Ust-
Kama cultures, as in cases with the Gravettian tradi-
tion, could arise only in a defnite ecological niche of
the Final Pleistocene of Near Glacial Europe on ter-
ritories unoccupied by the glacier during and after the
peak of Valdai glaciation. That is, on those mainland
areas which in the Final Pleistocene served as natural
reindeer habitats. As the Baltic region and northern Eu-
rope were freed from glacial cover, Lithuania and the
Scandinavian coast fell into the zone of nomads camps
of this population. In Scandinavia, this population
is known archaeologically by materials of the Fosna
and Komsa cultures. Some sites of Ust-Kama Culture
(Syukeevsk Vzvoz, Tetyushinskaya 3) have geological
dates within the end of the Pleistocene (Butakov et al
1999; Galimova 1999). The Ust-Tudovka 1 and, prob-
ably, Shiltseva Zavod 5 Ienevo sites are dated to the
Younger Dryas. While one of the earliest sites of Fosna
Culture, Toscer A, which is not distinguished by its set
from the Ienevo-Grensk-Pesochny Rov collections, is
radiocarbon dated to the beginning of Preboreal times
(Taute 1968; J .&K. Kozlovsky 1975).
On the basis of what has been said above about paly-
nological and radiocarbon dating, as well as about the
state of layers of Final Pleistocene and Early Holocene
sites, the Holocene data of the Reseta and Ienevo cul-
tures should be considered false, and their appearance
explained by the effect of the natural rejuvenation of
palynological spectra and radiocarbon samples. Thus,
on the basis of the palaeogeographical and economic
and cultural reconstruction, Reseta and Ienevo cultures
should be much more ancient, and recognised, together
with Ust-Kama, Grensk and Pesochny Rov cultures, as
Final Palaeolithic ones. Most likely, the population of
the Lyngby tradition left the limits of Central Russia,
Ukraine and Belorussia before the beginning of Prebo-
real times, when forest formations began to prevail,
and went following the reindeer to the north. And their
further destiny is connected with the population of the
Fosna and Komsa cultures. At the same time, the East
Gravettian population went on to master central re-
gions and the eastern part of the natural habitat, the Vo-
logda and Arkhangelsk regions and the Komi Republic
(Archaeology of the Komi Republic 1997).
The concepts eastern version of Federmesser Cul-
ture, Eastern Federmesser and Eastern Ahrens-
burg, which are proposed by separate researchers
(Koltsov 1977; Zhilin 1995; Koltsov, Zhilin 1999;
Zhilin 2004) suppose inevitably that there are also
western, and, perhaps, northern and southern
versions of these cultures. In reality, there is nothing
of the kind in the literature, like in life, and there is
only complete confusion as to what to understand by
archaeological culture. If we proceed from this term, as
of the gnoseological category of the space-time con-
nection of fossil objects, and under the natural habitat
of the archaeological culture of the Stone Age, to see
the amplitude of spatial oscillations of the population
within the limits of the fodder territory (Sorokin 2002,
2004), then everything falls into place. Thus, sites with
points of Federmesser type are Federmesser Culture,
and sites with Lyngby arrowheads, wherever they can
be met, are sites of Lyngby Culture, and all arguments
about eastern versions are only a verbal balancing
act, behind which there is no real content. Similar
terms do not take into account absolutely the economic
basis of societies of the Final Palaeolithic, the ecology
of reindeer, the main food animal of this time, and the
way of life of the primitive population.
Archaeological culture in the Stone Age is an abstrac-
tion, a gnoseological category, like the concept ar-
chaeological culture itself (Zakharuk 1976), but not
a natural habitat with rigidly controlled boundaries. It
is necessary to perceive it as a geographical space, a
habitation medium, a niche, within whose limits the
population lived according to the seasonal cycle. The
regions population in the examined period of time was
so small in number that a situation when some group
of Mesolithic population lived on the summer site and
there was no winter nomad camp, and vice versa, is
very likely. Actually, this is the temporary succession
of different forms of spatial organisation of the pro-
duction collective. Because of the small number of
groups of hunters-collectors, only a piece of visible
space obeyed the control, and no more. In principle,
control of the territory was out of the question.
Consequently, the boundaries of archaeological cul-
tures of the Final Palaeolithic and the Mesolithic ac-
tually coincide with the natural habitat of annual,
economic cycles; that is, it is actually the amplitude
of spatial oscillations of the population within the fod-
der territory, which could be overlapped by the natural
habitat of another population, but on the whole could
not be controlled and defended at all. This simply
could not be done by anybody. Because of this fact,
the reindeer hunters had one natural habitat, mammoth
hunters had another natural habitat, and elk hunters
had a third natural habitat, so areas which were able to
feed the population adapted to these species and were
also different. This picture, which is fxed archaeologi-
cally, is the result of the summing up and overlapping
on to each other of routes of the wandering popula-
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tion, changing in time. Actually, it is a pressed-in-time
sequence of different-time events, but not a refection
of the simultaneous occupation of population groups
existing simultaneously, and basic and temporary sites,
hunters and fshermens camps, places for the slaugh-
ter and butchering of animals etc, existing in parallel.
This is the history of real events, projected on to a map,
which took place with people within the whole period
of existence of specifc populations, while we are able
to trace their features by specifc material remains.
This, apparently, explains the overlapping of natural
habitats of synchronous cultures, but we have extreme-
ly little data for their strict correlation.
The above does not at all mean the complete level-
ling of collections of all sites within the limits of each
culture. The differences remain, but the difference in
measuring features and peculiarities in the stylistics of
article processing at different sites of the same culture,
divided by many hundreds of kilometres from each
other, are not evidence of their different cultural be-
longing. Moreover, they are easily explained. As was
shown for North American material by the Canadian
archaeologist and ethnologist Brian Gordon, who lived
a long time among Indian caribou hunters, all these
indices are connected for the most part with different
seasons for sites and their unequal remoteness from
the sources of raw material (Gordon 1997). One can
add here, apparently, the temporary and individual pe-
culiarities of producers. But the frst two features are
still the main ones. This is why there is no necessity to
single out separate Podolsk (Sinitsyn 2000) or Kras-
noselsk cultures (Zaliznyak 1999) and connect their
origin with Bromme-Lyngby. This is one and the same
Lyngby population, which wandered following the
reindeer along the endless spaces of the Near Glacial
zone of Europe in the ecological niche of the Final
Pleistocene.
The settlement of new territories which were freed
from the glaciers was not an incidental act, but was
a process of economic development, in a way space
flling, the growing accustomed of the population to
the territory. This process was carried out by people
well adapted to the conditions of northern latitudes.
It took place permanently as near-glacial lands were
freed from glacial cover, in other words, the expansion
of the geographical capacity of the landscape. Howev-
er, the landscape flling was not carried out immedi-
ately, but through a known interval of time, only when
and since the necessary prerequisites had matured. It
is necessary to look at the seasonal movements of the
people of that time in the context of the way of life of
the primitive population and the economic and cultural
type of the hunters of the tundra and incipient forest
zones, viewing their migration not as a unidirectional
movement to the north, but as reciprocal, shuttle move-
ments, subject to the annual natural cycle and ecology
of the reindeer. The economic system, with which re-
gions of European territory, being remote, at a signif-
cant distance from each other, were involved in the or-
bit of economic activity, and long seasonal migrations
were vitally necessary, could be formed and exist only
when hunting reindeer. For the territory under review,
it is the end of the Pleistocene, the period of the Fi-
nal Palaeolithic. The reindeer is the only animal of the
middle zone for which long seasonal wandering is the
norm, a behaviour stereotype (Syroechkovsky 1986;
Seibutis 1974, 1980; Big beats of prey 198; Pal-
aeography of Europe 1982). And if there are people
who are able to hunt it, archaeologically a common-
ness of territories which are at a signifcant distance
from each other can arise. A reindeer hunter will in-
evitably wander signifcant distances following the
reindeer herds (Dzeniskevich 1987; Simchenko 1976;
Syroechkovsky 1986), and therefore will unavoidably
leave material features of his presence.
In this connection, I want to draw attention to the fol-
lowing. In archaeological literature, as a rule, schemes
of population migrations are traditionally marked by
arrows, going in any direction. For example, the set-
tlement of the Baltic lands by the Ahrensburgian popu-
lation is marked as a unidirectional movement from
west, from the north German lowland to the east, to
the River Nemunas basin (Rimantien 191), and by
the Swiderian population from the southwest, from the
Polish and Polessie lowlands, to the northeast, to Upper
and Middle Podneprovie (Zaliznyak 1999: 210), etc. In
that way, the movement of migration fows seems to
be determined at the moment of the settlement of the
actual territory. Actually, it is implied that this territory
was permanently and for long settled by the carriers of
the archaeological culture. If the reconstruction of the
economic and cultural type for this time is correct, the
domestic conditions of the reindeer hunters could exist
and be realised only as shuttle reciprocal migrations,
and by no means otherwise.
Consequently, the unidirectional graphic representa-
tion of movements of the primitive population forms
an inaccurate and one-sided picture of the Stone Age,
because these migrations were neither en masse, nor,
particularly, in fows. On the contrary, they were small
in number, and, more importantly, seasonal. The ecol-
ogy of animal types, the main objects of hunting, and
their behaviour determined the economic strategy of
people and their way of life. Therefore, the migrations
were seasonal and reciprocal, that is, they went in both
directions, obeying the laws of the behaviour of the
prey. Certainly, the migration of people to new lands
also took place in the Final Palaeolithic and the Meso-
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lithic, but these single migrations did not determine the
essence of the migrations of these epochs, not because
the migration of people to new territories were not pe-
culiar to them, but the stage-by-stage development of
new lands and the expansion of oikumena by means of
seasonal, reciprocal migrations. At the same time, glo-
bal, positive changes in the natural medium at the end
of the Pleistocene and the beginning of the Holocene
inevitably brought an expansion to the territory and
created favourable opportunities for its development.
This does not mean that such opportunities were re-
alised permanently; it means only one thing, that the
opportunity itself for their realisation occurred.
In a number of cases, the extreme points of the natural
habitat, fxed by archaeological sites, are the amplitude
of spatial migrations of the population within the food
territories. The small number of primitive collectives,
living at the end of oikumena, and the peculiarity of
the economic cycle of reindeer hunters also determined
their way of life. From this, it follows that when the
reindeer were in the tundra on pastures in the warm
season, these were northern near glacial territories, and
the whole population was probably there. And in the
following cold times the reindeer population groups
wandered southwards, as well as on the plains of Cen-
tral Russia, where it was simpler both for reindeer and
for people to spend the winter.
Only the evolution of climate and palaeomedium, which
changed abruptly the world picture, on to which later
the peculiarities of the latest political history, which
erected interstate boundaries were superimposed, led
to the fact that the archaeological mosaic can by no
means be formed into a clear and logically connected
picture. Moreover, this very picture still remains an ab-
straction as separate territorially separate dabs, badly
connected to each other, whose study depends on the
number of researchers and their fnancial possibilities.
Thus, at present the source-study basis of the Meso-
lithic of Central Russia includes only three cultures,
Butovo, Purgasovo and Kultino (Sorokin 2004). The
sites of Reseta and Ienevo cultures, attributed before to
the Mesolithic, should be considered as Final Palaeo-
lithic, which allows us not simply to withdraw from the
agenda the matter itself of the character of sites of the
epoch of the Final Palaeolithic within the limits of the
region studied, but also gives a methodological basis
for the further, detailed development of the question.
Concl usi on
The sources on the Final Palaeolithic of Central Russia
mentioned in the literature are for the most part scanty
and inexpressive. However, the problem is not so much
their real absence, as the erroneous determination of
their age and the wrong theoretical approach to the so-
lution of these questions.
The analysis of palynological, radiocarbon and geo-
logical methods of dating archaeological sites from
the end of the Pleistocene and the beginning of the
Holocene, and the revision of the available but not
numerous dates, shows that for mineral grounds these
methods require serious correction, and the dates them-
selves do not correspond in most cases to the typologi-
cal age of archaeological material. Palynology, which
refects, as a rule, not the time of habitation of the site
but the age of the formation of overlapping deposits,
extending to a long period the postpositional life of
the cultural layer, appears to be the least reliable for
these purposes. Consequently, this leads inevitably to
the rejuvenation of deposits, and, as an archaeological
result, to the younger age of artefacts enclosed in them.
Furthermore, todays palynological methods of sam-
pling do not take into account the standard situation
of re-depositing of archaeological materials and pollen
under the infuence of deposit pedoturbation. Geologi-
cal dating is used little for the determination of the age
of objects of the examined period, and at best allows us
to speak about global events, that is, the attribution of
deposits to the Pleistocene or Holocene. The change of
the character of sedimentation and stoppage at the Late
Pleistocene of the forest formation inevitably led to the
reduction of deposit accumulation, which told distinct-
ly negatively on the speed of the formation of cultural
layers and sample safety for radiocarbon dating. Typo-
logical analysis and some natural-science data allow us
to establish a more ancient age for Ienevo and Reseta
cultures, and to consider them to be completely Final
Palaeolithic. In this case, both the total number of sites
increases, and their appearance becomes more physi-
cal. Thus, to the question about the presence of sites of
this period in Central Russia, we can answer not sim-
ply affrmatively, but also give the actual material form
of their content, at least, not less than by two cultural
traditions, Gravettian and Lyngby, in which both the
above-mentioned cultures are included.
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Abbrevi ati ons

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Alexey orokin
nstitute of Archaeology RAS
Ul. Dm. Ulyanova 19
117036 Moscow
Russia
e-mail: ansorokin@pisem.net
CENTRI N RUI J O FI NALI NI
PALEOLI TA: BTI AR NEBTI ?
Alexey Sorokin
Santrauka
Literatroje aprayti Centrins Rusijos fnalinio paleo-
lito altiniai daugiausia skurds ir neiraikingi. Taiau
problema yra ne tiek mint altini trkumas, kiek j
neteisingas datavimas ir iai problemai sprsti taikomi
netinkami teoriniai metodai.
Pleistoceno pabaigos ir holoceno pradios archeologi-
jos paminkl dat, gaut palinologiniu, radiokarboni-
niu ir geologiniu metodais, analiz, taip pat negausi
gamtamokslini dat revizija rodo, kad mineraliniams
dirvoemiams taikant iuos metodus, juos reikt pas-
tebimai tobulinti, o paios datos daugeliu atvej ne-
sutampa su archeologins mediagos tipologine chro-
nologija. Maiausiai patikimas pasirod palinologinis
metodas, kuris daniausiai rodo ne archeologijos pa-
minklo ami, o kultrin sluoksn dengiani ir per
ilg laik susiformavusi nuosd ami. Taip pat
palinologini bandini parinkimo metodika nepajgia
vertinti fakto, kad paprastai dl pedoturbacijos povei-
kio archeologin mediaga ir iedadulks yra perklos-
tytos. Geologinis datavimo metodas nagrinjamam
laikotarpiui menkai tepritaikomas ir geriausiu atveju
teleidia priskirti sluoksnius ledynmeiui arba holoce-
nui. Vlyvuoju ledynmeiu, pasikeitus sedimentacijai
ir nutrkus lios formavimuisi, labai sultjo nuosd
kaupimasis. Tai turjo neigiam tak gyvenviei kul-
trini sluoksni radiokarboniniam datavimui.
Tipologin analiz ir kai kurie gamtamoksliniai duo-
menys leidia pasendinti Jenevo ir Resetos kultr
chronologij ir jas visikai priskirti fnaliniam paleo-
litui. iuo atveju pastebimai iauga fnalinio paleolito
paminkl skaiius ir tampa aikus j pobdis. Todl ne
tik galima teigiamai atsakyti klausim apie Centrins
Rusijos teritorijos apgyvendinim iuo laikotarpiu, bet
ir konkreiai nustatyti, kokioms kultrinms grupms
paminklai priklauso gravetui ar Lyngby.
Received: 2005
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FI NAL PAL AEOL I THI C-EARLY MESOL I THI C
CULTURES WI TH TRAPEZI A I N THE VOL GA AND
DNI EPER BASI NS: THE QUESTI ON OF ORI GI N
MADINA GALIMOVA
Abstr act
Transversal arrowheads (trapezia) are a characteristic type of hunting implement of some Final Palaeolithic-Early Mesolithic
cultures of Eastern Europe. These cultures were studied in the Volga-Oka basin (Ienevo Culture), the Middle Dnieper-Desna
basin (Pisochny Riv Culture), the Lower Dnieper-Donets region (Zimivnyki Culture) and the Volga-Kama confuence (Oust-
Kamskaya Culture). Issues of origin and fate still remain debatable. An interest in the formation and interaction of Volga-
Dnieper cultures with transversal arrowheads in their inventory is induced by their specifc geographical position as well as
a permanent increase in data. Discussions of the genesis of these trapezium complexes has tended to focus on two variants:
1) within Post-Ahrensburgian industries due to some factors (natural or social); 2) from west Asian-Caucasian cultures with
geometric tools. Probably the frst variant is most likely to be attributed to Ienevo and Pisochny Riv, and the second is prefer-
able for Zimivnyki and Oust-Kamskaya. Cultures in the Dnieper-Donets and Middle Volga basins, on the basis of the great
variety of trapezia, are assumed to represent an area of crossing of cultural tradition. The forms of this crossing need to be
concretised in the course of further research.
Key words: Final Palaeolithic, Early Mesolithic, Eastern Europe, Dnieper and Volga rivers, Ienevo Culture, Pisochny Riv
Culture, Zimivnyki Culture, Oust-Kamskaya Culture, genesis, trapezium, transversal arrowhead.
I enevo Cul ture
The Upper Volga-Oka basin is the most extensively
investigated area among regions under study (Fig. 1).
The Final Palaeolithic sites situated within this territo-
ry have been identifed by M.G. Zhilin and L.V. Kolts-
ov as Eastern Federmesser (Altynovo, Zolotorutchye
1, Zaozerye) and Eastern Lyngby or Eastern Ahrens-
burgian (early complex of Oust-Tudovka 1) (Zhilin
1996; Koltsov, Zhilin 1999). These sites were occu-
pied during Allerd/Dryas 3. This assumption needs to
be proved more because of the problematic character
of the Federmesser points in the Upper Volga region
(Kravtsov 1998; Sinitsyna 2000; Galimova 2001). Me-
solithic in the Volga-Oka basin is represented by: 1)
Post-Ahrensburgian (or Post-Lyngby) Ienevo Culture
and Postswiderian Butovo Culture, which were distin-
guished by L.V. Koltsov and further studied by A.N.
Sorokin, M.G. Zhilin, A.E. Kravtsov, E.V. Leonova et
al. Ienevo Culture dating back to the eighth or seventh
millennium BC is now admitted by all of them (Zhilin
1996; Koltsov, Zhilin 1999; Kravtsov 1999; Sorokin
1999). According to recent investigations, the Avser-
govo 2 site may be one of the oldest Ienevo sites, dat-
ing back to the beginning of the Preboreal (Leonova
2002).
The technology and inventory of Ienevo Culture are
well represented in publications. According to M.G.
Zhilin, the most important sites are Ladyzhino 3,
Yelovka 2, Belivo 6v, Belivo 4a during Preboreal as
well as Boreal sites of Ienevo 2 and Penkovo (Zhilin
1996). Lithic technology was aimed at the produc-
tion of irregular blades and fakes. Bladelets are met
in these assemblages very seldom. Cores demonstrate
various types: single and double-platform, prismatic or
fat, pyramidal, multi-platform formless. A secondary
modifcation is characterised by blunting and sharpen-
ing retouch, burin split technique and faking. Flat re-
touch, microburins and tranchet techniques were used
occasionally (Kravtsov 1999). The tool kit consists
of retouched and angle burins, end, sloped, circular,
side and double scrapers. Dihedral burins occur rarely.
Push-planes with arched notches, blades with edge for-
mation retouch, perforators of different shapes and pro-
portions, oblique retouched points, and combined tools
are quite well represented. A.N. Sorokin distinguishes
various chopping tools: strangulated axes and adzes of
oval and trapezium shape, pieces, esquillees (Sorokin
1999). Expressive and numerous points and geometric
tools were found: Ahrensburgian and Post-Ahrensbur-
gian side-notched and symmetrical tanged points, tra-
pezia, triangles, segmented and lanceolate points (Fig.
2). These tools are the main issues of Ienevo Culture to
be considered by many specialists.
The development of Ahrensburgian points and trapez-
es as a chronological sequence of its shape, as consid-
ered by A.N. Sorokin, gives an opportunity to distin-
guish three groups of sites: 1) with tanged points and
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Fig. 1. Locations of the cultures in the study
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Fig. 2. Ienevo Culture: A Penkovo site (after M.G. Zhilin); B Belivo 6 (after E.V. Leonova); C Dalnii Ostrov (after M.G.
Zhilin, A.E. Kravtsov, E.V. Leonova)
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without geometric forms (Ust-Tudovka 1, Vysokino 6,
Starokonstantinovskaya 4); 2) with points and trapezia
(Ladyzhino 3, Bragino, Dmitrovskoye, Penkovo etc);
and 3) with trapezia only (Ienevo 2, Koprino) (Sorokin
1996). This idea was supported by A.E. Kravtsov and
E.N. Spiridonova who analysed pollen data and hunt-
ing implements of this culture (Kravtsov, Spiridonova
1996). L.V. Koltsov and M.G. Zhilin regard Ienevo as
the result of Eastern Federmesser and Eastern Ahrens-
burgian interaction with the backed points tradition mi-
grating from the Don basin (Borshchevo 2). According
to G.V. Sinitsina and L.L. Zaliznyak, Ienevo is consid-
ered to be a descendant of Eastern Bromme-Lyngby
(site of Podol, Krasnoselye Culture). Traces of Ienevo-
Butovo contacts are remarked on by A.N. Sorokin.
Possibly a part of the Ienevo population moved to the
Dnieper-Desna basin (Koltsov, Zhilin 1999).
Pi sochny Ri v
This culture (Fig. 1) is recognised by the majority of
specialists as close to Ienevo (Fig. 3). L.L. Zaliznyak
regards both cultures to be local variants of a single
cultural unity genetically related to Eastern Lyngby-
Ahrensburgian (Krasnoselye Culture) infuenced by
the Final Palaeolithic tradition of the Middle Don basin
(Borshchevo 2) (Zaliznyak 1999a). In another publi-
cation, L.L. Zaliznyak proposes a hypothetic scheme
of transformation on the Dryas/Preboreal border of
the Grensk-Borovka type of Krasnoselye Culture into
Pisochny Riv and Ienevo (Zaliznyak 1999b). Unfortu-
nately, Pisochny Riv sites are poorly stratifed and have
no reliable dating. This fact gives rise to a discussion
concerning its chronological position. The Middle/Late
Mesolithic dating of Pisochny Riv complexes seems
to be the most probable (Zhilin 1996). In L.L. Zalizn-
yaks opinion, trapezia (especially symmetrical) are
more representative in Pisochny Riv assemblages than
in Ienevo ones. G.N. Matiushin mentioned the similar-
ity of the Pisochny Riv and Oust-Kamskaya cultures
geometric microliths in his book describing the Me-
solithic of the Urals (Matiushin 1976: 140, 198). This
peculiarity of the Pisochny Riv trapezium complex is
assumed to have a close analogy in the Zimivnyki Cul-
ture inventory.
Zi mi vnyki
This culture (Fig. 1) includes the sites of Zimivnyki
1, Surskoi 5, Vyazivok 4a, Sabivka 1, etc (Gorelik
1984; Nuzhnyi 1992; Zaliznyak 1999; Koen 1992; Za-
liznyak, Gavrilenko 1995; Gavrilenko 2000; Manko
1996). The lithic technology was based on the utili-
sation of multi-platform, amorphous or discoid cores
for fakes, and to a lesser extent on prismatic or coni-
cal cores for blades. The fakes and irregular blades
were prevailing tool blanks. Burin technology, blunt-
ing retouch and tranchet are demonstrated in these as-
semblages. Microlithic production is characterised by
microburin and pseudo-microburin technique. The tool
kit consists of retouched, angle and sporadic dihedral
burins, end-scrapers, side and double scrapers, small
circular scrapers on the fakes, blades and fakes with
retouched notches, perforators, oblique points, and
truncated fakes. Chopping tools of tranchet shape are
not numerous. Transversal arrowheads form a very
expressive tool group (Fig. 4, 5). There are symmet-
ric and asymmetric trapezia (sometimes with concave
edges), trapezia of low proportion, segments of middle
proportion and rare triangles. Most of these geometric
tools were made of fakes and irregular blades.
Questions of the origin, territory and chronology of
Zimivnyki Culture are still under discussion. But ac-
cording to the view of the majority of researchers,
south Zimivnyki fint assemblages, the lower layers of
the Sabivka 1 and Zimivnyki 1, are probably of Final
Palaeolithic chronology and the archaic appearance of
its industry. V.A. Manko reports about 60 trapezia of
high and medium proportion in the Sabivka 1 tool-kit
(Manko 1996). The geometric inventory of Zimivnyki
1/3 is less impressive. Probably, V.A. Manko is right
to regard the combination of small and large trapezia
as a characteristic feature of early Zimivnyki com-
plexes. Thus, the early stage of this culture is assumed
to be represented by the assemblages of Sabivka 1,
Zimivnyki 1 (2-3) and Surskoi 5 which existed dur-
ing the Final Palaeolithic/Mesolithic border. A further
stage is represented by the western sites of Zagai and
Vyazivok 4a (Middle Dnieper basin). These industries
are believed to have functioned during the Preboreal
and Boreal (Gavrilenko 2000). Besides this gener-
ally accepted chronology, there is an alternative point
of view on the age of Vyazivok 4a: Final Palaeolithic
(Koen 1992).
I.N. Gavrilenko makes the correct assumption that
there is a defnite typological difference among the
Zimivnyki assemblages. He divides this industry
into three local variants: Surskoi 5 (Lower Dnieper),
Sabivka and Zimivnyki (Seversky Donets basin), and
Vyazivok (Middle Dnieper). L.L. Zaliznyak, I.M. Ga-
vrilenko and D.Y. Nuzhnyi consider this culture to be
formed on the same basis as Pisochny Riv-Eastern
Lyngby or Eastern Ahrensburgian, with the addition of
industries with backed points (Borshchevo 2). Accord-
ing to this concept, Early Zimivnyki industries existed
during Dryas 3 (Zimivnyki 1, Sabivka, Surskoi 5), and
later ones (Vyazivok 4a, Zagai) during the Preboreal
and Boreal. Zimivnyki Culture, alongside Pisochny
140
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Fig. 3. Pisochny Riv Culture (after L.L. Zaliznyak)
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Fig. 4. Zimivnyki Culture: A Zimivniki 3 (after A.F. Gorelik); B Vyazivok 4a (after L.L. Zaliznyak, I.M. Gavrilenko)
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Riv, are proposed to be of the same origin (from the
Middle Don basin) and similar to Oust-Kamskaya
Culture in the Middle Volga. Moreover, Borschevo 2
industry as its origin is mentioned by I.N. Gavrilenko
as Eastern Epigravettian (Gavrilenko 2000). A single
characteristic type of the Borschevo 2 tool-kit, backed
points, were interpreted in this publication as chatell-
perronian points, or even crescent-like microliths. In
my opinion, there are not suffcient arguments to clas-
sify these widespread types of points in such a way.
Oust-Kamskaya
It is this cultures microlithic inventory that has a close
resemblance to Zimivnyki. Oust-Kamskaya Culture
has been studied at the Volga and Kama river confu-
ence (Fig. 1). A comparison between this cultures
sites geologic-geomorphologic position allows us to
distinguish three chronological groups: 1) transitional
Palaeolithic/Mesolithic (upper layer of Kamskoye
Oustye, Syukeevskii Vzvoz, Begantchik, Semen-
ovskaya, Tetyushskaya, etc); and 2) Mesolithic (Ko-
syakovskaya, Lyubavskaya, etc). According to pollen
and geomorphological data, there are some Upper Pal-
aeolithic sites situated on the right bank of the Volga in
the mouth of the Kama region (Lobatch, lower layer of
Kamskoye Oustye, etc) (Galimova 2001). The ques-
tion of the cultural attribution and genesis of these
Upper Palaeolithic sites still remains to be solved. Ar-
chaeological data ought to be extended. The Lobatch
inventory contains two suffciently expressed backed
tools: retouched burin-long segment and oblique point,
which allows us to make some analogies with Final
Palaeolithic complexes studied in the Russian Plain.
However, the point of view mentioned above on the
genesis of Oust-Kamskaya Culture from the Final Pal-
aeolithic population of the Middle Don (Borschevo 2)
has no reliable data in its support. A specifc feature
of a more representative industry of the lower layer
of Kamskoye Oustye, apart from micro-core typology
and some specifc tools, is a large quantity of narrow
blades. Some analogies seem to be found in the as-
semblage of the Talitskogo site in the western Urals.
Nevertheless, these analogies give no reason for these
sites to be defned as the same culture. Besides, a com-
parative analysis of both Kamskoye Oustye industries
(of the lower and upper layers) demonstrates a con-
siderable typological resemblance. It is to be of major
signifcance in the solution of the problem of the origin
of Oust-Kamskaya Culture.
Trapezia of various shapes appear to be an important
but by no means a single specifc type of Oust-Kam-
skaya Culture implement. Its blade production tech-
nology is characterised by prismatic, wedge-shaped,
conical, fat and amorphous cores, with the addition of
secondary cores made of large fakes. Massive and ir-
regular blades were the main type of blanks. The tool
kit also seems to be massive (especially tools from
Begantchik and Syukeevskii Vzvoz). Retouched and
angled burins, as well as end-scrapers, are the most
representative. Dihedral burins of different shapes and
combined ones occur in smaller proportions. Transver-
sal retouched burins made of fakes seem to be typi-
cal but not numerous. Backed points, lanceolate tools
and bifacial chopping tools of trapezium shape occur
in small amounts. A trapezium with concave edges is
the most specifc feature of Oust-Kamskaya Culture.
Its size and proportion are of great variety. Arrowheads
of a form different to a trapezium are almost unknown.
Occasional tools interpreted as arrowheads of non-
transversal shape do not demonstrate a stable typol-
ogy (Fig. 6). Expressive prismatic, conical and pencil-
shaped cores with microblade negatives give evidence
about more developed blade techniques of the young-
est Oust-Kamskaya Culture sites (Kosyakovskaya and
Lyubavskaya). These complexes have other typologi-
cal peculiarities in their inventory: scrapers are of great
variety and number, angle burins have preference over
retouched ones, and the bifacial technique is almost
absent.
Di scussi on
A hypothesis of the Siberian origins of the Upper Pal-
aeolithic/Early Mesolithic population of the Middle
Volga basin has been put forward by A.K. Khalikov.
As a result of a comparative analysis between Syuke-
evskii Vzvoz and Postnikov Ovrag (in Samara city)
(Fig. 1) which, in Khalikovs opinion, are attributed to
the Siberian Upper Palaeolithic (Khalikov 1991), the
conclusion is made by the author about a lack of sig-
nifcant resemblance. Typological features of the sites
situated in the Enisey basin and western Siberia, as
well as in the Urals (Golyi Kamen, Medvezhya cave),
which, according to Khalikov, mark the route of Sibe-
rian newcomers to the Middle Volga, demonstrate no
similarity with the Syukeevskii Vzvoz and Postnikov
Ovrag industries. Nevertheless, some peculiarities in
the Postnikov Ovrag industry are close to the inven-
tory of the Tchernoozerye and Talitskogo sites. These
peculiarities are as follows: a small quantity of burins,
large scrapers, and expressive types of sub-circular
scrapers.
A comparison between the lithic industry of Syuke-
evskii Vzvoz and Gornaya Talitsa in the western Urals
provides an opportunity to suppose a signifcant resem-
blance. However, there are no reasons for the cultural
unifcation of Gornaya Talitsa, Syukeevskii Vzvoz and
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Fig. 5. Zimivniki Culture: C Surskoi 5 (after D.Y. Nuzhnyi); D Sabivka 1 (after V.A. Manko)
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Fig. 6. Oust-Kamskaya Culture: A Syukeevskii Vzvoz; B Kamskoye Oustye; C Begantchik; D Semenovskaya; E Kosyako-
vskaya; F Lyubavskaya; G Tetyushskaya
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Postnikov Ovrag. We can speak only about a wide unity
of population with common technological traditions in
the Middle Volga and the Urals during the Upper Pal-
aeolithic/Early Mesolithic. There are not enough rea-
sons to extend the area of Oust-Kamskaya Culture out
of the limits of the Kama mouth region. However, it is
impossible to forget the mobility of the Final Palaeo-
lithic/Mesolithic hunters. In connection with this, the
issue between the interaction of the Oust-Kamskaya
and Ienevo populations is of great importance.
L.V. Koltsov, M.G. Zhilin and A.N. Sorokin regard
Oust-Kamskaya and Ienevo to be practically analo-
gous. It is diffcult to agree with this radical point of
view. Despite the signifcant resemblance between
these cultures, there are some important distinctions.
Flakes can be regarded as the main type of tool blanks
in the Ienevo technology, and massive blades in Oust-
Kamskaya. Making use of fat retouch is not a specifc
feature of Ienevo, by contrast with Oust-Kamskaya.
There are certain typological differences: well-known
Ahrensburgian and Post-Ahrensburgian assymmetrical
side-notched and tanged points are not suffciently rep-
resented in the Oust-Kamskaya industry; the transver-
sal arrowhead complex of both cultures is rather differ-
ent. The predominance of trapezia of low or average
proportion with concave edges is likely to be a specifc
feature of the Oust-Kamskaya inventory. A trapezium
of high or average proportions with prevailing straight
edges seems to characterise the Ienevo tool kit.
L.L. Zaliznyak and I.N. Gavrilenko believe that
backed crescent-like knives, which are present in the
Oust-Kamskaya, Pisochny Riv and Zimivnyki tool
kits, prove their genesis from the Borshevo 2 site in the
basin of the Don.
A.N. Sorokin also puts forward an assumption con-
cerning Post-Ahrensburgian cultural unity contain-
ing the four above-mentioned cultures. He considers
asymmetrical side-notched points, oblique-bladed
points and trapezia to form a typological line of devel-
opment in the Ienevo and Oust-Kamskaya industries
(Sorokin 1999). However, this sequence appears not
to be attributed to the Oust-Kamskaya and Zimivnyki
stratifed assemblages.
In my opinion, the once rejected hypothesis of A.F.
Gorelik about Zimivnyki origins on the basis of
Chokh Culture appears to have some future (Gorelik
1984). Chokh Culture, situated in the eastern part of
the northern Caucasus (Fig. 1), demonstrates the de-
velopment of microlithic techniques during the Fi-
nal Palaeolithic/Neolithic (Amirkhanov 1986). It is
characterised by symmetric and asymmetric trapezes,
segments, asymmetric triangles, backed points and
original chokh points. Except for these specifc points,
most of the above-mentioned geometrical tools seem
to fnd analogies in the Vyazivok 4a assemblage. Now
the chronology of Chokh Culture is revised from the
Final Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic. But the contact of
its inhabitants with the population of Middle Dnieper
Mesolithic sites seems to be likely. The same contacts
appeared to happen between inhabitants of the Final
Palaeolithic sites of Satanai in the northwest Caucasus
and Surskoi 5 in the Lower Dnieper. Taking into con-
sideration the palaeogeographic situation of both these
in the steppe or forest-steppe zone makes this hypoth-
esis probable.
Thus, the question concerning the migration of the
population with geometric tools in its lithic inventory
from western Asia-the northern Caucasus towards the
Dnieper-Donets basin ought to be analysed again on
the basis of new data.
Concl usi on
The hypothesis of the existence of populations with
common lithic technology traditions in the Upper and
Middle Volga basins and the western Urals during the
Final Palaeolithic-Early Mesolithic is considered. The
idea of the native origination of Oust-Kamskaya Cul-
ture has received a stratigraphical and technological-
typological base by means of a comparative analysis
of the lower and upper layers of the Kamskoye Oustye
site. The sites studied near Perm (the western part of the
Urals), Gornaya Talitza and Oust-Sylva are the most
closely related to Oust-Kamskaya Culture. At the same
time, it is clear that the Oust-Kamskaya and Ienevo in-
dustries represent similar forms of technological and
typological development. Besides, it is impossible to
deny that a general typological pattern of cultures in
the Dnieper-Donets and Middle Volga basins existed
not only during the Mesolithic but also during the Neo-
lithic and later.
Finally, the discussion of the genesis of trapezium com-
plexes has tended to focus on two variants: 1) within
Post-Ahrensburgian industries due to natural or social
factors; 2) from western Asian-Caucasian cultures with
geometric tools. In my opinion, the frst variant is most
likely to be attributed to Ienevo and Pisochny Riv, and
the second is preferable for Zimivnyki and Oust-Kam-
skaya cultures.
The idea of the similarity and even cultural unity of
these industries is accepted by many researchers. Re-
ally, we can see close analogies in the symmetry, shape
and size of geometric microliths of both industries. But
this similarity seems to be the most signifcant between
trapezia of the Sabivka 1, Surskoi 5 and Oust-Kam-
skaya sites of the late stage (Tetyushskaya, Kosyako-
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Fig. 7. A Satanai; B Chokh Culture (after N.O. Bahder)
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vskaya). Small and large symmetrical trapezia of low
and medium proportions, axes of tranchet form, as well
as discoidal cores, alongside a common technological
tradition and typology of burins and scrapers, are char-
acteristic features of the Sabivka and the Final Palaeo-
lithic-Mesolithic industry studied in the mouth of the
Kama region.
However, in the authors opinion, there is a certain di-
versity between the last one and the more asymmetric
trapezium assemblage of the Vyazivok complex. In its
turn, trapezia of high proportions and oblique retouched
truncated fakes of the last one appear to be closer to
the microliths of the Pisochny Riv inventory. At the
same time, we may speak about a tendency for the
Zimivnyki trapezium complex to have major analogies
with numerous symmetric trapezia which were found
in sites of the Desna river variant of Pisochny Riv Cul-
ture (Gridasovo, Komyagino sites), and so on. Thus,
these local variants of relative cultures are assumed to
form an uncertain continuity (Gavrilenko 2000). In the
authors opinion, we ought to include in the causes of
this phenomenon not only ethno-linguistic continuity
but also our unreliable methods of analysis.
The details of this continuity need to be concretised in
the course of further research.
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E-mail: history@ih.kazan.ru
Received: 2005
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FI NAL I NI O PAL EOL I TO I R
MEZOLI TO KuLTROS Su
TRAPECI J OMI S VOL GOS I R
DNEPRO BASEI NUOSE:
KI LMS PROBLEMA
Madina Galimova
Santrauka
Skersiniai antgaliai (trapecijos) bdingas mediokls
ranki tipas kai kuriose fnalinio paleolito anksty-
vojo mezolito kultrose Ryt Europoje. ios kultros
buvo tyrintos VolgosOkos baseine (Jenevo kultra),
Vidurio DneproDesnos baseine (Pesonyj Rovo kul-
tra), Dnepro emupyjeDoneco regione (Zimivnik
kultra) ir VolgosKamos santakos rajone (ust-Kams-
ko kultra). J kilms ir likimo problemos iuo metu
dar neisprstos. Susidomjim DneproVolgos kult-
r su skersiniais antgaliais susiformavimo ir tarpusa-
vio santyki problemomis didina j specifn geogra-
fn padtis ir nuolat auganti duomen baz. Gal gale
diskusijos dl i kompleks su trapecijomis genezs
susifokusavo 2 kryptimis. Pirmoji teigia, kad trapecin
technologija susiformavo Post-Arensburgo industrijos
viduje veikiant kai kuriems veiksniams (natraliems ar
socialiniams). Antroji teigia, kad i technologija kilo i
Vakar Azijos Kaukazo kultr su geometrinias dirbi-
niais. Greiiausiai pirmoji hipotez labiau tinka Jenevo
ir Pesonyj Rovo kultroms, o antroji labiau tiktina
Zimivnik ir ust-Kamsko kultr atveju. Dnepro-Do-
neco ir Vidurio Volgos basein kultros dl j trapecij
kompleks vairovs greiiausiai rodo abiej kultri-
ni tradicij tarpusavio sveik. ios sveikos formas
reikt konkretizuoti tolesniuose tyrinjimuose.
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THE FI NAL PAL AEOL I THI C SI TE OF ROSTI SL AVL
(PREL I MI NARY REPORT)
ALEKSANDR V. TRUSOV
Abstr act
The site of Rostislavl is located on the right high bank of the Oka river near the town of Ozyory (Moscow region). Tanged
points from the Rostislavl site are similar to the ones spread in the Allerd-Dryas III period on the sites of northern Germany,
Poland, the Upper Volga (Podol III and Ust-Tudovka I), and in the Upper Dnieper (Anosovo I) regions etc. This fact allows us
to assume, at this stage of research, the Final Palaeolithic age of the Rostislavl site as the most probable.
Key words: Final Palaeolithic, tanged points, Lyngby, Ahrensburg, Ienevo, Grensk.
The site of Rostislavl is located on the high right bank
of the River Oka eight kilometres downstream from
the town of Ozyory (Moscow region) on a high cape
where the remains of the medieval town of Rostislavl
are situated (Fig. 1, 2).
Since 1994 up to the present, excavations of the medi-
eval town have been carried out by an expedition from
the Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of Archae-
ology and the Museum of Moscow History, headed by
V. Koval. Flint tools were discovered in the cultural
layer of the town as early as the frst years of the ex-
pedition. In 2002 sectors of excavation pits 1 and 2
yielded the majority of fint artefacts.
In 2003, A. Trusov began the further investigation of
underlying loamy soils, from which the majority of
the fint tools discovered in the medieval cultural layer
must have originated. Thus, 96 square metres were in-
vestigated in excavation pit 1, and 28 square metres in
excavation pit 2.
The main layer containing the fnds was loamy podzo-
lic soil fve to ten centimetres thick, directly underlying
the medieval cultural layer.
The cultural layer of the site was badly damaged by
numerous medieval pits and holes left by fossorials.
Stone artefacts collected in 2003 included 851 items
(601 from excavation pit 1, including 64 fragments
with traces of fre; and 250 fint artefacts from excava-
tion pit 2, including 37 fragments with traces of fre).
A total of 461 items were discovered directly in the
podzolic layer in excavation pit 1. The podzolic layer
in excavation pit 2 yielded 211 items. In both excava-
tion pits 1 and 2 the majority of the artefacts were dis-
covered within an area of fve to six metres in diameter
(Fig. 3).
In the table below, artefacts obtained during the 2003
excavations were combined with artefacts obtained in
2002 in accordance with the excavated areas. Artefacts
from excavation pit 1 are named Concentration A,
and artefacts from excavation pit 2 Concentration
B. Concentration B has been only partly excavated
so far.
There are no typological differences between the main
Final Palaeolithic complexes of tools found in the two
concentrations, hence it is possible to speak of their
belonging to the same culture and, relatively, the same
period. Yet Concentration B yielded a higher number
of tools. In addition, the amount of arrowheads (among
tools) in Concentration B is twice as high, whereas the
amount of scrapers (in per cent) is half (see Table 1).
These differences may be interesting because they may
refect specifc (seasonal) characteristics of the areas.
Yet since excavations of Concentration B are not yet
fnished, it is too early for fnal conclusions.
Artefacts
Cores (18 items) are different in their forms; they
were used for making various blanks. As a rule, they
are quite worn-out; probably that is why there are no
regular prismatic and front cores. Knapping was not in-
tended for making blanks of strictly determined forms.
Double and more striking platformed forms prevail.
On the whole, we may speak about the insuffcient de-
velopment of the technology of making blade blanks
(Fig. 4: 1, 2).
The latter must have been the reason for the signifcant
predominance of tools produced on fakes (58.1% of
the tools are produced on fakes, and only 41.9% on
blades).
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Among tools, burins are the most numerous, at 26
(41.3%). Among these, burins on retouched truncation
prevail absolutely, at 16 items (Fig. 5: 26). There are
many double and multiple retouched burins.
The second largest group includes angle burins: eight
items (Fig. 5: 1, 7, 8). There is one dihedral burin on a
fake, most probably accidental.
A multiple angle burin on a thin regular prismatic
bladelet (a blank which is alien to the entire Rostislavl
site fint complex) may be considered an alien element
(Fig. 5: 9). The fnd is from the medieval layer out-
side Concentrations A and B (earlier excavations by V.
Koval).
There are 18 scrapers (28.6%), end-scrapers prevail
(Fig. 6: 410). Among these there is one ogival end-
scraper, and also two end-scrapers without retouch on
the scraping front. The plunging ends of large fake-
blades, which show signs of signifcant wear in fne
retouch to the back, were used as a scraping front (Fig.
6: 8).
There are also three oval scrapers retouched through-
out or almost throughout the perimeter; one of these is
on a fake, and two large ones are on a core fragment
and a fint plate (Fig. 6: 1, 2).
A backed knife on a fake-blade has been found. The
back was treated with large abrupt retouch. On the dis-
tal end there is a thin burin spall, which must have been
made unintentionally while preparing the back (Fig. 7:
10).
Within the frst concentration an axe-like tool (adze)
was found, broken in two parts in the course of manu-
facture. The two fragments and some small fakes ob-
tained in the course of manufacture were found at the
same place. The tool had been triangular in shape, with
a highly asymmetric structure (Fig. 4: 3).
Two points have been found. One was made on the
corner of a fake with semi-abrupt direct retouch. The
other (from V. Kovals earlier excavations) is on a large
fint fragment. The working edge of the tool was treated
with bifacial removals with large retouch (Fig. 7: 11).
Tabl e 1.
Excavation pit 1
Concentr ation A
Excavation pit 2
Concentr ation B
Total
Cores 14 2.2% 4 1.3% 18 1.9%
Core-like debris 1 0.2% 2 0.6% 3 0.3%
Core tablets 7 1.1% 4 1.3% 11 1.2%
Debris 4 0.6% - - 4 0.4%
Flakes 451 71.1% 204 64.1% 655 69.0%
Blades 91 14.4% 56 17.7% 147 15.5%
Bladelets 3 0.5% 3 0.9% 6 0.6%
Burin spalls 13 2.1% 7 2.2% 20 2.1%
Retouched fakes 5 0.8% 4 1.3% 9 0.9%
Retouched blades 1 0.2% 4 1.3% 5 0.5
Hammers 7 1.1% 1 0.3% 8 0.8%
Tools 37 5.8% 27 8.5% 63 6.6%
Total 634 100% 316 100% 950 !00%
Tools
Arrowheads 5 13.5% 7 26.9% 12 19.0%
Burins 15 40.5% 11 42.3% 26 41.3%
Scrapers 13 35.1% 5 19.2% 18 28.6%
Blades with oblique retouch truncation - - 2 7.7% 2 3.2%
Points 1 2.7% 1 3.8% 2 3.2%
Backed knife 1 2.7% - - 1 1.6%
Axe-like tools 1 2.7% - - 1 1.6%
Scaled piece 1 2.7% - - 1 1.6%
Total 37 100% 26 100% 63 100%
Tabl e 2. Correl ati on between tool s on fl akes and bl ades
Excavation pit 1 Excavation pit 2 Total
Tools made of fakes 21 58.3% 16 59.3% 37 58.7%
Tools made of blades 15 41.6% 11 40.7% 26 41.3%
Total 36 100% 27 100% 63 100%
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The most interesting is a series of tanged points. A to-
tal of eight such points have been found, including the
previous years (Fig. 7: 17). Their fairly wide tangs
had been treated with direct abrupt retouch (Fig. 7: 1
3), to the inverse (Fig. 7: 5), and with alternate retouch
(Fig. 7: 4, 6, 7).
There is one highly asymmetric trapeze (Fig. 7: 9).
The fairly high percentage of tools, despite nearby fint
sources (limestone one to two kilometres up the River
Oka), and the variety of tools which testify to many
forms of economic activity (quarrying and primary
treatment of fint, making tools for various purposes
and, of course, hunting and utilising game), point to a
general rather than specialised character of the site.
On cul tural i denti ty and dati ng
As has been noted above, a series of tanged points were
found in Rostislavl which resemble tanged points from
the Lyngby and Ahrensburg cultures. Though fairly
similar in shape, Lyngby Culture points are larger than
those from Ahrensburg. Thus, the size of Ahrensburg
points varies within 3.5 centimetres (Clark 1975: 77),
whereas the size of Lyngby points varies from 5.5 to
eight centimetres and larger ( 2000: 6365). 2000: 6365). 2000: 6365).
Rostislavl points are between those (their length var-
ies from four to 6.6cm, the average being 5.3cm). The
use of a hard hammer and corresponding large massive
blanks may link Rostislavl to Lyngby sites. Yet oblique
retouched points are more characteristic of Ahrensburg
sites. In addition, Lyngby burins are mainly dihedral,
and retouched burins are more numerous in Ahrens-
burg sites.
Of course, we shall not fnd an absolute similarity
with either Lyngby or Ahrensburg in Rostislavl. More
important is the presence of a steady series of tanged
points at the site, which are widely discovered at sites
in northern Germany, Poland and, fnally, to the east of
Podol III ( 2000: 6171) and st-Tudovka 2000: 6171) and st-Tudovka 2000: 6171) and Ust-Tudovka
on the pper Volga (, 1991), Believo
4a (, 1994: 113, Fig. 1, 15, 20),
Anosovo 1 on the Dnieper ( 2002: 37, Fig.
1, 1) in the Allerod-Dryas III period. Due to this data,
in the preliminary stage of the study we may assume
the Final Palaeolithic age of the Rostislavl site as the
most probable.
Such an early date is somewhat contradicted by the
trapeze found in Rostislavl and described above. Yet it
Fig. 1. The map of location of Rostislavl site
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Fig. 2. Map of the medieval town and the palaeolithic site of Rostislavl
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series of large tanged points (Fig. 8). Among published
data on excavations in the Oka basin, such points have
been found serially only in Ladyzhino 3.
According to the opinion of A. Kravtsov and S. Kon-
nov, there is no doubt that the materials of Ladyzhino
3 are mono-cultural and belong to Ienevo Culture. Yet
the dating of the site is not fnal: the existing palinolog-
ical dating (climatic Preboreal optimum) has been crit-
icised. In the opinion of the above-mentioned authors,
an earlier settlement (as compared to the complex of
excavation pit 1) might have existed, which is testi-
fed to by fnds from shaft 1, where fint tools are, on
the whole, large. In addition, a large tanged point has
may be a later inclusion in this complex, because the
complex contains some artefacts which seem to date
from another time and to belong to a different culture.
As far as cultural similarity is concerned, Rostislavl is
the closest to the site of Ladyzhino 3, where practical-
ly all types of artefacts discovered at Rostislavl were
found, including similar large tanged points (Fig. 7).
At Ladyzhino 3, as in Rostislavl, the technique of ob-
taining blades is insuffciently developed (,
1981: 257258). Here burins are the main
type of tool, the predominant ones being burins on the
corner of a broken blank and retouched burins. But pri-
marily the sites are similar because of the presence of a
Fig. 3. Concentration of stone artefacts in excavation pit 1
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been discovered there, which may be compared, in the
opinion of the authors, to points from the Bromme site.
Considering the series of tanged points executed in the
traditions of Lyngby and Ahrensburg, the site may be
dated to the border of the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic
(, 2004).
The fact that Ladyzhino 3 belongs to Ienevo Culture
does not contradict the opinion of the majority of re-
searchers. Noting a certain similarity between the com-
plexes of Ladyzhino 3 and Rostislavl, we may relate
the Rostislavl site to Ienevo Culture as well.
According to L. Koltsov, the main characteristics of Ie-
nevo Culture (hereinafter IC) are the following: a cer-
tain variety of core forms (the absence of any defnite
system of faking), and, as a result, the predominance
of tools made of fakes. Among scrapers, various end-
scrapers predominate. Among burins, there are mainly
burins on the corner of a broken blank and various
retouched burins. The most characteristic forms that
determine IC are the following: high and medium trap-
ezes, shouldered points, and also waisted axes. Tanged
points have been found at earlier sites ( 1989: 1989: 1989:
7682).
The weakness of IC is in that the above-mentioned
forms of artefacts in this or that combination are also
found in other Mesolithic and Final Palaeolithic cul-
tures. Thus, sites of the Pesochny Rov type are also
characterised by the weak development of the fint
Fig. 4. 1, 2 cores; 3 axe-like tool
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knapping technique, the presence of shouldered points
similar to Ienevo ones, highly asymmetric trapezes,
and also tanged points of the Ahrensburg type. The
similarity between fint artefacts from sites of the Pe-
sochny Rov type and IC is so great that L.L. Zaliznyak
came to the conclusion that these are local variants of
the same culture ( 1986: 124).
The main characteristics peculiar to IC complexes are
observed also in Grensk Culture on the Upper Dnieper,
best represented by the Borovka site. Here we can also
observe careless knapping, aimed mainly at obtaining
fake blanks. Consequently, tools made of fakes pre-
dominate. As far as burins are concerned, retouched
burins dominate ( 2000: 24, 88). Among
other tools are waisted axes and, of course, tanged and
asymmetric points similar to Ahrensburg ones.
It is quite probable that the cultural phenomena de-
scribed above and IC as such form a certain cultural
Fig. 5. Burins
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Fig. 6. Scrapers
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unity, within which boundaries would be relative if
at all possible. They are united by a general relation
to Lyngby and Ahrensburg, expressed frst and fore-
most in hunting tools (various tanged and shouldered
points). It is more diffcult to determine the degree of
infuence of Lyngby-Ahrensburg traditions and the tra-
ditions of local Palaeolithic cultures in the formation
of the Final Palaeolithic and Mesolithic cultures which
are the object of our study.
Yet some researchers refuse to acknowledge the pres-
ence of the Lyngby-Ahrensburg component in IC and
related cultures. In the opinion of V. Kopytin, bearers
of Mezin cultural traditions were an important com-
ponent in the formation of Grensk Culture and the gen-
esis of a series of cultures (Ienevo and Pesochny Rov)
( 2000: 134). 2000: 134). 2000: 134).
And in the opinion of H.A. Amirkhanov, IC of the Oka
basin was formed on the basis of East Gravettian Pal-
Fig. 7. 17 tanged points; 8 fragment of an arrowhead tip; 9 trapeze; 10 backed knife; 11 massive point
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aeolithic traditions (Zaraisk, Tregubovo 2, Koltovo 2)
( 2002: 86).
Of course, the presence of a certain autochthonal ele-
ment in the formation of these Mesolithic cultures is
more than logical, yet it is impossible to acknowledge
their fully autochthonal origin.
Returning to the cultural identity of the Rostislavl site,
it is impossible to deny the fact that it belongs to the
sphere of IC and related sites. Yet noting the strong
predominance of tanged point forms in the complex
(which is on the whole not typical of IC sites), we must
acknowledge the singularity of the fint complex of the
Rostislavl site.
Here we may mention the site of Ust-Tudovka, which
is also characterised by a similar knapping technique
and similar artefacts, among which there is a series of
tanged points of the Lyngby-Ahrensburg type. In the
opinion of researchers, the fint complex of the Final
Palaeolithic site of Ust-Tudovka is an important com-
ponent in the formation of IC, which developed on
the basis of Ahrensburg Culture: the complex may
be called protoienevo (, 1991: 17; , 1991: 17; , 1991: 17; 1991: 17; 1991: 17;
, , 1994: 27).
Noting the signifcant predominance among arrow-
heads of points of the Lyngby-Ahrensburg type, one
may assume the existence of a certain protoienevo epi-
sode as well. Researchers of the site agree with this and
acknowledge the possibility that a still earlier settle-
ment existed (, 2004).
To sum up, it may be said that IC and related cultures
did not emerge in a ready form. They were preceded by
a stage characterised by a signifcant manifestation of
Lyngby-Ahrensburg traditions in artefacts. Further on,
some forms of artefacts were lost or modifed and new
forms appeared, which fnally resulted in the formation
of IC at the border of Pleistocene and Holocene.
J udging from the above, the study of the Rostislavl site,
which may, together with Ust-Tudovka, Podol III, the
earlier complex of Ladyzhino 3, Anosovo 1 and Gre-
myachee ( 1941) etc, elucidate the forma- 1941) etc, elucidate the forma- 1941) etc, elucidate the forma-
tion of IC and, possibly, other Mesolithic cultures, is of
much interest. The above circumstances do not allow
us to relate Rostislavl and the sites mentioned above to
IC. Rostislavl and similar sites are of independent in-
terest, and should be considered if not an independent
cultural phenomenon, then at least a phenomenon with
the prefx proto- (proto-Ienevo).
Fig. 8. Tanged points from the Ladyzino 3 site (upper Oka): 1 , , 24 , ; 5 , , , 24 , ; 5 , , 24 , ; 5 , 24 , ; 5 , , ; 5 , ; 5 , ,
, , 2003
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Abbrevi ati ons

A. Trusov
Institute of Archaeology RAS
Dm. Ulyanov ul. 19, Moscow 117036, Russia
E-mail: sasha@comail.ru, sashatr@veernet.ru
ROsTI sLAVLI O VLyVOj O
PALeOLI TO GyVeNVI eT
Aleksandr V. Tr usov
Santrauka
Rostislavlio stovyklaviet yra dideliame pusiasalyje,
kur ilikusios vidurami Rostislavlio miesto lieka-
nos, Okos auktame deiniajame krante, 8 km pasro-
viui nuo Oziory miestelio, Maskvos srityje (1, 2 pav.).
Pagrindinis akmens amiaus kultrinis sluoksnis
(510 cm storio su titnaginiais radiniais) aptiktas po
vidurami miesto kultriniu sluoksniu. Didioji da-
lis titnagini radini aptikta dviejose 56 m skersmens
koncentracijose A (3 pav.) ir B. skyrsi skaldyti-
ni forma. Apskritai galtume kalbti apie neivystyt
skeltin technik, todl dauguma dirbini buvo paga-
minti i nuoskal. Gausiausia dirbini grup rtu-
kai (5 pav.). Rtukai, suformuoti ant statmenu retuu
nupjaut ruoini, kurie vyravo tarp kit tip. Tarp j
gausiausi rtukai, suformuoti ant tiesiai arba gaubtai
retuu nuskelto galo (5 pav.: 3, 5, 6). Gremtukai pagal
skaii antri. Tarp j vyrauja vairios galini grem-
tuk formos (6 pav.). strli antgaliai treia pagal
skaii dirbini grup. Vyrauja vairs kotini antga-
li tipai (7 pav.). Tarp j yra keletas panai Lyngby
ir Arensburgo kultr antgalius (7 pav.: 13). Taip pat
aptiktas asimetrikas trikamps formos kirvelio tipo
dirbinys (4 pav.: 3) ir peilis statmenai retuuotu onu i
pailgos nuoskalos (7 pav.: 10).
kotiniai antgaliai i Rostislavlio stovyklaviets pa-
nas antgalius, kurie aleriodo ir driaso III laikotar-
piais buvo paplit paleolito gyvenvietse nuo iaurs
Vokietijos ir Lenkijos maiausiai iki Volgos auktupio
(Podolo III, st-Tudovkos I stovyklaviets) ir Dnepro
auktupio (Anosovo I) rajon. Todl iame tyrim eta-
pe manome, kad Rostislavlio stovyklaviet greiiausiai
datuotina fnaliniu paleolitu.
Received: 2005
160
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L ATE PAL AEOL I THI C WORKSHOPS I N THE
L UBL I N REGI ON, BASED ON THE L OCAL
CRETACEOUS FL I NT RESOURCES, THROUGH
THE PRI SM OF NEW DI SCOVERI ES.
AN OVERVI EW OF THE I SSUE
JERZY LIBERA, MARCIN SZELIGA
Abstr act
In the light of the present fndings from Pagry Chemskie the fint deposited on the surface occurs in two types. One type
often resembles the shaft varieties from Volhynia, Podolia and Volhynian Polesie, or even Podlasie. Most Final Palaeolithic
fnds represent the settlements of cultures with point-tools tradition, mostly Swiderian Culture, some of them are connected
with an undetermined culture with backed points, one site with the inventories of Magdalenian Culture.
Key words: cretaceous fint, Pagry Chemskie (Chem Hills), Late Palaeolithic, circle of cultures: with points, with backed
bladelets, cultures: Swiderian, Magdalenian; workshops: situated on the fint mines, or adjacent to mines.
I ntroducti on
Polesie Lubelskie is an area situated on the northern
periphery of the Lublin Upland, and constitutes the
southwestern part of Polesie proper. Its central part,
Pagry Chemskie, is a mesoregion covering about
722 square kilometres, extending in the shape of a
bow from Krasnystaw on the River Wieprz to Wola
Uhruska on the River Bug. It rises above the plains
called Obnienie Dorohuckie (Dorohucza Lowland) to
the west, and the Obnienie Dubienki (Dubienka Low-
land) to the east (Fig. 1). Characteristic of this area are
monadnocks and hillocks reaching relative altitudes
up to 290 metres above sea level, which tower above
the sandy peaty plains. They are cretaceous formations
covered by layers of tertiary sandstone of varying thick-
ness (Kondracki 1978: 344345). Within them lies the
cretaceous fint raw material, which macroscopically
is often similar to the siliceous rocks occurring in the
neighbouring areas of Volhynia, Volhynian Polesie and
Podlasie.
Fr om t he hi s t or y of t he r es ear ch
The fint raw material occurring in the area of Pagry
Chemskie, especially around Rejowiec, became an
object of interest to Stefan Krukowski as early as 1927.
The artefacts which were then collected are the only
ones from the Lublin region which were included in the
synthesis of the Palaeolithic. Two knife-shaped forms
defned as quasi Prdnik knives obtained in the Ostra
Grka site in Zalesie were attributed by this researcher
to the so-called Masovia-ysogry industry which was
then dated to Early Holocene (Krukowski 19391948:
111, Table 38: 34). It was probably this discovery that
revived the interest in this region in 1964 of the team
Waldemar Chmielewski, Halina Mackiewicz and Jad-
wiga Mcibrodzka, who verifed the existing and ob-
tained new materials from these workshops
1
.
The new discovery and proper popularisation of
these outcrops took place at the beginning of the Eight-
ies of the last century. ukasz Rejniewicz, based on
the assemblages of artefacts from near Dorohucza and
samples of raw materials collected around Rejowiec,
was the frst to call it Rejowiec fint
2
and undertook
its macroscopic division, thus distinguishing four
varieties:
Variety I: dark grey fint, blackish, glossy, very trans-
parent. Inside it, a visible fne-grained suspension. In
places, it is strewn with fne matt grey spots. It has matt
band colouring in places. It is fssile.
Variety II: dark grey fint, glossy or matt, poorly trans-
parent. Only in fragments, there is a not very visible
suspension. Stained, brighter matt stains and spots,
1
Artefacts are stored in the Institute of Archaeology and
Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Science in Warsaw.
We thank Dr Zofa Sulgostowska for drawing our attention
to them and making them available to us.
2
Stefan K. Kozowski (1989: Fig. 3), on the other hand, de-
scribed the same raw material as Rejowiec-Sobibr fint.
161
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as well as interbedding, make it impossible to split
evenly.
Variety III: dove-coloured fint. Mainly matt. In places
it is coloured with stains of type I. Here and there are
visible concentrations of dirty-white rough stains. Poor
fssility.
Variety IV: matt fint, appearing to be porous. Grey-
white in colour. Coloured in places by matt grey stains.
Visible numerous interbedding. With poor fssility, and
giving irregular fractures (Rejniewicz 1985: 13).
The next stage of research in the outcrops of the raw
material under discussion concerns improvised conser-
vation inspections in the years 1980 and 1990, and the
work done in a project by the Archaeological Survey
of Poland (AZP), carried out by various teams from the
Lublin research centre
3
.
3
Rejowiec raw material was also the subject of an MA
thesis by Wojciech Ratajczak (1986).
Fig. 1: Late Palaeolithic fint workshops and loose fnds discovered in the area of Pagry Chemskie (map: Leszek Gawry-
siak, Lublin 2004). Areas of workshop concentration: I Rejowiec area; II Krobonosz area; III Tarnw area.
Workshops: 1 Podpakule; 2 ukwek; 35 Aleksandrwka; 6 Serniawy; 7 Wlka Tarnowska; 810 Pniwno; 11 Krobon-
osz; 12 Sawin; 13 Czuczyce Mae; 14 Czuczyce; 15 Helenw; 16 Lechwka; 17, 18 Paww; 19, 20 Aleksandria Krzy-
wowolska; 21 Majdan Stajne; 22 Kolonia Stajne
162
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New pr oj ect
The presence of siliceous rock in such
a vast area of the mid-eastern Lublin
region in confrontation with fint raw
materials which are macroscopically
similar to those occurring in the neigh-
bouring areas of Volhynia, Volhynian
Polesie and Podlasie questions the
credibility of present raw material clas-
sifcations and constitutes a problem
in assessing the scale of distribution
of individual varieties. This equally
concerns the recorded artefacts in the
entire region between the Vistula and
the Bug and those obtained nearby. For
this reason, a team under the auspices
of the Institute of Archaeology of the
UMCS in Lublin led by Jerzy Libera
has undertaken the realisation of the
interdisciplinary project Studies in the
Occurrence of Flint Rock and its Min-
ing, Processing and Distribution in the
Territory of the Lublin Region
4
.
In March 2002, verifcation surface
penetration was initiated, which con-
centrated on the territory of Rejowiec
commune and Rejowiec Fabryczny,
the area which has so far been the best
researched in terms of the occurrence
of this raw material. The area was then
extended in the following years to the
periphery of the city of Krasnystaw,
which marks the southwestern region
of Pagry Chemskie. In the following
research seasons (spring and autumn),
the research was concentrated on the
northern part of the mesoregion, on the
so-called Uhrusk Bow (the area of Wi-
erzbica, Sawin and Wola Uhruska). In
the frst stage of the research, the focus was on obtain-
ing a full picture of the surface occurrence of siliceous
rocks. In the initial phase, forest complexes were ex-
cluded from the terrain survey. Series of samples of
fint blanks were collected from various parts of out-
crops. Also, selected geological profles were located
and documented, in which the presence of the raw ma-
terial was observed.
4
Issues connected with the geology of the area under exam-
ination and the origin of the fint will be analysed by Prof
Dr Hab Marian Harasimiuk from the Department of Geol-
ogy in the Institute of Earth Sciences, UMCS, Lublin.
Outcrops and the raw materi al
The examined area of 50% of Pagry Chemskie, com-
prising the northern and southwestern part, has so far
yielded about 120 spots of various sizes (one to 50 hec-
tares, compare Fig. 1) of surface occurrence of the fint
raw material. The material occurs in different parts of
plateaus or hillocks, from their culmination (at 190
to 250 metres above sea level) to their slopes. These
uplands constitute the remnants of the maximum sub-
stage of the Oder glaciation. Flint always occurs within
sandy-clay formations containing a high degree of er-
Fig. 2: Concretions of the fint raw material included among type A (Photo-
graph by M. Szeliga)
Fig. 3: The concretion of type A obtained in the area of owcza, Sawin
commune, after reconstruction (41x32x27 centimetres; 36.1 kilogrammes)
(Photograph by M. Szeliga)
163
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ratic materials
5
. No direct connection between the fint
raw material and the cretaceous bedrock of Pagry has
been established so far.
In the light of the present fndings, the fint deposited
on the surface of the studied mesoregion occurs in two
types (Libera 2003: 21):
A bulbous, either very regular, or rugged, as well
as having numerous hollows, at present it is mostly
fragmented into lumps measuring more than ten cen-
timetres, rarely reaching more than 40 centimetres in
length and 20 centimetres in breadth (Figs. 2, 3), with a
brick-brown or whitish thin cortex and very varied col-
ouring of the basic mass containing various shades of
grey (matt), extending from navy blue to black (glossy
transparent). The internal structure is often disrupted
by discolouring, stripes and sometimes bands (Fig. 2).
This type often resembles the shaft varieties from Vol-
hynia, Podolia and Volhynian Polesie, or even Podla-
sie. This group contains fint varieties IIV, which were
distinguished by . Rejniewicz (1985: 13).
B small and very small blanks of various shapes and
deprived of cortex, with weathered or natural surfaces,
which are varied in colour, in various shades of grey,
black, navy blue, as well as yellow, red and brown,
typical erratic fint (Fig. 4).
5
This deposit was viewed in a similar way by S. Krukowski,
who, while writing about a location of the materials from
Ostra Grka, says: at the site of rummaging of the sec-
ondary deposit of the Baltic fint raw material (Kru-
kowski 19391948: 111112).
Resul ts so far
With regard to the area under discus-
sion, archive data as well as the collec-
tions at the Chem Museum in Chem
have revealed mostly remnants of Neo-
lithic and Bronze Age settlement in the
form of loose fndings of battle axes
and fint axes. Also some chronologi-
cally undetermined mounds and com-
plexes of barrows were recorded in the
area.
As a result of the AZP project, the
chronological range of the sources
(mostly fint) was considerably in-
creased. For the frst time, series of
materials were obtained on a large
scale, which proves that this area had
been penetrated by late reindeer hunt-
ers. They were recorded in the form
of workshops and loose fndings, both
within outcrops of fint raw material
and in their direct vicinity, for example
in Paww, Wincentw, Siennica Krlewska Maa and
Jzefn (Table I).
Current verifcation work has revealed mostly pre-
historic sites, documenting settlement from the Mid-
dle Palaeolithic to the end of the Bronze Age. Among
these, the most numerous group is constituted by Late
Palaeolithic and early Bronze Age materials. The Late
Palaeolithic sources were recorded most of all in the
form of remnants of workshops documented by the
presence of individual pre-cores, more numerous cores
and accompanying dbitage.
In the area studied, at least 20 workshops situated on
the fint mines or adjacent to them were discovered,
which covered an area from a few (Aleksandrwka /3,
4/
6
, Majdan Stajne /21/, Pniwno /8/, Wlka Tarnows-
ka /7/) to tens of ares (for example, Aleksandrwka
/5/, Kolonia Stajne /22/, Lechwka /16/, ukwek /2/,
Paww /18/, Pniwno /10/, Serniawy /6/). The amount
of material collected in these places typically does not
exceed a couple of dozen artefacts. The workshops are
concentrated in three areas (I-III): the Rejowiec area
(around the town of Rejowiec and Rejowiec Fabryc-
zny) located in the southwestern part of Pagry, the
Krobonosz area (Krobonosz) in the area of the middle
part of the mesoregion, and the Tarnw area (Tarnw)
in the northwestern part (Fig. 1).
The majority of the obtained material, based on the
technology and technique of coring, seems to consti-
tute the remnants of settlement by cultures with a point
6
The numeration related to Fig. 1 is given between slashes.
Fig. 4: Blanks of the fint raw material included among type B (Photograph by
M. Szeliga)
164
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Table I: Late Palaeolithic materials obtained in the course of AZP (Archaeological Survey of Poland) examination: 1, 3
Paww, Rejowiec Fabryczny commune site 24/57 (AZP unit no. 8087, survey by A. Bronicki in 1990); 2 Wincentw,
Krasnystaw commune, site 20/68 (AZP unit no. 8287, survey by J. Arciszewska and S. Kadrow in 1983); 4 Siennica
Krlewska Maa, Siennica Rana commune, site 21/44 (AZP unit no. 8088, survey by A. Bronicki in 1990); 5 Jzefn,
Rejowiec Fabryczny commune site 5/39 (AZP unit no. 8087, survey by A. Bronicki in 1990)
165
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tools tradition, mainly Swiderian Culture (Masovian
cycle). This is testifed to mostly by cores of various
degrees of exploitation, and blade blanks, that come,
among others, from Aleksandria Krzywowolska /19/
(Table IIIV), /20/ (Table V), Lechwka /16/ (Table
VIVII), and Serniawy /6/ (Table VIII, IX:13). The
cores which were collected were in most cases pre-
ceeded by preparatory trimming of their backs. Also,
items which were completely deprived of any pre-
paratory treatment were recorded (for example, Ta-
ble III:2; VI:2). Almost all items carry traces of cor-
rectional treatment in the form of intensive correction
faking. A great majority of cores are double-platform
ones with common faking surface of exploitation, and
with sharp but varying coring angles, connected to the
Masovian type. The negatives of knapping and dbit-
age point to the fact that they were used mostly for the
knapping of blade blanks of an average length of 50 to
70 millimetres.
Undoubtedly, also points of the Masovian type found
in Wierzbica (Table IX:5), Aleksandria Krzywowolska
/20/ (Table V:7) should be associated with the tradi-
tion of cultures with points. This also concerns the item
made of chocolate fint in Kanie (Table IX:6). It is pos-
sible that adzes also belong to this taxonomic catego-
ry
7
. These forms were recorded in the Swiderian in-
ventory, among others, Nobla (compare Sulgostowska
1989: 7880, and the examples therein).
The infrequent single-platform blade cores or blade
and fake ones should be associated with a different
cultural tradition. They were deprived of preparatory
trimming, from which, with the help of the technique
of hard hammerstone, relatively irregular blanks were
obtained (Table VII, IX:4). It is with this item that a
number of middle-sized stout-backed bladelets should
be synchronised. Among others is the item from Ale-
ksandria Krzywowolska /20/ (Table V:8). These arte-
facts seem to determine a completely new chronologi-
cal horizon, connected with an undetermined culture
belonging to the circle with backed points.
Independently of these two cultural traditions, some
interesting material was obtained in Pniwno /8/. In
the collection of dozens of forms, six items seem to
be of great interest: two single-platform cores without
trimming (Table X:1; XI:1), one of which had its ori-
entation changed (Table XI:1), a solid-looking blade
knapped from the side of a similar core (Table X:2),
7
Their presence in mid-eastern Poland one may connect
with Mesolithic Komornice Culture. The surface investi-
gation of the area of Pagry Chemskie did not reveal any
certain materials which could be affliated with this cul-
tural unit, despite the fact that a settlement of this culture
was discovered in the village of Luta, in the close vicinity
of the north of the Uhrusk Bow (Wickowska 1975: 361).
two delicate single-platform blades (Table XI:34) and
a slender-backed bladelet with retouched base (Table
XI:2). The last three blade forms additionally have an
irregular microretouch (usage based?). This collection
is also characterised, with respect to other Late Palaeo-
lithic materials found there, by their state of preserva-
tion. All the artefacts are of olive colour and are slight-
ly weathered. The morphology of the backed point and
the shapes of cores and blanks indicate their connec-
tion with the inventories of Magdalenian Culture
8
.
Among the few recorded tools which are ascribed, due
to the character of dbitage and the style of prepara-
tion, to the late phase of the Palaeolithic, a few bur-
ins, end-scrapers and truncated bladelets were distin-
guished (Table III:4). Most of them were found loose
or accompanied with inventories which were hardly
characteristic or come from different periods. The in-
tercultural character of these forms makes it diffcult to
ascribe them to particular taxonomic categories.
I mported raw materi al s
Apart from the sources produced from the cretaceous
local raw material, the mesoregion under discussion
also yielded individual artefacts made of imported
material, namely wieciechw fint, blades obtained
from a single-platform core, and the aforementioned
point made from chocolate fint (Kanie Table IX:6).
Concl usi ons
The area of Pagry Chemskie is divided by numer-
ous valleys with small rivers, lakes and ponds, and is
often surrounded by swamps, especially in the north-
ern part, thus constituting a refuge for various animals
and birds. For centuries, it attracted groups of hunters
and gatherers. Their traces are particularly legible at
the end of the glacial epoch, probably from the middle
of the Allerd period oscillation. The other attraction
of this area was the general accessibility to the surface
fint stone concentrations. This material, which was
characterised by great technological parameters, cov-
ered a considerable area of dome-shaped hummocks
and hillocks.
The workshops recorded within Pagry Chemskie most
certainly constituted suffcient raw material stocks for
the late Pleistocene settlement located on the sandy ter-
races of the middle River Wieprz within the Dorohusk
lowland, as compared with the delimited workshop ar-
eas of Rejowiec and Krobonosz and in the extensive
8
A similar form of backed bladelet was found in a camp
at Wilczyce, on the western periphery of the Sandomierz
Upland (Fiedorczuk, Schild 2002: Fig. 11:a).
166
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Table II: Aleksandria Krzywowolska /19/, Rejowiec commune: cores (1, 2)
167
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Table III: Aleksandria Krzywowolska /19/, Rejowiec commune: cores (1, 2), blade blanks (3, 5), truncated bladelet (4)
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Table IV: Aleksandria Krzywowolska /19/, Rejowiec commune: blade (1) and cores (2, 3)
169
A
R
C
H
A
E
O
L
O
G
I
A
B
A
L
T
I
C
A

7
Table V: Aleksandria Krzywowolska /20/, Rejowiec commune: core (1), blade blanks (25), truncated bladelet (6), point
(7), backed bladelet (8)
170
J
E
R
Z
Y

I
B
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A
,

M
A
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C
I
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S
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Table VI: Lechwka /16/, Siedliszcze commune: cores (1, 2), blade blanks (36)
171
A
R
C
H
A
E
O
L
O
G
I
A
B
A
L
T
I
C
A

7
Table VII: Lechwka /16/, Siedliszcze commune: cores (13), double-platform blade (4)
172
J
E
R
Z
Y

I
B
E
R
A
,

M
A
R
C
I
N

S
Z
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L
I
G
A
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e

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Table VIII: Serniawy /6/, Sawin commune: cores (1, 2)
173
A
R
C
H
A
E
O
L
O
G
I
A
B
A
L
T
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A

7
Table IX: Serniawy /6/, Sawin commune: cores (1, 2), blade (3), Hruszw, Rejowiec commune: core (4), Wierzbica, Wierz-
bica commune: point (5), Kanie, Rejowiec Fabryczny commune: point (6) chocolate fint
174
J
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R
Z
Y

I
B
E
R
A
,

M
A
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C
I
N

S
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Table X: Pniwno /8/, Wierzbica commune: core (1), fragment of a core (2)
territory of Pojezierze czysko-Wodawskie, for the
area of Tarnw.
With regard to the earlier distinguished region I, it is a
string of settlement camps and loose fndings, located
among others in Dorohucza, Kolnia Bzite, Wincen-
towo (compare Libera 1995; 1998: catalogue positions
7375, 174, 451), also verifed by excavations in Boro-
wica (Gurba, Zakocielna 1991: 310). For region
II, we have so far the sites in Siedliszcze (see Libera
1995; 1998: catalogue positions 356357). On the oth-
er hand, for region III we have most of all the assem-
blages from owcza, Macoszyn Duy, Michaowo (see
Libera 1995; 1998: catalogue positions 214, 219 and
237), as well as from Ruda Opalin, Zarbka (see Lib-
era 1998 amendments: catalogue positions 2425, 37).
Traces of settlement connected with Swiderian Culture
in this area were determined during the excavations in
Wlka Wytycka (Tymczak 1998: 9)
9
.
At this stage of research it is diffcult to judge what
role was played by the fint mining centre on the ter-
ritory of Pagry Chemskie among the peoples of the
fnal phase of the Palaeolithic. In the area between the
Bug and the Vistula, similar material was recorded at
numerous sites of this period (compare Sulgostowska
1989; Libera 1995; 1998). Its macroscopic features
9
The total number of these sites is much bigger. Findings
collected in the AZP (Archaeological Survey of Poland)
process were not taken into consideration.
175
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B
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7
Table XI: Pniwno /8/, Wierzbica commune: core (1), backed bladelet (2), blades (3, 4)
176
J
E
R
Z
Y

I
B
E
R
A
,

M
A
R
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I
N

S
Z
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A
L
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e

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s
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make it look close to many cretaceous raw materials
occurring both in Poland (the area of Mielnik, Pusza
Knuszyska, compare Zalewski 2002), and in neigh-
bouring countries (for example, in the Volhynian Up-
land, in the basin of the River Prype, in the area of
Krasne Sieo, compare Libera 2001: 104105). It is
also similar to a whole mass of erratic fint occurring
on extensive lowland areas. The absence of clear cri-
teria makes it diffcult and sometimes even impossible
to credibly determine their origin, and in consequence
also the range of their distribution. At present, it is
beyond discussion that the raw material occurring in
Pagry was utilised on a large scale by peoples of a
few cultural traditions who penetrated the central Lub-
lin region in the Late Palaeolithic.
In comparison with the distribution of other fint stone,
for example, wieciechw (Libera 2002: 3134) and
in chronologically close inventories, including the ma-
terials from Pagry Chemskie, their local character is
obvious. It appears that the scale of primary distribu-
tion of this fint most probably did not exceed 3040
kilometres away from the outcrops. The occurrence
of this fint at further removed sites is unknown. As
compared with materials from the lowland part of the
Lublin region, one should take into account the erratic
materials numerously recorded, for example, in the Lu-
bartw Upland, Garb Wodawski, or the possibility of
imported of materials: Mielnik from the middle Riv-
er Bug, siliceous rocks recorded in Volhynian Polesie,
as well as the use of Volhynia resources, especially
from the sites recorded in the basin of the Upper Bug.
The feldwork has so far not revealed sites of a mine
type. It should be remembered that the examination
concentrated on intensively cultivated areas for at least
a couple of centuries, which could have destroyed the
existing sites of extraction and preliminary treatment of
the blanks, then manifested by shafts left by extraction
spots and accompanying waste-heaps. Theoretically,
there are chances of discovering sites of this type in
the, as yet, unexplored forest areas. A similar situation
took place recently in the area of Puszcza Knyszyska
near Biaystok (Zalewski 2002: 141).
Ref er ences :
Fiedorczuk, J., Schild, R. 2002. Wilczyce a new late Mag-
dalenian site in Poland. In: Recent Studies in the Final Pa-
laeolithic of the European Plain. Proceedings of a UISPP
Symposium, Stockholm, 1417 October 1999 (eds.) B.V.
Eriksen, B. Bratlund. Jutland Archaeological Society Pub-
lications. Hjberg, vol. 39, 8594. Hjberg, vol. 39, 8594.
Gurba, J., Zakocielna, A. 1991. Badania ratownicze na tere-
nie gminy opiennik Grny w wojewdztwie chemskim.
In: Sprawozdania z bada terenowych Katedry Archeolo-
gii UMCS w Lublinie w 1991 roku. Lublin, 317.
Kondracki, J. 1978. Geografa fzyczna Polski. Warsaw.
Kozowski, S.K. 1989. Mesolithic in Poland. A new ap- A new ap-
proach. Warsaw. Warsaw.
Krukowski, S. 19391948. Paleolit, [in:] Prehistoria ziem
polskich. In: Encyklopedia Polski PAU. Krakw, vol. 4,
part 1:5, 1117.
Krzak, Z. 1975. Staroytne kopalnie krzemienia na ziemiach
polskich. In: Z Otchani Wiekw. Wrocaw-Warsaw, vol.
XLI, 202206.
Libera, J. 1995. Pny paleolit i mezolit rodkowowschodniej
Polski. Cz pierwsza. Analiza. In: Lubelskie Materiay
Archeologiczne. Lublin, vol. 9.
Libera, J. 1998. Pny paleolit i mezolit rodkowowschodniej
Polski. Cz druga. rda. In: Lubelskie Materiay Ar-
cheologiczne. Lublin, vol. 11.
Libera, J. 2001. Krzemienne formy bifacjalne na terenach
Polski i zachodniej Ukrainy (od rodkowego neolitu do
wczesnej epoki elaza). Lublin.
Libera, J. 2002. Wykorzystanie krzemienia wieciechowskiego
i gocieradowskiego w paleolicie schykowym i mezolicie
w midzyrzeczu Wisy i Bugu oraz w dorzeczu Sanu (zar-
ys problematyki). In: Krzemie wieciechowski w pradzie-
jach (Conference material Ryni, 2224.5.2000). Studia
nad gospodark surowcami krzemiennymi w pradziejach.
Warsaw, vol. 4, 2949.
Libera, J. 2003. Pord pagrw Polesia Lubelskiego. In: Z
Otchani Wiekw. Warsaw, vol. 58:1, 1924.
Ratajczyk, W. 1986. Zagadnienie kopalnictwa krzemienia na
Pagrach Chemskich. Unpublished MA thesis in the Insti-
tute of Archaeology, UMCS. Lublin.
Rejniewicz, . 1985. Wytwrczo krzemieniarska oparta na
surowcu rejowieckim w Dorohuczy, woj. Lubelskie. In:
Lubelskie Materiay Archeologiczne. Lublin, vol. 1, 919. Lublin, vol. 1, 919.
Sulgostowska, Z. 1989. Prahistoria midzyrzecza Wisy,
Niemna i Dniestru u schyku plejstocenu. Warsaw.
Tymczak, D. 1998. Wczesnomezolityczne stanowisko kultu-
ry komornickiej w Wlce Wytyckiej, woj. Chemskie. In:
Archeologia Polski rodkowowschodniej. Lublin-Chem-
Zamo, vol. 3, 911.
Wickowska, H. 1975. Spoecznoci owiecko-rybackie
wczesnego holocenu. In: Prahistoria ziem polskich. Wroc-
aw-Warsaw-Krakw-Gdask, vol. I (Paleolit i mezolit), I (Paleolit i mezolit),
339438.
Zalewski, M. 2002. Prahistoryczne zagbie grnicze w
Puszczy Knyszyskiej. In: Badania archeologiczne w
Polsce pnocno-wschodniej i na zachodniej Biaorusi w
latach 20002001. Materiay z konferencji, Biaystok 67
grudnia 2001 roku. Biaystok, 139145.
Jerzy Libera, Marcin Szeliga
Department of the Stone Age
Maria Curie-Skodowska University in Lublin
Pl. M. Curie-Skodowskiej 4, 20-031 Lublin, Poland 20-031 Lublin, Poland
e-mail: marcinszeligapoczta.wp.pl marcinszeligapoczta.wp.pl
Received: 2005
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VI ETI NI KREI DOS PERI ODO
TI TNAGO ALI AVOS I TEKLI
PANAUDOJ I MAS VLyVOJ O
PALEOLI TO DI RBTUVSE
LI UBLI NO REGI ONE NAUJ AUSI
TyRI M DUOMENI MI S:
PROBLEMOS APVALGA
Jer zy Liber a, Marcin eliga
Santrauka
Chelmo auktumos (Chelmo kalvynas) mezoregionas
yra Liublino auktumos iauriniame pakratyje ir apima
apie 722 km
2
(1 pav.). ios teritorijos paviri sudaro
kreidos periodo formacijos, padengtos tretinio periodo
smiltainiais. Kreidos periodo sluoksniuose aptinkama
titnago aliava, kuri makroskopikai yra labai panai
uolienas i Volyns, Volyns Poless ir Podless.
valgant Chelmo auktumos paviri iki iol yra ap-
tikta apie 120 vairaus ploto, nuo 1 iki 50 ha, viet, kur
titnago aliava yra aptinkama paviriuje (1 pav.). Pagal
paskutinius duomenis, paviriuje aptinkama titnago
aliava yra 2 tip. A tipas tai rieduliai, arba taisy-
klingi, arba susirauklj, su gausiomis duobutmis ir
ertmmis. iuo metu io tipo rieduliai daniausiai yra
iki 10 cm skersmens, tik labai retai didesni nei 40 cm
ilgio ir 20 cm ploio (23 pav.). aliavos gabal iev
rudos arba balsvos spalvos, o vidaus mas gana vairi
matins pilkos spalvos atspalvi nuo tamsiai m-
lynos iki juosvos. aliavos gabalai viduje danai yra
dmti ar juostuoti (2 pav.). is titnago aliavos tipas
danai panaus aliav i Volyns, Podols ir Volyns
Poless ar net Podless kasykl. B tipas tai mai ir
labai mai vairios formos titnago aliavos gabaliukai
su pirminiu paviriumi arba be jo, taip pat vairi pil-
k, juosv, tamsiai mlyn bei gelsv, raudon ir rud
atspalvi (4 pav.).
Paskutiniai tyrimai leido nustatyti radimvietes, datuo-
jamas nuo vidurinio paleolito iki alvario amiaus pa-
baigos. Tarp j mediagos vlyvojo paleolito radiniai
sudaro gausiausi grup: pavieniai skaldytini ruoi-
niai, daugyb skaldytini, skalda ir negauss dirbiniai.
Titnago kasyklose arba netoli j aptikta maiausiai
20 keliolikos ar plote sikrusi dirbtuvi. Dirbtuvs
koncentruojasi 3 rajonuose (1 pav.). Dauguma vlyvo-
jo paleolito radini sietina su kotini antgali kultr
tradicija, daugiausia su Svidr kultra. Kai kurios ra-
dimviets sietinos su tiksliau nenustatytomis vienao-
ni antgali kultromis. Viena i radimviei sietina su
Madleno kultros palikimu. Titnago aliavos altiniai
Chelmo auktumoje buvo vietins svarbos ir paplit
madaug 3040 km dydio rajone.
178
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THE EARL I EST ANTL ER AND BONE HARPOONS
FROM THE EAST BALTI C
ILGA ZAGORSKA
Abstr act
The East Baltic Stone Age is well known for its rich array of bone and antler artefacts. The collections consist of stray fnds
as well as inventory from stratifed settlement sites. Seven hunting and fshing tool complexes, made from bone and antler,
were singled out in Latvia, characterising each stage of the Baltic Stone Age. The oldest of these complexes was formed at the
very end of the Late Glacial period when the ice sheet retreated and the conditions for human habitation were created. This
complex consists of 18 bone and antler artefacts, harpoons of archaic forms and spearheads, found in Latvia and Lithuania.
Unfortunately, they are all stray fnds and determined as Late Palaeolithic only typologically. Harpoons in similar morpho-
logical forms are known from all of northwest and Central Europe, associated with Late Palaeolithic reindeer hunter cultures.
Some of the fnds were made from reindeer antler. The new carbon 14 data of reindeer bones, obtained in Helsinki University
by H. Jungner, testifed to the presence of reindeer in the Eastern Baltic from Allerd times till the beginning of the Preboreal
climatic period.
Key words: Late Palaeolithic, Late Glacial, East Baltic, harpoons of bone and antler, reindeer.
I nt r oduct i on
Holding an important place among the rich variety of
ancient antler and bone hunting weapons from the East
Baltic are harpoons, various forms of which have been
found on archaeological sites and as stray fnds, span-
ning the whole of the Stone Age.
Both archaeologists and ethnographers have expressed
various opinions on exactly what a harpoon is and what
kinds of implements can be included in this artefact
category. Thus:
1) harpoons are taken to include all barbed bone
points, regardless of the manner of hafting;
2) harpoons are regarded as including only those
barbed bone and antler implements that are de-
tachable from the shaft, specially modifed at the
base for better attachment. Other barbed points are
classed as various kinds of spears;
3) certain researchers have doubted whether true har-
poons are actually represented in the Stone Age at
all, regarding the thickening and perforations in the
lower part of the stem as having served only to im-
prove the fxed attachment to the shaft;
4) there is also a widespread practice of distinguishing
true (echte, eigentlichen, nastoyashchye) harpoons
from other barbed points, at the same time retain-
ing the traditional practice of referring to the rest as
harpoons too;
5) since bone and antler implements are preserved in a
fragmented state, there is also a practice of classing
all such fnds as barded points, without making any
fner distinctions.
In the authors opinion, the second view, also the most
widely held, provides the best possibility for distin-
guishing harpoons from other kinds of barbed weap-
ons. Thus: Stone Age harpoons are taken to include
throwing weapons with barbed bone or antler points,
detachable from the shaft, with a special modifcation
at the base for attaching a line, and connected by this
line to the shaft of the weapon or the harpooners hand.
When the quarry was hit, the bone harpoon detached
from the shaft, hindering the animals escape and fa-
cilitating its capture. The hafting of the point had to be
suffciently loose to become detached at the required
moment, and stable enough for this not to happen be-
fore the weapon struck. Harpoons could be thrown by
hand, but might also have been thrown using a spear
thrower, a frequent class of fnd on Late Palaeolithic
settlement sites. According to research opinion, har-
poons were used for hunting large terrestrial game and
marine animals: seals, porpoises, etc. Well known are
fnds of seal skeletons from marine layers together with
bone harpoon points, the classic examples being har-
poon fnds from Nrpi, in the River Oulu, and other
locations in Finland (Edgren 2000: 4956).
The appearance of harpoons in Europe in the Final Pal-
aeolithic must be regarded as a progressive phenom-
enon in the development of hunting weaponry. Barbed
harpoons were more complicated in form, compared
with the straight spear points used in earlier periods
of the Palaeolithic. This represented the frst use of a
weapon consisting of two parts, where the tip of the
179
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weapon was detachable from the support. It seems that
the barbs on the tip were developed earlier, the princi-
ple of detachment being a later development (
1968: 285293; Faustel 1973: 157159).
On the North European Plain during the closing stages
of the Late Glacial, in similar ecological conditions
(tundra vegetation and reindeer as the main prey), two
types of harpoons were characteristic: one type was
a biserial harpoon head with a pointed spade-shaped
base; the second type was a uniserial harpoon head,
ie harpoons with one row of barbs and a spade-shaped
base (Clark 1975: 7071). During the Late Glacial,
such harpoon heads were in use throughout northern
Europe, from Denmark in the west to Poland in the
east. Both types, with some variations, are known in
the eastern Baltic too.
The hi story of research
Bone and antler harpoons of archaic form were found
in Latvia even before the 1940s. The frst fnd, from
1938, was a small biserial harpoon from Dviete (Fig. 1,
Fig. 2: 3), possibly made of reindeer antler. Then, in the
years 19381940, following the regulation of the wa-
ter level in Lake Lubna, a unique collection of stray
fnds of bone and antler artefacts was recovered (Fig.
1). They were collected in the drained part of the lake,
on the former shores, islands and shallows of the lake
in the southwest and western part of the former lake.
Among the fnds were 11 harpoons of archaic form.
These are now kept at the History Museum of Latvia
(A 10519; A 9636; A 11928).
E. turms published the frst information on the fnds
immediately after their discovery (turms 1939: 31
44, Fig. 4: 2), later providing an interpretation of the
fnds in his monograph on the Stone Age cultures of
the Baltic (turms 1970: 1417). In later years, these
harpoon heads were frequently discussed by Stone
Age specialists. All authors characterised them as Late
Palaeolithic on the basis of the morphology, but they
were dated to the Early Mesolithic Preboreal Period, ie
the eighth millennium BC ( 1964: 1315, III: 2,3; 1964: 1315, III: 2,3; 1964: 1315, III: 2,3;
1966: 109110, 2: 1, 2; Vankina 1970: 5560, Fig. 51:
Fig. 1. The Daugava river valley, archaeological monuments and stray fnds: 1 Salaspils Laukskola; 2 Ikiles Elki;
3 Skrveru Lielrutui; 4 Spietii-Plteri; 5 Dviete; 6, 9 Lake Lubana; 7 Ogre; 8 Odziena; 10 Vinkelmai; 11 abas;
12 Slpils; 13 Lejasdopeles; 14 Bebruleja
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1, 4; Fig. 53: 1). Later, following the discovery of the
Late Palaeolithic settlement site with a fint inventory
at Salaspils Laukskola, it became possible to date the
mentioned bone and antler harpoons to the Late Gla-
cial, the ninth millennium BC (Zagorska 1972: 8185,
Fig. 1: 17; 1994: 1417, Fig. 1: 112; 1999: 139140,
Fig. 3: 111; Fig. 4: 3; Vankina 1999: 2728, Fig. 1:
1, 413).
Envi r onment al s i t uat i on
The frst appearance of human settlement in the east
Baltic was conditioned by the environmental situation.
If there were any indications of human presence dur-
ing the interglacial periods, they must have been de-
stroyed by ice. More specifc evidence
of the climate, fora and fauna, and of
the peopling of this area, has been ob-
tained only for the fnal phase of the
last glaciation.
Geologists consider that southeast
Latvia was the frst part of the coun-
try to become ice-free, followed by
the rest of present-day Latvia, which
was covered by tundra vegetation. All
the mentioned fnds of bone and antler
harpoons are concentrated in the val-
ley of the River Daugava, the central
and largest river in Latvia (Fig. 1). The
river valley is oriented SENW, fow-
ing through eastern and central Latvia.
With the retreat of the ice sheet, the
glacial meltwaters carved out and
formed the basis of the river and lake
systems in the Baltic area. One of the
frst to develop was the Daugava valley.
The River Daugava partly made use of
an older river bed and partly formed
a new one, gradually lengthening its
course downstream. Fairly quickly, the
river cut through the ten to 20-metre-
thick till and sand/gravel deposits in an
area of undulating hills, reaching the
hard dolomite surface. The River Dau-
gava received meltwater from several
basins. One of the largest was the Lake
Lubna residual basin, the drainage sys-
tem of which was closely linked to the
Daugava valley (Fig. 1). Lake Lubna
is situated in the lowlands of eastern
Latvia, has gently sloping shores, and
before its regulation was the countrys
largest lake (90.4 sq. km, mean depth
1.2m). Several streams enter the lake, and its only out-
let is the River Aiviekste, a right bank tributary of the
Daugava. A second important valley was the Dviete
valley-like depression, developed in Quaternary strata
above a buried earlier valley formed in the Devonian
bedrock (Fig. 1). This valley is more than 20 kilome-
tres long, with a width of 0.8 to two kilometres and a
depth of fve to ten metres. The River Dviete, fowing
through this valley, formed two glacial lakes along its
course, and enters the Daugava on its left bank close
to Daugavpils (information from D. Gruberts 2003).
It seems that the formation of the Daugava river val-
ley was largely complete in the Younger Dryas period.
The river waters fowed into a broad estuary, entering
the Baltic Ice Lake near Salaspils ( 1972: 60; 1972: 60;
Eberhards 1991: 1823). 1823).
Fig. 2. Antler and bone harpoons from Lake Lubana (1, 2, 47) and Dviete
(3): 1 A 9636:39; 2 A 10519:1838; 3 A 9586:54; 4 A 11928:489; 5 A
10519:1490; 6 A 10519:1488; 7 A 10519:1487
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During the Allerd, with marked cli-
matic amelioration, the frequency of
pine (Pinus sylvestris) and birch (Bet-
ula sect. Nanae, Betula sect. Humilis)
increased, with a continuing signifcant
presence of periglacial plants. In the
next stage, the Younger Dryas, pollen
and spore analyses indicate subarctic
conditions and park tundra once again,
with pine, dwarf birch, black alder
(Alnus glutinosa) and a great number
of grasses, sedges and mosses. These
features also characterised the very be-
ginning of the Post Glacial age (Stelle
1997: 9598; Kalnina et al 1999:
5562).
The only evidence of Late Glacial fau-
na consists of fnds of reindeer (Rangif-
er tarandus L.) remains. More than 20
specimens of subfossil reindeer remains
have been recorded from Latvia. These
are stray fnds from bogs and mires, de-
riving from peat layers and sediments
under the peat. Some of the fnds were
collected from lakes, including Lake
Lubna (Fig. 4), and from river terrac-
es, such as the bank of the Daugava by
Ogre. Most importantly, eight of these
reindeer antlers and bones are now dat-
ed by radiocarbon (Zagorska et al 2005,
forthcoming). Now it is confrmed that
reindeer were present in Latvia at the
end of the Late Glacial, in the Allerd,
the Younger Dryas and the very begin-
ning of the Preboreal, corresponding to
the time period approximately 11,50010,000 BP (un-
calibrated) (Table 1, 2).
Tabl e 1. Rei ndeer antl er dati ngs
f r om Lat vi a ( Gr oni ngen Cal - 25
Pr ogr amme, 1 s i gma i nt er val ,
H. J ungner, Dat i ng Labor at or y
of the Uni versi ty of Hel si nki )
Lab.nr. Site Years BP Cal. years BP
1) Hela - 606 Nitaure 11565 80 13760 - 13460
2) Hela - 604 Odziena 11030 80 13110 - 12990
3) Hela - 602 Tirelpurvs 10890 135 13050 - 12850
4) Hela - 603 Olaine 10780 90 12930 - 12700
5) Hela - 608 Tetele 10345 75 12500 - 12010
6) Hela - 607 Lubana 9980 70 11560 - 11290
The banks of the River Daugava have the best represen-
tation of Late Palaeolithic fnds: settlement sites with
a fint inventory, one Devonian fint outcrop and the
above-mentioned reindeer skull from Ogre. Reindeer
antler fnds are known from the Lake Lubna shallows
(Zagorska 1996: 263272; 1999: 137147). Among all
these fnds, important and impressive are 12 bone and
antler harpoons of archaic form (Fig. 2, 3).
The earl i est bone and antl er harpoons
On the shores of Lake Lubna and at Dviete, a total
of 12 bone and antler harpoons of archaic form have
been recovered. Typologically, these harpoons can be
divided into three groups:
1) biserial harpoons with asymmetrically arranged,
widely spaced angular or rounded barbs and a
spade-shaped base;
Fig. 3. Antler and bone harpoons from Lake Lubana: 1 A 10519:1486; 2 A
11928:495; 3 A 10519:1485; 4 A 10519:1489; 5 A 10519:1522
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2) biserial harpoons with slanting, symmetrically or
asymmetrically arranged barbs and a spade-shaped
base;
3) a uniserial harpoon with widely spaced and strong-
ly curved beak-like barbs and an
irregularly formed spade-shaped
base.
Belonging to the frst group are seven
implements from Lubna and one from
Dviete (Fig. 2: 17). Three of these are
intact, and four are fragmented. The in-
tact pieces from Lubna are about 20
centimetres long, while the harpoon
from Dviete is smaller, about 16 cen-
timetres long. The barbs are widely
spaced, angular or slightly rounded,
four to six on each side, arranged al-
ternately. The bases are spade-shaped,
with a basal inverse barb on one or both
sides. In cross-section, the artefacts are
triangular, rounded or plane-convex.
Similar biserial harpoons are distribut-
ed along the south and southwest shores
of the Baltic Sea: in Poland, Lachmiro-
wice, Dziwnowa; in Germany, Havel-
land, the Ahrensburgian complex from
Stellmoor; and in Denmark, Skaftelev
on Zealand (Stimming 1928: 112, Fig.
8494; Taute 1968: 205206, Fig. 161,
162, map 8; Galinski 1986: 7086; Fig.
1.13; Andersen 1988: 523547, Fig.
16, 17). Based on the Stellmoor fnd
(Fig. 5: 3), they are dated to the end of
the Palaeolithic, the Younger Dryas-the
beginning of Preboreal period (Taute
1968: 205206; Kozlowski et al 1976:
213). The Stellmoor tunnel valley is still of funda-
mental importance for understanding the chronology
of the Palaeolithic cultures of the Late Glacial. The
upper layer of Stellmoor has furnished more suitable
material for pollen analyses and carbon 14 data. New
carbon 14 datings of the fnds from the Ahrensbur-
gian strata have given data covering a few hundred
years around 10,000 BP, ie 10140 103 BP and 9810
100 BP (Fischer, Tauber 1986: 713, Table 2).
It must be noted, though, that the barbs on the har-
poons found further to the west, in Denmark and
western Germany, are larger and more angular, with
a longer base (Fig. 5: 13). In the basin of the River
Havel, both types of harpoons have been found: ex-
amples with biserial, angular barbs and others with
smaller, more rounded barbs. This last form, harpoons
with smaller, more rounded, beak-shaped barbs and a
shorter base, is also present in Poland and Latvia (Fig.
5: 4; Fig. 2: 17). S.K. Kozlowski describes these two
types as Stellmoor-type and Lachmirowice-type (Koz-
lowski et al 1976: 213; Galinski 1986: 1617, Fig. 1.2b;
Fig. 4. Reindeer antlers found in the shallows of Lake Lubana
(CVVM A 111894)
Fig. 5. Antler and bone harpoons from the North European Plain: 1 Gortz,
Havelland; 2 Skaftelev (Seeland); 3 Ahrensburg, Stellmoor (Holstein); 4 Lach-
mirowice (Masovian); 5 Skellinhsted Bro (Seeland); 6 Wojnowo (Olsztyn).
After: W. Taute (1968); S.H. Andersen (1988); S.K. Kozlowski (1981)
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Verhart 1990: 143, Fig. 4; Zagorska
1994: 14, Fig. 1). It is diffcult to ex-
plain these differences, whether they
are territorial, chronological, func-
tional or cultural. It is clear that these
differences are territorial, and, maybe,
also cultural.
This kind of hunting weapon is very
characteristic of the Late Glacial rein-
deer cultures of the North European
Plain, beginning from Upper Magdale-
nian times in France. Both types of
harpoons, with angular barbs and also
with rounded, beak-like barbs, are
found together in the rich bone and
antler collections of the West European
Magdalenian (Julien 1982: 98104,
Fig. 4344). In the British Isles, frag-
ments of similar barbed points, or or-
ganic samples from the layers where
they were found, have been radiocar-
bon dated. Some of these biserial har-
poons are probably older than 11,000
BP (Smith, Bonsall 1988: 209, Fig.
191: 3).
It seems clear that the bone and antler
harpoons from the River Daugava ba-
sin and the Lake Lubna basin typo-
logically resemble the north European
harpoon heads and may be attributed to
the same chronological period: the end
of the Late Glacial. Moreover, K. Paav-
er, the Estonian palaeozoologist, has
suggested that the Dviete harpoon is made of reindeer
antler, so it might be dated to the Allerd or Younger
Dryas.
Belonging to the second group are four harpoon heads,
all from the Lake Lubna region (Fig. 3: 14). These
harpoons are fragmented: three of them are fragments
of the tip, while the fourth is a basal section. This is
a type of biserial harpoon with slanting barbs and a
spade-shaped base. The largest fragment, 16.5 centi-
metres long, has biserial, slanting barbs, arranged sym-
metrically, only the lower barbs are asymmetrical. The
tip is rhombic in cross-section (Fig. 3: 1). Two other
quite short points have slanting, asymmetrical barbs,
and are rhombic and irregular in cross-section (Fig. 3:
2, 3). The basal section of a biserial harpoon is provid-
ed with slanting, shallow-cut and widely spaced barbs.
The spade-shaped base has slanting shoulders facing
the stem. The piece is triangular in cross-section (Fig.
3: 4). Typologically, they are very close to the frst type
of biserial harpoon, only the barbs are more oblique.
Similar fnds have been obtained in Denmark, where
they are considered to be from the Younger Dryas (An-
dersen 1988: 535, Fig. 17: 2, 3).
The type of biserial harpoon with slanting barbs is
represented already among Magdalenian fnds (Julien
1982: 98104, type A dc, type B dc). Harpoons of this
type, in terms of the form of the barbs, resemble the
well-known Azilian harpoons of Central and Western
Europe, dated to the Early Mesolithic. Harpoon heads
in northern Europe with uniserial and biserial slanting
barbs were widely used during the whole of the Stone
Age, differing only in terms of material and carving
technique. This is also confrmed by radiocarbon dat-
ing (Smith, Bonsall 1988: 209, Fig. 19: 1; Larsson
1999: 168171, Fig. 8).
The third type includes a uniserial harpoon of reindeer
antler with two robust, strongly curved barbs, rounded
in cross-section, with a spade-shaped base with slant-
ing shoulders, and a broken point, that stands apart
from all other fnds (Fig. 3: 5). This harpoon head was
Fig. 6. Late Palaeolithic bone and antler artefact fnds: 1 point; 24 spearheads
from Kalnikai (Klaipeda, Lithuania) and Lyngby; 5 club from Mauraiiu
(Kaliningrad district, Russia). After R. Rimantien (1994, 1996).
184
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recovered in the Lake Lubna area. According to K.
Paaver, it is made from reindeer antler. The harpoon
closely resembles reindeer antler harpoons found at
Stellmoor (Ahrensburgian complex) and those from
Wojnowo (Eckertsdorf), formerly East Prussia. Both
harpoons, palinologically and by carbon 14 method,
are dated to the Younger Dryas (Gross 1940: 60, taf. 4:
c; Fisher, Tauber 1986: 713, Table 2).
Concl us i ons
The earliest antler and bone harpoons from Latvia
date from the very end of the Late Glacial. Typologi-
cal dating is confrmed by the newly obtained dates for
reindeer remains from the Allerd and Younger Dryas,
reaching slightly into the frst half of the Preboreal
(Zagorska et al 2005, forthcoming). It seems that rein-
deer antler was used to make a large harpoon with two
markedly curved barbs (Fig. 3: 5) and one of the bise-
rial harpoons (Fig. 2: 3). Similar harpoon forms, many
of them also made of reindeer antler, were widespread
in the Late Palaeolithic in the southern and southwest-
ern parts of the Baltic basin, all of them belonging to
the so-called Havel type (Clark 1975; Taute 1968;
Kozlowski 1976, 1977, 1981; Verhart 1990).
These harpoon fnds are regarded as characteristic
of the northern reindeer hunting tribes, represented
by fint tanged points and belonging to the Bromme,
Ahrensburgian and Swiderian archaeological cultures
(Fig. 7).
Typologically earlier, it seems, are harpoons with large,
markedly curved and widely spaced barbs: Clarks type
12A or S. Kozlowskis type 12 (Variant 6) (Kozlowski
1976, 1977, 1981). These are most common in Den-
mark, on the island of Zealand (Ljesmle, Frbjaerg
and Tjrnelunde Raamose), in Brandenburg and else-
where in north Germany (Wachow, Fohrde, Wuster-
mark and Gortz), Poland (Orzycz and Wojnowo) and
former East Prussia (Pogrimmen). Based on the Stell-
moor fnd, this whole group is dated to the Younger
Dryas (Gross 1940: 5960; Kozlowski 1981: 83; Fish-
er, Tauber 1986: Table 2). In later periods of the Stone
Age, such harpoons no longer occur.
Biserial harpoons with angular or slightly rounded
barbs are also included among the Late Palaeolithic
artefacts of northern Europe (Clarks type 12B, or Ko-
zlowskis type 13.2). As already mentioned, this type
is distributed from Denmark in the west to Latvia in
the northeast (Taute 1968; Kozlowski 1976; Zagorska
1972, 1994). The origins of this harpoon form may be
traced back to the Magdalenian of Western Europe, and,
based on the Stellmoor fnds, it is dated to the Younger
Dryas and Younger Dryas/Preboreal transition (Fisher,
Fig. 7. Antler and bone artefact complex from the North European Plain (Late GlacialEarly Post Glacial period): 1 biserial
harpoons with angular barbs (1st group); 2 biserial harpoons with slanting barbs (2nd group); 3 uniserial harpoons with
strongly curved barbs (3rd group); 4 point of the Gumbinnen type (spindle-shaped point); 5 paddle-shaped spearheads
(Pentekinnen type); 6 the area of the distribution of Lyngby Culture; 7 the area of the distribution of Ahrensburgian Culture;
8 the area of the distribution of Swiderian Culture. After: W. Taute (1968); S.K. Kozlowski (1981); T. Galinski (1986);
L.B.M. Verhart (1990); I. Zagorska (1994)
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Tauber 1986: 910). These harpoons also do not occur
in later periods of the Stone Age in northern Europe.
Biserial harpoons with slanting barbs also occur in the
Magdalenian of Western Europe, but, unlike the previ-
ous two forms, different variants of these harpoons re-
mained in use throughout the Stone Age (variations of
Clarks types 10 and 11). Thus, great care is needed in
dating these kinds of harpoons. Such examples might
be dated to the Palaeolithic on the basis of the raw ma-
terial (reindeer antler or bone), the symmetrical bise-
rial arrangement of the barbs, and the spade-shaped
base with sloping shoulders.
Certain authors have tried to connect particular har-
poon types with one or another of the above-mentioned
Palaeolithic archaeological cultures, or so-called so-
cial territories. Thus, harpoons with slanting barbs
have been linked to Bromme Culture infuences, while
harpoons with large, markedly curved barbs have been
regarded as typically Ahrensburgian. The type of har-
poon with biserial angular barbs might be connected
with Ahrensburgian Culture, while the variant with
more rounded barbs might relate to the Swiderian tradi-
tions. However, the authors themselves admit that such
ideas are hypothetical and would only be confrmed by
the discovery of Late Palaeolithic sites with an associ-
ated bone, antler and fint inventory (Kozlowski 1981:
8385; Verhart 1990: 139151).
As has been noted by several researchers, all the above-
mentioned Palaeolithic cultures developed in similar
environmental conditions, their main source of subsist-
ence being reindeer, and these tribes evidently also had
a similar social structure and world-view. The reindeer
hunters were very mobile, infuencing each other and
mixing (Kobusiewicz 2002: 117122). This promoted
the development of a complex of similar hunting im-
plements across the whole of northern Europe, from
the Jutland Peninsula in the west to the Daugava valley
in the east, characterised by fint tanged points, antler
and bone harpoons and Lyngby clubs (Fig. 7). Many of
the harpoons were made from reindeer antler and bone,
and are closely connected with the tundra environment
of the Late Glacial, which was very suitable for the
species Rangifer tarandus L. Thus, these harpoons may
be regarded as one of the characteristic forms of hunt-
ing weapon from the end of the Late Glacial in north-
ern Europe, which seems to have been used mainly for
hunting reindeer. The reindeer, which moved in au-
tumn and spring in very large herds along accustomed
routes, was an easy quarry to hunt. Reindeer could be
harpooned when they forded a river or were coming
ashore. The reindeer approaching the shore began to
run as soon as their legs touched the riverbed, so the
hunters even waded into the water. Reindeer caught in
this manner are even described in ethnographic litera-
ture as shore reindeer.
The complex of Late Palaeolithic bone hunting weap-
ons is signifcantly augmented by four bone and antler
implements, so-called paddle-shaped spearheads,
found in western Lithuania near Klaipda, one spindle-
shaped spearhead and a Lyngby-type axe found near
the border with the Kaliningrad district (Fig. 6). All are
made of reindeer antler and bone (Rimantien 1970,
1994) and are dated to the Allerd or Younger Dryas
(Rimantien 1971: 3437; Rimantien 1994: 37).
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Zagorska, I. 1994. Salaspils Laukskolas akmens laikmeta ap-
metne. In: Arheoloija un etnogrfja, XVI, Rga, 1428.
Zagorska, I. 1996. Late Palaeolithic Finds in the Daugava
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chaeologica Lundensia, series in 8*, No. 24. L. Larsson
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vironmental and cultural history of the eastern Baltic re-
gion. PACT 57, 131156.
Zagorska, I., Lukevica, L., Lukevics, E., Jungners, H.
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(forthcoming).
, .. 1972. -
. , 131.
, . 1964. -
. In: Latvijas PSR Zintu Akadmijas Vstis,
No. 3, 720.
, . 1966. , . 1966. . 1966.
. In: .
. -
(), 126, , 108113.
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, 203. , 203. 203.
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, 362. 362. 362.
Dr. Ilga Zagorska
Institute of Latvian History
Academy of Sciences
Turgeneva st. 19 Rga LV 15-18 Latvia
ANKSTYVI AUSI KAULI NI AI I R
RAGI NI AI EBERKLAI RYT
BALTI J OS REGI ONE
Ilga Zagor ska
Sant r auka
Akmens amiaus laikotarpis Ryt Baltijos kratuose
pasiymi gausiais ilikusiais dirbiniais i kaulo ir rago.
Kolekcijas sudaro tiek atsitiktiniai pavieni dirbini
radiniai, tiek radini kompleksai i itirt stratifkuot
gyvenviei. Latvijoje yra iskirti septyni mediokls
ir vejybos inventoriaus i kaulo ir rago kompleksai,
atitinkantys atskirus Pabaltijo akmens amiaus laiko-
tarpius. Seniausias i i kompleks susiformavo
paioje vlyvojo ledynmeio pabaigoje. J sudaro
18 radini i kaulo ir rago archajik form eberklai
ir ietigaliai, aptikti Latvijoje ir Lietuvoje. Deja, tai
vis atsitiktiniai radiniai ir vlyvajam paleolitui priski-
riami tik tipologikai. Panai form eberklai yra
inomi visoje iaurs bei Centrinje Europoje ir yra
siejami su vlyvojo paleolito iaurs elni mediotoj
kultromis. Nustatyta, kad kai kurie radiniai yra pag-
aminti i iaurs elnio rag. Pagal naujausias i iaurs
elnio kaul gautas radiokarbonines datas, iaurs elniai
Ryt Baltijos kratuose buvo paplit nuo aleriodo iki
preborealio pradios.
Received: 2005
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THE CULT OF THE DEER AND SHAMANS
I N DEER HUNTI NG SOCI ETY
NATALIE MIKHAILOVA
Abstr act
The cult of the deer was widespread in traditional societies of deer hunters. This cult was connected with the worship of
the deer or man-deer, the ancestor of people and deer, and a cultural hero, the teacher of deer hunting. The most important
evidence supporting a deer cult in traditional societies are the totemistic mysteries connected with the reproduction of the
deer, and magic hunting rituals. The most important participant in these rituals is the shaman.
Key words: cult of deer, shaman, Mesolithic, Neolithic.
The cult of the deer has a very great signifcance in
the ideology of primeval peoples of the Eurasian forest
zone. This cult includes myths and rituals connected
with the worship of the deer or man-deer, the ancestor
of people and deer, and a cultural hero, the teacher of
deer hunting. The most important evidence supporting
the cult of the deer in traditional societies are totemis-
tic mysteries connected with the reproduction of deers,
and magic hunting rituals. The most important partici-
pant in these rituals is the shaman.
Some investigators have touched on aspects of the
cult of the deer. The ethnographers A.D. Anisimov,
G.M. Vasilevich, L.P. Potapov and others studied
questions of shamanism which were connected with
the cult of the deer. ( 1958,
1953, 1934). Some archaeologists have tried
to reconstruct the earliest studies of the cult of deer.
In particular, A.P. Okladnikov made interpretations of
Siberian deer rock paintings. He paid great attention to
totemic and cosmological motifs ( 1955:
285330). B.A. Rybakov and V.V. Charnolussky ana-
lysed evidence of the cult of deer in hunting and agricul-
tural societies ( 1981: 31212;
1965). M. Otte mentioned the role of the deer in prime-
val ideology (Otte 1995: 75). G. Clark paid attention to
the cult of the deer in his investigations of Starr Carr
(Clark 1954: 169172). But the main aspects of the is-
sue have not been studied enough, particularly the gen-
esis of the cult of the deer and the existence of shamans
in ancient deer hunting society.
This article is devoted to one of the aspects of the cult
of the deer, the genesis and development of the institu-
tion of shamans as cult executors in ancient deer hunt-
ing society. It is necessary to mention that the term
shaman is rather relative. There is no clear defnition
for peoples connected with religious activity in pristine
society. For example, L. Levy-Brull enumerated seven
names of cult activity executors in the Baronga tribe
(e- 1934: 95). However, the term shaman
is traditionally used in investigations of primeval so-
ciety. We hold the opinion that a shaman is a religious
specialist whose power centred on healing, sorcery and
prophecy, and who has the ability to associate with
spirits (or animals-helpers) (obsession). In our article
we shall address only the category of shamans con-
nected with deer hunting.
We shall try to reconstruct the phenomena of primi-
tive spiritual culture on the basis of an interdisciplinary
synthesis of ethnographic and archaeological sources.
Using the comparative-typological method and meth-
od of survivals, we create a model of spiritual cultural
phenomena. With the help of systematic analysis, we
have made an extrapolation to ancient times (
1990: 311).
The cult of the deer was widespread in traditional so-
cieties of deer hunters. The behaviour of the deer as a
biological indication is identical in all areas it inhab-
ited. It demands the same methods and terms for hunt-
ing. Obviously, the great economic signifcance of the
deer provides his great ideological role. Using ethno-
graphic evidence of the cult of the deer, we can try to
create a model of this cult in deer-hunting societies,
then to defne the material manifestations of the cult,
and compare them with archaeological artefacts. We
can probably assume the existence of a similar cult in a
certain historical period.
For the reconstruction of the primeval cult of the deer,
we have to investigate its remains in Eurasian and
American traditional cultures.
An important part of the cult was the myth about the
man-deer, a cultural hero, and a teacher of deer hunt-
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ing. He had conjugal relations with man and became an
ancestor of certain tribes. The Kyrghiz, Saami, Geor-
gians and other peoples have elements of similar myths
( 1965; A 1971: 281283;
1976: 74).
Rituals are the actualisation of myths. Siberian peoples,
the Saami, Osettians, Bulgarians and Britons all have
rituals such as deer offerings, the burial of deer antlers
and bones in sacred places, the imitation of deer cou-
pling, and so on. The central fgure of the cult was the
shaman, the executor of totemic and magic ceremo-
nies. In our article we address only white shamans of
traditional Siberian societies, who performed hunters
rituals connected with the cult of deer. The black sha-
man had medical functions ( 1984: 66, 9199).
The shamans costume refected his connection with
the deer (Fig. 1, 1). His coat was made of deer hide,
and had small iron antlers on the shoulders, a general
element of the costume. Firstly, there were real deer
antlers, which refected a similarity to deer for the sha-
man. The most important attribute of the shamans
costume was the headdress, with little iron antlers, a
symbol of a shamans power and strength (Fig. 1, 3).
Only the mightiest shaman, who had six or seven years
of practice, received such a crown. By putting on this
crown, the shaman acquired the mystical qualities of a
heavenly deer. A prominent illustration of such a trans-
formation is Evenkian (Tungusian) ritual-schinkgela-
vun, which ensured both success in hunting and deer
fertility. During the ceremony, the shaman, appearing
as a deer, entered the spiritual world, where a giant
female deer, hostess of the world, gave him pieces of
deer hide, which became real animals later on. Some
peoples with a reproductive economy have a shamans
crown with a deers antlers as reminiscences (
1947: 163182, 1934; 1953: 185;
1998: 121, 123). For example, a gilt bronze crown
from the ffth/sixth century from Korea has symbols of
antlers (Furst 1977: 9).
The embodiment of the deer-ancestor or spirit-helper
of a shaman is the tambourine, the most important at-
tribute of a shamans activity. An image of the deer was
reproduced on the tambourine or the handle. In making
this tambourine, the shaman usually reincarnated into
a deer, which was specially killed for that ceremony
( 1947: 163172).
Not only Siberian peoples connected the tambourine
with the deer. The South American Huichol tribe has
the same subject. In ancient times, the primordial First
Shaman carved the prototypical shamans drum from a
tree trunk and ftted it with the skin of the divine deer
(Furst 1977: 11).
So, the white shaman was connected with the deer-
defender, who was incarnated in his tambourine, and
periodically reincarnated into a deer himself, putting
on a deer skin and antlered crown.
Some scientists think that shamans initially used a bow
and arrows for a musical accompaniment. Later, the
tambourine received a name and replaced the functions
of the bow. There is much linguistic evidence of these
phenomena. The name of Altai and the tambourine is
based on the name of a bow. A shamans power was
identifed with a string. There is much ethnographic
evidence for the use of the bow instead the tambourine.
After the bow was replaced by the tambourine, the
shaman used the model of a bow as a garment on his
coat ( 1934: 6477; 1958: 2635;
1987: 70). Among the Huichol and a few
other populations in South America, Asia and Africa,
there survives an apparently very ancient example of
the latter, the custom of using the hunting bow as a
stringed instrument for casting a kind of musical spell
to charm the intended prey. The Huichol shaman did
this at the beginning and the end of a pilgrimage to a
sacral ancestors country. They used the bow to soothe
the Great Deity, Deer (Peyote) (Furst 1977: 11).
Some peoples decorated the shamans burials with deer
antlers.
Here is a description of a Siberian shamans grave: It
is a low chest of boards, which are strengthened by six
stakes. The cross-beams are decorated with the nicely
branched antlers of a wild deer, as a symbol of the last
funeral repast, as an offering. The chest is covered by
a red cloth. Stones are lying on the cloth, to hold it
down in a storm. There is a sacral shamans box open
behind ( 1981: 37).
So, the attributes of a white shaman, a bow and arrows,
deer skin and a crown with a deers antlers, point to the
connection of white shamanism with the hunters ac-
tivity. Many ethnographic peoples used a deerskin and
antlers for hunting (Fig. 1, 2). This camoufage is based
on knowledge of the physiology and behaviour of a
deer, its short-sight and trust. Firstly, the hunter dis-
guised smells, and then dressed in a hide and antlered
mask ( 1970: 158). Sometimes he decorated his
breast with white paint and imitated deer sounds. Hunt-
ers in Siberia and North America used the same meth-
ods. K. Birket-Smith described the hunting by Cari-
bou Eskimos: At mating time when the bulls fght,
the hunter sometimes carries above his head a pair of
antlers, and at the same time imitates the grunting of
animals (Birket-Smith 1929: 107). Boas quotes the
statement by J.C. Ross in 1835, that The inhabitants
of Bothnia imitate the appearance of the deer (rein-
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deer), the foremost of two men stalking a herd wearing
a deers head upon his own (Clark 1954: 169)
Hunters, camoufaged in deer skin, before the hunting,
executed a sacral activity for the attraction of game.
Such hunting practices are known from the Zulus: Be-
fore the hunt began, the chief of the hunters knelt, put
grass into his mouth and imitated a deer eating the pas-
ture ( 1953: 330).
Speaking generally about the primeval mentality, we
have to take into account the phenomena of participa-
tion described by L. Levi-Brull. Using a deer mask
during the hunting, the hunter not only changed his ap-
pearance, he reembodied himself as the animal. He had
to feel like a deer in his subconscious. The collectivity
of rituals, rhythmic music (the rhythm of a tambourine
can come to 200 strokes a minute), and, possibly, using
Fig. 1. Siberian deer masks: 1 Tungus shaman of the 18th century (after Clark 1954: Fig. 75); 2 Evenkian deer hunter, draw-
ing by an Evenkian schoolgirl, 20th century (after 1954); 3 the headdress of a Siberian shaman
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narcotic plants, provoked a trance. The performer fxed
in his subconscious his reembodiment as a deer.
An important method of the primeval systematisation
of the world is the idea of binary opposition between
peoples-animals, alive-dead ( 1990: 36;
- 2000: 157). The representatives of both
worlds could cross the frontier from one to another in
order to transform themselves from the status of a man
to the status of an animal. For this transition, they had
to put on clothes (a hide) or to take them off (ee
1959: 54).
The hunter in a deerskin transformed from the world
of people to the animal world. He became a creature
with a double status. He took the independent power of
the animal world (. -: 66). He became a
mediator between worlds.
The opposite mediator was the mythological totemic
ancestor, the mutual ancestor of peoples and animals.
He was a representative of the other world, an am-
bivalent creature, with the features of peoples and ani-
mals ( 1986: 10).
So, we can surmise that white shamanism, connected
with deer hunting, had its roots in a deer hunters so-
ciety. Probably, every man-hunter could execute some
sacral activity to succeed in the hunt and to increase
deer herds. During the ceremony, he put on a deerskin
and antlers as a hunter, and imitated deer behaviour. He
prayed for success, using a bow and arrows for an ac-
companiment. Later, the most successful and talented
hunters attained the rights to productive and imitative
magic ceremonies. The bow and antlers became sym-
bols of their magic power. The connection of a shaman
with his totemistic ancestor, the deer, was formed si-
multaneously. A totemic ancestor came to the peoples
world in the guise of a man, whilst the shaman entered
the ancestors world in the guise of a deer.
With the appearance of classic forms of shamanism,
obsession, the totemistic ancestor transformed into the
shamans spirit-helper. The bow and arrows, as the
cults instruments, were transformed into a tambourine.
A deer was drawn on the handle. Ritual deer offerings
were performed on the shamans grave. Antlers were
put on the shamans graves. We can assume that al-
ready in prehistoric deer-hunter society, the category of
people authorised for cult activity connected with the
reproduction of the main economic animal (deer) was
formed. Shamans, performing their sacral functions,
looked zoomorphic, dressed themselves in deer antlers
and skin, and used zoomorphic cult instruments.
Lets consider the archaeological evidence of the exist-
ence of shamans in prehistoric deer-hunting societies.
They are depictions, cemeteries and deer frontlets.
There is a well-known Palaeolithic painting depicting
a supernatural creature with deer antlers in the Trois
Frres cave in Ariege, France. Traditionally it is called
The Sorcerer after Abbot Breuils defnition (Fig. 2,
4). G. Clark, M. Street and other investigators shared
this interpretation. But we have doubts about the verac-
ity of this title. Really, this being has a human body,
deer antlers and bear paws, similar to a Tungus Sha-
man from an 18th-century engraving (Fig. 1, 1). On
the other hand, the face of this creature is not human,
it has an animals ears, the eyes of a bird and the tail
of a wolf. The creature has both human and animal
features. We can compare this depiction with other
Palaeolithic syncretic depictions. Some of them look
like a camoufaged man (for example, the Bison-Man
from Gabillou (Fig. 2, 3), and the horned man with
the bow from Trois Frres) (Street 1989: 52;
1982: 308). Others are fantastic anthropozoomorphic
creatures, like the ivory Lion-Man from Baden-Wur-
temberg, the Little Devils depicted on the Chiefs Staff
from Teija, the anthropo-ornithomorphical being from
Altamira (Fig. 2, 23) (Street 1989: 52; Zappellini
2002: 39; 1982: 585). Most likely The Sor-
cerer is not a masquerading shaman, it is a mythical
being, an ancestor, a mediator of worlds, a patron of
peoples and animals. Probably, it is a prototype of an
antlered deity, which appeared in the Bronze Age (Val-
camonica) and developed in Celtic times as Cernun-
nos (the Gundestrup cauldron, and so on) (Ross 1964:
176197). Probably, the so-called sorcerer was the
helper of an ancient shaman.
Archaeological artefacts which can be interpreted as
evidence of shamanistic existence appear in early Me-
solithic times on Eurasian forest zone sites. In the frst
place, there are well-known deer masks from Starr Carr
(Fig. 3), Hohen-Viheln (Fig. 4, 1), Plau, Berlin-Birsdorf
and Bedburg-Konigshoven (Fig. 4, 2) (Gramsch 1982:
433; Keiling 1985: 34; Schuld 1969; Street 1989: 52).
They were made from stag frontlets with antlers and
skin. The frontlets were smoothed and intended to be
worn on the head. They had specially drilled holes for
the straps to attach them to the head.
There are two hypotheses about the use of deer front-
lets. G. Clark supposed that stags frontlets were used
both for hunting and for ritual dances, designed to
improve the hunters luck, to increase the fertility of
the deer, or to promote a natural increase in general.
He also connected masks with burials with antlers.
He mentioned Cernunnos, the depiction of Tungus
Shaman and the horn dance in medieval Staffordshire
(Clark 1954: 169).
M. Street, the investigator of Bedburg-Konigshoven,
interpreted the deers frontlets as a shamans attributes
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(Street 1989: 4453). G. Tromnau holds the same opin-
ion. He has compared frontlets with Siberian shamans
headdresses and depictions of antlered man (Trois
Frres, Hohle-les-Espelugues and Astuuvansalmi in
Finland) (Tromnau 1991: 2527).
L. Zalizniak and O. Yanevic hold an alternative opin-
ion, also formulated by G. Clark, that deer frontlets
were used for stalking ( 1991: 7;
1990: 104106).
We think that deer frontlets did not have a single mean-
ing. Probably, the frontlets were items of changeable
semantic status. In primitive societies the difference
between utilitarian objects and sacral ones is very rela-
tive. Everything could be used, or was a ritual symbol
Fig. 2. Anthropozoomorphical beings; 1 Bison-Man from Gabillou (France); 2 Lion-Man from Hohlenstein-Stadel (Baden-
Wurtemberg); 3 shaman from Bhimbetka (India); 4 The Sorcerer from Trois Frres (France)
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( 1989: 6389;
1989: 89102). Frontlets, as objects-
symbols, could be used as hunters
masks during the hunting, and as cult
attributes during hunting magic rituals
and deer reproduction rituals. Men in
deer masks and skins were the proto-
types of shamans.
The second category of archaeological
sources re Mesolithic burials. Firstly,
we have to defnite what category of
burials we can consider as shamans
graves. Investigators of Siberian sha-
manism have distinguished some fea-
tures of shamans cemeteries. These
are burials in caves (or under stone
plates), the unusual position of the de-
ceased (for example, sitting), deep pits,
dismemberment, the bones of animals,
birds or fshes as a detail of costume,
a belt, instruments or tools (..
2003: 141164).
L. Levi-Brull wrote that people who
were held in high esteem received very
independent additional powers after
death. Their tribes disfgured their bod-
ies, to protect themselves against the
deceased (- 1934: 270).
Now, let us consider the cemeteries
which look like shamans.
The cemeteries of Teviec and Hoedic are located on
what are now small islands in Brittany, off the Atlan-
tic coast of northwest France. They are dated as Late
Mesolithic. The ten graves found at Teviec held the re-
mains of some 23 individuals. A total of nine graves
were recovered from Hoedic, containing 14 individu-
als. In addition to the graves themselves, other features
at Teviec included a series of stone-lined hearths show-
ing varying degrees of burning. The Pequarts classify
these into three types: domestic, featuring and ritual.
Structures of red-deer antlers are associated with two
adults (one male and one female, graves A and D) at
Teviec, and with four adults (two males and two fe-
males, graves F, H, J, K) at Hoedic (Fig. 5, 3); these
appear to have formed small tent-like arrangements
over the heads of these individuals. Grave goods found
in the burials at Teviec and Hoedic include fint im-
plements, ornamented bone pins, daggers, bi-points,
awls, antler batons, antler picks and/or clubs, worked
boar tusks, perforated red-deer teeth, and an abundance
of perforated marine shells of various species.
Teviec includes nine individual and collective burials
in the pits, covered with stone plates, with the remains
of ritual fres and offerings. In burial A there were skel-
etons of a man and a woman, covered with red deer
antlers. In burial D there were skeletons of a woman
and a baby, covered with antlers. On the island of
Hoedic, under plates with ash from a fre, was a burial
of a woman with a child, covered with fragments of
antlers. The authors of the excavations suppose that the
presence of antlers on the burial allows us to assume
that the dead people were connected with religious ac-
tivity (Pequart et al 1937; Schulting 1996: 344350).
A small test excavation at another site located between
Teviec and Hoedic, revealed a pit surmounted by three
antlers with a bone pin (Kayser, Bernier 1988: 45).
We believe that some features of cemeteries with ant-
lers demonstrate that they can be shamans graves.
The unusual richness of grave goods (in comparison
to other grave complexes), stone plates which covered
the deceased, especially ornamented bone pins, which
were found in three cemeteries with antlers, look like
features of shaman burials.
Fig. 3. Deer frontlet from Star Carr and a reconstruction of the headdress
(after Tromnau 1991: Fig. 17)
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The Mesolithic cemetery at Ved-
baek, Denmark, belongs to the Late
Kungemosian culture and the Early
Erteblle Culture. There 22 graves
were excavated. Three of them had
deer antlers (Fig. 5, 12).
Undisturbed grave 10 contained the
unusually well-preserved skeleton of
a 50-year-old male. Two large fint
blades to the right and just above the
pelvis were found as grave goods. The
deceased was laid to rest on a pair of
red deer antlers, one placed under the
shoulders and the other under the pel-
vis. Five big stones were placed on the
skeletons lower extremities. The skull
was surrounded by ochre.
Undisturbed grave 11 was of the same
type as all the others. At the bottom
were a red deer antler, a bone awl and
a core-axe. The bottom was coloured
by ochre, but there were no traces of
the interred person. The explanation by
the authors was found in the detailed
stratifcation of the fll, which suggests
that the body was disinterred shortly
after the burial. The composition of
the grave goods suggests that grave 11
originally contained a man.
Undisturbed grave 22 contained the
well-preserved skeleton of a 40 to 50-
year-old female. There was no ochre
in the grave, but below the head and
shoulders of the deceased lay a pair of
deer antlers.
The antlers were from slain animals.
It was noted that the graves containing
antlers were the deepest in the ceme-
tery. Grave 10 had stones to weigh down the legs of the
deceased (Albrethsen, Petersen 1976: 28).
The deceased with antlers were an old man and woman.
They had some distinguishing features. Their graves
were deeper than the others, but the grave goods were
poorer than in the other graves. The man had only two
fint blades, and stones were put on his legs.
The deep pits and the stones indicate that the deceased
were people of high status. The absence of other grave
goods might indicate their old age (according to the
analogies from Middle Dnieper Mesolithic cemeter-
ies) ( 1991). But the absence of pendants looks
astonishing. In connection with this, we should men-
tion the ritual of the Kets (Siberian people). After the
shamans death, they took off all the pendants from
his clothing. They saved the pendants in a special bag,
made from birds skin.
Probably, the shamans from Vedbaek were deprived
of pendants too.
The deceased, laid on deers antlers, in Vedbaek have
features of shamans. Deep pits and stones indicate that
the deceased were dangerous to people. The absence
of pendants can be evidence of saving them specially
in a sacred place.
The Scateholm site in Sweden contained a combina-
tion of settlement area and cemetery, both of Late Me-
Fig. 4. Deer frontlets: 1 Hohen-Vicheln (after Schuld 1961); 2 Bedburg-Ko-
nigshoven (after Looffer 1991: Fig. 92)
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solithic. Twenty-two graves were examined at Scate-
holm II.
Grave XI, with a young adult male in a supine position,
featured a veritable network of red deer antlers placed
transversely across the mans shins. Two antlers were
still attached to a cranial fragment.
Grave XV contained a
young male placed in
a sitting position. Two
antlers of red deer lay
by the mans head,
while a large antler
lay by his feet. A row
of perforated teeth of
red deer ran across the
top of the cranium, evi-
dently the remains of a
more elaborate head-
dress. Two fint blades
lay by the hip and a
core-axe to the left of
the thigh. Several teeth
of wild boar lay below
the right underarm.
Grave XX contained a
young female in a su-
pine position. A row of
perforated tooth beads
extended around the
waist, including teeth
from aurochs. Tooth
beads also occurred
behind the head. A dog
was found in a pit be-
hind grave XX, with
a red deer antler lying
along its back. In addi-
tion, three fint knives
and an ornamented
hammer of red deer
antler were found on
the dogs stomach.
A pit with no traces
of a skeleton was re-
corded, and three large
deer antlers were found
in the pit. This feature
has, with some res-
ervations, been inter-
preted by the author as
a cenotaph (L. Larsson
1989: 373).
The deceased at Scateholm had shaman features:
seated position, and headdresses from deers teeth.
The cenotaph phenomenon, as in Vedbaeck, is very
interesting.
Alberthsen and Petersen explain the empty grave as
traces of cannibalism (Alberthsen, Petersen 1976: 22).
Fig. 5. Mesolithic cemeteries: 1, 2 Vedbaek, Denmark (after Albrethsen, Petersen 1976: Fig. 12,
17); 3 Hoedic, France (after Pequart and Pequart 1954: Fig. 41)
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We can propose another hypothesis. There was a cus-
tom among East Slavic people to exhume the dead
bodies of sorcerers and other dangerous diseased peo-
ple, and to bury them in another place, or to drown
them in water ( 1995: 63, 101). Graves with
antlers but without dead bodies could probably be in-
direct evidence of the existence of shamans.
The existence of some categories of peoples who had
the right to sacral activity connected with the cult
of deer in Mesolithic society was confrmed by the
presence of deer masks, as well as burials with deer
antlers.
In Neolithic times, after the migration of reindeer to the
north, the elk became the main traded animal. There
were very interesting burials of a category of people
with staffs, that had the form of a female elks head
(Fig. 6, 1). The most famous is a burial of a man and
two women (Oleniy Ostrov, Kolsky Peninsula). The
skeletons were covered with numerous elks teeth and
the bones of animals. Another six burials had the same
staffs. The burial on Oleniy Ostrov (Barents Sea) also
had a staff, topped by an imitation elk head (
1956: Fig. 113, 114; 1953: 378) (Fig. 6, 34).
The same staffs are very common in northern and parts
of Eastern Europe ( 1983: 183;
1975: 138153). Some investigators have compared
them with rock drawings of peoples with zoomorphic
objects in the hands from northern Europe (Helskog
1987: 2425) (Fig. 6, 2).
Probably, the staff became an incarnation of the elk-to-
tem, the sacral animal-ancestor, as tambourine was an
incarnation of the deer-ancestor. Perhaps, peoples with
elk-formed staffs could be associated with the totemic
ancestor.
After the transition to reproductive forms of economy,
the cult of the deer was transformed, acquiring a new
sense. The main function of the deer became as a sym-
bol of fertility and prosperity. The deer symbolised the
sun, life, power. Important attributes of the deer were
solar symbols, trees of life and phallic symbols. Maybe
the stimulating properties of young deer antlers could
be a reason why the hunters cult of the deer trans-
formed into a fertility cult, and antlers became a sym-
bol of fertility and life ( 1988: 9098).
At the Bronze Age burial in Warren-Hill in Britain, in a
complex of three round graves, was a female skeleton.
It was covered by 18 red deer antlers. There was a rich
ornamented pot near the skull. The deer antlers and re-
mains of offerings allow us to suppose that it was the
burial of a sacral woman. Clark connected female buri-
als with antlers with the idea of fertility, because the
long-term growth of antlers could be associated with
the sexual cycle (Fox 1923: 32; Clark 1954: 172).
Burials with deer antlers were known in Roman Brit-
ain. The skeletons of two people which were put on
deer antlers were found under a mound 25 yards in di-
ameter (Fox 1923: 32).
The remains of the deer-hunter cult were known on
the American continent. In the mounds of Adena and
Hopewell cultures were wooden antlered masks and
helmets, with wooden or copper deer antlers. Deceased
people were richly decorated, probably they were
priests (Bender 1985: 22).
Evidently, the cult of the deer had such an important
role in social ideology that it survived in the ideology
of modern agricultural societies. Huichol mythology
in Mexico is an excellent example. The population
of that tribe was occupied in the cultivation of maize,
cattle breeding and hunting. The totemistic cult of the
Divine Deer (as older brother) applies to agricultural
ideas about Mother Earth, the Sea, Rain and the Fa-
ther-Sun. The deer is associated with Peyote (a psy-
chotropic plant). Dried peyote segments, called but-
tons, collected while on the hunt, are attached to the
tines of the deer antler carried by the shaman on the
peyote pilgrimage. On the peyote hunt, the peyote is
hunted, like a deer, with bow and arrow. Once the sha-
man has found the peyote-deer while on the hunt, he
takes aim and shoots it with an arrow (Boyd, Dering
1996: 271). Using this narcotic, the shaman connected
with the deer and received information from the gods
(Furst 1977: 25).
A depiction of an antlered anthropomorph with a black
dot at the end of each antler tine is known at the White
Shaman site along the River Pecos on the Texas-Mexi-
co border. Boyd and Derind believe that the depictions
of antlered shamans were engraved 9,000 to 2,000 BC
(Boyd 1996: 259).
We have considered the numerous ethnographic and
archaeological evidence of the cult of the deer in Eura-
sian cultures. On the basis of these dates, we can as-
sume the conditions for the appearance, development
and survival of the cult of the deer. Archaeological
evidence of a totemistic cult of the deer was found in
the Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites of the forest
zone. These sites were established in the period when
a cultural-economic type of deer hunter was formed.
Reindeer and red deer became the main animal of
trade. The economic signifcance of the animal was
very important. Deer supported primitive hunters with
meat, skin, antlers and bones for making tools, and sin-
ew for tying. Probably, the important role of the deer in
196
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mans life, and its majestic appearance, gave grounds
for treating the animal with respect.
During the hunting ceremonies, people used deer hide
and antlers for making masks. Before beginning hunt-
ing, man, dressed as a deer, imitated the deers move-
ments to bring successful hunting. Considering the
features of primeval totemistic thinking, we can as-
sume that people dressed as deer, felt like deer, and
so realised their special relationship with deer. They
became beings of a double status, mediators between
people and animals, alive and dead. They gained ac-
cess to the power of the animals world. Probably this
was the time when myths about man the deer, the com-
mon ancestor of people and deer, began.
Fig. 6. Elk-headed staffs: 1 staffs from northern Europe (after 1981: 65); 2 depictions of elk-headed staffs (north-
ern Europe) (after Helskog 1987); 3 Neolithic cemeteries (northern Russia) (after 1963)
197
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This ancestor could be depicted in a cave, like the fa-
mous Sorcerer from Trois Frres.
Mesolithic deer frontlets could be used as hunting
camoufage, and as a detail of totemistic ritual. They
became the basis for a future shamans costume.
The totemistic rituals for the reproduction of deer were
formed gradually. During the ceremonies, participants,
dressed as deer, imitated deer coupling, killed and ate
a sacral animal, and buried bones and antlers in special
places for the future regeneration of the deer. The per-
former of the sacral activity was personifed during the
Mesolithic age. His function was to provide success in
hunting, and to secure the fertility of deer and peoples.
These shamans had the monopoly on communication
with the deer as a spirit/helper. The burials of shamans
were marked with deer antlers.
After the transition to reproduction forms of economy,
the signifcance of the deer decreased, but its cult was
saved and transformed. Now it had to provide for the
fertility of cattle and harvests. The deer became the
caretaker of life power, couples ( 1988: 109).
Its majestic antlers were associated with the tree of life.
The deer had to guarantee the kings immortality (Ross
1964: 176197). Deer antlers or images of deer accom-
panied powerful deceased people in their graves.
The ideological signifcance of the cult of the deer in
primitive peoples thinking was so important that it
was preserved before Christian times, and is fxed in
ethnographic material and documents.
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Natalie Mikhailova
EL NI O KULTAS I R AMANAI
ELNI MEDI OTOJ
VI SUOMENSE
Natalie Mikhailova
Santrauka
Remdamasi archeologine ir etnografne mediaga autor
paband rekonstruoti vien i domiausi pirmykts
visuomens dvasini reikini elnio kult. is kultas
gim vlyvojo paleolito ir mezolito elni mediotoj
visuomense ir isilaik kai kuriose tradicinse
visuomense iki naujausi laik. Kulto pagrind sudaro
elnio, kaip protvio ir kultrinio herojaus, garbinimas.
Svarbiausi kulto elementai buvo toteminiai paproiai,
skirti padti elniams, kaip mediokls objektams,
daugintis, ir mediokls magijos paproiai, turintys
utikrinti mediokls skm. Pagrindin paproi
fgra buvo amanas, vadovaudavs ir atlikdavs
misterijas, siknydavs elni. Star Car, Hohen-Vi-
heln, Plau, Berli-Birsdorf, Bedburg-Konigshoven
mezolito gyvenvietse buvo aptikta elni kauki, ku-
rios galjo bti naudojamos tiek medioklei, tiek ir
mediokls misterijoms. Tevjeko, Hoediko, Vedbaeko
ir Skateholmo kapinynuose rasta moni kapaviei
su elni ragais. ie radiniai patvirtint galimyb, kad
elni mediotoj visuomense galjo bti aman,
susijusi su elnio kultu. J atsiradimas buvo slygotas
pirmyki mediotoj toteminio sinkretinio mstymo
ypatum, taip pat iaugusios elnio, kaip pagrindinio
mediokls objekto, svarbos moni ekonomikoje.
Vlesnis aman egzistavimas patvirtinamas ne-
olito laikotarpio (Elni sala, Zvejniekai, ventoji),
alvario (Varen-Hilas), geleies amiaus (Kembridas)
mediaga bei Adenos ir Hopevelo kultr Amerikoje
paminklais.
Received: 2005
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L ATE GL ACI AL ENVI RONMENTAL HI STORY
I N L I THUANI A
Migl Stanikait
abstract
A detailed description of the Late Glacial environment was attempted through an interpretation of pollen data and lithologi-
cal records in the sequences with
14
C chronologies. Pollen data suggests that during the pre-Allerd time (>11.9
14
C kyr. BP)
tree-less vegetation fourished in the area where sedimentation in freshwater bodies with a high water level was dominant. The
formation of Betula and Pinus predominating forest (11.911.8
14
C kyr. BP) coincides with the increasing representation of
the organic constituent in investigated sequences. Palaeobotanical records show some improvement of the climatic conditions
since the middle of the Younger Dryas cold event (10.510.4
14
C kyr. BP). Sedimentation in oligo-mesotrophic nutrient-rich
lakes with a rather high water level was typical for the end of the Late Glacial.
Key words: pollen data, vegetation development, environmental changes, Late Glacial, Lithuania.
marginal ridge stretches the gently undulating land-
scape of the Middle Pleistocene age.
The investigated sites represent different physical-geo-
graphical and geological-geomorphological regions
(Fig. 1, Table 1). Analyses of the former geological and
lithostratigraphical data, together with interpretations
of black and white stereoscopic aerial photographs
(scale 1:17000), served as a background for the selec-
tion of the coring places with the most representative
layers of biogenic or limnic origin.
Methods
Cori ng and sampl i ng
Using a Russian sampler with a tube one millimetre in
length and fve centimetres in diameter, sediment cores
from lakes Kauiai and Lieporiai, as well as from Juo-
donys Bog, were taken, and later sub-sampled every
two to seven centimetres for pollen and
14
C investiga-
tions. Sediment samples covering a two to fve-centi-
metre interval were taken directly from the walls of
Krioklys, Rudnia, Zervynos and Pamerkiai outcrops.
Pol l en i nvesti gati ons
The pollen preparation followed the standard proce-
dure described by Grichiuk (1940) and Erdtman (1936:
154164), with the improvements suggested by Stock-
marr (1971: 615621). More than 1,000 terrestrial pol-
len grains were counted for each level and AP+NAP
sum based the percentage calculation of the spectra.
The presented pollen diagrams display the main tree
and herb pollen taxa used for the stratigraphical sub-
I ntroducti on
This paper presents a synthesis of Late Glacial envi-
ronmental data derived from pollen records examined
in Lithuania. The application of palaeobotanical data
and
14
C investigations suggest a valuable background
for the reconstruction of vegetation dynamics as one of
the main constituents of the palaeoenvironment.
The Late Glacial pollen survey is well established in
Lithuania. Late Glacial vegetation history, biostratig-
raphy and chronostratigraphy have been discussed by
Kabailien (1990: 175; 1993: 208222; 1998: 1330),
Kabailien and Raukas (1987: 125131), Seibutis
(19631964: 347371), ulija (1971: 14591465)
and others. During recent years abundant new data
discussing environmental changes both on a local and
a regional scale has been collected (Stanikait et al
1998:7788; Blaauskas et al 1998: 2030; Baltrnas
et al 2001: 260; Stanikait et al 2002: 391409; Biti-
nas et al 2002: 375389; Stanikait et al 2003: 4760;
Stanikait et al 2004: 1733). An interdisciplinary
approach has been applied to the investigation of lake
and bog sequences that has provided new data for the
reconstruction of detailed vegetation patterns and their
response to climatic fuctuations, and ecological alter-
nations of the lakes related to climatic shifts.
In Lithuania (53545627N and 20562651E),
the formation of the landscape was directly infuenced
by the Middle and Late Pleistocene glaciations (Ba-
salykas 1958: 504; Kudaba 1983: 186). The marginal
area of the Late Weichselian glaciation (Fig. 1) crosses
the southeastern part of the country, forming the prom-
inent relief of the Baltija Upland. Eastwards from this
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division of the sequences and following environmen-
tal reconstructions. The identifcations of the pollen
and spores followed Fgri and Iversen (1989: 328),
Moore, Webb, Collinson (1991: 216) and Moe (1974:
132142), in conjunction with the reference collec-
tion of the Department of Geology and Mineralogy at
Vilnius University. The pollen spreadsheets, as well as
percentage diagrams, were plotted using TILIA (ver-
sion 2) and TILIAGRAPH (version 2.0 b.4) (Grimm
1991). The CONISS program was applied for the de-
termination of the local pollen assemblage zones.
Determi nati on of the l oss-on-i gni ti on and
CaCO
3
content
The determination of the loss-on-ignition and CaCO
3

content was started according to the conventional
method as described by Bengtsson and Enell (1986:
423433). Ignition residue is expressed as a percentage
of dry weight, and results were plotted in diagrams.
Ignition residue calculations were solved from the
same samples that were used for the pollen analysis.
The investigations were carried out in the Zervynos,
Krioklys, Pamerkiai and Lieporiai sections.
Tabl e 1. Shor t des cr i pt i on of t he i nves t i gat ed s i t es
Site Coring places
altitude,
m a.s.l.
Description of the sites studied
Krioklys
Outcrop
540210N 10N 10N
243723E 23E 23E
124.66
Outcrop situated within Krioklys village on the left bank of the River la,
surrounded by felds. A thermophilous Pinus forest grows at a distance of
a few hundred metres.
Rudnia
Outcrop
550411N 11N 11N
243941E 41E 41E
120.15
Outcrop on the bank of the River la which crosses a sand predominating
glaciofuvial plain with pine forest growing over.
Zervynos
Outcrop
540626N 26N 26N
242945E 45E 45E
107
Outcrop on the right bank of the River la situated within Zervynos
village surrounded by pine predominating forest.
Pamerkys
Outcrop
541845N 45N 45N
244352E 52E 52E
114.50
Outcrop discovered on the right bank of the River Pamerkys, in the
territory of an extended thermophilous pine forest and vast meadows
growing on river terraces.
Juodonys
Bog
554422N 22N 22N
252615E 15E 15E
93
Drained peat bog covered by bushy vegetation and felds on the till plain
of the Late Weichselian age.
Lieporiai
Lake
555404N 04N 04N
231419E 19E 19E
120
Drained lake situated between hills in a gently undulating relief of the
Late Weichselian age.
Kauiai uiai
Lake
555928N
211826E
36
Small shallow lake situated between morainic hills of the Late Weichselian
age and surrounded by felds.
Fig. 1. The locations of the sites investigated
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Resul ts
Chronol ogy
Nine
14
C dates based the chronological subdivision of
the presented cores (Table 2). The conventional
14
C
dates from the bulk samples were determinated at the
Radioisotope Laboratory of the Institute of Geology
and Geography (Lithuania), Kiev Radiocarbon Labora-
tory (Ukraine) and the Laboratory of Isotope Geology
of the Swedish Museum of Natural History (Sweden).
Uncalibrated
14
C years before present (BP) are used in
discussing the sediments stratigraphy, environmental
changes, vegetation composition and climatic vari-
ations. Chronostratigraphic units proposed by Man-
gerud et al (1974: 109128), with some specifcations
suggested by Kabailien (1990: 8283) for Lithuanian
territory, are followed.
Pol l en strati graphy and the mai n patterns
of vegetati on devel opment
The chronostratigraphical comparison of the determi-
nated local pollen assemblage zones (Table 3) led to
the defnition of the regional pollen assemblage zones
(RPAZ), revealing the main peculiarities of Late Gla-
cial vegetation.
RPAZ I (>12.3
14
C kyr. BP) Blling. The vegetation
of RPAZ I is characterised by the expansion of Betula
and the high amount of NAP pollen. The presence of
Pinus pollen grains suggests the growing of taxa in the
region or occurring in local stands. The appearance of
broad-leaved tree pollen may be related to the long
transport origin. The continuous high representation of
Cyperaceae suggests the predominance of wet habitats
suitable for sedges in the surroundings of the investi-
gated lakes. The appearance of Artemisia, Poaceae and
Juniperus indicates that areas with open vegetation
predominated, and herbs as well as light-demanding
taxa fourished.
RPAZ II (12.311.9
14
C kyr. BP) Older Dryas. The for-
mation of open herb predominating vegetation cover
was typical for RPAZ II. At the beginning of the zone
the share of Betula increased and the number of Pinus
decreased. At the same time, an increasing represen-
tation of NAP was noticed, and Cyperaceae, together
with Artemisia, predominated. The vegetation com-
position most likely had a rather sparse structure, and
light-demanding, cold-tolerant plants were common.
RPAZ III a, b (11.910.9
14
C kyr. BP) Allerd. The
pollen spectra discovered in Juodonys, Pamerkys and
Krioklys sections (Fig. 3), and correlated with the frst
half of the Allerd (RPAZ Ia), shows the forestation of
the area by Pinus and Betula. Open pine-birch woods,
with the increasing input of some herb species, ap-
peared all over Lithuania. The representation of helio-
phytic shrubs suggests the existence of open areas, as
well as the fourishing of Cyperaceae that prefers open
wet habitats. During the second half of the regional pol-
len zone (RPAZ Ib), Pinus became the predominating
species in the forest successions, which is especially
obvious in eastern Lithuania. The increase in the total
pollen concentration registered at the end of the pollen
zone indicates the forest growing in the proximity of
the investigated sites. Meanwhile, open ground indica-
tors show that the forest was not yet dense. Forest-free
areas were favoured by Populus, Salix and Juniperus.
Site no Depth, cm
14
C age, BP lab. code Dated material
Krioklys
Outcrop
1 133138 8350225 Vs1091 Gyttja
Rudnia
Outcrop
1 100110 11560380 Vs1094 Peat
Zervynos
Outcrop
1 349352 12130+2780 Vs1092 Plant remains
Pamerkys
Outcrop
1 515525 11880150 Vs952 Wood
2 520 11690+150 ST13807 Wood
Juodonys Bog 1 265270 9410310 Vs1433 Plant remains
2 322326 12170180 Ki10952 Peat
Kauiai
Lake
1 190195 10160200 Ki10913 Gyttja
2 290295 14150650 Ki10914a Gyttja
Tabl e 2. Uncal i br at ed
14
C (BP) dates from i nvesti gated cores
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RPAZ IV (10.910
14
C kyr. BP) Younger Dryas. For-
est degradation and the fourishing of light-demanding
taxa, especially herbs, shrubs and grasses, was noticed
in the RPAZ IV. The share of NAP is much higher com-
pared with the previous zone. On sandy areas, Pinus has
been replaced by Juniperus and Betula, together with
Salix established on newly opened morainic grounds.
The rising amount of Artemisia, Selaginella selagi-
noides, Chenopodiaceae, Poaceae, Ranunculaceae,
Caryophyllaceae and Cyperaceae suggests an expan-
sion of herb and grass dominating patches. The rising
number of Pinus pollen registered close to the upper
limit of the RPAZ IV could be related to the gradual
reestablishing of this tree into the forest successions.
L oss-on-i gni ti on and CaCO
3
content
A simplifed chronostratigraphical correlation of the
loss-on-ignition diagrams is presented in Fig. 2. The in-
vestigated layers comprise sand, silty gyttja, silty sand
and gyttja. Discussing the main features of the present-
ed data sets, the predominance of terrigenous matter
in the Late Glacial (>10
14
C kyr. BP) layers should be
stressed. This is especially obvious in the sediments
dating back to the Younger Dryas. Terrigenous materi-
al reaches up to 90% to 95% in the separated intervals.
Modern analogues suggest that particles of the sand
and silt may originate from unconsolidated material
that is infuenced by erosion and aeolian processes. A
high amount of the mentioned material was transported
to the basins by the water streams, slope processes and
wind. Thus, conclusions confrming an intensive infow
during the whole Late Glacial and Younger Dryas espe-
cially could be drawn. The formation of peat and gyttja
during Allerd could be explained as a fact confrming
an increase of organogenic production. Most probably,
the clastic input into the sedimentary basins decreased
due to the formation of dense vegetation cover that pre-
vented erosion activity. The lithological transition to
Younger Dryas is sharp in small sedimentary basins,
and more gradual in bigger ones. In the Zervynos sec-
tion, the appearance of pre-Allerd layers consisting
of organogenic material was related to the existence
of dense grass cover later covered by sediments due to
termokarst processes. The amount of CaCO
3
was eval-
uated in the Krioklys sediment sequence. Some rise of
the calcium carbonate content is registered in the Late
AllerdEarly Younger Dryas interval (Fig. 2), while
in the rest of the section the representation of this mate-
rial is minor.
Di scussi on
The accumulation of organogenic matter attends a
non-glacial sedimentation, which in the area of the
Weichselian ice sheet had started just after the retreat
of the ice. Very few data sets investigated in Lithuania
include the periods preceding Allerd Interstadial. The
biostratigraphic subdivision of the pollen diagrams
constrained for lakes Bebrukas, uvintas and Ilgis, in
southeast Lithuania (Kabailien 1965: 302335), sug-
gest the existence of sediments dating back to Blling
warming, although an absolute chronology of these
layers is absent. The sediment cores discovered in
lakes Kauiai and Lieporiai represent important new
palaeobotanical data covering the period since Blling
warming. A good correlation between bio- and chron-
ostratigraphical signals increased the importance of
Tabl e 3. Ti me- s pace cor r el at i on of t he l ocal and r egi onal pol l en as s embl age
zones , wi t h a s hor t des cr i pt i on of t he pol l en s pect r a
203
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the Kauiai core, where the oldest palaeobotanical
spectra were formed 14150650
14
C BP. Layers of the
Blling age investigated in lakes Kauiai and Lie-
poriai (Figs. 3, 4) are characterised by the predomi-
nance of terrigenous matter and the large amount of
Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae, Cyperaceae and Poaceae
together with Betula, mostly Betula nana, and Pinus
pollen. A thin layer of plant remains containing a large
amount of Pinus, Betula, Juniperus, Salix and Artemi-
sia pollen was discovered in the Zervynos outcrop,
southeast Lithuania, and dated to 121302780
14
C kyr.
BP (Vs1092) (Blaauskas et al 1998: 25) that roughly
coincides with the Blling/Older Dryas. An increasing
representation of heliophytic shrubs and birch pollen
was noticed in the layers attributed to the Older Dr-
yas chronozone (Figs. 3, 4). It is evident that an open,
tree-less landscape predominated in this area. Despite
the abundant occurrence of Pinus in pollen spectra (up
to 60% to 70%), no additional evidence of this local
origin can be presented. Most probably, open patches
favoured the long-distance transport of these pollen
grains, although an occurrence of scattered Pinus in-
dividuals cannot be excluded. The high representation
of terrigenous matter in the sediments was also deter-
minated by the paucity of the vegetation cover. Simul-
taneously, intensive surface erosion due to the high
activity of the thermokarst, the formation of the river
valleys and the changes in the water level in most lakes
was noticed after the former investigations (Dvareckas
1998: 99110). At the end of the Older Dryas, about
12000
14
C years BP, the frst transgression occurred in
the Baltic Ice Lake (Bjrck 1995: 1940) which ex-
isted within the area of the present Baltic Sea. The in-
creasing level of the erosion basin may have infuenced
variations of the water level in the lakes and rivers.
The beginning of the Allerd points to the remarkable
environmental changes marked in bio- and lithostrati-
graphical records registered all over northern Europe
(Lowe et al 1994: 185198; Birks 1994: 107119; Ber-
glund et al 1994: 127132; Coope et al 1998: 419433;
Leroy et al 2000: 5271). The increasing representa-
tion of the organic constituent and the appearance of
peat beds enriched by numerous plant macro remains
points towards rising biological productivity and the
formation of the entire vegetation cover. Pinus stands
from the Pamerkiai outcrop were dated back to the
Early Allerd, 11880150
14
C yr BP (Stanikait et al
1998: 7788). The appearance of Betula sect. Albae
and Pinus sylvestris macro remains, together with high
pollen percentages, show the formation of birch pre-
dominating forest at the beginning of the period and
the fourishing of pine approaching the second half
of the chronozone. The culmination of the pine was
especially obvious in areas where dry soils prevailed,
eg southeast Lithuania. The simultaneous appearance
of Juniperus communis on dry sandy habitats was reg-
istered from plant macro remains and pollen records.
Before birch and pine became predominant, the four-
ishing of Populus, as well as an increasing amount
of Salix pollen, suggest open patches existed around.
Later, these habitats were covered by forest, which
ousted most of the shrubs and herbs except Artemisia,
Poaceae, Cyperaceae and Chenopodiaceae. Due to the
broad ecological range, representatives of the men-
tioned genus and families survived on eroded plots,
slopes and terraces.
The increasing number of Betula nana and Selagi-
nella selaginoides macro remains noticed later than
11.411.3
14
C kyr. BP in the Rudnia and Pamerkiai
sections could be interpreted as the result of some
climatic cooling, and correlated with climatic oscilla-
Fig. 2. Chronostratigraphical correlation of the loss-on-ignition diagrams
204
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tions registered in surrounding countries (Paus 1988:
113139; Lotter et al 1992: 187204; Andrieu et al
1993: 681706). The simultaneous Pinus expansion
may indicate an increase in continentality and the
subsequent drying of the climatic conditions (Walker
1995: 6376). The decreasing number of planktonic
Aulacoseira diatoms and the high representation of
Fragilaria species suggest some lowering of the water
level, that may have been caused by the mentioned cli-
matic fuctuations (eirien pers com), or a regression
registered in the Baltic Ice Lake (Bjrck 1979: 248; Bjrck 1979: 248;
Gudelis 1979: 159173; Bjrck 1995: 1940). The . The
harshening of the climatic conditions is also confrmed
by the increasing erosion activity and the subsequent
input of clastic material into sediments.
The beginning of the Younger Dryas (10.9
14
C kyr. BP)
is marked by the progressive opening of the landscape,
the fourishing of cold-tolerant plants and the retreat
of thermophylous species. The strongest alteration of
environmental conditions occurred in the earliest, 300-
year-long period of the Younger Dryas (Goslar et al
1999: 899911). The thinning of the forest cover (Fig. (Fig.
3) coincided with the spread of heliophylous herbs coincided with the spread of heliophylous herbs
(Artemisia, Thalictrum and Chenopodiaceae). Popu-
lus and Juniperus, according to pollen data, spread
Fig. 3. Tree pollen spectra in the Late Glacial sediment sequences
Fig. 4. The distribution of herb pollen in the Late Glacial sediment sequences
205
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out into newly opened areas before the culmination of
birch. The prospering of birch in the local vegetation
has been confrmed by the continuous representation
of Betula humilis and Betula sect. Albae seeds in sedi-
ments (Blaauskas et al 1998: 2030). Although the
pollen of Pinus was reduced at the beginning of the
period, its value (Fig. 3) and the sporadic occurrence of
Pinus sylvestris macro remains show that this tree was
represented locally. Pollen data suggests the formation
of open shrubs and herbs dominating a landscape with
light birch forest, juniper and possibly pine stands ex-
isting in the region.
The character of the composition of the vegetation, as
well as the fourishing of cold-tolerant plants, such as
Selaginella selaginoides, Potamogeton alpinus and
Potamogeton vaginatus, indicate a drop in temperature
and possibly changes in the humidity regime during
the frst half of the period. Younger Dryas climatic
reconstructions show very low January temperatures,
which had a strong impact on vegetation (Isarin et al
1998: 447453; Isarin and Bohncke 1999: 158173;
Ammann et al 2000: 313347; Renssen et al 2001:
4157). Due to the declining vegetation and instabil-
ity of the soils, especially in sandy areas, erosion pro-
cesses were very active. Intensive soil nitrifcation was
confrmed by the continuous representation of Urtica
dioica macro remains
(Blaauskas et al 1998:
2030; Stanikait et al
2004: 1733). Soil ero-
sion was accompanied
by aeolian processes
and large massifs of
continental dunes
formed in southeast
Lithuania and flled up
numerous small lakes
(Blaauskas et al 1998:
2030; Stanikait et
al 1998: 7788). Dia-
tom data points to the
existence of oligo-me-
sotrophic, nutrient-rich
palaeobasins with a
high water level dur-
ing the frst half of the
Younger Dryas cool-
ing (Kabailien 1990:
125).
Palaeobotanical re-
cords suggest some
improving of the cli-
matic conditions dur-
ing the second half of the Younger Dryas that has also
been reported from surrounding countries, and dated
from 10.510.4
14
C kyr BP onwards (Goslar et al 1993:
287294; Birks et al 1994: 133146; Berglund et al
1994: 127132; Pokorny 2002: 101122). For Lithu-
ania, the expansion of the Pinus and the drop in he-
liophytic taxa can be interpreted as a response to cli-
matic warming (Fig. 3, 4). The existence of wet bog (Fig. 3, 4). The existence of wet bog . The existence of wet bog
conditions inferred from semi-aquatic plant, eg Me-
nyanthes trifoliata and Carex rostrata macro remains,
suggests the beginning of the bogging process, which
means rather high humidity and the existence of quite
a lot rich vegetation (Stanikait et al 1998: 7788;
Stanikait et al 2003: 4760; Stanikait et al 2004:
1733). The drainage of the Baltic Ice Lake around
1050010300
14
C years BP (Bjrck, Digerfeldt 1989: Bjrck, Digerfeldt 1989:
209219; Kabailien 1999: 1529) infuenced the wa- infuenced the wa-
ter balance in inland waters. Bogging processes, the
lowering of the water level or the interruption of the
sedimentation processes registered in the investigated
lakes may be explained against this background.
The further development of the vegetation cover con-
frms progressive climate amelioration and increas-
ing precipitation that coincides with the onset of the
Holocene. The Late Glacial/Holocene transition is ex-
pressed as a rapid temperature rise registered in many
sediment sequences in Europe.
Fig. 5. Late Glacial environmental oscillations in Lithuania
206
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Concl usi ons
The analysed data sets confrm the dominance of tree-
less vegetation during the pre-Allerd time (>11.9
14
C
kyr BP) in Lithuania (Fig. 5). Only scattered Pinus and
Betula stands may have grown in the region. Due to
the poor vegetation cover, some of the terrigenous mat-
ter was transported into cold oligotrophic lakes with a
high water level.
Coincident with the improvement of the climatic con-
ditions at the beginning of the Allerd, remarkable en-
vironmental changes occurred in the area. Open forest
communities, with Betula and Pinus as dominating
species, characterise the vegetation of the early Allerd
(11.911.4/11.3
14
C kyr BP) (Fig. 5). The increase in
biological productivity caused the higher representa-
tion of the organic constituent in the sedimentary se-
quences. The reexpansion of cold-tolerant plants (Bet-
ula nana and Selaginella selaginoides), accompanied
by increasing erosion activity, may be interpreted as
the result of some climatic instability occurring in the
second half of the period (11.4/11.310.9
14
C kyr. BP).
The prospering of a light birch predominating forest,
together with heliophylous herbs and light-demanding
shrubs, was typical for the frst half of the Younger Dr-
yas event (10.910.5/10.4
14
C kyr BP). Due to the veg-
etation decline, intensive erosion and aeolian processes
started. The successive expansion of Pinus and the drop
in cold-tolerant plants suggests some improvement of
the climatic conditions since 10.5/10.4
14
C kyr. BP on-
wards. The rise in the mean temperature favoured the
formation of Pinus and Betula predominating forest at
the beginning of the Holocene.
Acknowl edgement
The data presented here was collected while the au-
thor participated in scientifc projects fnanced by the
Lithuanian Science and Studies Foundation.
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Migl Stanikait
Institute of Geology and Geography
T. evenkos g. 13, LT-03223 Vilnius, Lithuania
e-mail: stancikaite@geo.lt
VLYVOJ O LEDYNMEI O
GAMTI NS APLI NKOS RAI DA
LI ETUVOJ E
Migl Stanikait
Santrauka
Vlyvojo ledynmeio gamtins aplinkos analiz buvo
atlikta remiantis paleobotanini, litostratigrafni ir
izotopini (
14
C) tyrim rezultatais, gautais i skirtin-
gose Lietuvos teritorijos dalyse ianalizuot limnini
bei biogenini nuosd storymi. Spor-iedadulki
tyrim rezultatai leidia teigti, jog ikialeriodiniu lai-
kotarpiu (>11900
14
C met BP) tirtoje teritorijoje vy-
ravo bemikis kratovaizdis, kuriame buvo gausu gl,
aukto vandens lygio sedimentacini basein. Prie
1190011800
14
C met prasidjs mik, kuriuose vy-
ravo berai ir puys, formavimasis sutapo su organins
sudedamosios kiekio nuosdose didjimu. Sukaupta
informacija leidia teigti, jog vlyvojo driaso antro-
joje pusje (nuo 1050010400
14
C met BP) prasidjo
laipsnikas klimato slyg gerjimas. Vlyvojo ledyn-
meio pabaigoje nuosd kaupimasis vyko oligomezo-
Received: 2005
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trofniuose, skaidriuose sedimentaciniuose baseinuose,
kuriuose vyravo gana auktas vandens lygis. Vandens
lygio kritimas sutapo su Baltijos ledyninio eero lygio
kritimu, fksuotu prie 1040010300
14
C met.

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THREE ARCHAEOL OGI CAL FI ND HORI ZONS
FROM THE TI ME OF THE NEANDERTHAL S.
PREL I MI NARY REPORT OF THE EXCAVATI ONS
I N THE L AKE BASI N NEUMARK-NORD 2
(SAXONY-ANHALT, GERMANY )
DovyDas Jurknas, Thomas LauraT, Enrico BrhL
Abstr act
According the excavation data in the lake basin Neumark-Nord 2 it was possible to record three different archaeological fnd
horizons in the superposition. The older fnd horizon contains numerous smashed bones and fint artefacts, characterised by
the Levallois technology of the developed Middle Palaeolithic and is dated, so far, to Intrasaalian Interglacial. The second
fnd horizon (NN 2/1) is situated above the NN 2/2 and is characterised by the slight dispersal of bone fragments and fint
artefacts. It probably belongs to the beginning of the Eemian Interglacial. The youngest fnd horizon (NN 2/0) lies over the
Eemian optimum and belongs to an Interstadial within the Weichselian Glacial.
Key words: Middle Elbe-Saale region, Middle Palaeolithic, Eemian Interglacial, Levallois technology, Weichselian Glacial.
I ntroducti on
The research into the Quaternary ice age and its archaeo-
logical cultures has a long tradition in the Middle Elbe-
Saale region, which goes back to the end of the 18th
century. This region became an important area of Pleis-
tocene investigations, which infuenced the discovery
of diverse sites of early man and his culture. Due to the
long period of time since the emergence of Palaeolithic
sites to their discovery, considerable changes in the
landscape have taken place. Natural or anthropogenic
events obliterate the intermediate evidence necessary
for the reconstruction of the environmental and cultural
development of our remote ancestors, so that research
often includes diverse archaeological sites, different in
time and space, but at the same time isolated from each
other. It does not often happen to investigate one mi-
cro-region with several chronologically different sites
in the restricted area. This is why the latest discoveries
in the former opencast lignite mine area of Neumark-
Nord in the valley of the River Geisel (Geiseltal) are a
matter of great importance. The peculiar environmen-
tal situation, due to the stretching lakes at the differ-
ent times, was always an attractive place, not only for
diverse animal spieces, but also for humans. As a result
of this, a unique archaeological landscape emerged,
characterised by various archaeological sites with nu-
merous fnd horizons. Recent research into the former
lake basin Neumark-Nord 2 allows us to take a better
look at the archaeological and environmental develop-
ment and the geological processes taking place in the
Pleistocene in this micro-region, as well as to extend
our understanding of the way of life of early man.
1. Shor t not e on t he hi s t or y of t he
Pl ei stocene i nvesti gati ons i n the
Gei sel tal
The Neumark-Nord former opencast lignite mine is
situated ten kilometres southwest of Halle (Germany,
Saxony-Anhalt) (Fig. 1) on the northeast slopes of
the Geiseltal. For more than 300 years lignite was ex-
ploited, till the beginning of the Nineties of the last
century, shortly after the political changes in East Ger-
many, when the exploitation fnished. Since then up to
now, a comprehensive redevelopment of the opencast
mine has taken place, and in the year 2009 it should be
completely flled with water, creating one of the largest
lake areas in central Germany (Fig. 1).
For a long time, above all since the late 19th cen-
tury, lignite mining was accompanied by geological
investigations. Important fnds of Eocene vertebrate
fauna, eg the old horse Propalaeotherium isselanum
(Krumbiegel 1995) made the Geiseltal world-famous.
Besides, Pleistocene sediments containing fossils
were researched intensively too (eg Siegert, Weier-
mel 1911; Lehmann 1922; Lehmann, Lehmann 1930;
Ruske 1961). The centre of interest in this early pe-
riod lay in the Middle to Upper Pleistocene mammal
faunas and mollusc successions, rare relics of vegeta-
tion found mostly in river gravel (eg Siegert; Weier-
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mel 1930; Hunger 1939; Mania, Mai 1969). In any
case, all these fnds had a coincidental character. The
most peculiar fnd could be the complete Mammuthus
trogontherii skeleton from the Pfnnerhall exploitation
area (Toepfer 1957), which was found in the gravel of
the so-called main terrace of the early Saalian glacia-
tion before the Drenthian stage.
In contrast with the intensive geological investigations
and the numerous fnds of Pleistocene fossils, archae-
ological research in the mining area was made much
more rarely due to political reasons in the former GDR.
Until the beginning of the Eighties of the last century,
only one Middle Palaeolithic scraper, found in early
Weichselian gravel in the Mcheln mining area (Mania
1968), and a few Lower Palaeolithic fnds from gravel
dated to the Holsteinian complex in the Neumark-Sd
exploitation feld (Mania, Mai 1969), were known.
Extensive geological and archaeological investigations
in the Geiseltal, above all in the Neumark-Nord open-
cast lignite mine, began in the middle of the Eighties
as M. Thomae discovered an interglacial Middle Pleis-
tocene lake basin, today called Neumark-Nord 1 (NN
1) (Mania, Thomae 1987). Since then (19861996), the
lake basin was observed and investigated by an inter-
disciplinary team coordinated by D. Mania. The lake
basin has a 15-metre-thick organic sediment sequence
and yields two fnd horizons. The sediments are very
rich in fossils, both faunistic, with extensive vertebrate
fauna, insects and molluscs, and foristic, with a com-
plete pollen sequence and plant and tree remains. The
fnd horizons contain Middle Palaeolithic fint inven-
tories with thousands of artefacts on different striking
places, and butchering sites of large mammals (mostly
rhinos and bovids) on the banks of the lake (Mania,
Thomae 1990). Geological, palaeontological and ar-
chaeological research allowed a reconstruction of the
environment and the life of the hunters of the Middle
Palaeolithic, probably dated to an Intrasaalian inter-
glacial (ca 200,000 years ago) (Mania 1998; Mania et
al 2004).
In 1995, during geological surveys, a second lake basin
(Neumark-Nord 2; NN 2) was discovered by D. Ma-
nia. This lake basin existed predominantly during the
Eemian interglacial and the early Weichselian (Mania
2005). In the following years, several archaeological
fnd-rich horizons in superposition were found and re-
searched (see below).
A third lake basin was discovered in the same period,
too, and named Neumark-Nord 3 (NN 3). This basin
was formed in a period of the Holsteinian complex, ap-
proximately 350,000 years ago, and is connected with
a gravel complex called Krbisdorf gravel. In these
gravels are reassorted fint artefacts which indicate
some of the oldest evidence of the settlement of people
in Saxony-Anhalt (Laurat, Brhl, forthcoming).
All three lake basins are situated in a very small area of
around one square kilometre (Fig. 1). By correlation of
the different sediment successions, it is possible to get
Fig. 1. The localisation of lignite mining at Neumark-Nord and Geiseltal in the near future
211
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a 350,000-year-long terrestrial geological and climatic
record. They allow us to take a deeper view into the
cultural development of early man.
2. The di s cover y of t he Neumar k-
Nord 2 l ake basi n and i ts fi nd
hori zons
The Neumark-Nord 2 lake basin was discovered by D.
Mania in 1995 during geological investigations. It is
situated only a few hundred metres to the northeast of
the lake-basin NN 1 on the slope of the opencast lig-
nite mine. The Eemian and early Weichselian age of
the lake-basin was recognised in 1997 and 1998, and
an archaeological horizon was found within the early
Weichselian deposits, which acquired the name Neu-
mark-Nord 2/0 (NN 2/0).
Due to renovation work in the mining area, the fnd
horizon NN 2/0 was endangered and threatened with
destruction. A test area of 84 square metres along the
slope was excavated and more than 800 fnds were
found, among them the smashed bones of large mam-
mals and fint artefacts. (Mania et al 2006). From 2003 (Mania et al 2006). From 2003 From 2003
to 2004 almost 400 square metres of the former lake
shore were investigated, and as a result numerous fau-
nal remains and fint artefacts were recorded, indicating
the settlement of Pleistocene hunters near the lake. The
excavations were executed by the State Offce of Herit-
age Management and Archaeology of Saxony-Anhalt.
During the installation of an exploratory trench in the
spring of 2004, it was recognised that the lake basin
existed not only during the Eemian and early Weichse-
lian, but even earlier. A new fnd horizon containing far
more fint artefacts and smashed animal bones than NN
2/0 was discovered, and called Neumark-Nord 2/2 (NN
2/2). Up to now, the above-mentioned State Offce of
eritage Management and Archaeology of Saxony-An-
halt is conducting the excavations in this horizon
1
. At
1
Besides, the following scientists are taking part in the
investigation of Neumark-Nord: Dietrich Mania (Jena):
geology and mollusc analyses; Matthias Thomae and Ste-
fan Wansa (the State Offce of Geology and Mining in
Saxony-Anhalt): geology, sedimentology; Ivo Rappsilber
(the State Offce of Geology and Mining in Saxony-An-
halt): geoelectrics; Frank W. Junge and Tatjana Bttcher
(Leipzig University): isotopic analysis; Matthias Krbet-
schek (Mining Academy in Freiberg/Saxony): radiolumi-
nescence; Tim Schler (the State Offce of Archaeology in
Thuringia): ESR-Dating; Stanislaw Fedorowicz (Gdansk
University): TL-Dating; Daniel Richter (Max-Planck Inti-
tute in Leipzig): TL-dating of burned fint; Frank Preusser
(Basel University): OSL-dating; Manfred Altermann (Of-
fce of Pedology): pedology; Konstantin Kremenetski
(Moscow State University): pollen analyses; Stefan Meng
(Halle): mollusc analyses; Gottfried Bhme (Humboldt
the same time, in the year 2004, a geological section of
the lake sediment was made, allowing the recognition
of another fnd horizon. The white silty limnic depos-
its lay between the NN 2/2 and NN 2/0 fnd horizons,
where several bone and fint artefacts were detected.
This assemblage was called NN 2/1, although so far no
archaeological excavations have taken place.
In the year 2006, the research in this lake basin took on
a new dimension. Apart from the State Offce of Herit-
age Management and Archaeology of Saxony-Anhalt,
the RGZM (Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum)
and Leiden University (the Netherlands) joined the in-
vestigation of the lake basin NN 2. However, the re-
search of fnd horizon NN 2/2 in the next few years has
the main priority, as due to the redevelopment works in
the mining area, the site is to be fooded by the future
lake.
3. The l at e Mi ddl e and ear l y Upper
Pl ei stocene l ake basi n Neumark-
Nord 2
3. 1. Geol ogi cal s i t uat i on
The origin of the emergence of the lake basins in the
Geiseltal is dependent on the mollisol diapirismus
(Thomae 2003). The autoplastical-gravitational ad-
justment movings in the periglacial periods opened
the depositional environment for the interglacial lay-
ers (Thomae, Rappsilber 2006). Thus the Neumark-
Nord 2 lake basin is the youngest one. The dimensions
and structure of it were reconstructed by geoelectrical
sounding (Fig. 2) (Rappsilber 2004; Thomae, Rapp-
silber 2006). The largest extent from north to south
amounts to 200 metres. It was not possible to deter-
mine the largest extent from west to east, since the
eastern and western parts of the lake basin were cleared
away and demolished by the activities of the operating
opencast mine.
During the latest investigations, a geological section
was made, which allowed an analysis of the develop-
ment of this lake basin. The sediment succession is six
to eight metres thick and consists of 13 stratacomplex-
es (Fig. 3).
Stratacomplex 0: A sandy-gravelly glacial till of Dren-
the ground moraine.
University, Berlin): vertebrates; Wolf-Dieter Heinrich
(Humboldt University, Berlin): small mammals; Reiner
Fuhrmann (Leipzig): ostrakode; Jan van der Made (Ma-
drid National Museum): large mammals; Angelika Hlle
and Lutz Mller (State Museum in Dessau) (preparation of
lacquer profles).
212
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Fig. 2. The structure of the NN 2 lake basin according to geoelectrical sounding (Rappsilber 2004) and the excavation
areas of NN 2/2 and NN 2/0. The grey circles are geoelectric measurement points; the black lines mark relief lines with the
altitude above sea level
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Stratacomplex 1: 50 to 150cm; a basal thin varved clay
(1.1), glaciofuviatile sands (1.2), sandy fowing soil
with redeposited material from the ground moraine and
the lignite diapir (1.3) and fuvial rebedded loess (1.4),
which is superimposed by the denudation surface.
Stratacomplex 2: 20 to 80cm; white and grey sands and
silts; archaeological fnd horizon Neumark-Nord 2/2.
Stratacomplex 3: 400cm; brownish sandy silty limnic
deposits, whose basal parts (3.1) show fow structures;
in higher parts more clayey (3.23.3); a grey fne sandy
silt layer is embedded over a wet soil (3.3); most up-
per parts (150cm, 3.4) with plaster rosettes; strata 3.2
to 3.4 contain artefacts and bones of the fnd complex
NN 2/1.
Fig. 3. A geological section of the NN 2 lake basin and the correlation with the pollen succession
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Stratacomplex 4: Consists of black-spotted clay ap-
prox. 10cm thick (4.1) and gyttja sediments: the lower
algal gyttja, 5 to 10cm thick (4.2); dark grey, partly
clayey gyttja, 3 to 5cm thick (4.3); white to bright grey
limy gyttja, 5 to 10 cm thick (4.4), contains numerous
strongly pressed and damaged remains of fshes; algal
gyttja, 2 to 3cm thick (4.5), both in colour and compo-
sition identical to the lower algal gyttja.
Stratacomplex 5: 100cm; brownish silts (5.1), very
similar in their development to the lower silty limnic
deposits (Stratacomplex 3); upper parts are weathered
(5.2); the lower part yields also artefacts and bones of
the NN 2/1 fnd complex.
Stratacomplex 6: 50 to 100cm; yellow-brown to red-
dish-brown weathered solifuction horizon, consisting
of loamy, fne to coarse sand silts and superimposed by
cryoturbations. Ice wedges extend from it as far as 1m
in depth into the subjacent bed.
The occurrence of solifuction combined with ice
wedges marks the end of the interglacial and the begin-
ning of the glacial sedimentation succession.
Stratacomplex 7: 5 to 20cm. The denudation surface
forms the basis and represents the former surface,
whereupon lie fne to middle fraction quartz sands, lo-
cally interspersed by coarse sand lenses. Fine gravel
rubble occurs very rarely. The denudation surface and
sand layer form the fnd horizon NN 2/0. The light yel-
low-coloured sand becomes upward fner, and fnally
goes over to 2 to 5cm thick silts with fne sand com-
ponents. This one is light-grey coloured and is the re-
mains of the weathered silty mud.
Stratacomplex 8: 5cm; black, strongly decomposed
peat, which goes back to a shallow bog.
Stratacomplex 9: 10 to 40cm; a dark-brown clayey
silty mud, upward light-grey-brown silts. Cryoturba-
tions appear in the upper part. The last three strata form
the littoral limnic succession.
Stratacomplex 10: 10 to 50cm; fne to middle gravelly
valley train (discordant overlays Stratacomplex 9),
rich in local and northern components (predominantly
quartz, fint, also crystalline, bunter, sometimes lime-
stone). It is a matter of washed-out fuviatile material
and assorted Tertiary quartz gravel. The artefact collec-
tion found in the gravel was named fnd complex NN
4. The real thickness of the gravel is not possible to
determine, as earlier it was cut by the activities of the
opencast mine.
Stratacomplex 11: 150cm; silty sediments (11.1, 11.3),
in the middle part of it is a weak wet soil (11.2);
Stratacomplex 12: 300cm; Weichselian fowing loess
on denudation surface, upper part (150cm) aeolian
loess.
Stratacomplex 13 : Holocene soil formation.
3.2. Chronol ogi cal aspects
3. 2. 1. Sedi ment ol ogi cal , pal ynol ogi cal
and mal acol ogi cal vi ew
For a chronological determination of the lake basin
NN 2 the subjacent Saalian
2
basal till and the cover-
ing Weichselian loess are important. They give the lake
basin a late Middle to Upper Pleistocene age. Investi-
gations on the erratic pebbles of the till indicate that
the till represents the Saalian 1 till of the Zeitz stage,
which covers the Drenthian till (Wansa 2005).
Much more detailed is palaeontological research. Ac-
cording to pollen analysis (Kremenetski 2000), the
middle and upper section of the Stratacomplex 3,
Stratacomplex 4 and lower part of Stratacomplex 5 be-
long to the Eemian (OIS 5e). The pollen succession
begins with the cold climatic conditions (PZ 1, 2) (Fig.
4), as PZ 3 represents the pine-birch period (PZ 3), in-
dicating the beginning of the Eemian succession. It is
followed by the mixed forest landscape (PZ 4), which
later on goes over to the hazel maximum (PZ 4) and
the hazel-spruce-hornbeam period (PZ 5 and 6). The
maximum of Eemian is presented by the period of the
hornbeam-spruce-fr forests, which corresponds to PZ
7 and Stratacomplex 4, consisting of algal gyttja and
limnic gyttja. The basal part of the overlaid silty limnic
deposits of Stratacomplex 5 indicates the pine-spruce
period, which develops to the pine-birch landscape (PZ
8). In the upper part of Stratacomplex 5 pollen succes-
sion ends, since the overlaying sediments are free of
evaluable pollen by strong decalcifcation.
Thus the Eemian pollen succession is clear. It shows
that the Eemian optimum is distinct under the fnd ho-
rizon NN 2/0. Because there is no pollen preserved in
the upper stratacomplexes, geological characteristics
are necessary to date the fnd horizon NN 2/0. The end
of the Eemian Interglacial lies in Stratacomplex 5. Be-
tween them and NN 2/0 no hiatus is detectable in the
2
All geological periodsinthispaper aregivenintermsused All geological periodsinthispaper aregivenintermsused All geological periods in this paper are given in terms used
in Central and Western Europe. For the Baltic countries,
specially Lithuania, the following terms are typical: Saal-
ian 1 (Drenthian) glaciation is comparable to the emaitija
glacial, Warthian glacial to the Medininkai glacial and
Weichselian glacial to the Nemunas glacial. The Dren-
thian-Warthian period or Intrasaalian Interglacial cor-
responds to the Senaigupele Interglacial and the Eemian
Interglacial to the Merkin Interglacial (see Gaigalas 2001,
2004).
215
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sedimentation. Stratacomplex 6 ends with a denuda-
tion horizon with a weathered soil. From this go down
up to one-metre-large ice wedges. Obviously this is the
beginning of the Weichselian glaciation. Thus the soil,
denudation horizon and NN 2/0 belong to an Intersta-
dial within the Weichselian, possibly the frst Intersta-
dial (OIS 5c, Amersfoort s. str.).
These results are underlined by malacological analy-
ses. The Eemian sediments (Stratacomplex 3 to 5) con-
tain a poor but clear interglacial mollusc fauna with
Helicigona banatica. Stratacomplex 6 is free of mol-
luscs and comparable to the pollen succession; frst in
Stratacomplex 7 (NN 2/0) appear boreal to cool tem-
perate climatic, continental coined forest and meadow
steppe molluscs (Bradybaena fruticum- and Chondrula
tridens-Fauna, Mania et al 2006).
Since the middle and upper part of the sediment series
of NN 2 is of the Eemian and the Weichselian age, the
lower part, including fnd horizon NN 2/2 (Stratacom-
plex 2), is a part of the late Saalian complex. Between
NN 2/2 and the beginning of the Eemian are situated
2.5-metre silty sediments, which represents derivates
of loess. They show cold climatic infuences with fow-
ing structures. So far, the pollen represents an Arctic
climate, while the molluscs cover the loess-typical Pu-
pilla-fauna (Mania et al 2006; Meng 2005). All this al-
lows us to suggest that between NN 2/2 and the Eemian
should be a glacial or cold period (cf Fig. 3).
The fnd horizon NN 2/2 itself is of Interglacial origin.
For that teeth fnds of straight-tusked elephants (El-
ephas antiquus), small mammals like Clethrionomys
glareolus and the shell rests of the turtle Emys orbicu-
laris indicate a warm climate. The last-mentioned is
a special indicator, because it shows average summer
temperatures of around 18C.
So far, the mollusc analysis confrm the climatic condi-
tions, too. The sediments of NN 2/2 contain an inter-
glacial limnic mollusc fauna with isolated terrestrial
forest and bush species like the so-called Helicigona
banatica-fauna with eg Cepaea hortensis. This fauna
appears only in sediments of the fnd horizon NN 2/2,
while the sub and superjacent sediments include the
loess-typical Pupilla-fauna (Mania et al 2005; Meng
2005).
3. 2. 2. Cor r el at i on wi t h Neumar k- Nor d 1
Very important is the correlation between the lake ba-
sins NN 2 and NN 1, because it makes it possible to get
a more exact stratigraphical view. NN 1 is situated only
a few hundred metres to the southwest of NN 2 and has
a 15-metre-thick organic-limnic sediment sequence
and is situated directly on the Drenthian till. This se-
quence is covered by two periglacial deposits, sepa-
rated by a double soil complex with interstratifed silty
sediments. The lower periglacial deposit extends over
Fig. 4. The pollen succession of the NN 2 lake basin
216
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the Neumark-Nord 1 basin and forms in the Neumark-
Nord 2 basin the basal loess (strata 1.4) (Laurat, Brhl
2006). The doubled soil complex appears in the NN 2
basin as well. The lower soil corresponds to the Eemi-
an succession of NN 2. The upper soil develops to the
litoral limnic succession of NN 2/0 and belongs prob-
ably to the frst early Weichselian Interstadial (Laurat,
Brhl 2006). This correlation also says that in the silty
limnic deposits which are lying between both soils in
NN 1 the steppe lemming (Lagurus lagurus) (Heinrich
1990) was detected, typical of the early Weichselian in
central Germany.
Generally, we can say lake basin NN 1 is older than NN
2. According to geological and palaeontological data,
NN 1 matches possibly with the so-called Intrasaal-
ian Interglacial (OIS 7). The fnd layer NN 2/2 can be
generally classifed as pre-Eemian and post-Drenthian;
however, due to its stratigraphical position, it must be
younger than the interglacial NN 1. Anyhow, it is too
early to speak about an accurate chronological position
of this fnd horizon, as further investigations are fol-
lowing. Above all, it is important to clarify the parallel
between loess and silt layers (Stratacomplex 1; eg Fig.
3) under the fnd horizon NN 2/2 and the lower perigla-
cial deposits of the NN1. In this case, NN 2/2 should be
positioned in the Warthe-Glacial Period. If there is no
synchronous development of Stratum 1 and the lower
periglacial deposits of NN 1, the fnd horizon NN 2/2
should be older than Warthe-Glacial; at the same time
the relationship with the interglacial of NN 1 (between
Drenthian and Warthian Glacials) should be necessary
to clarify, as the origin of the loess derivates of Strata-
complex 3 lies between the Eemian sediments and fnd
horizon NN 2/2 in lake basin NN 2, too. If the latter
situation is confrmed, two warm climatic, post-Dren-
thian sites with traces of human activities are found
in the superposition. Such results would be unique in
central Germany, as well as in Central Europe.
Anyway, these are only preliminary results, while oth-
er interdisciplinary research and investigations (pollen
analysis, sediment analysis, diverse dating methods)
still continue, whose results could confrm the present
chronology of the lake basin or even change it.
4. Fi nd hor i zon NN 2/ 2
4. 1. Sedi ment at i on
The sedimentary formation of the lake-basin deposits
was an intense and dynamic process, resulting in dif-
ferent lake development stages in the bank area, which
led to the complex situation of the fnd horizon (Fig.
5, also Fig. 7). In the northern part of the excavation
area the basal part of the fnd horizon has an altitude
of 101.50 metres above sea level and slopes constantly
down to 100.5 metres in the southernmost part. A fur-
ther 40 metres to the south, at the main profle section,
the fnd horizon Neumark-Nord 2/2 was found again at
an altitude of 94 metres.
In general, the fnd horizon consists of a light-grey silt
and fne sands of fuctuating thickness and diverse sed-
imentological layers with less than 1% coarser compo-
nents. In the southeast and middle area, the fnd horizon
is up to 80 centimetres thick and lies directly on loess
(Fig. 7). Fine, mollusc-rich sand, which is often partly
only one millimetre-thick, forms the basis. These basal
sands are often solidly cemented by lime. Finds of all
sizes lie mostly in the sands directly over the loess, and
are sometimes even pressed into it. The density is from
50 to more than 100 recorded pieces per square metre.
This lowest layer was named the basis of the fnd layer
B3 and means a former surface.
A one to 20-centimetre-thick frm grey clayey to silty
layer is situated over the sands, representing B3. The
fnd density here is also very high (50 to 300 items per
square metre) (eg Fig. 6). Silt of B3 changes continu-
ously upwards into a white, silty-fne sand layer, which
is fve to 25 centimetres thick and forms fnd layers B2
and B1. Here there is a clear decrease of the fnd densi-
ty (20 to 80 items/m) with a reduction of the fnd size.
Between these two upper layers are slim, dark grey to
grey-brown, not everywhere preserved, silty limnic
deposits, which contain no fnds. The fnd layer B1
possesses only loosely spread fnds, usually of a small
size. The overlaying silty limnic deposits (fnd layer
A), which show numerous fow structures and cryo-
turbations (of Weichselian origin), contain only a few
fnds. In this excavation area the fnd density is 900 to
2,300 objects per square metre, among them around 80
to 480 are 3D recorded.
The fnd horizon rises slightly to the west and north-
west; at the same time the thickness becomes thinner,
to around 20 centimetres. The fnd layers B1 and 2 lie
one on top of the other, usually not separated by a silty
limnic deposit layer. Find layer B3 is only a few cen-
timetres thick, and runs out completely in the western
and northwestern direction. The fnd density in this
area is 300 to 800 objects per square metre, among
them around 40 to 210 are 3D recorded.
The fnd horizon rises clearly to the north, and in the
northeastern area is strongly disturbed by Weichselian
Glacial Period cryoturbations (Fig. 5). The exact sepa-
ration of the particular fnd layers is not possible any-
more, only an assignment to the horizons A (silt) and
B (silt-fne sand).
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In the southwest direction, the lake basin descends: that
is why the sedimentation situation changes a little. The
loess is overlaid by a layer of clay, which gets thicker
in the direction of the lakes centre. It is followed by
clayey silty laminated sediments, which are called B4.
Basal sands are not common there any more. Instead,
dark or light-grey silty layers occur, up to 20 centime-
tres thick. There are almost no fnds in these layers,
with the exception of scattered large objects. Then fol-
lows a frm grey clayey to silty B3 layer, where a high-
er fnd concentration is observed (20 to 40 objects per
square metre). Obviously, the former surface changes
its position and in this area lies not on loess any more.
The western excavation area is bounded by a rede-
veloped embankment. In the south and east, the fnd
horizon was disturbed by opencast mining between
the 1920s and 1950s. Extensive fnd material was
destroyed, because the disturbances concern the area
with the largest fnd density (Fig. 6). The fnd horizon
in the northern excavation area, as has already been
mentioned above, is cut by Weichselian solifuctions.
4.2. Fi nd materi al
During 2004 and 2005, 142 square metres was exca-
vated, more than 62,000 fnd objects found, and 16,400
of them 3D recorded. Up to 2005, 49,300 bones, 1,800
teeth, 10,000 fint artefacts and 300 objects from other
rocks have been analysed and evaluated. These evalu-
ated fnds form the basis of the following description.
4. 2. 1. Li t hi cs
Flakes outweigh and make up more than four ffths of
the inventory. The pieces are very sharp edged, show
mostly no transport traces, and often carry a glossy
patina. There are also artefacts which make a freshly
struck impression. About 20 pieces are crackled and
show traces of fre. Occasionally, larger fint rubble and
spherical rubble from other rocks are found lying in the
fnd layer too. These must be interpreted as raw mate-
rial brought by humans, since the fnd horizon is stone-
free, with the exception of very small quartzite rubble.
Cores. Cores make up around 5% of the fnd material.
Diskoid and levalloid forms (Fig. 8: 1, 2) dominate.
The cores are very small: from 30 to 60 millimetres.
The levalloid forms are represented by partially typical
turtle cores. Distinctive features are small, pentagonal
in outline cores, with on the striking surface rough,
centripetal-based Clacton notch-like fake negatives.
The pieces show a rough striking platform preparation.
Similar pieces in other Middle Palaeolithic artefact in-
ventories are so far unknown; the only one morpholog-
ically identical piece from layer 14 of the Klna cave
Fig. 5. NN 2/2. A profle of the fnd horizon with clear depressions
218
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can, however, be considered, due to its singular occur-
rence as a coincidental morphologic parallel (Valoch
1988). Besides such prepared cores occur pieces which
are without the preparation of the reduction and strik-
ing surface only in one striking direction reduced.
Flakes. The fakes form the largest group within the
stone artefacts, approximately 80% of the material.
The dominant ones are small pieces and the knapping
debris shorter than 20 millimetres, which lead back to
core and tool preparation. The largest fake so far is 69
millimetres long; however, pieces over 50 millimetres
are generally rare.
Typical Levallois fakes occur, too (Fig. 8: 3, 9, 15).
These are usually very thin and oval to stretched oval
form. They show negatives of a centripetal core reduc-
tion on the dorsal surface and usually have fne-facet-
ted remains of the striking platform. Other fakes show
lateral parts of the prepared core edges, which reveal
the fneness of the Levallois core preparation.
The large fakes often have fne splinters on the sharp
edges, which indicate the use of these pieces as cutting
tools and have to be regarded as use traces.
Tools. The inventory contains a larger amount of modi-
fed pieces, too (4%). These are often between 25 and
50 millimetres long, rarely larger, and usually made of
fakes. Only occasionally were angular pieces modi-
fed as tools. The clearly outweighing part of the tools
is formed by simple, very fat Clacton notches (Fig.
8: 5; 6, 8, 1014). Retouched notches are much rarer.
In addition, there are pieces on which several Clacton
notches are placed next to each other, so that roughly
denticulated working edges were formed. Under the
edge-retouched pieces, no special types are recognisa-
ble. They usually possess a scraper-like retouched edge
retouching (Fig. 8: 4, 7), but it is not possible to assign
these tools to any typologically defned type of scraper.
Occasionally, Tayac points and small saw-like denticu-
lated tools occur too. So far, only one fake with a steep
scraper retouching was registered, just as a piece with
a burin stroke. Tools with the unifacial and bifacial
worked surface have not yet been observed.
Ar tefacts from other rocks. Artefacts from other rocks
are present, but they are generally very rare. It is mostly
a matter of spherical rubble, about fve to 15 centime-
tres large, from quartz, quartzite, sandstone, limestone
and porphyry. Among them are two pointed chopping
tools (Fig. 8: 16), which are made from quartz rubble.
Also, a few pieces of porphyry rubble with striking evi-
dence have been found, just like fakes and blades from
Fig. 6. NN 2/2. The fnd situation in the southern area, the circular fnd accumulations, which are tied to the shallow depres-
sions (black fint, grey other stones, light-grey bone) are remarkable
219
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Fig. 7. NN 2/2. Above: base of the B3 layer with a section of a shallow depression.
Below: profles with part of the depression in plan
220
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porphyry or limestone. Besides these modifed pieces,
several pieces of rubble were found, which were used
as hammerstones (Laurat, Brhl 2006).
Occasionally, large limestone and porphyry slabs oc-
cur in the fnd layer. They should be considered for the
time being generally as manuports, because they could
not be transported the natural way.
Summar y. The distinctive Levallois technology marks
the inventory as a developed Middle Palaeolithic in-
dustry. It matches the Mousterian. The entire collection
is to be called small-sized. The small dimensions seem
to be intentional; the tools were made from relatively
small fakes, although larger pieces of raw material in
this area are present. If resharpening or similar rework-
Fig. 8. NN 2/2. Tools: cores (1, 2); Levallois fakes (3, 9, 15); scraper-like tools (4, 7); denticulated tools (5, 6, 8, 1014);
pointed chopping tool (16). 115 fint; 16 quartzite
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ing occurs, it does not lead to noticeable size changes
of the only edge-retouched pieces. The turning of the
edge retouching into facial or fat retouching has not so
far been observed. The small sizes of the artefacts also
make it possible to interpret the inventory as Taubach-
ien in the defnition of Valoch (2000).
In general, the collection has similarities to those of
Taubach and Weimar-Parktravertin (Behm-Blancke
1960; Valoch 2000), as well as to artefacts of the bank
area of the lake basin Neumark-Nord 1 (Mania 1990;
Brhl 2004). At the same time, clear differences from
the latter are present too, especially by the core reduc-
tion technologies and the composition of the tool-kit
(Brhl 2001). The main common features of both as-
semblages, like the occurrence of notched and den-
ticulated pieces, the occurrence of scraper-like pieces
without typical type features, and the absence of bifa-
cial tools, must be regarded at this point in the inves-
tigation as a parallel, which leads back to the similar
economic and ecological conditions on the banks of
the two lake basins.
4.2.2. Organi c materi al
Approximately fve sixths of all the fnds (80%) repre-
sent organic fnd material. The sieving fnds are more
extensive by far. All fnd objects larger than three cen-
timetres (with the exception of complete or smaller
bones and teeth or other exotic faunal remains) were
3D recorded. The preservation conditions for the bone
and tooth material are good to very good. Antler re-
mains are so far very rare, and show a clearly stronger
degree of weathering. Bones with a stronger surface
weathering occur very rarely. At the basis of the fnd
layer, the bone material is often solidly cemented by
lime and partly crushed.
Recently recognised are bovids (Bison priscus and Bos
primigenius) (Fig. 9: 1, 4, 6), cervids (Cervus elaphus
and Capreolus capreolus) (Fig. 9: 5), two species of
horse (Equus sp. and Asinus hydruntinus), Ursus sp.
(Fig. 9: 7), two smaller species of carnivore (possi-
bly Canis and Vulpes sp.) and the straight-tusked el-
ephant (Elephas antiquus). Bovid and equid remains
predominate in the fnd material, followed by the cer-
vids. Besides these, there are also the remains of small
mammals (Clethrionomys glareolus, Arvicola arvalis-
agrestis), birds (among others Falco sp.) (Fig. 9: 3),
reptiles (Emys orbicularis [Fig. 9: 2], Vipera berus,
Lacerta vivipara), amphibians (Rana sp.) and fsh
(Esox lucius, Scardinius erythrophthalmus) (Mania et
al 2005). Elutriating samples contained a lot of frag-
ments of rodent bones and teeth, as well as mollusc
shells.
The faunal remains represent Elephas antiquus fauna of
a fully developed interglacial character. It is indicated
by the occurrence of Elephas antiquus itself, Clethri-
onomys glareolus and especially Emys orbicularis.
Also, the mollusc society is interglacial and includes
the accompaniment elements of Helicigona banatica
fauna with Cepea hortensis; Helicigona banatica itself
is absent (Mania et al 2005; Meng 2005).
For the most part, the large mammal bones are
smashed; complete bones are missing, with the excep-
tion of smaller phalanx, carpal, tarsal bones, pelvis and
vertebrae. Complete long bones are preserved very
rarely. The break edges of the bones show that these
were smashed in a relatively fresh, fatty condition.
Therefore, a chopping-up of the bones by long-term
weathering on the surface is to be excluded. Cut marks
on numerous bone fragments, splinter holes on the
long bones (Fig. 9: 1), the mentioned pointed chopper
(Fig. 8: 16) and anvil technology, all show a purposeful
smashing of the skeleton. All mentioned characteristics
speak for an artifcially selected fauna by early man.
A few pieces of smashed long bones were arranged as
tools and/or used as tools. Both waste products of the
tool production (for instance, bone fakes) and fnished
tools are present. So far, two chisel-like tools have been
identifed. One of these chisels was used furthermore
as a bone pressure, and has many pronounced scars
which consist of linear arranged splinters. Besides, at
least two more bone pressures are present, which are
characterised by similar features.
4.3. I nterpretati on of the fi nd
si tuati on
As the archaeological excavations are still going on
and the diverse geological as well as palaeontological
and archaeological investigations are not yet fnished,
it is too early to make a clear statement about the inter-
pretation and meaning of the fnd horizon. So far, the
majority of the fnds in the southeast and middle parts
of the excavation area are found almost on the basis
and/or directly on the basis of fnd horizon B3 and on
the loess which marks the former surface. These fnds
are autochthonous and show no redeposition evidence.
Alignments are not recognisable. Stone artefacts very
often stand vertical on their longitudinal edge in the
sediment, or are with distal or basal ends in the loess.
Something similar applies to smaller bone chips. Only
in the western and southern area do the fnds not lie
any longer on the loess, but approximately 20 centi-
metres above it within the upper part of fnd layer B3,
which means that the former surface is not loess any
more, but lake sediment. Beneath them are different
222
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silt and clay layers of changing colour with very few
or no fnds.
The investigation of the fnd layer in the eastern part
of the excavation area showed that the fnds often lay
in shallow depressions, 60 to 80 centimetres large and
about 15 to 25 centimetres deep (Fig. 57). Six of these
depressions build a circle of three metres in diameter
and are regularly distributed (around one to 1.5 metres
from each other). A further depression lies outside this
circle. The distinguishing feature within these depres-
sions is the density of the fnds: more than 100 fnds
per square metre lie on the basis and form one layer.
The fact that the fnd material concentrates on the bot-
tom and walls of the depressions, while the deepest
part never contains any fnds (eg Fig. 7) is worth atten-
tion. Since basal sands in these depressions are clearly
Fig. 9. NN 2/2. Organic material: 1 the long bone of a bovid with impact traces; 2 a shell rest of Emys orbicularis; 3 bird
claw (Falco sp.); 4 metapodium (bovid); 5 pelvis (cervid); 6 lower jaw (bovid); 7 upper jaw (bear)
223
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more powerfully developed, it is possible to exclude
the emergence of the depressions after the sedimenta-
tion of the overlying layers. So far, the origin of these
depressions has not yet been clarifed and is an object
of resuming investigations. At the moment, neither a
natural process, which could lead to the formation of
such structures, nor another comparable situation, is
known.
In the superjacent layers (layers A, B1 and B2) the
size of the objects decreases, above all the bones, as
well as typical fractionation after size and weight is
present. The alignment measurements show that it con-
cerns parautochthonous fnds already transported and
displaced by fowing water or other processes. Moreo-
ver, the fakes very often lie with their ventral side up-
wards. The similar preservation of the organic as well
as the lithic fnds in all horizons speaks for the fact that
the transport of the fnds in layers B2, B1 and A did
not take place over longer distances and not at all from
other sites. The complete morphologic- morphometric
picture of the artefacts from all horizons confrms that
it is a matter of synchronous fnds. It is possible to sug-
gest that the fnds from layers B2, B1 and A come from
higher, weathered sections of the fnd horizon at that
time. So far, the fnds from all layers of the fnd hori-
zon NN 2/2 represent a closed complex according to
already done research.
5. The Mi ddl e Pal aeol i t hi c f i nd
compl ex Neumar k- Nor d 2/ 1
The middle and upper parts of Stratacomplex 3 and
Stratacomplex 5 contain a low density of fnd objects,
both bones and fint artefacts. This complex is called
Neumark-Nord 2/1 (Fig. 3). For a better assignment
of the fnd objects, the complex was subdivided. The
layer NN 2/1c, around 2.5 metres above the horizon
NN 2/2 (strata 3.3), is important. It is a light grey fne
sandy to silty limnic sediment up to 40 centimetres
thick. These deposits yielded fint artefacts (eg a frag-
ment of a Levallois fake and some smaller fakes),
bones and teeth (Laurat, Brhl, forthcoming). During
the feldwork in December 2006, it was possible to
establish some larger openings of Stratacomplex 3. In
this profle section it was possible to recognise that the
sandy silts belong to a real lake shore that spread over a
large area of the lake basin. Polygonal structures in the
limnic clays and silts below the sand are indications of
a wet soil formation, or several cycles of moisture pen-
etration and the drying of these sediments. Both pos-
sibilities underline the interpretation of the sandy silt
as deposits on a bank plain. The goal of the following
investigation is to make a clear relationship between
NN 2/1 and NN 2/2, and observe the dispersal of the
fnds in this stratum.
6. The Mi ddl e Pal aeol i t hi c f i nd hor i -
zon Neumar k- Nor d 2/ 0
6. 1. Sedi ment at i on
The fnd horizon is situated over the Eemian interglacial
optimum and belongs to the early stages of the Weich-
selian Glacial (Fig. 3, 15 above). Due to the opencast
mining activities in the 1920s to 1950s, the eastern
and the northeastern part of the excavation area, and
at the same time the most fnd-rich part, was cut by the
mining (Fig. 11). The northern part is restricted by the
slope, even though it did not substantially disturb the
site. For the complete excavation area, the altitude of
the fnd horizon is about 102 metres above sea level.
The fnd horizon is situated on the denudation surface
of the lake shore (Stratacomplex 7). It is around ten
to 20 centimetres thick and formed by fne to middle-
grain white to light grey or yellow sand which contains
only a few coarse-grained components (Fig. 10). To-
wards the top the sands are fner, and go over to silty
sediments. The complete fnd horizon is covered by
the black decomposed peat of a shallow bog (Strata-
complex 8). The fnds concentrate in the basal parts of
the sands. The larger fnds in particular concentrate on
the basis of the sand layer, directly on the denudation
surface or even pressed into the mud (Stratacomplex
6). Often the sands containing the fnds are found in
pocket-shaped cryoturbations in the subjacent mud.
Eastwards, the sands become more fne-grained and
silty, and the thickness of the fnd horizon increases up
to 50 to 60 centimetres, but also here the fnds are situ-
ated predominantly close to the basis.
The sedimentation of the bank sands took place syn-
chronously with the activities of humans on the bank
area. Sands were by redeposited transgression and re-
gression processes, so the small fnds (like small stone
artefacts or bone splinter) were also affected. There-
fore, the clearest indication for the fooding processes
of the bank area and the redeposition of the smaller
fnd objects is the drift lines, which are aligned in a
southwest-northeast direction (Fig. 12). These are rec-
ognisable as linear lines-up, whereby the small bones
and stones with their longitudinal edges lie parallel to
the former drift line. Larger objects are not included
in these linear structures. These drift lines show at the
same time the surface contour lines, which were veri-
fed by geoelectrical sounding (Rappsilber 2004).
224
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6. 2. Fi nd mat er i al
During the investigations in the years 2003 and 2004,
388 square metres were excavated, of which more than
330 square metres was a jointed area in the northern
and central part of the excavation area. A total of 5,510
fnds were 3D recorded, among them 3,160 fint and
stone artefacts, and 2,350 objects from organic mate-
rial. A further 9,000 objects, half bones and teeth, half
lithics, were found by sieving the area.
6. 2. 1. Li t hi cs
At the moment, more than 8,100 fint artefacts are
known, 7,700 were found during the excavation in
2003 and 2004. The largest part of the inventory con-
sists of fakes (86%). Cores (5%), tools (5%), debris
(3%), and natural stones (2%) are much more rare. The
last ones are fint pebbles 30 to 100 millimetres large
and characterised by cortex and fossil inclusions. It is
possible to describe them as manuports (transported
by humans), since due to the fnding situation in fne
to middle-grain sands they could not be transported in
a natural way. The artefacts are very often glossy and
patinated, whereby the colours vary between dark grey
and black to yellow. Moreover, the fnds have a slightly
weathered surface, which suggests the transport of the
objects in the sandy milieu or the result of the circulat-
ing drain or ground water after the fnds were embed-
ded in the sand. However, the last interpretation is at
Fig. 10. NN 2/0. A profle of the fnd horizon
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Fig. 11. NN 2/0. The distribution of fnds in the central area with erratic blocks marked
Fig. 12. NN 2/0. A former shore of the lake. Find alignments by water transgressions (black fint, light-grey bone,
grey erratic blocks)
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the moment the most probable, while according to the
fnding situation, the fnds are reassorted only at maxi-
mum a few centimetres or decimetres.
cores and core-like objects. Approximately 260 cores
and core-like pieces have been found. Most of them are
simply stroked pebbles without any characteristic form.
There are only a few pieces of Levallois cores (Fig. 13:
1, 2). A few core-like items and objects with striking
evidence probably represent tools or semi-manufac-
tures. In general, both initial cores and exhausted cores
are very small, 40 to 50 millimetres and correspond
with the sizes of found pieces of debris. Larger cores
have not so far been found.
Flakes. With more than 6,740 pieces, fakes form the
largest group of the fint inventory. The dominant ones
are small pieces (Fig. 13: 3) and knapping debris of
ten to 20 millimetres length, which originate from the
manufacture or the resharpening of the tools. In ad-
dition, occasionally larger fakes (over 70mm) occur,
and it often concerns irregularly formed pieces. Since
Fig. 13. NN 2/0. Flint tools: cores (1, 2); fake (3); Keilmesser (46); bifacial leaf point (7); scrapers (812)
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cores of this size are not recorded, it can be assumed
that these fakes were not produced on the spot. The
absence of not modifed Levallois fakes is remarkable,
though the negatives on a few cores prove their pro-
duction. Blades are very rare; so far there are only 20
items recorded. Blade cores are so far completely miss-
ing. At least 40 fakes show evidence of use.
Tools. A total of 390 pieces of tools have been found
(Fig. 14). They are like the entire inventory of a small
size. Usually, pieces of natural debris serve as a starting
point for further treatment. Tools made from fakes are
much more rare. The most dominant tools are typical
Middle Palaeolithic scraper forms (Fig. 13: 812): sin-
gle and double-side scrapers, transversal scrapers and
convergent pointed scrapers. The single-side scrap-
ers are usually arranged as convex-side scrapers, less
as straight-side or concave side scrapers. The scraper
edges are stepped and fnely retouched. Besides edge
retouching, typical fat surface retouching, both unifa-
cial and bifacial, occurs. The bifacial scrapers cannot
always be differentiated from backed bifacial knives
(Keilmesser) (Fig. 13: 46), which are the most charac-
teristic forms in the NN 2/0 inventory. They are small,
and have a maximum length of 30 to 60 millimetres.
It is remarkable that the bifacial workings have not al-
ways been completed, and the remains of the cortex
or another original surface are often present. It indi-
cates that the tools were manufactured consciously in
such small dimensions. Different Keilmesser types are
present, as are triangular Bockstein as well as segmen-
tal Wolgograd knives (Fig. 13: 46), but the last-men-
tioned predominate. Besides Keilmesser occur small-
hand hammer and bifacial leaf-shaped points (Fig. 13:
7). The latter are also unusual by their small size: the
smallest is only 30 millimetres long.
End scrapers, naturally backed knife and Quinson point
represent other tool forms of the inventory. Another
special type are thin fakes with unretouched lateral
edges and a natural or thinned back. The items with
thinned back were possibly used in shafts. In addition,
there are several tools which do not belong to any clas-
sifcation. This usually concerns debris pieces with a
short scraper-like retouched edge.
Debris. This concerns 40 to 60-millimetre-long pieces
with twisty egdes and percussion negatives. They are
irregularly distributed and cannot be classifed as any
artefact type.
Ar tefacts from other rocks. Apart from the fint, there
are at least 110 pieces (including manuports) from oth-
er rocks, like quartzite, shelly limestone, sandstone or
metamorphic rocks. So far, six choppers, six hammer-
stones and a scraper made on metamorphic rock are re-
corded as artefacts. Several of them carry clear impact
traces, so that they could have been used as anvils.
In the central part of the excavations, 22 not modifed
globular stones have been found. These granite and
granodiorite erratic blocks have diameters of 15 to 25
centimetres and weigh up to 25 kilograms and lie in
the restricted bank area of 2.5 to 3.5 metres forming
the diffuse circle structure (Fig. 11, 12). These stones
turn out to be of an anthropogenic origin and should
be regarded as manuports, as they could not have been
transported a natural way.
Fossils. Besides the above-mentioned fnds, several
fossils have been found which probably belong to
the early Tertiary or older epochs, eg four shark teeth
(Odontaspis sp.), seven corals, one belemnite, several
fossil shells and two shells of the scaphopodia (Dental-
ium sexangulum). Such specifc (non-utilitarian) fnds
were observed on other Middle Palaeolithic sites, too
(Schfer 1996), but it is hard to regard them as brought
by humans.
Summar y. The small size of the artefacts is above all
remarkable. The tools are predominantly between 30
and 50 millimetres; the largest so far is 80 millimetres.
The purposeful production of such a small-sized in-
ventory, which cannot be attributed to the raw material
conditions or to size reduction by use and resharpen-
ing, must therefore be connected with the cultural and/
or economic background. Probably some of the tools
were used in connection with a haft, like the birch pitch
remains found in Knigsaue (Koller et al 2001). A fur-
ther characteristic of the inventory is the very prag-
matic use of the raw material. Although there was very
good and large-sized fint material available not far off,
fint of lower or even bad quality was used as a raw ma-
terial, such as natural pieces for tool production. This
could explain the dominance of retouching waste.
The predominance of scrapers and bifacial tools, par-
ticularly Keilmesser, bifacial scrapers and bifacial leaf
points, and the absence of typical Levallois technique
and blank production, assign the inventory to the com-
plex of the Keilmesser group (Bosinski 1967; Mania,
Toepfer 1973; Jris 2003) or Micoquo Prdnikien
(Burdukiewicz 2000). Although there are typological
resemblances to the other Keilmesser sites in central
Germany, like Bilzingsleben 2 (Weber, Mania 1982;
Potengowski 1997), Knigsaue (Mania, Toepfer 1973;
Mania 2002), Lindenthaler Hynenhhle (Auerbach
1929; Mania, Toepfer 1973) and Oppurg Gamsenberg
(Schfer, Zller 1996; Schfer et al 1991) and its sub-
groups (Bosinski 1967; Jris 2003; Wetzel, Bosinski
1969; Mania, Toepfer 1973; Mania 2002), it is not suf-
fcient to assign, however, the inventory of NN2/0 to a
particular group of the Micoquo Prdnikien in Central
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Europe. Moreover, there are remarkable similarities
between the tools of NN 2/0 (above all the Keilmesser
types and scrapers, as well as the composition and di-
mensions of them) to the eastern forms of Keilmesser
groups (the so-called Volgograd Culture according to
Otte) (Otte 1996), particularly to the Suchaja Meetka
site near Volgograd (south Russia) (in the older litera-
ture: Stalingradskaya stoyanka, Volgogradskaya stoy-
anka) ( 1961; 1984; elinskii 1998) 1961; 1984; elinskii 1998) 1961; 1984; elinskii 1998) 1984; elinskii 1998) 1984; elinskii 1998)
and to sites on the Crimean peninsula (Kolossov 1988;
Chabai et al 2002).
6. 2. 2. Or gani c f i nd mat er i al
During the excavation of NN 2/0, more than 5,700
bones and 1,100 teeth were found. The general preser-
vation of organic fnd material is good. Bones and teeth
are often cracked by covering sediments, the surface is
weathered and strongly afficted by mineral crystallisa-
tion, what was infuenced for the most part by mining
activities and followed by the oxidation process. The
majority of the bones and tooth fnds are long bones;
however, remains of all body parts of medium and
large mammals skeletons occur. The bones of bovids
(Bison pricus), equids (predominantly Equus sp.) but
also wild ass (Asinus hydruntinus) and cervids (Cervus
elaphus) prevail. Besides, the remains of a bear (Ur-
sus spelaeus) and at least one smaller carnivore spe-
cies, probably fox (Vulpes sp./Alopex sp.) are found,
as well as bird (Cygnus sp.) and small mammal bones
(Arvicolids) (Fig. 15 below). Two small ivory lamel-
las, probably of mammoth, are represented in the fnd
material, too.
Cut marks on numerous bone fragments, as well as
splinter holes on the long bones, show an intentional
smashing of the skeletons. The bone material is strong-
ly fragmented, so it is possible to suggest that it was
probably smashed in a relatively fresh condition. Bone
fakes in the inventory point to bone tool production
on the spot. At the moment, it is possible to interpret
them only as a coincidental product, since the analyses
are not yet fnished. Three long bone fragments were
probably used as retouchers, according to the regularly
placed scars on the bone surface.
6. 3. I nt er pr et at i on of t he f i nd s i t uat i on
The fnd objects, bones, teeth, as well lithic artefacts,
are quite regularly distributed, but the number of fnds
decreases in the southern area. The general density of
the fnds is rather low (Fig. 11, 12); most square metres
Fig. 14. NN 2/0. The main forms of the tools
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yielded not more than 50 objects. Most fnds are con-
nected to the above-mentioned fnd alignments, which
are oriented from southeast to northwest and are re-
corded almost across the complete excavation area. In
these alignments, the objects are regulated in two main
directions (Fig. 12). The alignments are formed by the
transgression of the water which fooded the lake bank
shortly after early man left, and created a parautoch-
thonous situation.
Interesting observations are made in the central exca-
vation area, where a circular structure of erratic blocks
is present. This area also has up to 250 objects per
square metre and is particularly fnd-rich (Fig. 11). The
distribution of large bones on the inner
periphery of it, including articulated
bones, is notable. Bones with cut and
impact marks are concentrated mostly
in the south and southwest part, both
inside and outside the stone circle. At
the same time, the portion of the tools
(particularly good-quality scrapers and
bifacial tools) in the assemblage of this
area rises, while fakes are far rarer. All
these facts and fnd conditions allow us
to interpret it as a dwelling structure
with an unknown function. In this area,
the alignment structures are broken,
so the erratic blocks worked as wave
breakers during the transgression of the
lake, which caused no moving or rede-
positing of small fnds in this area.
We preliminarily interpret the site Neu-
mark-Nord 2/0 as a short-term campsite
of Neanderthals who disembowelled
game here, produced their tools on the
spot, and built a dwelling structure.
7. Mi ddl e Pal aeol i thi c fi nd
compl ex Neumark-Nord 4
The NN 2 lake sediment succession is
discordant, overlaid by a valley train
(Stratacomplex 10), which represents
fuvial deposits, containing bones and
fint artefacts (Levallois fake, fragment
of bifacial tool, etc). Most of the arte-
facts were transported, although there
are several sharped-edged pieces. The
age of the artefacts is so far unclear.
They could be redeposited fnds from
older fnd complexes in this micro-re-
gion, or synchronous with the deposi-
tion of the gravel complex.
8. Summar y
Although the excavations in the lake basin Neumark-
Nord 2 are not fnished, and different sedimentological,
palynological and malacological analyses, as well as
dating (TL, OSL, ESR) analyses, are not available yet,
it is already possible to make a general and preliminary
picture of environmental and cultural development in
the Geiseltal micro-region in the Middle Palaeolithic.
Due to the unique situation, it was possible to record
three different archaeological fnd horizons in the su-
perposition: all of them are situated over Drenthian
Fig. 15. NN 2/0. Above: a view of the excavation area.
Below: organic material. Lower jaws of small mammals (Arvicolids)
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moraine. The older one (NN 2/2) is of interglacial ori-
gin, situated directly over the Drenthian moraine, and
is indicated by Elephas antiquus and banatica fauna.
The fnd horizon contains numerous smashed bones
and fint artefacts, characterised by the Levallois tech-
nology of the developed Middle Palaeolithic, and is
dated, so far, to Intrasaalian interglacial. The second
fnd horizon (NN 2/1) is situated above NN 2/2 and is
characterised by the slight dispersal of bone fragments
and fint artefacts. It probably belongs to the beginning
of the Eemian interglacial. The youngest fnd horizon
(NN 2/0) lies over the Eemian optimum and belongs
to an interstadial within the Weichselian Glacial. Due
to the predominance of bifacial scrapers and bifacial
tools, particularly Keilmesser and bifacial leaf points,
the fint belongs to the Keilmesser group and has es-
pecially remarkable similarities with the Keilmesser
groups in south Russia and the Crimean peninsula.
Numerous bone and fint fnds speak for a campsite of
hunters with evidence of a dwelling structure.
Of course, there are far more questions at the moment
than answers in the interpretation of both sites, but it
is still possible to imagine them as temporary camps of
Neanderthal hunters, who were hunting diverse game
(bovids, equids, cervids, etc) in this area at different
times. Probably they settled after (or just before) suc-
cessfully hunting near the lake shore. How long they
stayed there, whether it was a short or a long-term site,
whether there were one or different hunter groups, and
how large they were: these and other questions should
be answered by further investigations.
Acknowl edgements
We owe thanks, above all, to the LMBV (Lausitz and
Central German Mining Administration Company),
particularly Dipl. Ing. Hans-Dieter Exner, Dipl. Ing.
Claus Kppchen, and Dipl. Ing. FrankSchfer, andes- Frank Schfer, and es-
pecially to the voluntary participants in the excavations,
as well as to all the staff of the State Offce of Heritage
Management and Archaeology of Saxony-Anhalt.
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Dovydas Jurknas
Thomas Laurat
Enrico Brhl
Landesamt fr Denkmalpfege und Arhologie
Sachsen-Anhalt, Richard-Wagner-Strasse 9-10
06117 Halle/Saale
e-mail: djurkenas@hotmail.de
Received: 2005
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TRY S NEANDERTAL I O PERI ODO
RADI MVI ETS BUVUSI O EERO
NEUMARK-NORD 2 BASEI NE
( SAKSONI J A- ANHALT,
VOKI ETI J A) : PRELI MI NARI
KASI NJ I M DUOMEN
ANALI Z
Dovydas Jurknas, Thomas Laurat,
Enrico Brhl
Santrauka
Intensyvs archeologiniai ir geologiniai tyrinjimai
jau nebeeksploatuojamoje anglies rdos kasykloje
Neumark-Nord, buvusioje Geiseltal ups slnyje, pra-
sidjo XX a. 9-ojo deimtmeio viduryje, M. Thomae
ir D. Mania atradus vidurinio pleistoceno iltuoju lai-
kotarpiu susiformavus eer Neumark-Nord 1 bei v-
liau dvi vidurinio paleolito radimvietes (NN 1) eero
pakrantje. Tolesniais tyrinjimais nustatyti dar 2 ee-
ro baseinai (NN 2 ir NN 3), egzistav vlyvuoju vidu-
rinio ir ankstyvuoju vlyvojo pleistoceno laikotarpiu.
Eer susidarymas bei j egzistavimas skirtingu laiku
buvo slygotas diapirizmo proces prieledyniniuose
regionuose.
Archeologiniai kasinjimai jauniausiame eero baseine
NN 2, vykdomi Kultros vertybi apsaugos ir archeo-
logijos departamento Saksonijoje-Anhalt, buvo pradti
2003 metais ir tsiasi iki iol. Buvo tyrintos trys vi-
durinio paleolito radimviets, kurios yra stratigraf-
kai isidsiusios viena vir kitos. Seniausia i j (NN
2/2) yra vir Drenthian (emaitijos) ledyno morenos
bei preliminariai priskiriama Intrasaalian iltmeiui
(madaug prie 200 000 met). Didij dal radini
sudaro suskaldyti vri kaulai (vairios bovid, cer-
vid rys, miko dramblys Elephas antiquus); titnago
inventoriui bdinga ivystyta Levallois technika. Ne-
andertalio laikotarpio mediotojai apsistojo eero pa-
krantje po skmingos mediokls, taiau ar tai buvo
ilgalaik ar trumpalaik stovyklaviet, ar buvo viena
ar kelios mediotoj grups, bus galima atsakyti tik at-
likus visus tyrimus. Vir ios radimviets buvo aptika
eero pakrants nuosd, kuriose taip pat buvo rasta
negausi vri kaul fragment bei titnago dirbini.
Radimviet buvo pavadinta NN 2/1 ir greiiausiai
priklauso Eemian (Merkins) iltmeio pradiai. Jau-
niausioji NN 2/0 radimviet yra datuojama Veichselio
(Nemuno) ledynmeio pradios interstadialu. Specif-
niai titnagini ranki tipai (i abiej pusi retuuoti
gremtukai ir bifacialiniai rankiai Keilmesser bei
bifacialiniai lapo formos antgaliai) leidia priskirti
titnago inventori Keilmesser grupei; ypa atkreiptinas
dmesys panaumus su rytine grupe Piet Rusijoje
bei Kryme. Gauss vri kaulai, titnago radiniai bei
pastato-palapins pdsakai rodo ia stovyklavus vidu-
rinio paleolito mediotojus.
233
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REVI EWS
AL GI RDAS GI RI NI NKAS. A Survey of New Archaeol ogy
Books from L i thuani a
Over three years (2004 to 2006), Lithuanian archae-
ologists published many monographs and publica-
tions in which various research issues in prehistory are
examined.
Gintautas Vlius monograph The Community of
the City of Kernav in the 13th and 14th Centuries
(Kernavs miesto bendruomen XIII-XIV amiuje),
Vilnius 2005, discusses the research results of the ne-
cropolis of the former Lithuanian capital: the Kernav
townspeoples cemetery from the 13th14th centuries.
The social structure, demographic indices, ethnic and
confessional composition, and the cultural environ-
ment of the time, are described in this publication.
Mykolas Michelbertas monograph The Akmeniai
and Perknik Barrows (Akmeni ir Perkniks
pilkapiai), Vilnius 2006, discusses the research results
of the Samogitia regions two barrow cemeteries from
the second to the ffth centuries.
Valdemaras imnas monograph Ethnocultural
Processes in West Lithuania in the Middle of the First
Millennium of our Era (Etnokultriniai procesai
Vakar Lietuvoje pirmojo ms eros tkstantmeio vi-
duryje), Vilnius 2006, elucidates the ethnocultural situ-
ation in western and central Lithuania in the middle of
the frst millennium during the Migration Period.
Linas Daugnoras and Algirdas Girininkas mono-
graph The Subsistence Economy of East Baltic Com-
munities in the 11th to the Second Millennia BC (Ryt
Pabaltijo bendruomeni gyvensena XI-II tkst. pr. Kr.),
Kaunas 2004, elucidates the subsistence economy and
social structure of prehistoric communities, based on
archaeological and osteoarchaeological material.
Vytautas Kazakeviius monograph Iron Age Ar-
rows in Lithuania in the Second to the 12th/13th Cen-
turies (Geleies amiaus strls Lietuvoje II-XII/XIII
a.), Vilnius 2004, elucidates the typology and chronol-
ogy of arrowheads.
Vladas ulkus monograph Curonians in the Bal-
tic Sea Area (Kuriai Baltijos jros erdvje), Vilnius
2004, casts a light on the cultural, social and political
development of the Curonians in the tenth to the 13th
centuries. The changes in Curonian and Prussian cul-
tures during the colonisation period by the Livonian
and Prussian orders in the 13th and 14th centuries are
presented.
Ilona Vakeviits monograph The Semigallians
in the Fifth to the 12th Centuries (iemgaliai V-XII
a.), Vilnius 2004, describes clearly the cultural devel-
opment of the Semigallian tribe in the ffth to the 12th
centuries. Information concerning Semigallian materi-
al and spiritual culture until the formation of the Order
and the Lithuanian State is presented.
Albinas Kunceviius monograph The Archaeology
of Lithuanias Middle Ages (Lietuvos vidurami
archeologija), Vilnius 2005, elucidates the research
material of archaeological sites dating from the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania in the 13th to the 16th centuries.
Rimut Rimantiens book Stone Age Fishermen
Near the Seaside Lagoon (Akmens amiaus vejai prie
Pajrio lagnos), Vilnius 2005, discusses Neolithic
ventoji settlements archaeological research results
from the second half of the 20th century, and presents
an interpretation of the material gathered.
Kstutis Katalynas monograph The Development
of Vilnius in the 14th to the 17th Centuries (Vilniaus
pltra XIV-XVII a.), Vilnius 2006, discusses the de-
velopment and growth of the city of Vilnius from the
time when it became the capital of the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania until 1655, when the army of the Grand
Duchy of Moscow invaded.
Pages of the Past: Archaeology, Culture, Society
(Praeities puslapiai: archeologija, kultra, visuomen),
Klaipda 2005, is dedicated to Prof. ulkus 60th birth-
day; many of the books articles investigate the pre-
historic material and spiritual culture of the western
Balts.
Zenonas Baubonis and Gintautas Zabielas Lithua-
nias Hill-Forts. An Atlas (Lietuvos piliakalniai. Atla-
sas), volumes 1-3, Vilnius 2005, presents illustrative
and descriptive material on Lithuanian hill-forts.
Carl von Schmidts Necrolituanica, Vilnius 2006,
was prepared for publication by Reda Grikait, Al-
gimantas Katilius, Vytautas Kazakeviius and Arturas
234
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W
S
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A
S

G
I
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K
A
S
.

A

S
u
r
v
e
y

o
f

N
e
w

A
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c
h
a
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o
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y

B
o
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s

f
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o
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i
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a
Mickeviius. It portrays and describes antiques found
in pagan graves, mythological images, castle ruins
and barrows. The work is illustrated, and presents
321 fnds from 13 places in Lithuania and present-day
Byelorussia. The original of Schmidts work is safely
stored in Swedens State History Museum. A member
of staff of the museum, contributed to the publication
of Necrolituanica.
The frst volume of The History of Lithuania (Lietu-
vos istorija) came out in 2005 in Vilnius; it examines
research issues of the Stone Age and Early Iron Age,
and was written by Diugas Brazaitis, Algirdas Gir-
ininkas, Vygandas J uodagalvis and Tomas Ostrauskas.
Every year since 2004, the archaeology department of
Vilnius University has issued its publication Archaeo-
logia Lituana. Volume 5 appeared in 2004, volume 6
in 2005, and volume 7 in 2006. The journal contains
scientifc articles that describe the latest archaeological
research in Lithuania and neighbouring countries.
The edition Lietuvos archeologija was published pe-
riodically between 2004 and 2006 by the Lithuanian
History Institute, Klaipda University and Vilnius Uni-
versity. Volumes 25 to 29 appeared during this period
of time. They investigate various prehistoric and medi-
eval archaeological research questions.
The sixth volume of Archaeologia Baltica came out in
2006, with scholarly articles concerning the prehistory
of the east and south Baltic region.
Archaeological investigations in Lithuania in 2002
(Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais),
Vilnius 2005, and Archaeological investigations in
Lithuania in 2003 (Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietu-
voje 2003 metais), Vilnius 2005, present the results
of archaeological research conducted in Lithuania in
2002 and 2003.
235
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7
GUI DEL I NES FOR AUTHORS
Archaeologia Baltica is a semiannual, academic ref-
ereed journal published in English about the archaeol-
ogy of the Baltic Sea region, with the main focus on
the eastern shore of the Baltic. The editorial policy is
to publish a wide range of contributions in all felds
of archaeology related to the Baltic Sea region, from
methodology to synthesis and theory. These may take
the form of substantial research papers (up to 8,000
words) or shorter research reports. Short papers may
include, for instance, new techniques, philosophical
discussions, current controversies and suggestions for
new research, as well as conventional research papers.
Review or overview papers are welcome, as long as
they are suffciently critical, succinct and make a con-
ceptual contribution to the feld. The submission of a
paper implies that it represents an original article, not
previously published, and that it is not being consid-
ered for publication elsewhere.
Separate volumes publish materials of international
conferences concerned with archaeological research in
the Baltic Sea region.
Articles for Archaeologia Baltica should be typed in
English, double-spaced on A4 paper, with at least 30-
millimetre margins. Submitted articles must include:
the name(s) and address(es) of the author(s), as
well as an abstract of up to 100 words, and up to
eight keywords;
a summary up to an eighth of the length of the
whole text, for translation into Lithuanian;
captions for fgures and tables supplied separately
and appended to the disc copy of the text;
numbers and labelling on fgures should be in
publishable form, the font size of the numbers and
letters should not exceed 12, fgures and tables
should be not bigger than 16 centimetres wide and
24 centimetres high, with thin frames.
Three hard copies and a computer version (in Word for
Windows) of contributions must be submitted to the
Managing Editor. Computer-generated drawings must
be provided in hard copy and digital format (TIFF, EPS
or CDR), the resolution should be not less than 300
dpi.
References should be arranged using the Harvard ci-
tation system (for full explanation see http://www.
bournemouth.ac.uk/library/using/harvard_system.
html):
citation in the text, e. g. Thomas 1996, p. 10.
references at the end of a piece of work, e. g.

THOMAS J ., 1996. Time, Culture and Identity.
London:Routledge (reference to a book), EVANS,
W.A., 1994. Approaches to intelligent information
retrieval. Information processing and manage-
ment, 7 (2), 147-168 (reference to an article).
References in Cyrillic should be transcribed in Roman
letters according to the following system:
Cyr illic Roman

aa
bb
v
gg
dd
ee
ee
h zh
z
ii
ii
Cyr illic Roman
kh kh
ts ts
ch ch
sh sh
shch shch

y y

e e
iu iu
ia ia
Cyr illic Roman
k k
l l
m m
n n
o o
p p
r r
s s
t t
u u
f f
Footnotes and endnotes should be avoided if at all
possible.
Authors will be contacted by one of the editorial team.
Articles will be submitted to two referees and to a pro-
fessional language reviser. Manuscripts will then be
returned with comments. After the completion of sug-
gested changes (the computer version should be cor-
rected, too), a new manuscript should be sent to the
editors for distribution. Text proofs of papers will be
provided to authors, to which only minor corrections
are allowed.
One free hard copy of Archaeologia Baltica and re-
prints digital ersion in PDF format of each paper will
normally be supplied to the authors.
More detailed information is available from the
editors.
Contact us at:
Klaipda University,
Institute of Baltic Sea Region
History and Archaeology
Tils str. 13, LT-91251 Klaipda, Lithuania

Ph. +370-46-410190
Fax +370-5-2440643

E-mail: algisg@post.skynet.lt
Klaipdos uniersiteto leidykla
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 7
Klaipda, 2006
SL 1335. 2006 12 20. Apimtis 27,5 sl. sp. l. Tiraas 350 eg.
Klaipdos uniersiteto leidykla, Herkaus Manto g. 84, LT-92294 Klaipda
Tel. (8~46) 398 891, el. patas: leidykla@ku.lt
Spausdino spaustu Petro Ofsetas, algirio g. 90, Vilnius

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